Hemingway's The Dangerous Summer: The Complete Annotations

Originally commissioned for Life magazine in 1960, The Dangerous Summer is Ernest Hemingway’s chronicle of a bullfightin...

Author: Miriam B. Mandel

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Originally commissioned for Life magazine in 1960, The Dangerous Summer is Ernest Hemingway’s chronicle of a bullfighting season in Spain in the late 1950s. Nearly thirty years before, Hemingway had written on the subject of bullfighting in his 1932 book

MANDEL

Literature • Reference

Death in the Afternoon. While the earlier work was hailed by many critics, The Dangermost neglected book. Hemingway often omitted material from his work, believing that readers would still understand the material, as long as “the writer is writing truly enough.” Because Hemingway was erudite in many languages and in many subject areas, however, the “missing” or “omitted” material is not always easily accessible to those who are not specialists or who read him many decades later. In Hemingway’s The Dangerous Summer: The Complete Annotations, Miriam Mandel examines the historical, literary, biographical, technical, and cultural backgrounds that underlie Hemingway’s last narrative, particularly those elements associated with bullfighting, a topic unfamiliar to most modern readers. These annotations offer detailed information about the animals, people, and cultural constructs discussed in The Dangerous Summer. In the comprehensive introduction, Mandel discusses the origins and development of bullfighting, provides the background of Spanish events in the twentieth century, and reviews Hemingway’s lifelong involvement with Spain. Along with her earlier book, Hemingway’s Death in the Afternoon: The Complete Annotations (Scarecrow Press, 2002), this volume provides all the historic, literary, and taurine

American Literatures of Tel Aviv University, has published articles on Jane Austen, Joseph Conrad, and F. Scott Fitzgerald, among others.

For orders and information please contact the publisher SCARECROW PRESS, INC. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200 Lanham, Maryland 20706 ISBN-13: 978-0-8108-6014-8 ISBN-10: 0-8108-6014-7 1-800-462-6420 • fax 717-794-3803 90000 www.scarecrowpress.com Cover illustration of 1959 bullfighting poster from Seville, Spain Cover design by Neil D. Cotterill

HemingwaysOFFLITH.indd 1

9 780810 860148

S U O E R H T E G AN ER

D

M M U S

THE

Miriam B. Mandel, former senior lecturer for the Department of English and

DANGEROUS

dealing with Spanish topics.

UMMER

background needed to understand the large body of Hemingway’s fiction set in Spain or

HEMINGWAY’S S

ous Summer, published twenty-four years after Hemingway’s death, may be the author’s

HEMINGWAY’S

THE COMPLETE ANNOTATIONS

MIRIAM B. MANDEL 1/30/08 10:44:25 AM

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Page i

Hemingway’s The Dangerous Summer

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Dust jacket of the first edition of Ernest Hemingway’s The Dangerous Summer (1985). Photograph prepared by the Hemingway Collection, John F. Kennedy Library, and reproduced by kind permission of Scribner’s, an imprint of Simon & Schuster Adult Publishing Division, and Paul Bacon.

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Hemingway’s The Dangerous Summer The Complete Annotations

Miriam B. Mandel

The Scarecrow Press, Inc. Lanham, Maryland • Toronto • Plymouth, UK 2008

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SCARECROW PRESS, INC. Published in the United States of America by Scarecrow Press, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 www.scarecrowpress.com Estover Road Plymouth PL6 7PY United Kingdom Copyright © 2008 by Miriam B. Mandel All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Mandel, Miriam B. Hemingway’s The dangerous summer : the complete annotations / Miriam B. Mandel. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-8108-6014-8 (alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-8108-6014-7 (alk. paper) 1. Hemingway, Ernest, 1899–1961. Dangerous summer. 2. Hemingway, Ernest, 1899–1961—Travel—Spain. 3. Spain—Description and travel. 4. Bullfights—Spain. I. Title. PS3515.E37Z46 2008 818'.5203—dc22 2007041124

⬁ ™ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992. Manufactured in the United States of America.

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To my daughters, Naomi and Jessica

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“I wanted to . . . write the truth, the absolute truth, about his [Antonio Ordóñez’s] work and his place in bullfighting.” —Ernest Hemingway, The Dangerous Summer, p. 82

“With Hemingway, there is no such thing as non-fiction; there are simply degrees of fiction.” —Michael Reynolds, “Hemingway’s ‘My Old Man’: Turf Days in Paris,” p. 105

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Contents

Acknowledgments

ix

User’s Guide The Entries Text of the Entries Organization of the Material Names Taurine Statistics The Functions of Place Names Other Hemingway Texts

xiii xiv xv xvii xviii xx xxi xxv

Introduction Change, Nostalgia, and the Law Bulls and Bull Breeding The Bullfighter The Bullring The Corrida Impresarios, Apoderados, and the Rise of los Trusts The Facts of 1959: The Taurine Season The Facts of 1959: Hemingway’s Situation Backgrounds: The Conception of The Dangerous Summer Production: The Writing and Editing of The Dangerous Summer Result: The Bias of The Dangerous Summer The Importance of The Dangerous Summer

1 1 8 20 31 37 53 58 62 63 65 68 73

Annotations to The Dangerous Summer

77

Notes

265

Works Consulted

321

Index

345

About the Author

370

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Acknowledgments

This book was almost finished several years ago, but other books and events overtook me and forced me to put it aside. Now I return to it, with gratitude to the many people and organizations that, over a very long period of time, have helped me in the complicated business of annotating The Dangerous Summer. I take particular pleasure in acknowledging once again the generous threeyear grant given me by the National Endowment for the Humanities, which freed me to research, think, and write with a concentration impossible to achieve while teaching. Such a grant has far-reaching implications in a scholar’s life, and I have been and shall continue to be grateful for it. Additional support was supplied by grants from the John F. Kennedy Library Foundation, Columbia Point, Boston, for work in the Hemingway Collection. Tel Aviv University graciously responded to these grants by giving me released time. My publishers, Scarecrow Press, have been unwaveringly interested, supportive, and patient. It has been a reassuring pleasure to work with them. Norman Horrocks and his successor, Shirley Lambert, were undismayed as the one-volume project grew and multiplied. Norman presided over my first book, Reading Hemingway: The Facts in the Fictions, and Shirley allowed my work on Hemingway’s Spanish nonfiction to become two books: Hemingway’s Death in the Afternoon: The Complete Annotations (2002) and this one, which is its companion. Without Spanish libraries, archives, museums, and other depositories, research would have been impossible. Spain’s Biblioteca Nacional, my headquarters in Madrid, gave me extraordinary privileges that made the months I spent in their archives much more comfortable and productive. The librarians at the University of Barcelona, at the Biblioteca de Catalunya, and at the public and university libraries of Pamplona (Navarra), helped me launch my research well over a decade ago. I was also helped by Ana Rovira and her resourceful colleagues at the library and archives of the Ilustre Colegio Oficial de Médicos de Madrid; by Fernando E. Furio Martínez, Jefe Sección de Archivos, Ajuntament de Valencia; and by Vicenta Peiro Guerrero, Archivist, Colegio Oficial de Médicos, Valencia.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

A special thank you is due to Albert John DeFazio III, who edited and interpreted the unpublished Hemingway-Hotchner correspondence and detailed the differences between the typescript, the 1959 Life publication (in English), and the 1985 Scribner book publication of The Dangerous Summer. In true scholarly spirit, Al made his huge dissertation available to me as searchable documents, long before his book, Dear Papa, Dear Hotch, was published. He also answered questions, read my typescript, identified errors, and crosschecked facts, quotes, and numbers. I cannot thank him enough. For technical information on bullfighting, bullbreeding, and bullfighters, I thank Eduardo Gismera and especially Miguel Ángel García and the late don Manuel García-Aleas Carrasco, of the Unión de Criadores de Toros de Lidia, Madrid; the late Filiberto Mira, of Seville; Rafael Gómez Díaz, Municipal Archivist, Ayuntamiento of Talavera de la Reina (Toledo); the late Maestro José González (Pepe Domingín), President of the Asociación de Matadores, Rejoneadores y Apoderados, Madrid; and the fine aficionado Andrew Moore, who helped with the Reglamentos and the afeitado. Anthony Brand, of Seville, helped with absolutely everything. A good chunk of this book evolved out of his brain and library. For information about the Spanish hotels and restaurants Hemingway mentions in The Dangerous Summer, my thanks to Carmen Castro, Public Relations Manager, the Palace Hotel, Madrid; Vicente Medina, at the Hotel Suecia, Madrid; the helpful personnel at the front desks of the Hotel Wellington and the Hotel Ritz, Madrid, who asked to be nameless; José Tomás and Joaquín Cot Díaz Heredero, owners of El Rana Verde, Aranjuez; Jesús María González, Director, Hotel Reina Cristina, Algeciras; Julio Egaña, Director, Hotel Carlton, Bilbao; Fermín Aristu, at the Hotel Yoldi, Pamplona; Ana López García and Natividad Caballero, of the Hotel Reina Victoria, Ronda; Jacques A. Hamburger, Director General, Hotel Alfonso XIII, Seville; José Ruiz Rodríguez, of the Cevercería Ruiz / Casa Cuesta, in Seville; Mauro Soler Arnau, Hotel Valencia, Valencia; José Moraño and Francisco (Paco) Sánchez González, of the Córdoba Palace Hotel, Córdoba. For details about other restaurants, I am indebted to María Luisa Nieto Moneo and José Gabriel Rodríguez Pazos, both of Pamplona, who supplied information about Casa Marceliano and Las Pocholas; to the self-effacing grandson of Josefa Marqués, who gave me information about La Pepica, in the Grau, Valencia; and to Ana Corral, Librarian, Sociedad Rectora Bolsa de Madrid, who gave me information and a tour of the now defunct El Coto, Madrid. For information about other Spanish places and people that were important to Hemingway during the summer of 1959, I am grateful to María Teresa de Vega Sánchez, Public Relations and Admissions, Ruber Centro Clínico, and

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to Matías Valles Rodríguez, Secretario de los Consejos y Administración, Ruber, S.A., and Ruber Internacional, S.A.; to Henri Perrin and his wife, who gave me information and an unforgettable tour of the Real Monasterio de San Jerónimo de Valparaíso de Córdoba; to Rafael de la Fuente Milanés, Director-Gerente, and Ildefonso Denia, Professor Maitre d’Hotel, Finca La Cónsula, Churriana; Ana María Vera Delgado, Directora, Archivo Histórico Municipal de Málaga; Patricia P. Trott, of Aspen, Colorado, and Phippsburg, Maine; Deirdre Levi, from Gloucester, England; and Nena Davis and Teo Davis, of Los Angeles, California, all of whom gave me information about La Cónsula, the estate of Bill and Annie Davis that was Hemingway’s home base for that whole summer. In Ronda, the late Antonio Ordóñez Araujo and Ramón Flores Morales granted me interviews and gave me documents, during two very happy days in October 1995. I was also helped by Clotilde Mozo and Antonio Lasanta Gutiérrez, of the Casa de Cultura, Ronda; and Paco de la Cruz, of the Mayor’s Office, Ronda. In the United States, the John F. Kennedy Museum and Library at Columbia Point, Boston, was my home away from home: the JFK Library houses the Hemingway Collection, whose curators, first Megan Desnoyers and then Stephen Plotkin and James Roth, were always helpful and affectionate. As this book took longer and longer to finish, I worked with their successor, Susan Wrynn, and several new interns, including the efficient Jessica Sims and Diana Wakimoto. In Boston, I was well received at the Widener Library, Harvard University; and at the Boston Public Library. I was also helped by Joan G. Caldwell, Head, Louisiana Collection, Tulane University Libraries, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana; and by the Reverend Thomas H. Clancy, Director, The Jesuits, New Orleans, Louisiana. The librarians of Skidmore College, Saratoga Springs, New York, were remarkably efficient, and Patricia Plácido helped me find what I needed. In England, my thanks to Dr. T. A. Heathcote, Curator, and Mrs. M.I.L. de Lee, Annice Collett, Librarian, the National Motor Museum Beaulieu, Brockenhurst, Hampshire; Peter Baines, of the Rolls-Royce Enthusiasts’ Club, Paulerspury, Northamptonshire; Andrew Cliffe, representative of the Lancia company in the United Kingdom; Irene Dudley, the widow of the third Earl of Dudley; and the fourth Earl of Dudley. Anyone who has written a book knows that it cannot be done without the help of family, friends, fellow scholars, and those remarkable strangers who share information and, more often than not, become friends. I thank Judith Abend, Susan F. Beegel, Jennifer Bell, Nancy Bredendick, Gerry Brenner, Rose Marie Burwell, Alex A. Cardoni, the late Les Easterman, Muriel Feiner, Luca Gandolfi, Peter L. Hays, Stefano Illing, Manuel Durán Blázquez, Sean O’Rourke, Beatriz Penas Ibáñez, the late Michael Reynolds, the late great

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Paul Smith, and all the members of the Hemingway Society and of the Hemingway List who helped me: you know who you are. Many people read the typescript or parts of it, so long ago that they may not even remember. My thanks to Gil Arruda, Anthony Brand, Albert DeFazio, Peter L. Hays, Allen Josephs, Jerome Mandel, Earl Rovit, Frederic Svoboda, and Arthur Waldhorn. They noted stylistic excesses, suggested entries, and gave pointed advice: I thank them all. I want very much to think that Hemingway was happy for at least part of the summer of 1959, when he turned sixty. I am more than that age now, and I know the losses that time and life can bring. It is a strange age, sixty—a time for remembering those who have gone out of one’s life and appreciating those who remain. I have dedicated other books to people who shaped my past and who are now absent from my life. Now it is time to thank those who are still with me. I am fortunate to have such kind cousins in Puerto Rico and especially to have my brother, Peter F. Bauer, who said Kaddish at fifteen, stood by me when I needed him, and stands close by me still. My old friends in Puerto Rico and Israel and my new friends in Venice give me a great deal of pleasure. My two women’s groups, one devoted to textual analysis and the other to lunch, have supplied culinary comfort, intellectual fun, and practical knowhow. My good neighbors at Levi Eshkol sustain me. The New Israel Opera is a blessing. I have thanked Anthony Brand elsewhere and I thank him here again: he has greatly enriched my work and thought. Through all these people, I have found that, in spite of loss, one’s sixties can be a time for growth. Most of all, I am happy to acknowledge my daughters’ contributions to my life and my life’s work. My older daughter, Jessica, has a loving, tolerant heart that rejoices in young people and in the grace of Tae Kwon Do; she has displayed unexpected strengths and supports me when I stumble. My younger daughter, Naomi, writes her life and her books with a wisdom and character that I can only admire and, I must confess, sometimes envy; she lives far away and I miss her. My two brave daughters daily confront a relentless adversary, one that cannot be caped, dodged, circumvented, or dispatched with a sword. In recognition of their courage and endurance, with heart-bursting pride in their achievements, and with a love as powerful and alive as blood, I dedicate this book to them.

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User’s Guide

There are three published versions of The Dangerous Summer, aimed at three different audiences: 1. Life magazine serialized it in three weekly installments, on 5, 12, and 19 September 1960. The first installment was called “The Dangerous Summer”; subsequent installments added subtitles: “Part II: The Pride of the Devil” and “Part III: An Appointment with Disaster.” This Life publication was intended for contemporary English-language readers ignorant of bullfighting in particular and of Spain in general. 2. A slightly different Spanish version appeared at two-week intervals in Life en español, on 3 October, 14 November, and 28 November 1960. The first installment was titled “El Verano Sangriento” (The Bloody Summer); subsequent sections are “Parte II: Un Orgullo Demoníaco” and “Parte III: Cita con el Desastre.” This version, prepared for an audience that was naturally more familiar with the bullfight, bullfighters, and the settings Hemingway discusses, contains some details missing from the English-language version. 3. The posthumous book-length version, published a quarter-century later (and ten years after Franco’s death), repeats most of the Life material and adds some material from the original typescript. It was aimed at Hemingway’s international audience and within five years had been translated into Danish (Farlig sommer, 1986); Finnish (Vaarallinen Kesä, 1986); Spanish (El verano peligroso, 1986); Portuguese (O verâo perigoso, 1987); German (Gefärlicher Sommer, 1989); and French (L’Eté dangereux, 1992).1 When determining which nouns and names to annotate, I decided to use the 1985 book version as a basis because it is the more complete and most readily available text. But in preparing the annotations themselves, I looked at all versions of The Dangerous Summer, including the English and Spanish Life publications, as well as the typescript, Hemingway’s other texts on the same subject, and a variety of external resources written by hands other than Hemingway’s. xiii

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I do not annotate the names and nouns that appear in James Michener’s “Introduction” (TDS, 1–40) or in the captions to the photographs, because these materials were not written by Hemingway for The Dangerous Summer. And I do not annotate material from the Glossary of Bullfight Terms, since this material was taken from Hemingway’s Death in the Afternoon and is therefore annotated in my earlier book, Hemingway’s Death in the Afternoon: The Complete Annotations (abbreviated throughout as HDIA). But I do annotate all the other names of people, places, and constructs that are mentioned in the text of The Dangerous Summer.

THE ENTRIES The entries fall into two broad categories: (1) people, and (2) cultural constructs (including place names). They are arranged alphabetically to provide easy access, and cross-references lead readers to related entries. People The largest number of entries in this book refers to the people who appear or are mentioned in The Dangerous Summer. Full cross-references enable the reader to access these figures through their first names, nicknames, and other pseudonyms (refer to “Note on Surnames,” later in this guide). In addition, the reader will find entries for generic nouns. Nameless individuals identified only by their professions are grouped under headings such as Authors, Drivers, Hotel Keepers, Journalists, and the like. Hemingway’s use of undefined background figures is discussed more fully in the entries for Followers, Spectators, Tourists, Men and Boys, and Women and Girls. Unlike Death in the Afternoon, The Dangerous Summer does not name any individual bull, horse, or other animal, but it does identify types of bulls by naming the breeder or ranch that produced them (Cobaleda, Palha, Sepúlveda de Yeltes). Thus we come upon the strange situation of a name that can refer indistinguishably to a person, a ranch or place, or a type of animal. More general information about the animal that dominates The Dangerous Summer is also provided in the section “Bulls and Bull Breeding,” later in the Introduction. Cultural Constructs and Place Names Specific cultural constructs identified by name or title (Reader’s Digest, The Old Man and the Sea, The Sun Also Rises) are listed and annotated. More

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general concepts (fortune, luck, proverbs, tricks), events (Spanish Civil War), and objects (cars, drinks) that recur frequently are also annotated. Place names (rivers, mountains, bars, cafés, hotels, the house called La Cónsula) are important signifiers in Hemingway’s texts and are therefore fully annotated, as are cities that host important bullfights, often with discussions of the fights Hemingway mentions (e.g., Madrid, Pamplona, Valencia, Zaragoza) and references to important historical events implicit in a name (e.g., Aisne River, Linares, Talavera de la Reina). Refer to “The Functions of Place Names,” later in this section.

TEXT OF THE ENTRIES The entries may be composed of some or all of the following elements: Entry Heading To facilitate access, the entry heading lists each item as it appears in The Dangerous Summer, even if that text presents the name in an incomplete, incorrect, or misspelled form. Thus, the entries for the bull breeder Benítez Cubero, for the Cervecería Ruiz, for the Hotel Reina Cristina, and for the bullfighter Pepe Luis Vázquez, are presented under the headings Benitez Cubrera, Casa Luis, María Cristina, and Vasquez, because these are the words that appear in The Dangerous Summer. Although I do not correct Hemingway’s spelling or wording in the entry heading, I do indicate the correct spelling within the entry itself, and I often add accents, which the Hemingway texts occasionally omit and which do not affect alphabetical order. A scholarly edition will need to remark these variants and correct the errors, some of which are due to Hemingway’s ignorance or faulty memory, and others to mistakes of typists, editors, copyeditors, and typesetters.2 Body of the Entry (the Annotations) Under each heading, I supply as much material as I think could be useful. For people, this includes full first and family names; nicknames, pet names, and pseudonyms; a paragraph presenting basic details such as nationality, profession, and birth and death dates; a biographical sketch that reviews education, achievements, and other relevant details; a summary of critical evaluations of their careers; and, in the case of bullfighters, instances when Hemingway saw them perform. Users of this book will notice that I provide fairly long entries even for bullfighters and bull breeders whom Hemingway

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mentions very briefly. These long entries—like the ones for Domingo Ortega, who is referred to only once (TDS, 52), or for Baltasar Ibán, whose name appears twice (TDS, 154, 156)—represent my attempt to provide as large a picture of the 1959 season as the published text of The Dangerous Summer will allow. Entries for individuals about whom information is readily available elsewhere (Bach, Hemingway, Shakespeare) are short. This creates an imbalance, in that important figures are allotted less space than obscure bull breeders, but the point of this book is to supply missing or absent information that was available to Hemingway but is not easily available to his reader. This is a sort of specialist’s encyclopedia, not a general reference book. For cultural artifacts like books, magazines, movies, and organizations, I offer dates of composition, first performance or publication, summary of contents, historical overview, and other relevant information. Sources and Documentation To make the entries as easy to read as possible, I have relegated most of the documentation to the notes at the end of the book. Information that is generally available (e.g., birth and death dates of Shakespeare or Bach, or the titles of their works) is assumed to be common knowledge not requiring documentation beyond a listing of basic reference books in the list of Works Consulted (such as Webster’s dictionaries, the Encyclopaedia Britannica, or the Encyclopedia Americana). The endnotes document information that has been obtained from more specialized sources such as legal, medical, and taurine dictionaries; taurine encyclopedias and histories and the volumes that update them; newspapers and journals from several countries; letters and interviews with a variety of experts; and various other reference works. When the entry is controversial, the endnote also offers a summary of scholarly debate. Full bibliographical details are provided in the list of Works Consulted. All direct quotations, even if they are from easily available sources like the Encyclopaedia Britannica, are documented immediately following the quoted material. Quotes in Spanish and other languages are followed by translations that, unless otherwise noted, are my own. Hemingway’s Use of the Item Each entry ends with a paragraph separated from the rest of the text (indented on both sides and in smaller type) that identifies the occasion and context in which the item occurs in the Hemingway text, with page references to the Scribner edition. The Scribner first edition (hardcover) and the softcover (paper) edition of The Dangerous Summer carry the same pagination.

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Page Numbers Indicating Quoted Speech Page numbers presented separately at the very end of the entry indicate direct speech as it occurs in monologue, dialogue, or general conversation. Free indirect speech, interior monologue, or dialogue presented without quotation marks is generally not indicated in this final section of the entry.

ORGANIZATION OF THE MATERIAL Alphabetical Order The entries appear in alphabetical order. Because the information in this book is geared to the published text, the entry names reflect the names and spellings that appear in the Scribner edition of The Dangerous Summer, even if these are incorrect or nonstandard. Alphabetization is according to the English alphabet, the Spanish letters ch, ll, and ñ being treated as c, l, and n. Because Spanish is not a “foreign” language for Hemingway aficionados, I have alphabetized Spanish titles and names like English ones, according to the substantive and not the preposition or article preceding it: thus, El Callejón, La Cónsula, and El Coto all appear under C. Saints are alphabetized according to their names, not under San, St., or Saint. Cross-References Hemingway’s texts present people in various ways: sometimes by giving first and last names (Carmen Polo de Franco), sometimes by identifying relationships (Luis Miguel’s wife, Antonio’s mother, Franco’s son-in-law), and sometimes merely by supplying first name, title, or nickname (Joni, Juan, Miguelillo, Peps Merito). If I have been able to retrieve a fuller name, a crossreference directs the reader to the main entry under the surname. In addition, a generous sprinkling of cross-references leads the reader: (1) to other, relevant entries in this volume (see Africa); (2) to the same heading in my companion volume, Hemingway’s Death in the Afternoon: The Complete Annotations (indicated by the remark “q.v. in HDIA” or “see HDIA,” or “see also HDIA”); (3) to a different but relevant entry in my companion volume (see also Ortega in HDIA); and (4) to material in another Hemingway book, most frequently Death in the Afternoon (indicated by an abbreviation followed by page numbers: see DIA, 44–45). References to other sections in this book (mostly divisions in the User’s Guide or Introduction) use the wording “Refer to” rather than “See.”

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Italics Cross-references to entries in this volume are presented in italics (see also Cars); cross-references to entries in other books appear in roman (see Miura in HDIA). Spanish words or phrases that had not been normalized into American English by 1960 appear in italics. The words “banderilla,” “banderillero,” and “matador” appear in the 1960 Webster’s New World Dictionary of the American Language, and so they appear in roman in this book. The words novillo, novillero, antigüedad, muleta, and tercio, like the phrases matador de toros and matador de novillos, are absent from Webster’s, and so they are italicized here.

NAMES I have alphabetized both Spanish and non-Spanish names according to the surname, or patronymic. English-language readers are accustomed to identifying the patronymic as the last word in the series (e.g., Ernest Miller Hemingway, John Greenleaf Whittier), but Spanish names are organized differently, because every person has two surnames: his father’s and his mother’s last names. Sometimes only the patronymic is given, in which case it is the last word in the name. But in a full Spanish name, the patronymic is the penultimate word in the series, the final word being politely reserved for the maternal line. Thus, Antonio Ordóñez’s full name is Antonio Ordóñez Araujo, but he would be alphabetized under O and not A, Araujo being his mother’s maiden name—or, more accurately, his mother’s father’s name.3 In the bullfighting world, fathers, sons, grandsons, and nephews may share first names and nicknames as well as patronymics, so that generation after generation we find the same names on bullfight posters. Aficionados will know which generation is meant based on the cartel’s date (and from other details), but for those who are less well informed, the maternal name helps us distinguish fathers from sons. Occasionally a person will be known by both family names (Sánchez Mejías) and sometimes by the maternal name only (Lorca, Ortega, Picasso), although the full formal name gives precedence to the patronymic: Federico García Lorca, Domingo López Ortega, Pablo Ruiz Picasso. To reflect Hemingway’s presentation of these men, the first is alphabetized under G, the second under O, and the third under P.

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Women’s Names Countries like Spain and France did not need the women’s liberation movement to encourage married women to retain their given names. Married Spanish women have customarily kept their own names and nicknames for daily and even legal use, although their formal names acquire a prepositional phrase to acknowledge the new commitment. For example: when Carmen (Carmina) González Lucas, daughter and sister of the famous bullfighters known by the professional nickname Dominguín, married Antonio Ordóñez, her formal name became Carmen González Lucas de Ordóñez. In Spain, she could still be called Carmina González or Carmina Dominguín, although in British or American usage she would, at that time, be known exclusively as Carmen Ordóñez. Interestingly, a wife who becomes a widow is more likely to be known by her late husband’s name than by her own (e.g., la viuda de Ortega). Nicknames Just as Bob and Joe are standard English nicknames for Robert and Joseph, so Spanish has standard nicknames like Pepe for José, and Paco or Curro for Francisco. But nicknames may also be descriptive, alluding to physical characteristics (el Rubio, el Gordo), place of origin (Alcalareño, Algabeño, el Trianero), ethnic background (Gitanillo), the father’s profession (el Niño del Matadero, Carnicerito), or some other characteristic (Mazquiarán’s luck resulted in his being called Fortuna). Diminutives of a name or surname are also popular; they indicate youth, small size, or affection (e.g., Joselito for José Gómez Ortega, Naranjito for Domingo Naranjo, Navarrito for Jesús Navarro). Nicknames of famous bullfighters persist not only in their families but sometimes in the families of their in-laws and even in their fellow townsfolk: Antonio García Bermúdez (Bombita IV), for example, was not related to the famous Bombitas (the three Torres Reina brothers) but took their nickname because he came from the same town, Tomares, near the city of Seville. Manuel Jiménez Díaz called himself Chicuelo II simply because he happened to have the same first name and patronymic as Manuel Jiménez Moreno (Chicuelo, q.v. in HDIA), to whom he was not related. Because the same nickname can refer to several bullfighters, I have made separate entries for important nicknames, to explain their provenance and to identify the various individuals who used them (see, for example, Bienvenida, Dominguín, and Valencia). Such entries are cross-referenced to the main entry for each bullfighter, who appears under his patronymic. For Hemingway’s own fondness for nicknames, see Papa.

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Absent Names Readers familiar with the Hemingway biography will notice the absence of entries for people known to be involved in the events of 1959 (e.g., Peter Buckley, Valerie Danby-Smith, and Peter Viertel); that is because their names do not appear in the published text. Their names do emerge within entries, and interested readers can find them in the Index at the end of this book.

TAURINE STATISTICS Since a number is only as reliable as its reporter, I have consulted as many authoritative sources as possible, reporting discrepancies and disagreements whenever these occur. I have relied heavily on Cossío’s twelve-volume encyclopedia, Los toros, which is the standard work in the field, but I have also consulted other reference works, as well as contemporary reports in newspapers, pamphlets, and journals. The reviews, essays, and statistics offered by the taurine journal El Ruedo are invaluable not only for the wealth of detail they offer, but because Hemingway also relied on them. Whenever possible, I read materials that I know Hemingway had read, in Spanish, English, and occasionally in French. I also worked with other biographies, critical treatises, and theoretical and practical studies, most of them still untranslated from the Spanish. Because changes in the legal codes that govern the bullfight are particularly instructive, I consulted various local codes as well as the Reglamentos from 1917 (the first national code) to the present. Hemingway was well acquainted with the texts of the 1917, 1923, and 1930 Reglamentos, including the various codicils added to them (see, for example, Silvestre Gómez, Enrique). My statistics are incomplete in two important respects. Because Hemingway’s experiences with the bulls were limited to Spain, and because most reference books privilege the Spanish season and exclude all others, the numbers that I offer when describing a bullfighter’s career reflect only those corridas he fought in any particular year in Spain. In the case of a foreign bullfighter or of a Spaniard who performed frequently in foreign bullrings, I mention the number of corridas he fought in those countries that also possess a taurine tradition (Colombia, Ecuador, France, Mexico, Peru, Portugal, and Venezuela). My statistics are also incomplete in that they reflect only the actual corridas fought (corridas ajustadas). One can argue that the number of contracts the bullfighter was offered or that he signed (corridas contratadas) is a more accurate indication of the bullfighter’s standing. This number can be considerably higher than the number of corridas ajustadas, because a bullfighter

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may have to cancel many corridas in a season: a serious goring may require weeks of convalescence, and rain, illness, accident, or some other factor may further depress the number of his appearances. On the other hand, a few spectacular afternoons, especially if they occur in first-class rings and early in the season, may bring new contracts, so that he may finish the season with many more corridas than he originally contracted for. When the discrepancies between corridas contratadas and corridas ajustadas are striking, I note them. In 1959, for example, Dominguín was contracted to fight seventy-seven corridas but injuries forced him to cancel forty of them. Statistics do not necessarily reflect an individual’s contribution to his profession. A bullfighter may become a figura (an enduring presence) in the annals of toreo for reasons relating to personality, art, innovation, tradition, or other factors that numbers cannot measure. For all these reasons, statistics must always be viewed with some skepticism. Still, the numbers do give a fairly reliable indication of the bullfighter’s temporada (season), and a string of such statistics will reveal whether a bullfighter’s star is ascendant. Generally speaking thirty corridas mark a respectable season. A run of several years with forty, fifty, or more corridas means that the bullfighter is doing very well indeed. Most bullfighters maintain a precarious position, with ten or fewer corridas a season.

THE FUNCTIONS OF PLACE NAMES The names of cities, hotels, restaurants, bullrings, streets, and other places mentioned in Hemingway’s text are annotated because these names often carry a significance that the text does not spell out. Place names are important for two reasons: they give the flavor of the country in which the narrative is set, and they help define the knowledge and experience possessed by the narrator. References to hotels named Alfonso XIII and María Cristina, for example, subtly indicate the country’s monarchical nature. Places or events bearing the names of saints, like the Plaza Santa Ana or the Madrid feria of San Isidro, unobtrusively remind us that Spain has traditionally been a Roman Catholic country and that the church was a ubiquitous, intimate, and powerful factor in everyday life, not just in government and politics. Modern readers for whom secularism and democracy are the default positions tend to forget that for most of Hemingway’s lifetime, Spain was ruled by a king or a dictator who was supported by the army, the church, and the landowners or landed gentry. Place names remind us. Although Spain was unified in the late fifteenth century, the divisions created by history and geography still separate its several regions. The separatist

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sentiments of some of today’s autonomous regions reflect the uneasy partnership that ties the parts to the whole. Place names highlight these historical problems. In The Dangerous Summer, Hemingway mentions, for example, Las Navas de Tolosa, where the Christian kings joined forces to defeat the Moors in July 1212; the Sierra Morena and the other mountain ranges, which were important natural boundaries between warring kingdoms; and the mountain pass at Despeñaperros, which did more to separate than connect the two adjacent provinces. These place names situate the reader firmly in a particular province or autonomy whose history, geography, weather, and even language distinguish it from its neighbors. Now that Franco is gone, such regional differences have again found expression, most notably in the revival of regional languages. Today, Basque, Catalan, Galician, and Valencian are widely spoken, and the publication of dictionaries, grammars, and studies of dialects like the Aragonese fabla, the Asturian llingua, and the Southern andaluz indicate an interest in preserving difference. Although this aspect of Spain’s variety does not loom large in Hemingway’s taurine books, it is implicit in passages where he names matadors’ accents and birthplaces, discusses regional characteristics, or reports nicknames like Alcalareño and Algabeño (the man from Alcalá or from La Álgaba). Individuals are shaped by the culture of the place they come from, and bullfighters in particular carry regional significance. Even today, local pride and self-interest promote support for the local bullfighter. In the 1920s and 1950s, this tendency was more strongly marked. It was traditional for a town, city, or province to support its aspiring bullfighters, and if one of them succeeded nationwide, he was expected to come home, build a large house, employ local help, improve public facilities, attract tourism, and inspire another generation of townsfolk to enter the profession. Spain’s geography and history are, then, important factors in bullfighting, and when Hemingway says that a bullfighter is known as the Hayseed from Borox, or that his nickname is Gitanillo de Triana or El Trianero (the gypsy or man from Triana), or that he was popular in Seville, or that he was contracted for the Madrid feria, he is giving us important information. A bullfighter from Borox who is wildly popular in Borox (a small town near Toledo) is quite different from a bullfighter from Borox who triumphs in Madrid. The first has accomplished something, but the second has accomplished everything. And a bullfighter who succeeds in Borox, and in Madrid, and in Seville as well, has made a place for himself in history. Next we must see whether he buys property in Borox, in Madrid, or in Seville: this will reveal even more of his character. Place names are meaningful, then, not just because Hemingway said so in A Farewell to Arms, but because they are code words for Spanish history, culture, and character.

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Place names enable the author to evoke the Spanish Civil War, a forbidden topic for anyone wishing to be published in Spain in Franco’s time.4 Hemingway’s references to events at the Ebro and at Teruel (qq.v.) clearly indicate that his mind was on the Civil War, although he could not, obviously, clarify the details he mentions or identify the extent of his involvement with the war. At Alicante, for example, the narrator says only that he meets “alive old friends” and “friends of old friends” and that the hotel owner refuses payment. But if the reader knows that Alicante was stubbornly Republican territory until February 1939, when the Republicans finally conceded defeat, such details become meaningful allusions to the Civil War and to Hemingway’s political allegiance at the time. They also enable us to contrast the narrator’s experiences in Alicante with his relationships with the individuals who tolerate and even thrive under the Franco dictatorship (e.g., Bill Davis, the Marqués del Mérito, Antonio Ordóñez, Luis Miguel Dominguín) and whose friendship and hospitality the narrator gladly accepts. In short, place names are markers for historical events and political commentary that form a muted subtext in The Dangerous Summer. And by enabling us to “read” the narrator’s past experience and current situation, they help us evaluate this conflicted personage who is feted and resented, included and excluded, simultaneously at home and ill at ease—not just because he is an American who achieved fame by writing about the Spanish bullfight, but because he is a Republican sympathizer enjoying himself with rich, well-placed people in Franco’s Spain. When Hemingway mentions having dinner at El Coto (73) in Madrid, where the social life was “sinister” (194), he gives important information that he could not express more openly, and he also reveals his own conflicted self. It is no accident that in Death in the Afternoon and even more pointedly in The Dangerous Summer, Hemingway carefully and accurately names the hotels, bars, restaurants, and cafés his first-person narrator patronized. These places are important not just in historical and political terms but also as markers of taurine acceptance and authority. The bullfighter and the bullfight crowd (bull breeders, bullfighters, managers, critics, admirers, photographers, media people, aficionados, and relatives and friends of all of the above) usually frequent the same establishments year after year because they know that at these venues they will meet friends, hear gossip, obtain information, make new contacts, and even close business deals (see, for example, TDS, 114, 144). The narrator’s appearance or exclusion from this or that hotel or café suggests the level of his participation in events, his acceptance by other people, his standing as insider or outsider, and, consequently, his mood, which may color his response to a city or to events in that city.

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In the 1920s, when there were fewer hotels, the detail is less informative. Even so, it is instructive to notice that the narrator of Death in the Afternoon stayed at the Pensión Aguilar, which, as he carefully pointed out, was taurine: it housed bullfighters and was near establishments where one could discuss taurine matters, study the carteles (bills announcing performers, dates, venues, bulls, related special events), buy tickets for bullfights, and generally partake of the taurine atmosphere.5 He did not stay at the nearby, equally inexpensive Hotel Inglés, which was a favorite of the Bloomsbury Group. In 1959, the name of the hotel reveals even more of the narrator’s position. By then taurine hotels, often though not necessarily four- or five-star hotels, were such an established part of the taurine temporada (season) that the official guide books offered a city-by-city listing of the “Principales Hoteles de España frecuentados por taurinos.”6 Thus, simply by naming the hotel where he stayed, the narrator of The Dangerous Summer enables us to see how he was received in various cities during their fiestas. In 1959, some taurine hotels, impressed by el Nobel’s credentials and by the company he kept, made room for him even at peak seasons. In Zaragoza, for example, the narrator stays in a taurine hotel where he can mingle with the taurine crowd and visit the bullfighters in their rooms (TDS, 114–15). In Seville and Valencia, where he has to make do with non-taurine hotels, his displeasure shows.7 And in Madrid that year, the narrator does not, like his friend Antonio Ordóñez, stay in the Wellington Hotel (q.v.), which was and is taurine, or the very selective Ritz (q.v.), which shunned publicity. Instead, he finds a room at the Palace or at the Suecia (qq.v.), both more international in outlook and therefore more tolerant of an American with a hip flask and a noisy entourage. By looking at his hotel, we can learn not only that the narrator of The Dangerous Summer is wealthier than the narrator of Death in the Afternoon, but also that he is not fraternizing as intimately with the taurine crowd: his address undermines his pose of “insider.” In Spain, as in France, people often gather regularly in public venues to discuss certain topics, be they literary, artistic, political, or taurine. Over the years, such an ongoing conversation, or tertulia, becomes associated with its host café or bar. Among these sites, there are, of course, styles and fashions, but they tend to change slowly. For more than a century, for example, Madrid’s Café Gijón has catered to writers and journalists: it would seem a natural setting for the first-person, heavily autobiographical narrators of Hemingway’s nonfiction books, who are obviously writers. Instead, the narrator of Death in the Afternoon frequents the Cervecería Alemana and the Café Fornos (qq.v. in HDIA), both decidedly taurine, although with a literary and artistic flavor. And the narrator of The Dangerous Summer, in spite of his Republican credentials, dines at El Coto (q.v.), which catered exclusively to bankers, stockbrokers, fin-

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anciers, and other powerbrokers of Franco’s dictatorship. Clearly, in telling us where they slept, drank, ate, and met their friends, Hemingway is communicating important information about his narrators and their experiences in Spain. The fact that every detail in Hemingway’s narratives yields important information is the rationale for this volume of annotations.

OTHER HEMINGWAY TEXTS Some of the items mentioned in the Hemingway text that I annotate in this book appear in other Hemingway works as well. In noting these cross-textual incidences, I have used the standard abbreviations recommended by the Hemingway Society: ARIT DIA AFTA FWTBT GOE GHOA IITS MF OMATS SAR THHN TAFL TOS UK

Across the River and into the Trees. New York: Scribner’s, 1950. Death in the Afternoon. New York: Scribner’s, 1932, 1960. A Farewell to Arms. New York: Scribner’s, 1926. For Whom the Bell Tolls. New York: Scribner’s, 1940. The Garden of Eden. New York: Scribner’s, 1986. Green Hills of Africa. New York: Scribner’s, 1963. Islands in the Stream. New York: Scribner’s, 1970. A Moveable Feast. New York: Scribner’s, 1964. The Old Man and the Sea. New York: Scribner’s, 1952. The Sun Also Rises. New York: Scribner’s, 1926. To Have and Have Not. New York: Scribner’s, 1937. True at First Light. Ed. Patrick Hemingway. New York: Scribner’s, 1999. The Torrents of Spring. New York: Scribner’s, 1926. Under Kilimanjaro. Ed. Robert W. Lewis and Robert E. Fleming. Kent, Ohio: The Kent State University Press, 2005.

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CHANGE, NOSTALGIA, AND THE LAW Like any venerable art form, the bullfight retains traces of its past in its present. Striking historical markers—most clearly discernible in costume, ceremony, and terminology—make that past legible to the informed eye and ear. Indeed, one of the many pleasures of the bullfight is its respect for tradition, its historical consciousness, the insistent backward glance that informs not just the art but also the literature it inspires. Taurine journals, papers, and books commemorate dead bullfighters and vanished suertes; they keep the old days very much alive in the present. But not all taurine writers insist, as Hemingway does, that the old days were the best. For Hemingway, the vanishing past was always replaced by a much diminished present that would, inevitably, dissolve into a grimmer future. This bleak attitude emerged naturally from the experiences of his early years. As a child, he witnessed the destruction of the upper peninsula when the loggers came, and of Oak Park when urban development gobbled up open spaces. As an eighteen-year-old he went to war, was wounded in Italy and lost, or so he said, his belief in his immortality. For him, change meant loss, and not a few critics have argued that his life and art were dominated by nostalgia. Nostalgia certainly dominates Hemingway’s two major books about Spain and the bullfight. Coming to Madrid from Chicago and Paris, Hemingway found a city with fewer cars, a slower pace, a more old-fashioned culture. But even in his early days in Spain, he knew that the country was changing. The 1920s were marked by Spain’s military involvement in the north of Africa and political ferment at home. Early in 1931, with Primo de Rivera gone, elections looming, and a growing desire for democracy and internationalization, it was clear that political upheaval was unavoidable and that the bullfight, like all of Spain, was condemned to rapid change. In Death in the Afternoon, Hemingway attempted to preserve the bullfight as he had known it in the early 1920s, “for anyone who should ever be interested in knowing what it was like”1 before it became something else.

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Hemingway knew that the post-Belmonte bullfight that he witnessed in the 1920s was quite different from that of the preceding decade, the so-called golden age of bullfighting. But his emotions had been so powerfully stirred by his first bullfights that he wasted no time in mourning the “old days” of the Joselito-Belmonte era. Instead, the corrida of 1923 and 1924 became, for him, the gold standard, and not simply a stage in a constantly evolving art form. Because he understood that the introduction of the peto (q.v. in HDIA) would inevitably change “his” corrida, Hemingway argued against it passionately. But the peto was officially adopted in 1928, and in 1931, when he returned to Spain after a year’s absence, Hemingway attacked everything that had changed, including the new bullfighters, their new styles, and the different type of management.2 He railed against the changes he saw in his beloved Pamplona: “Pamplona is changed, of course. . . . I know things change now and I do not care. It’s all been changed for me. Let it all change” (DIA, 278).3 With the years, this defiance hardened into denial, so that in 1959 Hemingway could write that “all the overcrowding and the modernizations of Pamplona meant nothing. In Pamplona we had our old secret places. . . . There were the same songs. . . . The eyes had not changed” (TDS, 139). Hemingway was wrong: things always change, and in Spain they had changed a great deal. In the decades between Hemingway’s first trip to Pamplona (1923) and the one recorded in The Dangerous Summer (1959), Spain had endured the fall of its monarchy, the rise and fall of its troubled Second Republic (1931–1939), its terrible Civil War (1936–1939), and the rise of a dictator, Francisco Franco. Spain’s economic recovery from these disasters was slowed by Franco’s isolationism: he withdrew his country from the League of Nations in 1939 and turned his back on Europe during World War II, in retaliation for which the victorious Allies recalled their ambassadors in 1946, a move emulated by many other countries. Franco’s traumatized Spain was not the Spain Hemingway had known in his youth. Like Spain, Hemingway had suffered greatly in the years following Death in the Afternoon. Since his last bullfight seasons, in 1931 and 1933, he had endured the breakdown of his second and third marriages and the deaths of his ex-wife Pauline, of his editor Max Perkins, and of his publisher Charles Scribner. He had suffered an assortment of accidents, including car and airplane crashes, that had broken his bones and concussed his brain, and he had been battered by the critical scorn that greeted To Have and Have Not (1937) and Across the River and into the Trees (1950). But then things improved for him: he reestablished his popular and literary reputation with The Old Man and the Sea in 1952, received the Pulitzer Prize in 1953 and three important awards in 1954: the Award of Merit Medal from the American Academy of Arts and Letters, the Cuban Order of Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, and, in Oc-

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tober, the Nobel Prize for Literature. But this avalanche of honors could not undo the damage. The aging, traumatized celebrity who followed the bulls in 1959 was very different from the ambitious, eager young man who had followed them in the 1920s and early 1930s. For many years, Hemingway had stayed away from Franco’s Spain. But in 1953, Spain became available again. After years of poverty and intense international pressure, Franco recanted his isolationist policy: he accepted the European Recovery Plan (the Marshall Plan), allowed American bases to be established in Spain in 1953, withdrew from Morocco in 1956, and joined the Organization of European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) in 1957. As the outlook became more hopeful, Hemingway returned to Spain and the bullfight. But it was not the same Hemingway, nor the same Spain, nor the same bullfight. The bullfight always and necessarily reflected Spain’s political and financial life, and the 1930s and 1940s had diminished it greatly. The Moroccan adventure and the Civil War took potential young bullfighters away from their careers and into the army, and after the war, those who were Republicans went into exile. Bull-breeding ranches that had been divided and subdivided by the Republic’s various attempts at Agrarian Reform, and whose stock had been decimated by the hungry population, found it difficult, after the war, to solidify their finances and to rebuild their herds (refer to “Bulls and Bull Breeding,” later in this Introduction). Where there had been enough bulls and bullfighters to support about three hundred annual corridas in the late 1920s (286 in 1927, 312 in 1929, 304 the next year), during the three years of the Civil War the numbers fell drastically, from 101 corridas in 1936 to 61 in 1937 and 73 in 1938. As Manuel Lozano Sevilla wrote, “Throughout the Spanish Civil War . . . bull-fighting was all but paralyzed, although several bullfights and festivals took place in General Franco’s zone” (35). After the war, few suitable animals were available and the population of bullfighters was sorely depleted. In 1939, the year the war ended, there were 125 corridas, and the next year saw 151 (or 156, reports vary). In 1940 Spain had only nineteen matadores de alternativa, and in 1941, after a rash of promotions, twenty-nine. Like all of Spain’s artistic and economic life, bullfighting recovered only very slowly from the national trauma. Although old maestros like Juan Belmonte, Nicanor Villalta, Luis Gómez (el Estudiante), and Domingo Ortega survived to grace the post-war carteles (programs, announced on posters), there were only a few new politically acceptable superstars to entice a warbruised audience back into the bullring. Pepe Luis Vázquez, Manuel Rodríguez (Manolete), Luis Miguel Dominguín, and the Mexican Carlos Arruza were the new stars of the 1940s, seconded by Agustín Parra (Parrita), Pepín

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Martín Vázquez, Manolo González, José Mejías (Pepe Bienvenida), and Manuel Álvarez Pruaño (el Andaluz). Even though the 1930s and 1940s had been so difficult, the bullfight had managed to survive. And in the 1950s, it gained strength from a new audience: the weak Spanish peseta attracted tourism, and in the wake of the Marshall Plan of 1953, foreigners flocked to the bullfight, Ernest Hemingway among them. When he arrived in Spain for the 1959 season, there were sixty-four (or sixty-seven, reports vary) active matadors, and the roll grew to seventy-eight in 1960 and one hundred and thirty-nine in 1990. The 145 corridas of 1950 swelled to 323 in 1969 and 541 in 1990.4 When Hemingway came to Spain in the 1950s, this positive trend was clearly visible. In The Dangerous Summer, however, Hemingway does not address the bullfight’s recent past. He doesn’t mention, for example, the Spanish boycott of Mexican bullfighters, imposed in 1936 out of national pride and withdrawn in 1944 for financial reasons.5 He doesn’t mention the introduction of the sham sword (refer to “Changes in Act III” under “The Corrida,” following), nor the drought of the 1940s, nor bullfighters like Miguel Báez (Litri). When he revisited Spain in his bruised middle age, he simply grumbled about the bullfight because it was not what it had been twenty-five years ago. There may have been some politics in that grumbling: Hemingway could criticize the dictatorship only in very veiled terms, but he could criticize the bullfight openly. And this he did, glossing over sensitive topics like war, repression, exile, and poverty. As a result, The Dangerous Summer reads like a personal outcry, Hemingway’s tirade against change. He complains about everything: the “new” bullring of Las Ventas was too big (he had disliked it even when it was inaugurated in June 1931) and not as good as the old one, on the Carretera de Aragón, where he had seen so many fights in the old days. The new rules, he says, are illogical and problematic. The new style of bull is an abomination: he calls it a medio-toro. He rejects the different kind of picing it requires, just as he rejects the new style of bullfighting, with its traces of tremendismo. He berates the new audiences who like this new bullfighting, and whose applause for its modern adornos and “tricks” (q.v.) encourages their proliferation. Everything, it seemed, had changed in the quarter-century since Hemingway last saw bullfights, and to him, of course, that meant that everything was worse. Had he seen the great years of Dominguín’s and Manolete’s careers, he might have come to appreciate their talents and art, their innovations and stylistic excellences. But now, mourning the old days, he could find solace only in the slow, classical cape of Antonio Ordóñez. Not only Ordóñez’s style, but Ordóñez himself was good for Hemingway: his unreserved love and admiration soothed an aging, testy man whose relations with his own sons were difficult (none of them came to his sixtieth birth-

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day party), and his success gave Hemingway entry to the energetic and energizing world of youth and talent. And Ordóñez provided a link to the happier past: he was the son of Cayetano Ordóñez, whom Hemingway had renamed Pedro Romero when he made him the hero of The Sun Also Rises. I like to think that in 1959, thanks to Ordóñez, Hemingway felt young and happy even though he was, in fact, moving towards death. Nostalgia and Its Consequences For much of his life and in much of his writing, which seems to be so firmly rooted in the past, in the way things were, Hemingway tried to preserve those traces of the past that had survived into the present and to stave off the future, which would be different. Such an agenda necessarily distorts. If, as we read Hemingway’s The Dangerous Summer, we take his pronouncements on the bullfight, the bull, and the bullfighter as an accurate rendition of the “facts” about the bullfight of his time, we miss the more important fact that his pronouncements in fact express only his taste, his judgment, his values, his bias, his own understanding of what he experienced. To understand Hemingway’s sometimes unorthodox taurine opinions and pronouncements, the reader would be wise to understand not only the revisionist nostalgia that underlies them but also the taurine norms of the two periods during which Hemingway saw bullfights. My point here is not to establish the limits of Hemingway’s taurine expertise or awareness, but to attempt to understand how he looked at a subject that passionately interested him, to understand how the man responded and how the artist interpreted and represented this artistic subject in his own art. To do this, to understand how Hemingway saw and manipulated his subject, we need to have solid facts about that subject. Only then can we understand the difference between what was and what was desired, between what he saw in one period and what he saw in another, between accepted opinion and individual judgment, between fact and invention, nostalgia and accuracy. All this cannot be understood if we lack the relevant historical and intellectual backgrounds, which sometimes differ from and sometimes are congruent with what Hemingway writes. I strongly feel that intelligent discussion, whether it focuses on the author, his subject, or his artistic rendering of it, cannot be conducted in the context of historical ignorance. If we do not know something about how the corrida was conducted at the different periods when Hemingway observed it, we will not understand the power of his essays on it, the degree to which his art preserves his idea of it and seduces us into seeing his corrida as the corrida. He manipulates us to see as he saw, to accept the values he held dear. But the

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corrida cannot be frozen in time, not even by Hemingway. Historicizing the subject, however, will enable us to study Hemingway’s handling of it. When we read Hemingway’s taurine books we must factor in not just his (frequently opinionated) passion for the corrida and the power of his artistic technique, which seduces us into accepting his version as authoritative, but also our own ignorance—bullfighting is a foreign subject to most of us—and our own temporal distance from the bullfight of Hemingway’s time. Even those readers who follow the bulls themselves probably know only the corrida as it exists in their own time, and not as it was conducted seventy or even fifty years ago. Fortunately, some although not all of the facts of that disappeared corrida can still be resurrected. Tracking the Tempo: Statistics and Legal Codes Although there is no single “truth” about anything, let alone anything as complex as the bullfight, there still are facts and informed contemporary opinions to help us contextualize. Dates and statistics, though not dramatic, are helpful guidelines for understanding not just the careers of bullfighters and the types of bulls they fought, but also the corrida’s tempo of change. Although statistics must always be viewed with some skepticism (refer to “Taurine Statistics” in the User’s Guide), the numbers do give a fairly reliable indication of a bullfighter’s temporada (season), which is why bullfighters and their managers and friends keep close track of them. Statistics also express the health of a particular bullring or bull-breeding ranch. Hemingway, who was addicted to statistics, kept his own log of the summer of 1959, which is preserved at the Hemingway Collection (JFK Library). In annotating The Dangerous Summer, I have also used the statistical summary of his season that Antonio Ordóñez autographed for Hemingway, as well as statistics found in contemporary reports, in encyclopedias, and statistical anuarios (yearbooks), and in the various appendices to Antonio Abad Ojuel’s excellent biography of Antonio Ordóñez. Perhaps the most important marker of change is the Reglamento (taurine code), which evolved significantly from its early version, drafted by Melchor Ordóñez in about 1847, to the increasingly detailed and prescriptive documents published in 1917, 1923, 1930, and, post-Hemingway, in 1962, 1992, and 1996.6 These legal documents are wonderfully eloquent: their silences, their repetitions, the amount of attention they devote to any one item, and even the fines they impose for noncompliance—all these details reveal emphases, trends, and expected or accepted deviations. They help us understand the corrida as an evolving entity, a process.

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Hemingway was aware of the importance of the Reglamento. In November 1931, he wrote his editor, “Everything is completed except this swell last chapter that I am still writing on [chapter 20 of Death in the Afternoon] and the translation of the 13,000 words of reglamento. Might get some one to rough out the translation to save me time and work—Then I will correct it and fix it up.”7 Hemingway did not include this projected translation in Death in the Afternoon because he knew that a new Reglamento was replacing the one he was familiar with. (Having been absent from Spain in 1930, he seems not to know that the new Reglamento had already been approved.) In the Glossary of Death in the Afternoon, Hemingway instructed that a translation of the later Reglamento should be included “in subsequent editions of this book if there should be such editions.”8 In the manuscript of The Dangerous Summer he refers again to the Reglamento, showing his familiarity with its most recent codicils. Both of my books—this one and its predecessor (Hemingway’s Death in the Afternoon: The Complete Annotations [2002])—follow Hemingway’s suggestion that the Reglamento be read in conjunction with his taurine writing. The Evolving Reglamento Because changes in and additions to the taurine codes are so instructive, I refer to all the editions, from Melchor Ordóñez’s local ordinances for Málaga (1847) and for Madrid (1852, 1868, 1880), to the national codes Hemingway knew. The first of these, the 1917 Reglamento, was still in effect when Hemingway saw his first bullfights in May, June, and July of 1923. Indeed, several of its articles were reproduced on the cartel (advertising poster or handbill) of the first corrida Hemingway saw.9 The next Reglamento, approved on 20 August 1923, was revised before it finally went into effect on 9 February 1924; this is the one Hemingway was going to include in Death in the Afternoon (he correctly identifies it as having been drafted in “the era of Primo Rivera” (DIA, 473, s.v. Reglamento). The next Reglamento, adopted in 1930, was amended several times and by 1959 a new one was being prepared; it went into effect in 1962, after Hemingway’s death. The codes of 1917, 1923, and 1930, then, ruled the bullfights Hemingway saw. The codes immediately preceding and following these three are interesting in that they reveal the trends and usages that required modification, criminalization, or legal acceptance. They help us identify the taurine topics that agitated Hemingway’s contemporaries, the ways in which these questions were resolved, and the efficacy of those resolutions. Changes in the rulings testify to the Reglamento’s flexibility. Sometimes, however, the Reglamento futilely insists on unenforceable norms (e.g., the

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spectators must remain in their seats) or attempts to outlaw well-entrenched practices. For example, the 1917 Reglamento, and all subsequent ones, expressly forbid the matador’s cuadrilla (team) to turn or dizzy the stabbed beast, or to push their matador’s sword more deeply into its body.10 Many cuadrillas performed these forbidden maneuvers while their matador stood by, but reprimands were seldom issued, fines were infrequently imposed, and the forbidden behaviors continue to this day. Here we see that the Reglamento’s repeated prohibition of a behavior merely registers its continued existence. Interesting as these codes are, we must remember that, like any other legal document, they do not deal with morality, truth, or justice. They simply record society’s response to a particular problem at a particular historical moment. And because they mediate between past definitions and present reality, or between tradition and current practice, they necessarily lag behind current practice. They give us the legal but not the actual definition of the corrida. The law cannot define or control the corrida which, like any human endeavor, is always in the process of being negotiated. Hemingway knew Spain and the corrida were changing. He did not like it, but he knew it. To be informed readers of his taurine writing, we must know it too.

BULLS AND BULL BREEDING The toro de lidia, the magnificent animal on whom the entire edifice of tauromachy rests, has been traced to “the wild cattle, called aurochs, that once roamed most of the ancient world.”11 The bull that is fought ritually in the ring, although frighteningly aggressive and unpredictable, is not wild in the same sense: he is the result of centuries of breeding. But unlike other domesticated or pedigreed animals, he is not bred for utilitarian purposes—to provide food, work, or protection for his human masters. Indeed, the bos taurus hispanicus (also called ibericus or africanus) may be unique among animals in that he is bred to provide art. Life Cycle Ganado bravo (literally, brave or wild cattle) is a valuable property, carefully bred and expensively nurtured to maturity. When they are about two years old, female calves are tested for bravery in tientas, to see how they attack the picador’s horse and how they respond to the cape and muleta; successful heifers are kept for breeding. Males are tested to see how they respond to mounted picadors.12 Because they may end up in a bullring, they are not

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exposed to cape or muleta at a tienta or anywhere else: all care is taken to prevent their learning to distinguish between the lure and the person who wields it.13 Fine specimens, whether they are destined for breeding or for corridas, must be kept in good health and strength. The ganadero (bull breeder), the mayoral (foreman), and the ranch’s employees worry about the animals’ health and pedigree, separating the males from the females in order to control breeding, and separating adolescent males from each other as much as possible to prevent fights that could damage them. Bull breeders are careful to provide optimum conditions for bulls who qualify for the bullring. En route to the bullring, these bulls travel in the company of the ranch’s foreman, who ensures that no damage or discomfort comes to them. Cows and studs that remain behind on the ranch live long, comfortable, and productive lives. Those organizations that worry about the well-being of animals would be reassured if they were to see the vast acreage, carefully balanced feed, professional veterinarian attention, and jealous protection that the ganado bravo enjoys throughout its lifetime. And the corrida itself, which draws so much disapproval from its opponents, is carefully designed to allow the toro de lidia to indulge his intense instinct to charge and to ensure that he is killed rapidly and skillfully. For all of its life cycle, up to and including its ceremonious death, the ganado bravo is carefully and even tenderly handled. Age The ganado bravo is so specific to the taurine spectacle that its age and size give their names to events such as becerradas, novilladas, and corridas de toros. This brings us to the complicated matter of nomenclature. A bull is called a toro at the age of four and a novillo at the age of three. Animals younger than three years old are called by the generic name becerro, but a variety of terms exists, although demarcations between them are interestingly imprecise. The Diccionario de la Real Academia de España oxymoronically defines the utrero/a as “novillo o novilla desde los dos años hasta cumplir los tres” (novillo between the ages of two and three) although the novillo is generally defined as a three-year-old. In another dictionary, the utrero is defined as having “tres años cumplidos” (having passed its third birthday; this is the definition Hemingway gives [DIA, h: 488–89, s.v. Utrero]), although the utrero/a is more frequently defined as a two-year-old. With this awareness of the slipperiness of language, we can review the variety of words, not all of them current today, that define the animal at various stages of its development. Generally speaking, then, the choto (also called ternero or mamón) is less than one year old, the añojo has passed its first

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birthday, the eral is about two years old, and the utrero or utrera is between two and three years old, although as they approach their third birthday they may already be called novillos or novillas. The novillo-toro is an animal thought unfit for a corrida de toros and therefore relegated to a novillada; he may be more than three years old. Such an animal may be physically imperfect (e.g., a deformed horn) or may have been a desecho de tienta (rejected at testing as unfit for a corrida de toros or for breeding). Unimpressive or disappointing novillos and toros may be referred to pejoratively as chotos or becerros; Hemingway uses the term “half-bull” for an animal that seems too young or light to him.14 Although so much depends on the age of the bull, authorities disagree how age is most accurately to be determined. Bull breeders’ statistics may be absent, inaccurate, incomplete, or for some other reason unacceptable to disagreeing parties. The Reglamento still links the stages of the animal’s development (becerro, novillo, toro) to its weight, but recognizes that they can be determined more accurately by the rings (anillos or rodetes) on the lower part of the horn (mazorca) and by the animal’s teeth. Doubts or disagreements about the animal’s age are therefore settled after the fight: the carcass is weighed, sometimes whole, but more usually after it has been skinned and stripped of its entrails and head (en canal), and the teeth are examined.15 Artículo 19 of the 1917 Reglamento was the first to call for a post mortem examination. It did not identify any one particular method of examination, perhaps because dental development is so obviously the most reliable guide. The 1962 Reglamento specified that the teeth are the deciding factor in disputes about the bull’s age.16 In 1969, when the Registry Book was introduced, bulls began to be branded with the last digit of the year but not the month of their birth. This was clearly an insufficient indicator of age, and the yearbrand was abolished in the 1992 Reglamento.

Corridas de prueba/Corridas de concurso As the bullfight developed, the emphasis shifted slowly from the mounted bullfighter to the one who fights on foot, and from the suerte de varas (the pic-ing) and the suerte de muerte (the killing) to the muleta work of the faena. But the animal itself necessarily and always remains the focus of attention, and perhaps nowhere more pointedly than in the tientas, which test young animals of both sexes, and in the corridas de prueba and the corridas de concurso, which evaluate full-grown bulls. In the corrida de prueba, a sort of entrance examination for ranches aspiring to membership in the Unión de Criadores de Toros de Lidia (UCTL, the bull breeders’ union), all the bulls are from the same ranch, or ganadería. Five or six such corridas are required to

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ensure that the ranch has been exposed to different sets of veterinarians and judges and thus to avoid charges of bribery, favoritism, or other wrong doing. The corrida de prueba may feature from three to six bulls and as many bullfighters. The corrida de concurso, on the other hand, features animals from different, already accredited ganaderías, in a competition that offers a prize to the bull that excels in a particular quality (for example, bravery, in which case the number of pics is not limited; or trapío, his appearance in repose and in action). Such a corrida generally presents six bulls from as many ganaderías, fought in order of seniority (antigüedad), usually by three bullfighters. The winning bull emerges with a large money prize, or a gold cup or silver tray; sometimes a commemorative plaque is affixed to a wall of the bullring. A particularly fine bull may be granted an indulto (pardon), in which case he is not killed in the ring. For other types of corridas, in which the bullfighter shares the limelight with the bull, refer to the section entitled “The Corrida,” later in this Introduction. Seniority (Antigüedad ) The seniority or antigüedad of the ganadería was an important concept in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, when it determined the order in which bulls were to be fought in the ring, just as the seniority of the bullfighters determines the order of their appearance. In the mid-nineteenth century, however, the bullfighter Francisco Arjona (Cúchares, 1818–1868) daringly suggested that the bullfighters who fight them, and not the bull breeder who nurtured them, should determine the allocation of the bulls, or the order in which they are fought.17 This challenge to the bull breeder’s power went unheeded, but a generation later the popular Luis Mazzantini (1856–1926, q.v. in HDIA) insisted on this privilege, and other bullfighters united behind him to demand a sorteo (the grouping of bulls into lots, with the bullfighters defining the lots) to guarantee a more equitable distribution of bulls. Bull breeders naturally objected to this procedure, and so did those bullfighters whose alliances with bull breeders assured them of precisely the bulls that best suited them, often to the detriment of fellow toreros. But matadores as a group were growing in prestige, the power shift was unstoppable, and by the end of the nineteenth century, the sorteo was opposed only by Emilio Torres (Bombita) and Rafael Guerra (Guerrita; qq.v. in HDIA). When Hemingway came to his first bullfights, the practice was already normalized in the Reglamento.18 This decline in the power of the bull breeder brought with it a lessening of the importance of the concept of antigüedad, or the seniority of the bulls.

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Antigüedad is difficult to define, because it involves both the breed and the breeder, and because the method of its acquisition has changed over the years. The best definition I have found reads as follows: Antigüedad de la ganadería. Independientemente del año de su fundación, se considera la del día que por primera vez han lidiado sus toros, con su hierro y divisa actual, en la plaza de toros de Madrid. La ganadería más antigua que figura en la relación de la UCTL es la de don José Vázquez Fernández, antigua de Aleas, cuya antigüedad es de 5 de mayo de 1788 (Independent of the year in which the bull-breeding ranch was established, its seniority dates from the day on which its bulls were fought, with their current brand and colors, in the Madrid bullring. The oldest bull-breeding ranch in the records of the UCTL is that of don José Vázquez Fernández, formerly the property of Aleas, whose seniority dates from 5 May 1788; my italics).19

Ironically, in the days when antigüedad was more important, it was easier to acquire: it dated from the first time that the bull breeder presented a minimum of two bulls in a Madrid corrida. But by the twentieth century, six bulls—the full complement required for a corrida—had to be fought in Madrid, displaying their breeder’s brand and colors. If any one of the six is disabled or discarded, the corrida does not establish the antigüedad, and the bull breeder must present another six bulls on a different afternoon. Although the brand (hierro) and colors (divisa) are usually spoken of in terms of the bulls that display them, they really belong to the owner of the herd, who may or may not sell these markers to whoever buys part or most or even all of the herd. Thus, a bull breeder could sell some or all of his animals and still retain the herd’s seniority, brand, and colors, which he can then attach to a another herd, even if it has a different pedigree and different characteristics. This could be done for ethical reasons: if, for example, the herd had deteriorated, the breeder might decide to take drastic measures, like discarding all the lesser animals in order to ensure the production of good bulls. It could also be done for profit: if, for example, a bull breeder had a fine herd, he could sell most of it, keep the antigüedad, and apply it to other animals— whether good or bad—that had been retained or recently acquired. Francisco Villar was criticized for just such sharp dealings. Having sold his stock and its antigüedad at a good price to Arturo Sánchez Cobaleda in 1928, he continued to charge high prices for lesser stock, albeit with different colors, to bullring impresarios who did not keep careful track of changes in ownership. Thus Villar destroyed the reputation and value of the ganado bravo he had sold to Sánchez Cobaleda.20 In the 1920s, when Hemingway began to study the bulls, transmission of antigüedad was still largely a matter of inheritance rather than sale. When a

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bull breeder died, the heirs could decide to own the herd jointly, keeping its antigüedad; or they could divide the property. In the latter case, the older son, assumed to be wiser in the ways of breeding, normally inherited a larger share of the herd, and the younger inherited the brand and colors, in the expectation that he would outlive his siblings and therefore the antigüedad would be less exposed to change. If they wished to continue breeding their share of the herd, the other heirs could choose new colors or design a new brand; they sometimes also kept the old date or antigüedad, a factor that caused much blurring of the concept. Even though the bull breeding world still has a long memory, keeping track of the genealogical and historical details involved in the tracing of antigüedad is difficult. The rules remain more or less the same: the brand and colors are usually transmitted with at least a fraction of the herd, and the new owners of the brand and colors, whether they inherited or bought them, can keep this antigüedad, presenting the bulls under the old name or their own name, but using the previous owner’s brand, colors, and antigüedad. But there are many variations. The new owners may decide to incorporate their new animals into their own herds and use their own antigüedad, especially if it is more ancient. Or they may keep the newly acquired herd separate, but design a new brand and choose new colors. In that case, the herd’s seniority will date from the first time a full complement of these bulls is fought in Madrid, and the old antigüedad will be lost, though the brand or a variant of it may emerge elsewhere. Further blurring of antigüedad was caused by the emergence of the tratante, a middle-man who acquired bulls and horses from a variety of ranches and then sold them to impresarios or plazas. When the bullring impresario, who is in charge of acquiring the ganado bravo to be fought in the plaza he runs, bought directly from the bull breeder, the latter often imposed conditions for the presentation of his bulls and the safeguarding of their health and his reputation. But when he sold to the tratante, the bull breeder lost control of his animals as soon as they left the ranch. Often, the bull breeder did not know when or where or by whom his bulls would be fought, or under what conditions they would be kept until the day of the fight.21 Other factors that also contributed to the gradual weakening of the bull breeders’ clout, the blurring of the breeds, and the confusions attending antigüedad include the increase in the number of herds, the more frequent changes of ownership, the increased cross-breeding, and the foregrounding of commercial concerns over history and tradition. As a result of all this, extinct brands or variants of old brands sometimes show up, quite legally but rather jarringly, on the flanks of a herd that is only very faintly, if at all, related to the herd originally marked with it or to the family that owned its antigüedad (see Gamero Cívico in this volume and Villar in HDIA).

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To solidify their deteriorating position, bull breeders organized the Unión de Criadores de Toros de Lidia in 1905. The UCTL deals with matters like brands, seniority, and registration of herds; collectively, they can prohibit a matador or impresario from banning or boycotting any individual ranch. Their frequent publications—a glossy quarterly journal called Toro bravo and an annual book-sized compendium that lists all its member herds, their brands, colors, antigüedades, histories, current owners, addresses, and telephone numbers—communicate changes to all interested parties.22 By the time Hemingway came to see bullfights in the 1920s, the bullfighter was required to heed the bulls’ antigüedad only on those occasions when the sorteo gave him bulls from two different ranches. In this case, he was required to fight the one with the greater seniority first. And the antigüedad of the ranches is still the determining factor in corridas de concurso, when several ranches are represented and the bulls are fought in order of their seniority: there is no sorteo. The Pedigreed Bull in the Twentieth Century In describing the first corrida he ever saw, Hemingway focused on the bull: “the bull was absolutely unbelievable. He seemed like some great prehistoric animal, absolutely deadly and absolutely vicious. . . . I had never known there was such an animal.”23 This bull, which Hemingway saw on 27 May 1923 in Madrid, and the bulls that he saw when he went to Pamplona in July of that year, were larger than those he saw later. There are two reasons for this. First, the plazas of Madrid and Pamplona, which Hemingway visited often, have always been partial to large bulls. And second, the Reglamentos of 1917 (still in force in 1923) and of 1923 (implemented early in 1924) mandated older and heavier bulls—about a hundred kilograms heavier—than the ones that followed them. Because Hemingway’s taste in bulls was formed in cities and in years that featured large bulls, he objected to the smaller, lighter bulls he saw later that decade or in the 1930s and 1950s. There were many reasons for the changes in the age and weight of the bull. Change: Reduction in Age and Weight, 1920s and 1930s Artículo 9 of Melchor Ordóñez’s 1847 ruling defined the bull as being between five and eight years old. Spain’s first national taurine Reglamento (1917), which unified and codified the rules governing various aspects of the bullfight, confirmed the toro’s minimum age as five years and defined minimum weights for first-class bullrings (at that time: Madrid, Barcelona, Seville, Bilbao, Valencia, Zaragoza, and San Sebastián) at a minimum of

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525 kilograms during the months from October to April, and 550 kilograms in the months that presented the most corridas, that is, May through September. In 1919, an amendment reduced the minimum age of the bull from five to four years; the Reglamento of 1923 (and the revision of 1924) maintained a minimum of four years and a maximum of seven, and increased the minimum weights to 545 kilograms in the months from October to April and to 570 kilograms for the rest of the year (that is, for the taurine season).24 These are the bulls prescribed for the bullrings Hemingway visited in the 1920s, though in practice, the bulls were frequently lighter and younger. This was because the revolutionary stylistic innovations introduced by Juan Belmonte required a smaller, faster, more responsive bull.25 To satisfy artistic requirements and matadors’ demands, bull breeders in the 1920s and early 1930s sometimes sent underage bulls into the bullring. Toros y toreros en . . ., a tolerant publication recognizing that Belmontistic maneuvers required these smaller, more agile bulls, remarked upon but accepted as necessary the occasional infractions of the law in terms of the age and weight of bulls. Tolerated infractions quickly led to intolerable abuses: in 1926, the same publication accused an influential breeder, Francisco Villar, of having crossed all permissible boundaries. The editors harshly remarked that the animals that Villar had sent to the Vitoria corrida de toros of 5 August looked as if they were two to three years old, far short of the requisite minimum of four years for toros de lidia.26 In 1930, the new Reglamento reduced the minimum weight drastically (by one hundred kilograms), to 470 kilograms for those bulls fought in plazas de primera categoría, 445 kilograms for secondrank plazas, and 420 for third-rank plazas.27 Change: Further Reduction in Weight, 1940s The Spanish Republic, declared on 1 March 1931, and the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) did much damage to Spain’s population of ganado bravo. The Second Republic, which favored agriculture over cattle and had little use for bullfighting, nationalized large tracts of grazing lands. Rural Andalusia, home to the nation’s most important bull-breeding ranches, suffered greatly during these tumultuous years (see Agrarian Reform in HDIA). Both before and during the Spanish Civil War, bulls were slaughtered in large numbers to satisfy hunger and ideology, and many strains of pedigreed stock were practically wiped out. The war was followed by years of drought, and bull breeders could not rebuild their decimated herds. With few bulls of the requisite age and weight, the choice was to do without bullfights at all, or to admit younger, lighter bulls (the medio-toro, or “half-bull”) into the ring. Opting for

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the second alternative, Spain was able to celebrate 73 corridas de toros in 1938, 125 of 1939, and about 150 in 1940.28 In March 1941, law caught up with practice and Artículo 27 of the still current 1930 Reglamento—the article that defined the minimum age and weight—was officially suspended, as were articles that defined the number of horses required per corrida: not only was there insufficient feed and water for all animals, but the smaller, weaker bulls required less pic-ing. Two years later, new minimum weights were defined: 423, 401, and 378 kilograms for corridas in first-, second-, and third-class rings.29 This marks a loss of about 50 kilograms from the already low standards set by the 1930 Reglamento, which had required 470, 445, and 420 kilograms for first-, second-, and thirdclass rings. The 1941 and 1943 rulings also provided a legal circumvention of the minimum age requirement. Every available animal was fought as soon as, and often before, it reached the minimum age of three, for novilladas, or four, for corridas. Under these conditions, more bullfights could be held. There were 246 corridas de toros in 1942 and 239 in 1943.30 The numbers continued to rise steadily: in the early and mid-1950s there were between 208 and 278 corridas a year, and from 1957 to 1962 the numbers were in the three hundreds.31 As the times eased, the bulls also grew in size. In 1959, a new article redefined the bull, almost restoring the pre-war norms. Minimum weights were set at ten kilograms below the 1930 standards (still much below the 1923 Reglamento): 460 kilograms in first-class rings (down 110 kilograms from the 1923 Reglamento), 435 in second-class rings, and 410 kilograms in thirdclass rings.32 That year, there were 334 corridas de toros and 382 novilladas picadas. By the mid-1960s, Spaniards could see about 600 corridas de toros a year. Change: The Shaving of the Horns (Afeitado) Although there may have been instances of the afeitado (shortening or shaving of the bulls’ horns) in the mid-nineteenth century, this was not really a problem in the years preceding Death in the Afternoon. The first important reference to the mutilation of horns is connected to one of Marcial Lalanda’s farewell corridas, in Valencia, 31 July 1942. The attendant scandal was insufficient to prevent the spread of the unwholesome practice.33 In The Dangerous Summer, Hemingway explains accurately that the shaved or sawed-off horn affects the bull’s accuracy and makes him uncertain (TDS, 46–47). Although some taurine experts disagree, most insist that shaving even one or two centimeters off the horn will have this effect. Hemingway also writes that if the horn is shaved too far back, coming close to ex-

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posing the living inner part of the horn (equivalent to the quick of the fingernail), the tip might become sensitive and painful, which would further dissuade the bull from using the horn (TDS, 46–47). But horns are seldom cut back that far: it would be too obvious, both in the size of the horn and the behavior of the bull. If only the tip is cut, most taurine experts contend, there is no increased sensitivity and the bull uses his horns as he would have if they had been untouched, except of course, that he is probably less accurate with them. The afeitado is an ugly procedure that involves the caging, trussing, and immobilizing of the animal, and then roping the horns so that they can be guided and pulled through an opening. Five or so centimeters are sawed off, the stump is cut and filed to a point, and this new point is darkened with oil, grease, dirt, or dung. The animal’s struggles to avoid the procedure weaken it, and the stress of the operation is considerable.34 In 1952, the conspiracy of silence surrounding the practice was broken thanks to the courageous statements issued by the bullfighter Antonio Bienvenida, the Madrid daily ABC, and the bull breeders Antonio Pérez de San Fernando, Conde de la Corte, and Domingo Ortega. The afeitado became a matter of heated public discussion,35 with the welcome result that on 10 February 1953, a codicil was added to the taurine Reglamento defining the very particular situations when it was permitted (in rejoneo, or in festivales where various ranks of bullfighters perform together, usually to raise money for charity, for example) and outlawing it in commercial and even in some of the fundraising corridas de toros, in which matadors do not charge fees and might therefore object to risking their lives. Although the new ruling defined implementation, policing, sanctions, and fines (both for bull breeders who permitted it and for bullfighters who demanded it), the afeitado was not eradicated. Bulls continued to be shaved through the 1960s, with fifteen such infractions, involving twenty-four bulls, noted in 1968. In 1980, infractions were noted in twenty-two corridas, involving thirty-two bulls, and the list is even longer for 1991.36 In 1994, a very heavy fine was imposed on a bull breeder: nine million pesetas (more than $100,000) and six months’ proscription.37 Although consistently forbidden in the Reglamento, up to and including the most recent one, the ugly practice seems ineradicable. Shaved bulls probably show up less seldom in the prestigious first-class rings like Madrid, Bilbao, and Pamplona, where the scandal would be quite far-reaching and fines inescapable, but such bulls do appear throughout the season, in all sorts of bullrings, every year. The financial pressure to shave bulls is tremendous, particularly when the bullfighter is popular or famous. His own manager, and the impresario who organizes the fiesta, have a great deal riding on the bullfighter; their obvious interest is to give the bullfighter the psychological and

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perhaps physical advantage of a shaved bull, so that his performance will be more lively and, should he be gored, to minimize the wound so that he will heal more quickly and return sooner to active service. The bullfighter himself is most directly “benefitted” by shaved horns but he also takes a huge risk— not only the usual risk of being gored, but the risk of scandal, which would damage his reputation and career. He may even object to having the horns shaved, in which case he has to fight the impresario, whose overriding interest is the health of the bullfighter who draws the crowds. Having a bullfighter put out of action at the beginning of an important fiesta means cancelations, substitutions, and loss of money. Either one or both of these powerhouses silence the bull breeder, who clearly does not want his animals tampered with but who, at the same time, needs to sell them. And so the shaving continues and silence is maintained so as not to offend the bull breeder, the bullfighter, or the organizers of the event, any one of whom might then be liable for fines and might refuse or be refused subsequent contracts. In the press, shaved bulls are euphemistically called sospechosos de pitones (having suspicious-looking horns), code for afeitado.38 The Post-War Medio-Toro Remarking the difference between the fighting bull before and after the Spanish Civil War, Díaz Cañabate writes: “Hasta la guerra . . . el toro mantiene como norma una cierta dignidad de bravura y trapío. Es a partir del 39, y sobre todo en los años 40, 50 y 60, cuando este gran protagonista de la fiesta, el toro, va a conocer sus momentos más bajos y tristes para el buen aficionado a la lucha a que antes se prestaba su casta” (Until the outbreak of the war . . . the bull still displayed a dignified measure of bravery and class. After 1939, and particularly in the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s, this great protagonist of the fiesta, the bull, reached his nadir, to the great sorrow of those who admired the powerful performances of his predecessors).39 Cossío puts it more delicately: “Años más cómodos para el toreo no creo que los registre la historia taurina en sus anales” (The conditions of the times—that is, the 1940s and 1950s—were unprecedentedly accommodating or comfortable for toreo). The smaller, younger, weaker bull that was fought out of necessity just after the war was replaced by the small but strong and spirited animal fought, out of preference, in the 1950s by tremendistas like Pedro Martínez (Pedrés), Antonio Borrero (Chamaco), Miguel Ortas, Miguel Báez (Litri), and Manuel Jiménez (Chicuelo II)—populist fighters who titillated their public with spectacular, hair-raising maneuvers. As Gregorio Corrochano explains, “Nunca tuvieron los toreros una situación más cómoda. . . . Se torea más cerca que jamás lo hiciera torero alguno. Y mejor, con un decantamiento del arte que

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llega a calidades plásticas desconocidas hasta entonces” (Bullfighters had never known such easy conditions . . . they were able to fight closer to the bull than ever before, achieving artistic heights heretofore unknown).40 The bullfighters who performed such tremendous feats—the tremendistas—drew toreristas (fans of toreros, or bullfighters) rather than toristas (admirers of toros, or bulls) to the bullrings. The medio-toro, or “half-bull,” that Hemingway despises in The Dangerous Summer is objectionable because he is too young or too light (that is, failing to meet even the reduced minimum weights of the 1930 Reglamento), or his horns have been tampered with, making him inaccurate with his horn thrusts. Such a bull is a disservice both to the matador and the public, because a matador who is inexperienced with older, heavier, intact animals is at a great disadvantage when he does have to fight such a bull (in bullrings like those of Madrid or Pamplona, which favor big bulls), and such a nervous, uncertain matador is more likely to be injured and less likely to provide the inspired, skillful toreo that will communicate emotion to the public. Hemingway wrote that Manolete had been able to perform showy maneuvers only because he fought especially bred-down bulls or bulls whose horns had been tampered with (TDS, 46–48). His complaint, which so angered the Spanish public, is not entirely unjustified, but it misses the broader picture. As Cossío pointed out, many bullfighters of the period enjoyed the same favorable conditions but only a few rose to such heights as Manolete. Besides, “Manolete era capaz de enfrentarse con toda clase de toros” (Manolete could handle any kind of bull) and to say that upon occasion he fought shaved or underweight bulls is merely to make a historically accurate but critically irrelevant remark.41 Jean Cau argues that both the shaving and the use of younger bulls are ineradicable but not necessarily undesirable practices: the public’s demand that the matador work in close proximity to the bull could not be satisfied with an older, fully armed bull. “A toro intacto y viejo, toreo distante, pero peligroso, pues el toro es viejo y está intacto. A toro afeitado y joven, toreo ceñido y, por ende, peligroso también” (An intact, old bull must be fought at a distance, but the fight will be dangerous, because the bull is old—that is, experienced— and because his horns are intact—that is, he can use them accurately. A young bull with shaved horns can be fought closely and the fight will, for that very reason, also be dangerous).42 We must always remember that whether he is young or old, light or heavy, or whether his horns are shaved or intact, the bull fought in a corrida de toros is a deadly contender, each one offering its own kind of challenge and its own type of danger. The bullfighter watches the bull carefully when it enters the ring in order to identify its strengths and weaknesses, and he watches it just as carefully as the fight develops. He adjusts his

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behavior to overcome the animal’s weaknesses (a problem with vision, a tendency to veer to the right or left, a refusal to charge, weakness in a leg) and to take advantage of its strengths (an eagerness to charge, stamina, responsiveness to the cape), so that he can make art with it and, at the same time, survive the making of art. The bullfighter knows full well that there is no such thing as a bull that is not dangerous.

THE BULLFIGHTER The term torero, or bullfighter, includes the rejoneador (mounted bullfighter), the picador, and the banderillero, as well as the matador. Each of these figures has its own history. By the time Hemingway came to the bullfight, the matador was the cynosure of all eyes, and so his career will be described in much detail. The Rejoneador The rejoneador or caballero en plaza is the original bullfighter. These first bullfighters were aristocratic warriors who, to sharpen and display their skills in peacetime, rode, hunted, jousted, and performed with bulls. As the word caballero indicates, these aristocrats were mounted (caballo is Spanish for horse), and the rejoneador is, by definition, a mounted bullfighter. One of the attractions of rejoneo is the delicate coordination between the rider and his well-bred and well-trained horses. Together, they play and kill the bull. In the seventeenth century, rejoneadores were routinely seconded by unmounted attendants (chulos, q.v.) who had little prestige: they merely positioned the bull and, if the fighter could not kill the bull from horseback, as often happened, they finished his work. These unmounted bullfighters are the ancestors of today’s banderilleros and matadors. By the beginning of the eighteenth century, they were attracting as much if not more attention than the rejoneadores themselves. But even today, when the torero de a pie (bullfighter on foot) is the undisputed star of the show, the rejoneador will be named first in the cartel (poster or announcement), to indicate that the mounted bullfighter takes precedence. And he is usually given the title of don (de origen noble, of noble or aristocratic descent), because he occupies the position of an aristocrat, even if he is not one himself. The Picador The picador or varilarguero (person who wields a pic or long staff) also has a long and complicated history. The tools he uses indicate his descent from

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the vaquero (cowboy) or mayoral (ranch foreman) who manages and tests animals by means of a staff or goad. In the tienta (testing of the calves), the animal’s bravery is measured by his willingness to charge a mounted man armed with a pic. In the bullring, this important characteristic is revealed by his behavior vis-à-vis the picadors. As a mounted bullfighter, the picador is also related to the caballeros of old and to their descendants, the aristocratic rejoneadores. This distinguished lineage was reflected in the carteles which, until about the middle of the nineteenth century, gave the picador precedence over matadors who fought on foot. In the eighteenth century, three mounted picadors awaited the entrance of the bull into the ring, remained on duty and ready to act for the rest of the bullfight, and left the ring only when the dead bull was removed. The suerte de varas was thus synchronous with the whole fight. In the early nineteenth century, the picadors’ stay in the ring was drastically shortened: they left the bullring as soon as the banderilleros began their work. This clarified the difference between the different acts and between the several professionals who intervened in the bullfight.43 Late in the nineteenth century, the number of picadors was reduced from three to two. As the picador’s role was modified and reduced, his name moved down on the carteles. Early carteles gave prominence to the picadors, but by the 1920s, their names, like those of the banderilleros, appeared in small print, if they were listed at all, and the matadors and bull breeders headed the carteles. In spite of this descent in prestige, the picador is distinguished from other members of the matador’s cuadrilla (team) by the fact that he is entitled to wear gold embroidery to indicate that, like the mounted matadors from whom he is descended, he was permitted to kill the bull. The Banderillero Banderilleros, or peones de brega,44 work at the orders of their matador. Many start their careers with the hope of becoming matadors: the connection to the matador is that of apprentice to master. But the road is difficult, and most young men fail to achieve the rank of matador de novillos or, if they do manage to become novilleros, to maintain that rank or to advance to the next. Such men swell the ranks of professional banderilleros. Some matadores de toros, including such famous ones as Cayetano Ordóñez (Niño de la Palma, q.v.), are so bedeviled by the problems and stresses of their profession that they resign their alternativas and become banderilleros. Many banderilleros have gained fame and enjoyed long careers, their experience making them invaluable to the matador who employs them. To indicate

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that they are not permitted to kill the bull, banderilleros wear silver trim and are sometimes known as hombres de plata (men of silver). The Matador The bullfighters Hemingway looks at most closely are the matadores (literally, killers). They are generally young men in their twenties and thirties, and for many, these years, when body and reflexes are finely tuned, mark the peak of their careers. By focusing on the active years of the career itself, Hemingway necessarily neglects the long apprenticeship that precedes it and the long retirement that usually follows it. The following chronological summary attempts to provide a more complete picture of the stages of a bullfighter’s life. Like any generic composite, it is necessarily rough. Childhood, Youth, and Education The entry into the profession is forbiddingly difficult. Some aspirantes have the way smoothed for them by family connections or by wealth, but in general the young aspirant must overcome familial and financial obstacles as he attempts to become educated in his craft and to master the politics of the taurine world. In Hemingway’s day, most aspiring bullfighters dropped out of school to follow the bulls. Families with a strong taurine tradition accepted and even expected such behavior; in other families, it was often the source of great friction, and not a few bullfighters, like Ignacio Sánchez Mejías, ran away from home (his family wanted him to study medicine). In poor families, where education is a luxury, the conflict is between the benefits of a job and the unprofitability of bull fever. Whatever their family situation, most bullfighters begin their training while they are still children. The aspirant may or may not attend a bullfighting academy, but even if he does, he will probably profit most from the instruction offered by other bullfighters. Such instruction, while valuable, is usually haphazard, consisting of a pointer here or there. He will probably practice toreo de salón with a fellow enthusiast, who will run at him with a set of horns or with a carretilla (a mechanical contraption that looks like a bicycle wheel with longish handles, to which horns have been attached): the handheld horns are used for training in cape and muleta work, the carretilla can also be used for practice in placing the banderillas and the sword. Most desirable, of course, is work with live animals, in tientas (where two-year-olds are tested), becerradas (in which animals younger than three years old are fought), capeas (improvised village bullfights), or, more daring and illegal, in the fields where the bulls graze: here the aspirant is in danger from the herd keeper and the police, as well as the animals.

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During these years, the aspirant, usually still in his teens, may have acquired a patron (an older bullfighter, a bull breeder, sometimes a relative, neighbor, or family friend) who will provide instruction, introductions, or financial aid. Or he may have attracted a professional apoderado (manager) who will offer to negotiate the profession’s treacherous politics in exchange for high fees and a sizable percentage of his potential profits.45 In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, cuadrillas of child performers were popular (see Niños Cordobeses and Niños Sevillanos in HDIA), and in some families boys as young as ten or twelve years old performed with their older brothers. Child labor laws, instituted around 1915, barred children younger than sixteen from working. The ban was inscribed into the 1917 and 1923 Reglamentos,46 and some very young bullfighters, most famously the Bienvenida and Dominguín brothers, were taken by their families to Latin America, where no such ban forbade them the bullring. The ban seems to have been temporarily lifted late in 1928, which enabled José Mejías (Pepe Bienvenida) to perform in Spain in 1929, when he was fifteen. But the taurine code of 1930 again specified sixteen as the minimum age (Artículo 124); this was still in effect in 1940, when Luis Miguel Dominguín performed outside of Spain until attaining minimum age.47 The age requirement was dropped in 1962 and subsequent Reglamentos, although Spain’s labor laws still forbid persons under the age of sixteen to perform in espectáculos públicos. Managers and parents of child prodigies like Diego Puerta (born 1941), Emilio Muñoz (born 1962), Juan Antonio Ruiz Román (Espartaco, born 1962), José Cubero (el Yiyo, born 1964), José Miguel Arroyo Delgado (Joselito, born 1969), Jesús Janeiro (Jesulín de Ubrique, born 1974), José Antonio Morante (Morante de La Puebla, born 1978), and Julián López (El Juli, born 1982) have, however, been successful in obtaining the required written dispensation that allowed their charges to appear in novilladas and novilladas picadas (with picadors) in Spain at the ages of fifteen and even fourteen. But very few aspirants become novilleros at such a tender age. The Matador de Novillos If he is talented, persistent, clever, successful, uninjured, lucky, and can afford it, the aspirant bullfighter rises to the rank of matador de novillos or novillero, fighting first in novilladas (bullfights in which he kills a bull that is at least three years old) without picadors and then in the more expensive ones, with picadors. He may also perform in corridas mixtas, which also feature graduated matadores de toros, or in informal festivales, which might also feature graduated matadores de toros as well as aficionados prácticos (enthusiasts with training but no formal rank). In these festivales, all the participants,

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regardless of rank, fight novillos (often though not always with picadors) and wear the traje corto (high-waisted country suit) instead of the traje de luces (suit of lights). Sometimes an unemployed or aspiring bullfighter suddenly leaps into the bullring, hoping thus to draw attention to himself and perhaps launch a career. Most espontáneos are quickly removed, as the law requires, but occasionally the move succeeds, as it did for the impoverished Manuel Benítez (el Cordobés), who began his spectacular and highly profitable career by leaping into the arena of Las Ventas, on 28 April 1957. Today, with the proliferation of taurine schools and novilladas, aspiring bullfighters have more possibilities, and it seems that the improved economic situation has curbed the espontáneo more efficiently than the earlier rulings, fines, and arrests.48 Presentation in Madrid: The Debut A novillero’s Madrid debut was and is an important but not necessary milestone in his career. In Hemingway’s day, as today, it usually takes place after the novillero has obtained a good reputation in lesser rings. Because of the cachet attached to a Madrid debut, almost all important novilleros appear in Madrid on their way to their alternativas. Of course, an unfortunate Madrid performance can derail or even destroy a career, but a sparkling afternoon may generate large audiences and lucrative contracts. Important as it is, the Madrid debut does not guarantee promotion to the final rank, matador de toros. The Doctorate (Alternativa) and Its Confirmation The alternativa, or promotion to matador de toros, is a solemn event in the life of a bullfighter. It can be conferred only by an accredited matador de alternativa, and he grants the doctorado by ceding his own turn in the bullfight to the candidate. The ceremony is short: the senior matador hands the candidate the sword and muleta that he will use with the bull and welcomes him into the rank with a few words of advice and encouragement. All the details surrounding the ceremony are significant: the date, the bullring, the bulls, the officiating matadors, and their performances. An alternativa taken during an important fiesta in a first-class bullring, attended by topranked matadors and involving bulls of good breeding, weight, and repute, carries the same cachet as a doctorate granted by a first-class department in a venerable university. An alternativa granted in an ordinary corrida in a lesser bullring draws much less attention, although the bullfighter may subsequently, by his own merits, assure himself a place in the annals of the bullfight.

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Although a matador de toros’ seniority dates from his promotion to that rank in whatever bullring the ceremony occurred, all alternativas granted outside of Madrid must be confirmed (i.e., repeated, validated) in Madrid within a reasonable amount of time.49 In Hemingway’s day, the alternativa was granted whenever the conditions could be arranged for it. That is, the novillero must feel himself ready for it, a senior matador must agree to grant it, a second matador to witness it, an impresario to host it, and financial arrangements satisfactory to all parties must be negotiated.50 Today, the matador de novillos becomes eligible for promotion to matador de toros by performing in a minimum of twenty-five novilladas picadas (with picadors) within the preceding two years. At least twelve of them must have taken place in first- and second-rank plazas, though not necessarily in Madrid. Having satisfied these conditions, the matador de novillos or his representative must then settle all the other details concerning the sponsoring matadors, the plaza, the finances, and so on.51 Because the granting of the alternativa permanently links the padrino (the godfather who grants it) and the ahijado (the godson who receives it) in both their curricula vitae, such pairings are not lightly undertaken. The individuals involved are usually connected to each other in some significant way: they may be relatives, compatriots (from the same region of Spain), or subscribers to the same taurine style or philosophy. Often they are linked by several of these affinities. Premature Promotion In Death in the Afternoon, Hemingway argues against what he calls premature promotions. He finds that these were popular in the mid-1920s when audiences, desperate for an heir to José Gómez Ortega (Joselito, 1895–1920), idolized promising young bullfighters. Hemingway writes that Antonio de la Haba (Zurito), Martín Agüero, Manolo Martínez, and Victoriano de la Serna were all promoted prematurely. If Hemingway is speaking of age, the word premature is difficult to justify in these cases: Martínez was twenty-seven years old when he was promoted, and the other three were twenty-one or twenty-two years old. And nowhere does Hemingway complain about the promotions of other very young men, like Luis Miguel González (Dominguín), promoted at age fifteen; or Manuel Mejías (Manolo Bienvenida) and Fermín Espinosa (Armillita Chico), both promoted at age sixteen; or José Mejías (Pepe Bienvenida), Manuel Jiménez (Chicuelo), Pepe Amorós, and David Liceaga, all promoted at age seventeen; or Vicente Barrera, promoted at eighteen; or Manuel Granero, Enrique Torres, and Manuel Báez (Litri),

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promoted at nineteen. Some but not all of these bullfighters were frequently gored; many had long, successful careers. Age is, of course, an inaccurate marker for knowledge: a boy who grows up in a bullfighting environment, like the Bienvenidas or Antonio de la Haba (Zurito), acquires solid experience of bulls well before his twentieth birthday—and yet Hemingway considers Zurito’s promotion at age twenty-three premature. Hemingway writes that “an apprenticeship should continue until the craft has been mastered” (DIA, 254), but it is difficult to know what this means.52 If Hemingway means “until the bullfighter has acquired a sufficient repertoire,” he disregards the many professional bullfighters who enjoyed long and even memorable careers with limited repertoires. Besides, other factors, like personality, grace, and talent, may warrant a promotion. In any case, the promotion to matador de toros does not mean that education ceases at this point. Most bullfighters continue to expand their repertoires and improve their styles for the first decade after their promotions: Belmonte is perhaps the most outstanding example. And external factors affect a matador’s development as well, both before and after promotion: the competition he faces, the skill of his manager, his health, his family, his relationships with other bullfighters, the country’s economic and even its political situation, and, of course, luck—the bulls he draws, the weather at the corrida, the behavior of the crowd (an espontáneo could disrupt events), or any of a variety of unforeseeable accidents (the bull might slip and break a leg, the bullfighter’s sash might become undone, a banderillero might have a heart attack, and so on). Length of Career Because matadors’ careers are interrupted by injuries, political problems, personal issues, and other external factors, defining a “long” career is problematic. A career can be described as long if the bullfighter has performed in many corridas or has spent many years in the ring. The two are not necessarily related. A skilled bullfighter who escapes injury and is popular with the crowds and the impresarios can achieve an impressive number of corridas in a relatively short time, whereas a frequently injured or less popular bullfighter may require twice or three times as many temporadas (seasons) to achieve a similar number of corridas. In terms of years, a bullfighter who started his professional life in his late teens or early twenties and is still performing in his forties is said to have had a long career, even if his career was interrupted by retirements or if there were years during which, for whatever reasons, he

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performed seldom. Among the many bullfighters who have enjoyed or, sometimes, suffered through long careers, in terms of years, we can list Pedro Romero, Salvador Sánchez (Frascuelo), Fermín Espinosa (Armillita Chico), Luis Freg, Rafael Gómez Ortega (el Gallo), Nicanor Villalta, Manuel Jiménez (Chicuelo), José Mejías (Pepe Bienvenida), and Domingo Ortega. One of the longest and most successful careers in the history of bullfighting is that of Rafael Molina (Lagartijo, 1841–1900): he was nine years old when he first performed, twenty-three when he was promoted to matador de toros, and over fifty when he retired. He is said to have performed in 1,645 corridas, although the number cannot be verified. Modern examples of taurine longevity include two bullfighters born in the early 1930s who were still performing in 2000: Antonio Chenel (Antoñete, alternativa in 1953) and Francisco Romero López (Curro Romero, alternativa in 1959). It is important to distinguish between a bullfighter with a long career and one who has become a figura, an enduring presence or personality of toreo, because of his individual contribution to the art. Pedro Romero, Rafael Molina (Lagartijo), Salvador Sánchez (Frascuelo), Rafael Gómez Ortega (el Gallo), and Domingo Ortega, all masters who enjoyed long careers, are indisputably figuras del toreo, while someone like the Peruvian Ángel Valdés (el Maestro, 1838–1911), who began fighting at twenty and fought his last bull in his early seventies, is cherished in his own country but is little more than an esoteric footnote in the history of Spanish bullfighting. Length of career, in terms of numbers of corridas or years of service, is not necessarily the equivalent of fame or influence. One of the greatest figuras of all times is José Gómez Ortega (Joselito), who was killed in his mid-twenties. Another twentieth-century figura, Manuel Rodríguez Sánchez (Manolete, 1917–1947), had a similarly “short” career. Injury Injuries require a bullfighter to absent himself from the ring, but these enforced absences are often surprisingly short (bullfighters seem to heal more quickly than other people). Not infrequently a bullfighter attempts to fight before he is fully healed: the phrase se resintió means that the injury prevented him from performing as he wished to, or that because of his premature reappearance he aggravated the original injury and had to cancel subsequent contracts. In reading the statistics on the numbers of corridas or performances, we must take injuries into account. A serious injury can depress the statistics considerably, especially if it occurs early in the season, and an active but convalescing bullfighter will perform less well, which makes him a less attractive commodity for impresarios who are casting bullfighters for fights later in

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the season. Occasionally, injuries are so crippling that they spell the end of a career.53 Dr. Francisco (Paco) Serra, attached to the Valencia bullring, was the first to use penicillin in the treatment of a bullfighter. On 14 October 1944, he gave the new antibiotic to Manuel Cortés, a novillero whose badly gored leg he had to amputate. Penicillin has since saved the lives and limbs of countless bullfighters. As Nicanor Villalta put it, “Esto es lo que divide precisamente el toreo en dos épocas: antes y después del doctor Fleming” (It is precisely this which divides bullfighting into two periods: before and after Dr. Fleming).54 A statue honoring Dr. Alexander Fleming (1881–1955) stands in the front courtyard of Las Ventas, Madrid’s bullring. For more detail, see Penicillin. Retirement Injuries aside, bullfighting is a physically and psychologically exhausting profession. The successful bullfighter is exhausted by his schedule and made anxious by the fickle public, the competition edging up on him, and the aging of his own body. The less successful bullfighter lives with the constant, debilitating fear that his skills—probably the only skills he possesses—are insufficient to support him, his family, and his cuadrilla. Lacking the built-in relief of the sabbatical, that blessed institution that permits academics and other stressed-out professionals to recoup their energies and regain their balance, bullfighters sometimes absent themselves from the ring for part or all of a season, or for several seasons.55 Formal retirements, or despedidas, are usually the occasion for a round of special bullfights (corridas de despedida), as the matador takes leave of his audiences in several cities. Like any other bullfight, these are sometimes triumphant, indicating that the matador is in full control of his powers and might return to the ring; occasionally they are an embarrassment, which indicates that the retirement is overdue. For most matadors, retirement is an impermanent condition, soon rescinded. Except for those killed within a few years of their alternativas (e.g., Manuel Granero, José Gómez Ortega [Joselito], Manuel Rodríguez [Manolete]), almost all of the major bullfighters named in Death in Afternoon and The Dangerous Summer retired at some point and then returned to the ring, sometimes only to fight novillos in the occasional festival, more often to perform in corridas de toros.56 Multiple retirements are not unusual: Antonio Chenel (Antoñete, born in 1932) retired in 1975, 1985, and 1997, quitting the ring for good only when he suffered a cardiovascular collapse during a bullfight in July 2001; he was almost seventy. Notable exceptions to this pattern were Rafael González (Machaquito), Rafael Guerra (Guerrita), and Ricardo Torres Reina (Bombita), whom Hemingway never

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saw, and Rodolfo Gaona, Marcial Lalanda, and Joaquín Rodríguez (Cagancho), whose first retirements were also their last. Francisco Romero López (Curro Romero), who became a matador de toros in 1959, performed every single year until he retired, without the fanfare of corridas de despedida, on 22 October 2000. Matadors whose careers are faltering sometimes resign their alternativas and return to the ring in another capacity, as matadores de novillos or as banderilleros. Some, but not many, regain their standing as matador de toros. The move to a lesser rank is controversial, admired in some quarters as an expression of an afición so strong that the bullfighter finds himself unable to abandon the ring, derided in others as a lack of respect for the rank of matador de toros, or as a lack of amor propio (self-respect). Regional and national taurine politics can also shorten or end a career. Regional preferences dictate who is contracted for local ferias, and on a more national scale, many bullfighters complain that restrictions or even outright vetoes imposed by powerful impresarios or managers lock them out of certain bullrings or even jostle them out of the profession entirely (refer to “Impresarios, Apoderados, and the Rise of los Trusts,” later in this Introduction). National politics and jealousies also disrupt careers: in March 1936, Spanish bullfighters imposed a boycott against the Mexicans,57 which naturally enough resulted in a similar retaliatory measure against the Spaniards, for whom a winter tour of Central and South American rings had always proved profitable. Many careers collapsed. The Civil War, of course, ended many careers, and after the Civil War, Republican bullfighters and would-be bullfighters were forced into exile. And sexual politics derail the few women who have managed to enter the profession: in the late 1990s, Cristina Sánchez blamed her unwilling and premature retirement upon influential male colleagues who boycotted her. Other Careers Matadors being a highly individual lot, the post-retirement careers they pursue are varied. Some, like Ignacio Sánchez Mejías, turned to literature; others, like Antonio Calvache, Pepito Fernández Aguayo, and John Fulton, became photographers or painters; and not a few appeared in movies. Most of these post-bullring careers have a strong taurine flavor, since in the great majority of cases, the passion for the bulls endures. Many retired bullfighters, if they are wealthy enough, become bull breeders. Others maintain their connection to the profession by becoming impresarios of bullrings, managers of other bullfighters’ careers (apoderados), advisors to the president in a bullring (asesores técnicos) or to a bull breeder

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(conocedores or veedores), teachers in taurine academies, or mentors to relatives or to promising bullfighters. The more powerful ones, like the Dominguíns, combine several of these functions (refer to “Impresarios, Apoderados, and the Rise of los Trusts,” following). Death One of the basic assumptions of the bullfight is that the matador will emerge alive. Hemingway’s definition of the bullfight indicates that he understood this very clearly: “The formal bullfight is a commercial spectacle built on the planned and ordered death of the bull and that is its end. Horses are killed incidentally. Men are killed accidentally . . . in a perfect bullfight no men are wounded nor killed and six bulls are put to death in a formal and ordered manner by men who expose themselves to the maximum of danger. . . . It is the lack of understanding of this view-point in the public which has made the bullfight unexplainable to non-Spaniards” (caption to the penultimate illustration, DIA, 404, my italics). The fact that a bullfighter is supposed to survive the corrida is so basic that a fatal goring produces a whole library of professional worry and study. The bullfighter who dies while in the exercise of his profession is not forgotten by the taurine public and press: he is memorialized on the anniversary of his death, he becomes part of the history of the breed of the bull that killed him and, often, his death casts a pall over the bullring where he was killed. Some of the minor bullrings that have achieved such unwelcome prominence are Talavera de la Reina, where José Gómez Ortega (Joselito) was killed on 16 May 1920; Manzanares, where Ignacio Sánchez Mejías was fatally gored on 11 August 1934 (he died two days later, in Madrid); Linares, where Manuel Rodríguez Sánchez (Manolete) was gored on 28 August 1947 (he died in the early hours of the next morning); and Pozoblanco, where Francisco Rivera (Paquirri) was gored on 26 September 1984 (he died en route to the hospital in Córdoba). The dates, the places, and the breed resonate somberly in the bullfighting world, which is very conscious of its history and rather prone to superstition. More matadors have been killed in accidents outside than inside the ring. In 1927, Francisco Ferrer was killed in a car crash, the first bullfighter to fall victim to this new mode of transportation. Fausto Barajas died in a car crash in 1934, and in 1953 Ricardo Torres became the first Mexican matador killed on the road: he died in a bus crash. As more bullfighters took to the roads the statistics became grimmer: the decade 1963–1973 saw nine matadores de toros killed in car crashes (including the great Carlos Arruza, in 1966), and by 1983 the total had grown to eighteen. In those same two decades, 1963–1983,

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three bullfighters of that rank died as a result of being gored or otherwise injured while working with a bull. The Mexican Héctor Saucedo was the first matador to die in an airplane crash, in 1954; the Spaniard Manuel Jiménez (Chicuelo II) died similarly in 1960. Between these two dates, no matadores de toros were killed in the ring. Between 1837 and 1983, almost one hundred and fifty years, at least eight matadors were shot to death (not counting the huge number of those who fell in the Spanish Civil War) and seven committed suicide, suggesting that the human being is more of a danger to his own species than the toro bravo is. (These are limited statistics, in that they refer to only one of the several ranks of bullfighters.) A surprising number of bullfighters of various ranks have died of heart attacks during or shortly after an encounter with ganado bravo. To mention just a few: in 1926, the famous banderillero Enrique Berenguet (Blanquet) suffered a fatal heart attack soon after a corrida; he was still wearing his traje de luces. The matador de novillos Cándido Tiebas died suddenly of a heart attack in the callejón, on 9 March 1930; and the rejoneador Simâo da Veiga also suffered a fatal heart attack just after a corrida, in 1959. On 3 March 1968, the matador Pepe Bienvenida died of a heart attack after placing the banderillas, in Lima, and the picador Agustín Alonso Sanjosé suffered a fatal heart attack in a tienta, in February 1973. Luis Segura died of a heart attack during a festival on 16 February 1975; he was thirty-seven years old. On 27 January 1981, Jorge Aguilar (el Ranchero) died while working with the muleta in a tienta, and the banderillero Mariano Martín Aguilar (Carriles) died of a heart attack in a corrida on 29 July 1982.58 The two brothers-in-law featured in The Dangerous Summer are gone: Luis Miguel Dominguín died in 1996 and Antonio Ordóñez in 1998. Gone also are several of the other matadors whom Hemingway mentioned in that book: Manuel Jiménez Díaz (Chicuelo II) died in 1960, Antonio Mejías (Bienvenida) in 1975, Curro Girón and Domingo Ortega in 1988, and Pepe Dominguín and Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín) in 2003. To those who shared carteles with them, and to all bullfighters who follow them into the bullring, we wish long years and mucha suerte.

THE BULLRING Classification of Spanish Bullrings In the hierarchical world of bullfighting, even bullrings are ranked, their status defined by politics, law, and tradition. The Reglamento of 1917 decreed

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that the bullrings of Barcelona (both the Monumental and Las Arenas), Bilbao, Madrid (the one on the Aragón Road), San Sebastián, Seville, Valencia, and Zaragoza were plazas de primera categoría (first-class bullrings). The 1923 code, revised and implemented in 1924, added La Barceloneta (in the port area of Barcelona) and Vista Alegre (in Madrid) to the roster of first-class bullrings.59 This listing was perpetuated almost intact in the next Reglamento (1930). La Barceloneta (Barcelona) retained its classification, even though it was no longer in use; Vista Alegre was reduced to second-rank; and Las Ventas (although not yet inaugurated) was added to the list: it was destined to be Madrid’s ranking bullring. This 1930 Reglamento was the first taurine code to define the secondrank plazas (de segunda categoría). These were: Madrid’s smaller bullrings (Vista Alegre and Tetuán de las Victorias), the bullrings located in all the remaining provincial capitals (i.e., those capitals whose bullrings were not de primera categoría), and the plazas of Algeciras, Aranjuez, Calatayud, Cartagena, Gijón, Jerez de la Frontera, Linares, Mérida, and El Puerto de Santa María. All others bullrings were considered third-rank (de tercera categoría). In the 1962 Reglamento, Barcelona had two plazas de primera categoría (Las Arenas and La Monumental), and Madrid one, the Plaza Monumental de Las Ventas. Calatayud was removed from the list of plazas de segunda categoría, all the others retaining the rankings they had been assigned in the 1930 Reglamento. In the next major revision, the Reglamento of 1992, the plazas were not listed by name. Instead, the bullrings of provincial capitals that were traditionally classified as first-rank retained that ranking, and any bullrings that celebrate an annual minimum of fifteen taurine events, at least ten of which are corridas de toros, are also considered plazas de primera categoría. The bullrings of all other provincial capitals are ranked de segunda categoría, and all of Spain’s remaining bullrings are de tercera categoría.60 The rankings’ most visible effect is the ruling about the size of the bulls, with heavier bulls mandated for first-class rings. Other requirements (e.g., the minimum number of pics, the kind and number of supplies in the infirmaries) are also more stringent for the first-class rings. Five of Spain’s bullrings are owned, managed, supported by or otherwise connected to maestranzas or real maestranzas de caballería (awkward translation for this untranslatable phrase: a royal guild of armed cavalry), which are venerable organizations established by royal edict to organize aristocrats and noblemen into societies where they could hone their horsemanship and military skills in times of peace, thus assuring the king of a constant and ready supply of loyal, free, and well-trained military leaders should the need arise. Some of the maestranzas devolved from already existent societies devoted to

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the worship of a particular saint (cofradías), in whose honor they gave charity and performed other good deeds. The transition from religious cofradía to the more militarily minded maestranza presented no problems, since the church and the Spanish nobility have traditionally had a close relationship. Because they served under royal patronage, maestrantes were proud to be admitted as members of the maestranza. To qualify, they had to prove that they were Spanish, Roman Catholic, descended of aristocratic grandparents on both sides (and, if married, that their wives were similarly aristocratic), of excellent moral character, free of debt, and eager to serve their king and country if called. Membership in a maestranza is usually hereditary. Maestranzas vie with each other for the honor of being the oldest, though they figure their age variously. The oldest is probably that of Ronda, established by King Philip II (q.v. in HDIA) in 1572 or 1573 (reports vary), after the Crusades were over, the Moors had been expelled, and Spain had been united into one kingdom under the Catholic kings (the reconquista). At that point, there was ostensibly no more occasion for internal war, but Philip was involved in many international conflicts, sending the Spanish Armada against England in 1588 and having uneasy relations with France, the Netherlands, and other countries. It is not difficult to understand the value of a maestranza to this ruler. Sevilla’s maestranza was established in 1670, Granada’s in 1686, Valencia’s in 1697, and Zaragoza’s in 1819. By tracing its history back to a cofradía instead of to the royal decree of 1819, Zaragoza, the youngest, claims to be the oldest. Spain had fourteen maestranzas nationwide. Some of them, like that of Granada, sponsored bullfights in order to raise funds for themselves, their king, their city, their saint, and their favorite charities and even today several maestranzas are associated with bullrings, most notably those of Ronda and Seville.61 In fact, Seville’s bullring, built in the eighteenth century, is called La Maestranza. Size of Bullrings Because Hemingway’s tastes were formed in the Madrid bullrings he had known in the 1920s, he complained that Las Ventas “is too big to give real emotion. Even at ringside you are too far away from everything unless it is happening close in front of you. . . . [In] the old ring . . . you could see everything so well that even a bad fight was interesting because you saw the details so closely.”62 As a practical aficionado pointed out, the ideal size of the arena depends on whether one is working in it, in which case the larger area is preferable, or whether one is sitting safely outside it, in which case the smaller area affords the better view.

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The Bullrings of Madrid Madrid’s records indicate that bullfights were held as early as 1546. Portable wooden bullrings were erected in the city’s main squares to house these spectacles, the most important of them taking place in the Plaza Mayor. Madrid has had permanant bullrings at least since the eighteenth century. Traditionally, Madrid’s is the premier bullring of Spain and, therefore, of the taurine world. In the years Hemingway went to the bullfights, he visited several bullrings in the province of Madrid (e.g., Aranjuez, q.v.) and in the city of Madrid proper: the small ones at Tetuán de las Victorias and Vista Alegre (Carabanchel), and the larger ones on the Aragón Road and at Las Ventas. Puerta de Alcalá

Madrid’s first permanent bullring was built near the Palacio del Buen Retiro, where the Museo del Ejército (Military Museum) now stands. It was a luxurious, roofed wooden structure, suitable for its audience of aristocrats and royalty. King Philip V (1683–1746) ordered the construction of another wooden bullring that would admit the general public and raise money to support the government’s ministers. It was built nearby, just outside the city boundaries (which were demarcated by the Alcalá gate, or Puerta de Alcalá), in the block where today’s Serrano, Alcalá, and Claudio Coello streets converge. This bullring was inaugurated in 1743. Shortly after his accession, the next king, Ferdinand VI, generously decreed that the proceeds of the bullfights held at the Puerta de Alcalá bullring be used to support Madrid’s general hospitals. A few years later, he ordered that this wooden structure be replaced by a larger, more imposing masonry bullring. The construction took several years, but the bullring, which could seat twelve thousand spectators, was finally inaugurated in 1754. In the new bullring’s charter, Ferdinand VI transferred ownership of the property from himself to Madrid’s hospitals. Periodically remodeled and expanded, this bullring served Madrid for 120 years. The last corrida was celebrated on 16 August 1874 and the building was torn down soon after. Tetuán de las Victorias

In the 1870s Madrid acquired two plazas de toros. The smaller one, located at Tetuán de las Victorias, was built in 1870–1872 and inaugurated with a festive corrida on 4 October 1874. It was a charming two-story, square building that could seat seven thousand spectators at the time Hemingway knew it. Al-

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though it had been remodeled and improved several times, its basic character remained unchanged and it reflected its nineteenth-century origins. During the Spanish Civil War it was used to store munitions, and an explosion so damaged the building that it had to be torn down. Carretera de Aragón

The bullring on the Aragón Road was inaugurated on 4 September 1874, shortly after the closing of the one at the Puerta de Alcalá and one month before the inauguration of its smaller sister at Tetuán de las Victorias. With a seating capacity of 13,210, it was Madrid’s main bullring until 1934. But even before Hemingway came to Spain for his first bullfight in 1923, Madrid had decided that this large bullring was insufficient for its growing population. The question of whether to enlarge it or replace it raged in taurine circles. The fifty-year-old ring on the Aragón Road was beautiful and rich in tradition, and it was only after long and bitter argument that a new site, at Las Ventas, was chosen. Today, the Sports Palace occupies the location where Hemingway saw so many bullfights in the 1920s and early 1930s. Vista Alegre

The much smaller bullring known as Vista Alegre, which is situated in Carabanchel Bajo, falls within the city limits of Madrid. Construction began in 1906 and it was inaugurated on 15 July 1908, in a corrida featuring Ricardo Torres Reina (Bombita), Rafael González (Machaquito), and Rodolfo Gaona (at that time Bombita and Machaquito were boycotting Madrid’s main plaza, on the Aragón Road, because of the affair known as el pleito de los Miura).63 In the 1920s, Vista Alegre seated eight thousand. Damaged during the Spanish Civil War, it was repaired, remodeled, and slightly enlarged in the 1940s, to seat fourteen thousand. By the 1970s it had fallen into disrepair and, after much discussion, it was shut down in 1982. Eventually it was torn down and replaced by a state of the art covered bullring that was inaugurated on 15 April 2000 by Francisco Romero López (Curro Romero), José María Dols Abellán (José Mari Manzanares), and Enrique Ponce.64 This new bullring-cum-amphitheater, now called Palacio de Vistalegre, seats fourteen thousand. Las Ventas

In the 1920s, when this site was first considered as a possible home for a new bullring, Las Ventas was a slum on the outskirts of the city, far from the

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center of Madrid. Today the bullring is surrounded by urban construction and easily reached by subway and other public transport. Construction of the new bullring began in 1930, and the barely finished building was inaugurated on 17 June 1931, soon after the establishment of Spain’s Second Republic. To emphasize the Republic’s social concerns, this important corrida was organized to raise funds for the unemployed. Eight bull breeders contributed one bull each, and the eight bullfighters donated their fees.65 Political and social concerns overrode such practical matters as the fact that the bullring was not quite finished, and the event took place under uncomfortable circumstances: the arena was rough and pockmarked, building materials had not been cleared away, and the lack of paving made access difficult. Hemingway, who was in and out of Spain from May to September 1931, probably witnessed this first inaugural, the only corrida at Las Ventas before the publication of Death in the Afternoon.66 No more bullfights were held at the new ring until it was reopened on 21 October 1934, when Juan Belmonte, Marcial Lalanda, and Joaquín Rodríguez (Cagancho) fought six bulls from the ranch of Carmen de Federico (q.v. in HDIA). Hemingway did not see this second inaugural corrida. Called La Plaza Monumental de Las Ventas, Madrid’s main bullring seats about twenty-three thousand. Over the decades it has been much improved: today the approach is impressive, with several sculptures in the courtyard. The complex includes eight large interconnected corrals for the bulls; an open patio for training, testing, and examining horses; facilities for treating injured horses; and business offices, a chapel, doctors’ quarters, an infirmary with two operating rooms, and a handsome taurine museum. The buildings surrounding the abattoir have offices and storage for the nightwatchman and other guards; for the carpenters, the cleaning staff, and other bullring servants and their equipment; and for a variety of other professionals involved in the running of the bullring and its bullfights. Since 1934 this has been Spain’s premier bullring and, by extension, the most important, though not the largest, bullring in the taurine world.67 It is in Madrid that the bull’s antigüedad is established and that the bullfighter’s alternativa must be validated. Reputations are made and destroyed in Madrid. Bullfights are celebrated in Las Ventas throughout the season. The traditional Madrid fiesta, honoring the city’s patron saint, San Isidro Labrador (q.v.), is held on his feast day, 15 May, but today’s sanisidros can last three to four weeks. A secondary fiesta, recently instituted, is held in late September and early October, as part of the Festival de Otoño, or Fall Festival.68 For information about the other bullrings that Hemingway mentions, see the entries for individual cities.

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THE CORRIDA Types of Corridas The modern corrida, formally defined, is a public espectáculo usually featuring three bullfighters who fight six bulls, four or more years old, from one or two ganaderías (bull-breeding ranches). But the format varies: there are solo performances, in which one matador fights six bulls (and occasionally seven) from one ganadería, or from as many as six or seven; and there is the mano a mano (literally, hand-to-hand competition), when two bullfighters share the afternoon, each one fighting three bulls. Occasionally, an important corrida brings together a large number of fighters: eight matadors participated in the June 1931 inauguration of Madrid’s new bullring, Las Ventas, each killing one bull. Spain’s major bullrings offer corridas de abono (subscription series) as well as corridas extraordinarias, some of which may also be regularly scheduled events, like the annual Corrida de Beneficencia, which supports bullfighters in need,69 the Corrida de la Prensa (fund-raiser for the press), the Corrida de la Cruz Roja (in benefit of the Red Cross), and Albacete’s annual July corrida, established in 1982 to benefit Asprona, a support organization for the mentally handicapped. Additional corridas extraordinarias may also be offered sporadically, to raise funds for a particular cause (the unemployed, or victims of a natural disaster), to benefit or honor an individual bullfighter (homenajes, corridas de despedida) or some taurine cause (repairing or remodeling a bullring or taurine museum), or to celebrate an important occasion (e.g., a military victory, a royal marriage, the anniversary or centennial of an artist, event, city, or bullring). Some events, like tientas, corridas de prueba, and corridas de concurso focus specifically on the bull and the bull-breeding ranches (for an explanation of these events, refer to the section on “Bulls and Bull Breeding,” earlier in this Introduction). Young animals appear in events called becerradas, novilladas (without picadors), and novilladas picadas (with picadors). Corridas mixtas or festivales mix animals of varying ages and bullfighters of various ranks. Corridas nocturnas and toreo bufo, more popular in the 1920s than today, are flexible genres as well (see Mojigangas in HDIA). My assumption is that Hemingway saw all types of bullfights except, perhaps, becerradas. He may even have seen the occasional capea (informal village bullfight, usually presented in the town square), corrida nocturna, or toreo bufo, all of which appear in his work.70 All formal corridas follow more or less the same pattern. They begin with preliminary ceremonies such as the paseíllo (processional), the handing of the

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capote de paseo (parade cape) to a friend in the stands, and the testing of the capotes (working capes to be used during the performance). These activities are followed by the three formal acts of the fight itself, the quality of which determines the concluding events, like the awarding of trophies to the bullfighter (the bull’s ear or both ears, and, occasionally, its tail), the infrequent indulto of the bull (sparing of its life), or the more common vuelta al ruedo (a turn around the ring to receive applause, which may be directed at the bull, the bull breeder or, more often, the bullfighter). After six such fights, the afternoon might end with a triumphant salida en hombros (the bullfighter’s exit from the ring on the shoulders of admirers). The preliminary ceremonies are the only part of the corrida that have remained more or less unchanged throughout the twentieth century. Hemingway and the Evolving Corrida Hemingway’s powerful, vivid painting of the corrida notwithstanding, we must remember that the corrida, like any art form, constantly evolves. The corridas Hemingway saw in the 1920s differed from those he saw in the 1930s and the 1950s, and the ones described in The Dangerous Summer differ from those we see today. Although the twentieth century saw changes in all three acts of the bullfight, the most significant changes occurred in the first and third acts. The first act, which was dominated by the picador when Hemingway first came to Spain, was slowly divided into two parts, the first devoted to capework and the second to the pic-ing; defining where and how the pic-ing was to be performed was a major concern during Hemingway’s lifetime. In the second act, the placing of the banderillas slowly devolved from the matador to the banderillero. The third act, which begins with muleta work and ends with the sword thrust, saw a striking change of emphasis, as the muleta work was extended and became more artistic.71 The following account describes the changes that occurred before Hemingway’s day as well as those subsequent to the last corridas he saw, in order to locate Hemingway’s corridas in the evolutionary continuum. Changes in Traditions, Decorations, and the Public The white outfits, red neckerchiefs, and red cummerbunds that are now de rigueur in Pamplona’s sanfermines were largely absent from the fiestas Hemingway witnessed in the more formal 1920s, when celebrants at the July fiesta often wore dark suits and ties. In contrast to this sartorial sobriety, the sand of the bullrings in the 1920s was frequently decorated with brightly col-

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ored confetti, sawdust, or other light-weight materials that, when kicked up by running feet and hooves, could choke and blind the performers. These extraneous materials were banned from the arena in the 1930 Reglamento, but they continued to appear, albeit with decreased frequency, as late as 1948.72 We seldom see them today, just as we seldom see suits and ties during that riotous week in July. In the 1920s, Hemingway and the other members of the public could walk about in the arena before the bullfight began. The 1917 Reglamento, which governed the events Hemingway saw in 1923, required them to take their seats only fifteen minutes before the beginning of the bullfight; the one of 1923, which went into effect in 1924 and governed most of the corridas Hemingway saw before he published Death in the Afternoon, permitted them to stay until just five minutes before the start.73 The public’s presence in the redondel (arena) was undesirable on several counts: their feet disturbed the sand, which had been smoothed and watered to settle the dust, and blurred the picadors’ circle, which had been painted on the sand earlier in the day.74 Papers, wrappers, food, and other detritus further messed up the ring, and occasionally members of the public got into fights, staged demonstrations, and in other ways delayed the beginning of the performance and threatened public order. Accordingly, the 1930 Reglamento forbade public access to the arena after it had been prepared for the fight,75 a prohibition that is still in force today. Changes in Act I: Suerte de Varas or Pic-ing The picador’s work is the least picturesque and probably the most difficult to understand. The picador holds off the bull’s charge by inserting the pic in the morrillo (the mound of muscle on the back of the bull’s neck) in order to bleed the bull and to weaken this muscle, thus making the animal playable for the faena (muleta work that precedes the killing). Of the bullfight’s three tercios (thirds), the tercio de varas underwent the most drastic change. The Pic-ing: Early Twentieth Century

In the early part of the century, including the 1920s when Hemingway began to attend bullfights, two picadors greeted the bull as he entered the ring.76 They were stationed five and twelve meters to the right of the president’s box, which is located opposite the toril (the gate that admits the bull into the ring), and so were among the first objects that the bull saw.77 In fact, the 1917 and 1923 Reglamentos forbade the use of capes until after the bull had been properly pic-ed. In those days, then, the bull would rush into the ring and run

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wildly around, injuring and killing horses but remaining largely un-pic-ed because the picadors could not fully engage such an easily distracted bull (one who had not yet been taught to focus on the cape and therefore could not be properly placed to charge the horse) and because their instrument, the puya (goad or barb; the business end of the lance) could not penetrate the skittish bull deeply enough. The horses and picadors remained in the ring for the entire suerte de varas, and many horses—sometimes as many as forty—were killed at each corrida. To reduce the equine slaughter, the bullring personnel attempted to distract the still unfocused bull away from the horses. Some maneuvers were illegal (e.g., having a carpenter or other bullring employee make a noise or movement that would draw the bull’s attention away from the horse, or having a peón surreptitiously cape him) and some experimental (changing the position of the picadors so that the bull would not see their horses immediately upon bursting into the ring).78 Change: The Pic-ing Delayed and Shortened

It was not until the Reglamento of 1930 that the order of the first act was formally changed, so that the bull was engaged first by the banderilleros, who exposed it to the cape and thus transformed it into the condition of fijado (focused on the cape, and therefore more susceptible to the bullfighters’ manipulations). The picadors’ entrance into the ring was delayed until after the bull had been run by the banderilleros. During Hemingway’s first years as spectator, then, Hemingway saw the suerte de varas in the process of being divided into two separate parts, the caping and the pic-ing. In describing his first bullfight (1923), Hemingway accurately noted that the picadors were present in the ring before the bull entered.79 But the bullfight Hemingway describes later, in chapters 6 and 7 of Death in the Afternoon— in which the bull is greeted by the banderilleros (DIA, 61, 65), not by the picadors—reflected the new organization of the bullfight’s first tercio, which by 1930 had become a more shapely, orderly, focused, and efficient affair. The importance of the suerte de varas is reflected in the amount of attention devoted to it in the taurine codes. Melchor Ordóñez’s 1847 code devoted its first eight articles directly to the suerte de varas; Artículos 12, 13, and 14, which discussed the horses and the additional measures to supplement insufficient pic-ing, dealt indirectly with the same topic, so that in all, eleven of the fifteen articles, or almost 75 percent of the document, were devoted to pic-ing. By 1930, the Reglamento was composed of 137 articles, of which 23 dealt with the various issues related to pic-ing (16.8 percent);80 by this time, the capes were doing more of the work of preparing the bull for the final act.

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And in the next Reglamento, dated 1962, only 16 of the 138 articles (11.6 percent) addressed the pic-ing.81 Change: Introduction of the Peto

Another basic and striking change in the suerte de varas was the introduction of the peto, the protective carapace worn by the horse. The peto was proposed as early as 1906, designs for it began to appear in 1916, it was first used at a Madrid novillada on 6 March 1927, and it was mandated by law on 18 June 1928. Obviously, the peto was much discussed in the years Hemingway visited Spain, and he saw bullfights both before and after its adoption. Although purists resisted such a drastic change in the suerte de varas, the public was becoming increasingly intolerant of the injured horses. At the same time, there was great worry that, in order to protect the horses, the basic values of the suerte de varas would be distorted. The bull’s charge is necessary because it reveals its character and temperament; the pic-ing is necessary because it weakens the bull so that the third act can be properly concluded. The horses, formerly deemed a necessary casualty, were now moving into the center of the debate. The peto would offer protection, but it was resisted on various counts. Many worried that it would result in excessive punishment of the bull and thus distort or diminish the bullfight, others argued that the protection it offered the horse was insufficient, and still others felt that it would endanger the picador by limiting the horse’s movements. Many alternative proposals were suggested, such as reducing the number of pics inflicted, changing the position of the horse or the length of its stay in the plaza, providing a horse clinic in the plaza itself, making the picador (or the matador who employed him) supply the horses (normally the bullring itself bears this expense), and writing (and enforcing) stricter rules for the suerte de varas. The controversy raged in the taurine publications of the day, and even after the peto was defined and incorporated into the bullfight code, its design and the rules governing its use continued to be modified for several years. For a fuller discussion, see Peto in HDIA. Change: Reduction in the Number of Horses Killed

The peto drastically reduced the number of horses killed in the ring. In 1847, a local ruling required that forty horses, inspected and approved by the authorities, stand ready for use in each bullfight. The 1917 and 1923 Reglamentos called for six horses per bull to be fought, with the added proviso that the management provide as many additional horses as were necessary. Sometimes all the horses would be killed and replacements would be

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hastily bought off cabbies and rushed into the ring. But after the introduction of the peto, the 1930 Reglamento specified only four horses per bull, and the 1962 Reglamento lowered the number again, to a minimum of eight horses for the whole corrida. And even that number was lowered in the 1992 Reglamento, which requires six horses per corrida in first-rank plazas and four in all others—that is, one or fewer horses per bull.82 The spectators’ attitude had changed from approving the death of many horses, which meant that they were in the presence of a strong, brave bull, to the post-peto situation, when the expectation is that no horses will be killed. Occasionally one hears reactionary calls for the abolishment of the peto, but modern sensibilities would not allow a return to the pre-peto bullfight that Hemingway encountered when he first went to Spain. Change: The Picador’s Tools

While the total length of the pics (including both the vara, or pole, and the puya, or barb) has remained constant at between 255 and 270 centimeters (8’3” to 8’9”), the puya itself was frequently redesigned. Before 1917 it consisted of a triangular point followed by a large, wooden ball covered with cord or rope, which was too large to permit any more of the instrument to pierce the bull’s morrillo (neck muscle). In 1917, this corded section was narrowed into a cylinder that could and did enter the bull’s flesh, making a greater wound than had previously been possible. The 1917 code also introduced the arandela (a circular disk separating the puya from the shaft) whose diameter was much larger than that of the corded cylinder. This arandela effectively marked the end of the section of the pic that could enter the body of the bull, and thus frankly admitted that the corded area could be inserted, although such a maneuver was illegal. In 1923, when Hemingway started seeing corridas, excessively large wounds were already being inflicted on the bull. Because the arandela offered insufficient protection for the bull, it was replaced in 1960 by the cruceta (a metal arm extending perpendicularly from the pole at the point where the corded cylinder and the pole meet).83 This proved to be as unsatisfactory as the arandela and excessive pic-ing continued, hence the reduction of the required number of pics, from the four required in 1917, to three, and finally to two (in first-class rings), which is what we usually see today. For more detail, refer to “Change: Reduction in Number of Pics,” later in this Introduction. The design and use of the puya were controversial in Hemingway’s day and remain so today, with matadors generally opting for more damage during the suerte de varas, and bull breeders objecting to the weakening of their

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bulls, which prevents them from showing what they are capable of in the second and third acts of the bullfight. Change: Preparing the Bullring for the Picadors

The territory in which the picador acts is so problematic that each new taurine code defines it differently. Melchor Ordóñez’s 1847 document, the model for later codes, enjoined the picador to “salir al menos hasta seis varas distante de la barrera en busca del toro” (go out at least six varas [about five meters] from the barrera to cite, or summon, the bull), the implication being that he would distance himself from the barrera even more. The picador had to judge this distance: it was not marked on the sand. The first national Reglamento (1917) did not specify minimum distance from the barrera, but simply allowed the picadors to advance as far as the tercios (the space between the tablas, which is the area closest to the ring’s outer circumference, and the medios, or central area) to induce the bull to charge. This maximum defined the picador’s area as a proportional space that would vary according to the radius of the bullring. Since most bullrings measure between forty-five and sixty meters in diameters, the picador could now advance as far as seven and a half and ten meters from the barrera towards the center of the ring. Change in the 1920s: Drawing a Circle on the Arena

The three tercios or thirds of the ring (tablas, tercios, and medios) continued to be unmarked until the 1923 Reglamento mandated a visible circle.84 This small inner circle marked the area within which the bull would be placed, allowing the picador to place himself anywhere within the remaining two-thirds of the ring. Since this allowed the picador to advance so far towards the center of the ring (fifteen to twenty meters away from the barrera, or twice as much as the 1917 Reglamento allowed), the bull’s charge was often quite short. In 1923, when Hemingway saw his first bullfights, the 1917 Reglamento was still in force (the 1923 Reglamento was not adopted until 1924), and the arena had no rings painted on it at all. When he returned to Spain the next year, a painted circle separated the picador and the bull in most bullrings, but it gave the picador such a large area that he could choose a variety of starting positions. In 1930, the radius of the inner circle (which constrained the bull) was established as two thirds that of the arena itself.85 The bull would still be placed somewhere near the center of the ring, but this larger circle now restricted the picador to the outer or circumferential third of the ring (seven and a half to ten meters from the barrera). This meant that the bull’s charge could

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be considerably longer (unless, of course, he was placed closer to the painted line than to the center of the arena or, as often happened, the picador crossed the line to induce him to charge). Since 1923, then, the general tendency has been to allow the picador to work more closely to the barrera, an area that permits more abuses of the suerte de picar. The 1930 Reglamento codified that tendency by restricting the picador to the circumferential third of the bull ring. The bull could be placed anywhere within the large central circle that covered two-thirds of the ring. That is, he could be placed quite close to the picador, and the picador could then work him quite close to the barrera. Change in the 1950s: Introduction of a Second Circle

Domingo Ortega attempted to correct this situation by suggesting that a second circle be drawn, to legislate a minimum distance between bull and picador. Accordingly, in 1959 a codicil was added to the Reglamento, fixing the first circle at seven meters from the barrera (the tablas) and adding a second concentric circle whose circumference would fall nine meters from the barrera. The picador would be confined to the tablas, and the bull would be positioned within the smaller circle (the medios). The two meters that separate picador and bull (the tercios) ensure a longer charge. (However, if the bull repeatedly refuses to charge, he may be moved closer, into the space between the two lines; but the picador must always stay behind the first line.) Just as importantly, the two circles clarify the distances, making them visible to the matador and the spectator, to enable them to judge the bull’s charge. The addition of a second line is significant. If the picador moves away from the barrera to get close to the bull when he sites him, the bull’s charge is shortened and the bravery of the bull, measured by the alacrity with which he charges, becomes difficult for both the matador and the public to read. The second line works to ensure some distance between bull and picador, while drawing the picador away from the barrera. This is important, because a picador who works far from the barrera will be more likely to use the pic properly to keep the bull from knocking over his mount, and himself with it. If the picador works closer to the barrera, he may permit the bull to exhaust himself first by smashing against the horse, then by shoving it up against the barrera, and finally by pushing against a horse that is propped up by the barrera, while the picador inflicts additional punishment with the pic. Such improper pic-ing, writes Gregorio Corrochano, was rampant: picadors were merely placing their horses in the protective proximity of the barrera and from there, protected by the peto (i.e., the horse was not likely to die on the spot), were free to do what they liked with the pic, “sin riesgo ni arte . . . lo mismo podía hacerse detrás

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de la barrera” (without risk or art . . . they could have done the same from behind the barrera).86 As Corrochano pointed out, keeping the bull behind the second circle would ensure the longer charge and would draw the picador away from the barrera and thus require him to manage both the horse and the pic more expertly: “El uso de las dos rayas devolverá el prestigio al primer tercio y a la lidia” (The two lines will restore the prestige of the first tercio and of the bullfight generally).87 The fines for picadors who overstepped the boundaries were steep: 30 percent of his fees for a first offence, 40 percent for the second, 50 percent for the third, and, in cases of repeated infractions, proscription from further employment. That Hemingway understood the ramifications of this second line and of the areas it defined, is made clear in an unpublished section of the typescript of The Dangerous Summer (see Silvestre Gómez, Enrique [Salitas]). The 1992 Reglamento adjusted the distances, the first line remaining seven meters from the barrera but the second set at ten meters.88 Thus the bull is restricted to a smaller area in the center of the ring, and the charge can be longer. Change: Reduction in Number of Pics

The reduction in the number of pics was an unstoppable trend. The 1917 Reglamento required a minimum of four pics. But all the changes discussed previously—the early intervention of the capes, the introduction of the peto, the increased punishment afforded by the modern puya, and the reduced age and weight of the bull—allowed the picador to inflict fewer pics on the bull to achieve the same purpose: diminishing the bull’s force and lowering its head so it could be played artistically, as the new fashion demanded, before being killed by the matador. Picadors had to achieve a delicate balance: one pic too many, and the bull might run out of steam and fail to respond to the matador’s muleta. Accordingly, in the 1923 Reglamento, the president was empowered to close the tercio de varas even if fewer than the required four pics had been inflicted. No new minimum number was specified, but in practice two pics were often deemed sufficient.89 The ruling remained unchanged in the 1930 Reglamento, but in point of fact, by this time four pics were the exception rather than the norm. The bulls Hemingway saw in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1950s were supposed to receive four pics, but most of them probably did not. Adjusting law to fact, the 1962 Reglamento lowered the required minimum to three pics, with the face-saving proviso that banderillas de castigo (doublebarbed, for greater punishment, castigo, to weaken the bull) or banderillas

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negras (double-barbed black ones, so called because they are decorated with black paper) be used to announce that the bull had been insufficiently pic-ed. The more realistic 1992 Reglamento requires a minimum of two pics in firstranked plazas, and a minimum of one in all others, with the option of the double-barbed banderillas de castigo.90 Changes in Act II: The Suerte de Banderillas Banderillas are sometimes called alegradores, garapullos, palitroques, palos, or rehiletes.91 Variants of the banderillas comunes (standard) or frías (cold, as opposed to those tipped with explosives) are the banderillas cortas (short sticks, created by snapping a regular banderilla in half; these require closer work with the bull), and banderillas de adorno or de lujo (heavily decorated sticks used for gala occasions). Most of the changes in the development of the suerte de banderillas occurred in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Hemingway witnessed few changes, and this tercio has undergone few changes from Hemingway’s day to our own. Banderillas seem to have been designed to awaken or prick the bull into action, specifically, the necessary action of charging. Banderillas de fuego (with explosives at the tip, which goad the bull into action by making noise and burning his hide) were also prescribed to enliven the manso, a bull who is unwilling to charge the mounted picador and who therefore cannot be sufficiently pic-ed.92 Banderillas used to be placed singly, but by the middle of the eighteenth century they were already placed in pairs, an innovation introduced by Bernardo Alcalde y Merino (Licenciado de Falces, 1709–c. 1780). As the tercio de banderillas achieved greater definition, the norm became four pairs. The tercio achieved luster at the hands of Antonio Carmona (el Gordito, c. 1838–1920), an agile gymnast whose major contribution was to introduce the placing of banderillas al quiebro: the stationary banderillero changes the trajectory of the charging bull by feinting. In addition, Carmona offered showy maneuvers, such as encasing his feet in a metal ring while placing the banderillas, or performing the maneuver while seated on a chair. He was the first to achieve fame and wealth through the banderillas. Hemingway’s failure to mention either Bernardo Alcalde or Antonio Carmona reflects the paucity of discussion on this tercio in general histories, contemporary journals, and the Reglamentos. Only two of the fifteen articles of Melchor Ordóñez’s 1847 ruling discuss the banderillas, with emphasis on the banderillas de fuego.93 The 1917 and 1923 Reglamentos similarly prescribe these banderillas for the insufficiently pic-ed bull.94 Altogether, they devote

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one and two articles to the banderillas and two and four articles, respectively, to the banderilleros. Subsequent Reglamentos pay similarly scant attention to the bullfight’s second tercio, which is short and less weighty than those which precede and follow it. Banderillas are intended to enliven the bull after its experiences with the pic, but some taurine critics feel that they serve no useful purpose and should be abandoned. Banderillas discompose the bull, they argue, and the caping performed in this tercio (for positioning the bull or rescuing a banderillero) weakens the animal unnecessarily and makes him less responsive to the muleta. Ignacio Sánchez Mejías, himself a master banderillero, described the placing of banderillas as inessential to the conduct of the bullfight, but nonetheless attractive, as “la manifestación poética del lidiador” (an expression of the bullfighter’s poetic bent) and “un derroche de alegría infantil” (an outpouring of innocent or childish joy).95 In the hands of a master, the placing of the banderillas can be a graceful, lively, and enlivening interlude. Change: Disappearance of Banderillas de Fuego

In the bullfights Hemingway saw in the 1920s, banderillas de fuego were still legal, though used sparingly. Changes in the legal code reflect the diminishing interest in these instruments. They were outlawed from 1928 to 1930, but were legal again in 1931, when Hemingway spent quite a long time in Spain, and in 1932, when he was still keeping abreast of events in order to make Death in the Afternoon as timely as possible.96 The fact that Hemingway does not mention the banderillas de fuego in that book suggests that he seldom or never saw them used in the 1920s and 1930s.97 In 1950 the banderillas de fuego were replaced by double-barbed banderillas de castigo (for punishment), also called banderillas negras or viudas (widows, because mourning apparel is black). These cause more discomfort than regular banderillas, which have a single barb, but they are less effective than the old banderillas de fuego which, with their noise and fire, stimulated the bull to jump about and toss his head (and thus perhaps weaken the morrillo slightly). Banderillas negras, however, are not likely to stir or enliven the sodden bull for whom they have been prescribed. They probably cause more discomfort to the bull breeder, whose bull is thus insulted, than to the bull itself. Although bullrings are still required to stock them, they are almost never mandated by the president of the corrida.98 Hemingway does not mention them in The Dangerous Summer. It must be emphasized that the banderillas de fuego and the banderillas de castigo do not in any meaningful way “punish” or weaken the bull; they do not continue or complete the work of pic-ing. By causing the bull to toss his

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head, these banderillas may tire his morrillo somewhat, but an insufficiently pic-ed bull remains insufficiently pic-ed, and no banderillas can remedy the situation. They merely publicize the fact that the pic-ing did not satisfy the Reglamento, perhaps because the bull was manso and refused to charge the picador, or because he was too weak to take more punishment, or because the first or second pic had inflicted sufficient punishment, or because the president, for whatever reason, decided to end this section of the bullfight. The main function of the banderillas de castigo or de fuego was to publicize the incompleteness of the suerte de varas. Change: Matadors Delegate Banderillas to Banderilleros

In the decade preceding Hemingway’s first encounters with the bullfight, the placing of the banderillas was a showy, much appreciated part of the bullfight, frequently performed by the matadors themselves. Matadors often invited their colleagues to join them, and each tried to outdo the other, much as is done today with the quite (capework to distract the bull away from the picador). Two of the leading matadors of the 1910s, José Gómez Ortega (Joselito) and Rodolfo Gaona, were superb banderilleros. Juan Belmonte, whose weak legs kept him away from the banderillas, had two notable banderilleros in his cuadrilla: Manuel García (Maera) and Luis Suárez (Magritas). In this tercio, as in so much else, Belmonte pointed the way to the future, when he granted his peones de brega (his crew) the responsibility for the banderillas in addition to their many other duties. If the edad de oro of the 1910s was the high point of the suerte de banderillas, the 1920s enjoyed the spillover, so that Hemingway saw many matadors place the banderillas themselves. But the suerte was moving away from the matadors and to their banderilleros. In the 1940s and 1950s, Luis Miguel Dominguín and the Mexican Carlos Arruza, whose strong, long legs and great agility made them fine banderilleros, often placed their own banderillas, but most maestros, including Manuel Rodríguez (Manolete) and Antonio Ordóñez, took the sticks only on exceedingly rare occasions. The shift in emphasis was duly reflected in the Reglamentos. The Reglamento of 1917 entrusts the placing of the banderillas to the lidiadores, which includes the matadors as well as the banderilleros. But the Reglamento of 1923 specified that the matador’s role during this part of the bullfight is to rest and prepare himself for the coming faena.99 The 1930, 1962, and 1992 Reglamentos similarly assume that the banderillas will be placed by the banderilleros, but recognize that the matador may decide to place them himself.100

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Change: Reduction in Pairs of Banderillas

José Gómez Ortega, like his predecessors, liked to place four pairs of banderillas, but by the time Hemingway came to the bullfight the trend towards three pairs was already well established.101 The Reglamentos of 1917, 1923, 1930, and 1962 do not specify any minimum or maximum number of pairs. The 1992 Reglamento is the first to specify numbers: two or three.102 Today three pairs are normally placed or, at least, attempted. Occasionally, one sees four. Changes in Act III: The Faena and the Suerte Suprema Tools: Muleta and Sword

Over the centuries, muletas have retained more or less the same shape but have changed in color, from the earliest, which were white, to later ones in red, yellow, and blue. Changing the color of the muleta, like changing horses in the suerte de picar, often does have good results (i.e., it may encourage the bull to charge) because the bull, although color-blind, does distinguish between light and dark and may respond more readily to one shade than the other. Some theorists argue, however, that the bull is attracted to the muleta’s movement, not its color. Be that as it may, by the time Hemingway came to the bullfight, muletas were red, and red they remain to this day. Then as now, the size of the muleta varies according to the bullfighter’s preference: he chooses the size appropriate for his height, length of arms, and bullfighting style.103 The matador’s sword has, similarly, undergone only minor changes. The estoque’s length and basic shape have remained the same since the end of the nineteenth century, but improvements in the steel and in the art of tempering the steel have resulted in lighter, thinner, and less brittle blades. Early in the twentieth century the Valencian sword-maker Enrique Luna developed a way to make steel both flexible and strong: the flexibility enables the sword to “give” if the thrust encounters bone, and thus protects the matador’s hand and wrist. Such a flexible sword is less likely to fly out of the matador’s hand and injure a bystander. Matadors normally own three to five swords, as well as a descabello sword (for severing the spinal cord), and match the sword to the requirements of the situation in which it is to be used. The 1940s saw the popularization of the sham sword, discussed later. While the tools used in the last tercio have maintained more or less the same shape and design, the tercio itself has undergone significant changes.

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Change: Increased Emphasis on the Muleta

The last act of the bullfight is called the tercio de muerte (of death) because its focus was the sword thrust. In the early 1700s, when the action shifted from the mounted matador to the bullfighter on foot, the muleta began to be used as defense and as a tool for placing the bull in proper position for the kill. A century of such rudimentary muleta work followed. The emphasis of the tercio de muerte was still solidly on the sword thrust, with the muleta used mainly as preparation for the kill: “tres pases y a matar” (three passes, and then one goes in for the kill). By the end of the eighteenth century the various basic muleta passes were sufficiently developed and distinct from each other to have names (pase de pecho, naturales, and so on). In the nineteenth century, Juan León (1788–1854) and his student Francisco Arjona (Cúchares, 1818–1868) began to use the muleta more extensively, “para colocar, mudar de sitio y restar poder al toro” (to place, move, and wear down the bull; my italics),104 thus paving the way for the longer artistic faena with the muleta. In the early twentieth century, for example, Joselito would give a bull anywhere from three to ten or even more passes with the muleta, depending on the possibilities of the bull he faced. The changes in the first two tercios—the more intense pic-ing and the matador’s withdrawal from the tercio de banderillas in order to rest before the most important part of his performance—also encouraged the increased complexity and length of the faena with the muleta. Belmonte, who relied on long, sweeping arm movements to compensate for his weak legs, played the bull literally at arm’s length and wrought emotional faenas that entranced the public.105 After all that, mere prowess with the sword could no longer sustain a career. As one taurine writer aptly put it, the modern matador “lives by the cloth, not by the sword.”106 In the early 1920s, with Joselito gone and Belmonte in retirement, many of the new crop of matadors saw the final tercio in general, and the muleta in particular, as the key to fame. Among them was Manuel Jiménez (Chicuelo), whose graceful and extended toreo en redondo—he could link together as many as eighteen naturales—helped the faena achieve the prominence it enjoys today. Although Hemingway complained of specialization during this period (DIA, 85–86), critics such as Uno al Sesgo rejoiced in the artistic inventiveness and variety of these performers, many of whom vied with each other in muleta and capework. Gregorio Corrochano called the 1920s the edad de plata (the silver age), a worthy successor to the edad de oro (the golden age) of Joselito and Belmonte. This was the period that Hemingway was privileged to witness.

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Change: Crowding the Faena

The third tercio is the longest one and the only one with a set time limit.107 All Reglamentos define it as fifteen minutes, but this time period is broken up into smaller segments. After ten minutes, the matador who has not killed his bull hears an aviso (warning), with a second warning coming three minutes later and a final one when the fifteen minutes are up, at which point the bull is removed from the ring, indicating the bullfighter’s failure, and killed offstage.108 In 1917 and 1923, the clock began to run when the bugle was blown to indicate the end of the second act and the beginning of the third. This was modified in the 1930 Reglamento, which required the death of the bull “al cumplirse los quince minutos. . . de iniciada la faena de muleta” (fifteen minutes after the beginning of the faena with the muleta), that is, fifteen minutes from the moment the bullfighter, muleta and sword in hand, began his interaction with the bull. This created a break between the end of the second act and the beginning of the third, giving the matador free time to take up his tools, salute the president, offer a brindis (dedication), toss his montera (hat), evaluate the bull, allow it a short rest if he feels it necessary, and generally focus his mind on the coming tercio—all this before the clock starts running. The bullfighter still had only fifteen minutes to kill the bull, but he had the full fifteen minutes. The 1930 ruling reveals a consciousness that increased emphasis on muleta work tended to lengthen faenas, and that the preparation and ceremonies preceding the actual faena should not come at the expense of the faena itself. This intelligent modification was maintained in the 1962 taurine code, but the 1992 Reglamento reverted to counting time from the bugle call that marks the change of the tercio.109 The result has been a more hurried and less graceful assumption of tools, a rushed brindis and alternativa ceremony, a general loss of composure, and a higher likelihood of an aviso. This unnecessary rushing of the third tercio saves perhaps two or three minutes, an inconsequential amount of time in absolute terms but an important, even crucial, fraction of the matador’s allotted fifteen minutes. When Hemingway saw bullfights in the 1920s, there was no free time between the tercios, but at that time faenas were shorter than they are today, and matadors seldom heard avisos. In 1931 and again in the 1950s, he was fortunate to see bullfights that were timed according to the 1930 Reglamento. Change: Introduction of the Fake or Sham Sword

The light wooden sword has been used by countless boys when they play at being bullfighters, or even in the early years of their training. Matadors,

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however, carried the heavy steel sword for the entire fifteen minutes of the third tercio. When Manuel Rodríguez (Manolete) asked permission to use a sham wooden sword in a real corrida to spare his injured wrist, permission was granted. Manolete’s request was not unprecedented, but in the 1940s Manolete requested and used the fake sword more often than not, and other matadors, suitably equipped with doctor’s notes, followed his lead. These substitute “swords” were undisguised shams, rough wooden sticks with a pommel or hilt, and their use was accompanied by a public announcement, just as substitutions in the cast of a play or opera are. In time the fake swords began to look like real swords (they were made of tin or aluminum), the announcements became routine or were forgotten, the ostentatious wrist bandages got smaller and disappeared, and the practice became so widespread that the 1962 Reglamento specifically forbade it, except in case of medically confirmed disability, which would have to be announced.110 But in the obvious expectation that the prohibition would not stop the practice, the Reglamento also required all bullrings to keep an appropriate placard handy. But the sham sword was ineradicable, and the article forbidding it was dropped in the 1992 and 1996 Reglamentos. One cannot kill a bull with a tin sword; eventually one needs the real thing. Going to the barrera to exchange the fake sword for the real one interrupts the rhythm, concentration, and emotional continuity of the faena, and most aficionados dislike both the fake sword and the interruption it requires. It is surprising that Hemingway, always eager to speak badly of Manolete, does not blame him for popularizing it. Concluding Ceremonies In the early 1920s, spectators often streamed into the bullring after the fight to carry a bullfighter out of the ring in triumph, chase him out in disdain, or indulge in general rowdiness that sometimes required police intervention. The legislation and quantification that flourished during the Franco years curbed this energetic spontaneity. The 1962 Reglamento specified that the fighter who has been awarded two ears is to be carried out through the main portals of the ring, and that his admirers—who are often paid admirers—may not carry him for more than three hundred meters beyond the ring.111 In 1959, Hemingway noted that occasionally such expressions of admiration were spontaneous (“you could see this demonstration had not been set up in advance,” TDS, 80), but these had become the exception. Today the intrusive media orchestrate the concluding ceremonies for the audience at home. More often than not, the salida en hombros is performed by paid enthusiasts eager to be filmed, and the public’s voice preempted by the ra-

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dio or television announcer. Still, even today, admiration sometimes moves the crowd to carry the matador out of the ring even if he hasn’t cut the requisite two ears112 and even if the television announcer is clamoring for an interview. The audience’s response to art and gallantry cannot be legislated or silenced.

IMPRESARIOS, APODERADOS, AND THE RISE OF LOS TRUSTS The Bullring Impresario The bullring impresario—Hemingway calls him the promoter—is the person or entity that manages the bullring and as such is responsible for the many people who provide services before, during, and after the bullfight: people like the alguacilillos (mounted bailiffs who open the bullfight and relay orders from the president), monosabios (bullring servants who help the picadors and their horses), areneros (they smooth out the sand before a new bull is brought in), carpinteros (carpenters in charge of repairs), torileros (they open the gates through which the bull enters), mulilleros (mule drivers, in charge of dragging out the dead bull), veterinarians, musicians, and, upon sad occasion, medical staff. The impresario also coordinates a small army of less visible workers, like cleaners, ushers, ticket agents, publicity people, food and drink vendors, horse contractors, accountants, lawyers, and other personnel associated with the bullring.113 Impresarios must maintain cordial working relationships not only with the unions that represent all these workers, but also with the matadors’ and bull breeders’ unions and with traffic police, the civil guard, representatives of various branches of the city government, the media, the clergy, the audience, and the bullring’s neighbors. One of the impresario’s most delicate jobs is to navigate the complicated choreography of feuds and alliances among the principal actors and power brokers of the fiesta: apoderados (bullfighters’ managers or agents, discussed later), ganaderos (bull breeders, discussed previously), other impresarios, and the bullring’s owner (sometimes an individual, sometimes a corporation or other organized body). Upon occasion, impresarios subcontract corridas or even whole ferias to other impresarios; sometimes, the impresario owns the bullring he manages: he may also own other bullrings, whose management he may or may not entrust to another impresario. During the course of the twentieth century, impresarios developed into powerful figures, some having full or partial control of several bullrings and retaining that control within the same family over several generations. The Balañá dynasty, for example, was originally based in Barcelona but eventually

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expanded its hegemony to Madrid and, upon occasion, to Seville and other major rings. Chopera, based in San Sebastián, expanded into Madrid and Latin America. Eduardo Pagés, of Seville’s Maestranza ring, handed the reins over to his son-in-law, Diodoro Canorea, and in due course the contract devolved upon Canorea’s son Eduardo. Such consolidation of power requires a newcomer to bullfighting to arm himself with a powerful apoderado. The Apoderado A bullfighter’s manager or apoderado arranges the bullfighter’s always fluid schedule, taking into account such matters as his health, injuries, the plazas at which he is more and less popular, the bulls he prefers to fight, the bullfighters he wants or refuses to act with, the travel schedules for his crew and their equipment, and so on. The manager also negotiates the salaries, insurances, pensions, and other financial affairs of all the people attached to the bullfighter; handles the legal complications of the season’s contracts and cancelations; supervises publicity and orchestrates the bullfighter’s public appearances (e.g., interviews, banquets, photo sessions, visits to fan clubs). And, of course, he negotiates with the impresario to establish the conditions of his client’s appearance in this or that bullring. The personalities and relative strengths of the impresario and the apoderado are important factors in the shaping of the taurine season. Occasionally, one individual performs both administrative functions, as happened, for example, in 1925, when the Seville-based impresario Eduardo Pagés became, in a way, the apoderado of Juan Belmonte. Pagés constructed a complicated package, tempting the retired Belmonte back into the ring by offering large profits, a comfortable schedule of corridas in selected rings, and control over who would appear with him. Change: Power Shifts from the Bullfighter to the Apoderado: The Rise of los Trusts Although the bullfighter’s professional life has always been complicated enough to warrant the help of a manager, in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries apoderados generally maintained a low profile even as some of them became quite powerful, either because they controlled large numbers of bullfighters or because some of their bullfighters were particularly hot properties. During the Franco years, however, the characteristic concentration of power in a single administrative figure became as prominent a phenomenon in the taurine world as in other circles. The most visible aspect of this was the shift in the formerly fluid partnership between the bullfighter, the very visi-

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ble star of the show, and his apoderado, who generally deferred all important decisions to him. The most blatant example of this was José Flores González (Camará, 1899–1978), who was the apoderado of the great Manuel Rodríguez (Manolete, q.v.). During Manolete’s heyday in the 1940s, Camará used the authority of his position to impose his will on bullring impresarios, bull breeders, and even his own clients, the bullfighters. Camará’s is an interesting career. He had been a bullfighter himself, an aggressive, spectacular novillero who was promoted to matador de toros in 1918 by none other than José Gómez Ortega (Joselito), with whom he appeared in almost sixty corridas in 1918 (a year in which Belmonte did not perform in Spain). But his coarse style quickly paled on the public, and he wisely retired in 1926. In the early 1940s he achieved fame as Manolete’s manager. Camará’s aggressive intervention in his client’s life and career played an important role in strengthening the role of the apoderado. Such powers had occasionally been assumed by bullfighting fathers or uncles when they acted for their young relatives, but Camará and Manolete, although they both moved in the bullfighting circles of their native Córdoba, were unrelated. Nonetheless, their talents complemented each other, and Manolete trusted his manager absolutely and left all important decisions to him. Camará, who was not shy about using his power, has been accused of overscheduling Manolete, interfering with his performance, orchestrating the conduct of the bullfight (e.g., urging Manolete to change the tercio), and even instructing him, upon occasion, to play to the gallery (see Tricks). And he did not do this quietly or subtly, but became a public figure himself. Camará’s contemporary, Domingo González Mateos (Domingo Dominguín, 1895–1958, q.v.), was a manager cut from the same aggressive cloth. Perhaps because they had been bullfighters themselves, these two men did not or could not efface themselves in favor of their clients. As performers, they also had acquired an insider’s view of the politics and power plays that can make or break a bullfighter’s career. Dominguín, who had managed the careers of such luminaries as Joaquín Rodríguez (Cagancho), Domingo Ortega, and his own successful sons, expanded his power base by acquiring full or partial ownership of several plazas, both in Spain and in Latin America. In the taurine empire he built, it was the apoderado, rather than the bullfighter, who most often called the shots. The phenomenon spread. In Mexico, the partnership between Andrés Gago, another former bullfighter turned apoderado, and his star client, the superb Carlos Arruza (1920–1966; alternativa on 1 December 1940), resulted in a similar situation that enabled Gago to dictate terms to impresarios and bull breeders and even to determine who would or would not perform with Arruza.

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In the 1940s, as these administrators became public figures, they were increasingly perceived as being responsible for such infractions as price-fixing, bribery, virtual boycotts, and the fighting of bulls that were underage or underweight or whose horns had been tampered with.114 When Gago-Arruza made an alliance with Camará-Manolete, bullfighters and bull breeders on both sides of the Atlantic protested against the concentration of power, complaining that they were excluded or vetoed by los trusts (the monopolies). Although criticism of Franco’s political dictatorship could not be voiced in Spain, this kind of grumbling against los trusts and the apoderados was permitted and it grew quite loud, perhaps as a metaphor or substitute for political dissent. Cossío, for example, railed against Camará’s “imposiciones dictatoriales” (dictatorial demands), insisting that they were injurious to “los legítimos intereses de la verdadera afición” (the legitimate concerns of the knowledgeable public).115 In any case, the profitable mix of savvy manager and talented bullfighter was an unstoppable trend, with the manager often making important decisions—which brings us to the situation in 1959. Dominguín and Ordóñez’s Managers Luis Miguel Dominguín was managed first by his father, Domingo González Mateos (the powerful apoderado discussed previously), and then by his brothers, Domingo and José (Pepe) González Lucas (qq.v.); he was, naturally and obviously, under Dominguín management throughout his career. Ordóñez, on the other hand, had several managers: first Raimundo Blanco (for only fifteen days, in 1949), then González Vera (1949–1950) and Marcial Lalanda (q.v. in HDIA) for the season of 1950–1951. From 1951, the year of his promotion to matador de toros, to 1956, he was managed by Domingo González Mateos, who became his father-in-law in 1953.116 In this period, when both Ordóñez and Luis Miguel were under Dominguín management, they performed together frequently: twenty joint corridas in 1951 (that is, in more than half of Ordóñez’s corridas that year) and fortythree in 1952, including one mano a mano—a corrida featuring only two instead of the usual three bullfighters—on 6 July, as well as ten joint appearances in South America. Luis Miguel retired at the end of the 1952 season, but Ordóñez remained within the Dominguín fold until 1956, when he chose José Flores Cubero (Camará, the son of the Camará who had managed Manolete) as his manager. His departure from the Dominguín stable was marked by “a good deal of unpleasantness.”117 Luis Miguel returned to the Spanish plazas in 1957, but as long as Ordóñez was under Camará management, they never appeared together in Spain. Since both were important bull-

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fighters in 1957 and 1958, this fact indicates refusal on one side or the other, rather than circumstantial difficulty in organizing dates when they could perform together. On 26 May 1958, at the request of their dying father and father-in-law, the two matadors appeared together in Nîmes and thus signaled the possibility of Ordóñez’s return to Dominguín management. Ordóñez was managed by his brothers-in-law Domingo and José Dominguín for a little less than a year (from April 1959 until February or March 1960) and during that 1959 season, Ordóñez and Luis Miguel performed together in ten corridas, four of them mano a mano. But after that one season, they almost never coincided in Spanish bullrings. In 1960, when Ordóñez was managed by Pepe Belmonte, he and Dominguín did not appear together in Spain, although they shared five corridas in France and six in Colombia (the first of these was a mano a mano). And in later years, when Ordóñez was managed by a Madrid consortium, they performed together only in scattered festivals and corridas, such as the Ronda goyesca of 1972. When he was not under Dominguín management, then, Ordóñez hardly ever performed with any of his brothers-in-law; when he was, he did. Clearly, the apoderado was an important factor in the lives of these bullfighters. On 12 August 1971, in Santander, Ordóñez dedicated the last bull of his career to his then manager, José María Jardón (of the Madrid consortium).118 It was the highest compliment he could pay to an apoderado he admired, and it reinforced the generally held opinion that his experiences with his Dominguín apoderados had not been pleasant. Hemingway Attacks Administrative Power In Death in the Afternoon, Hemingway had objected to the early manifestations of administrative power: he openly claimed that Domingo Ortega’s spectacular success in 1931 was the product of his apoderado’s manipulations of schedules and publicity, and not of his own talent (DIA, 168–70); the manager in question was the elder Dominguín. Twenty-five years later, in The Dangerous Summer, Hemingway again objected to administrators’ power and interference, focusing on the powerful figures (TDS, 47–48, 122) who impose conditions and close deals (TDS, 108, 114, 167). He did not use the phrase los trusts, but that’s what he was referring to. Hemingway strongly believed that “All art is only done by the individual” (DIA, 99). Powerful apoderados and impresarios, like powerful editors and publishers, and of course like dictators, are dangerous because their demands can undermine an artist’s integrity.

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THE FACTS OF 1959: THE TAURINE SEASON What were the facts of the 1959 season, and how much did Hemingway actually know? It seems probable that, as was usual with Hemingway when he undertook a project, he knew quite a lot about his subject. In 1959, he was almost constantly in the presence of successful professional bullfighters who naturally enough talked knowledgeably about what was happening in the taurine world. And when he began to write about the summer of 1959, all the details of that recent season were readily accessible in the professional bullfighting papers and journals he read. These publications are available to us as well, as is his whole manuscript. By looking at the primary sources, and by looking at the whole of what Hemingway wrote, we can come to a better understanding both of the season itself and of Hemingway’s take on it. What was the 1959 season like? Who were its leading figures? Although statistics give only a limited picture, it is still worthwhile to notice that in 1959 Dominguín and Ordóñez were but two of the season’s roster of sixtyfour active matadors, and that they were outranked in number of performances by several other bullfighters. Curro Girón (q.v.) led the list with eightyone corridas, Jaime Ostos (q.v.) ranked second with seventy, Gregorio Sánchez (q.v.) was third with sixty-four, and Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín) fourth, with fifty-three corridas (because Hemingway does not mention him, there is no entry for him, but refer to endnote 24 in the Annotations, s.v. Bilbao). Ordóñez was ranked fifth that year, with fifty-two corridas; Manuel Jiménez Díaz (Chicuelo II, q.v.) followed him with thirty-eight corridas; Dominguín was seventh, with thirty-seven (he had been contracted for seventy-seven, but injuries reduced the number); and Victoriano Cuevas Roger (Victoriano Valencia, q.v.) ranked eighth, with thirty-five corridas. Three men (Julio Aparicio [q.v.], Joaquín Bernadó, and Curro Romero) had thirty-three corridas apiece. Antonio Bienvenida (q.v.), who boasted seventeen years of alternativa, performed in thirty-two corridas; twenty-one-yearold Luis Segura, two years into the rank, had the same number. And while Dominguín and Ordóñez appeared together in ten corridas,119 Ordóñez appeared with Ostos in fifteen and with Curro Girón in nine. But such is the power of Hemingway’s pen that for many people, the season of 1959 consists only of Dominguín and Ordóñez, and for many readers this is the only year that matters in their careers. The statistics tell us otherwise. Both men had excellent seasons long before 1959. Dominguín was the nation’s leading matador de toros for three seasons: in 1946 (with sixty-two corridas), in 1948 (with one hundred), and in 1951 (with ninety-eight). Ordóñez was ranked first nationwide in 1952, his first full season as a matador de toros, with seventy-four corridas. For many

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years, when they were not ranked first, they occupied comfortable positions among the top five or ten performers, in terms of numbers of corridas. And for reasons of family history, personality, technique, and style, both are considered maestros and figuras del toreo. They would have been recognized as such even if Hemingway had not written one word about them, separately or jointly. The Joint Appearances of Ordóñez and Dominguín The total number of joint Dominguín-Ordóñez performances was limited because Ordóñez, who became a matador de alternativa in 1951, was not qualified to perform with Dominguín for the first seven years of Dominguín’s career. In addition, Dominguín was absent from the Spanish bullrings from 1953 to 1957, and by the time he returned, Ordóñez had separated himself professionally from the Dominguín clan, so that the two did not work together until a reconciliation was effected (as discussed previously in “Dominguín and Ordóñez’s Managers”). In spite of all of this, however, Dominguín and Ordóñez did share many carteles in Spain, usually with a third and sometimes a fourth bullfighter, most frequently in 1951 (seventeen joint appearances), 1952 (twenty-eight joint appearances), and 1959 (nine joint appearances, four of which were mano a mano). If we add joint performances in other countries, the numbers go up to twenty for 1951, forty-three in 1952, but only ten for 1959.120 In 1960, when Ordóñez was no longer managed by the Dominguíns, he and Luis Miguel did not work together in Spain. They did, however, perform in France (five joint corridas) and Colombia (six corridas, one of them a mano a mano). In subsequent years, when Dominguín was retired, they appeared together occasionally in festivals, in the annual goyescas in Ronda, and in other scattered events. Throughout their careers, they performed frequently with other top-ranked bullfighters as well. Except for Hemingway’s book, 1959 was probably no more central than any other year in the career of either bullfighter. Indeed, as we have seen, they had more impressive seasons, and more joint appearances, in the years before 1959. The Ordóñez-Dominguín “Rivalry” of 1959 Hemingway’s statement that “Bullfighting is worthless without rivalry” (TDS, 64) simply glosses over the fact that figuras like Rafael Guerra (Guerrita, q.v. in HDIA), Belmonte (in the years after the death of Joselito), Domingo Ortega (q.v. in HDIA), and Manuel Rodríguez (Manolete, q.v. in

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this volume) were “toreros prácticamente sin competencia” (bullfighters practically without competition), who performed admirable toreo and took the art to new heights without the fillip of rivalry.121 But, of course, bullfighters do not perform in isolation and, during the course of a season, top bullfighters are very much aware of each other’s performances and often perform together. Audiences want to see them, impresarios want to engage them, and the bullfighters themselves like to perform with talented and prestigious colleagues. Bullfighters may be compared or paired because of family ties, ethnic or geographic bonds, contrasting or similar taurine styles, or political or personal affinities. The resultant pairings may be complementary rather than contrastive or competitive, but in almost all cases each bullfighter is likely to acquire his own passionate following (see Followers). The nineteenth century saw several such “pairs,” “partners” or “rivals,” among them José Redondo (el Chiclanero, 1819–1853) and Francisco Arjona (Cúchares, 1818–1868); Antonio Sánchez (el Tato, 1831–1895) and Antonio Carmona (el Gordito, 1838–1920); and Rafael Molina (Lagartijo, 1841–1900) and Salvador Sánchez (Frascuelo, 1842–1898). Well-established pairings like these sometimes span generations, with a talented younger protégé continuing the competition with the master’s original rival and inheriting his master’s fans and deriders. Cúchares, for example, had such a long career that he competed not only with the popular José Redondo (el Chiclanero) but also with Chiclanero’s famous protégé, Cayetano Sanz (c. 1821–1891). The twentieth century saw the professional competition or partnership of Joselito and Belmonte, which lasted from their first joint performance in 1914 until Joselito’s death in 1920. Rodolfo Gaona performed often with them, just as in the 1940s Rafael Vega de los Reyes (Gitanillo de Triana, d. 1969) performed often with Manolete, but there was no Gaona-Joselito or GaonaBelmonte or Manolete-Gitanillo rivalry: frequent joint appearances, either mano a mano or with a third bullfighter, although characteristic of a rivalry, do not in themselves constitute a rivalry or partnership. (For Ordóñez’s mano a manos with other bullfighters, refer to endnote 218, s.v. the entry for Ordóñez, Antonio; see also Rivalry and Cooperation.) The Ordóñez-Dominguín “rivalry” has been the subject of much debate, a strong argument being made for its being an engineered exercise initiated in 1958 by Domingo González Mateos (Dominguín, q.v.) in order to return his son-in-law Antonio to the family fold. According to the taurine critic and family friend Gregorio Corrochano, the dying patriarch insisted that Luis Miguel make peace with Ordóñez who, as noted in the preceding section, had broken with the Dominguín enterprise in 1956. Luis Miguel approached Ordóñez,

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who acquiesced to his father-in-law’s wishes. He signed up for Dominguín management and the two men considered a few joint appearances.122 Corrochano dismisses the “rivalry” as “una competencia sin importancia” (an unimportant contest) in the professional lives of the two stars.123 The bullfighters themselves also consistently denied that rivalry motivated their joint appearances. In 1957, when Luis Miguel came out of retirement, he rejected the suggestion that Ordóñez’s rising star prompted his reappearance: “He vuelto a los toros porque soy torero, y basta” (I’ve returned to the bulls because I am a bullfighter, and that’s all [or, that suffices]).124 He added, “The famous mano a mano between [me] and Antonio Ordóñez . . . grew out of nothing more than Hemingway’s need to find something to write about. . . . I started it all, but I doubt if it would have gone quite so far off the track if Hemingway hadn’t come on the scene and, as usual, got the picture all wrong.”125 Ordóñez also downplayed the rivalry, insisting that the issue was succession, not competition: he granted that Dominguín had once been el número uno but that he no longer held that position. Corrochano also quotes Ordóñez’s announcement, made early in 1959, that the two men would probably not fight mano a mano, as they could command higher fees by performing separately. Both bullfighters claimed that they had achieved their aims during the 1959 season. Dominguín took credit for enlivening the season, increasing the family’s profits, and benefitting his brother-in-law: “I’m responsible for the whole thing. My father found him and made him into a torero, but I gave him his career.”126 As he explained it, it was a generous gesture on his part: he was soon going to retire from bullfighting and the competition would focus attention on Ordóñez—a strange remark considering that Ordóñez had already established himself as a great artist, that he had figured among the top-ranked bullfighters of the preceding year, and that, instead of retiring, Luis Miguel fought bulls all through the 1960 season. For his part, Ordóñez consistently insisted that art and reputation, not money, were at stake. But he admitted that rivalries arise when the public wants to find out who is the best bullfighter, the implication being, of course, that he was. The statistics and the bullfighters’ own statements do not give the impression that there was a real “rivalry” between them, or that this rivalry was the only important taurine event of 1959 or the defining season in the two bullfighters’ professional lives. Their joint appearances seem to have been largely a family matter, fueled by emotional and financial considerations, fed by professional pride, and given international prominence by the fact that Hemingway and Life were covering them. But while the “truth” about the “rivalry” is, like all “truth,” impossible to determine, it surely was not the life-anddeath, winner-take-all situation Hemingway’s report made it out to be.

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THE FACTS OF 1959: HEMINGWAY’S SITUATION In July 1959, Hemingway celebrated his sixtieth birthday. He was not, by today’s standards, an old man, but Hemingway aged early and quickly. Over the years, his weight, cholesterol, blood pressure, back pain, elevated blood sugars, alcoholic hepatitis, recurrent attacks of impotence, and quite extreme mood swings had become a continuous worry. He also carried the scars and weaknesses left by war wounds and a long history of accidents that included several concussions and broken bones. Most recently, in 1954, two airplane crashes had injured his shoulder, leg, arm, head, back, kidney, liver, lower intestine, and spleen.127 Later that year, he felt so unwell that he could not manage the trip to Sweden to receive the Nobel Prize. By the time he arrived in Spain in 1959, he was dosing himself with a shocking cocktail of drugs— testosterone, sleeping pills, sedatives, stimulants, and medicines for hypertension and liver problems—that aggravated his chemical and hormonal imbalances.128 Alcoholism was an unacknowledged and long-standing problem. Hemingway was in emotional as well as in physical pain. The death of Max Perkins, in 1947, was a terrible blow. In the early 1950s, Pauline Pfeiffer, his ex-wife, and Charlie Scribner, his publisher, died. When Castro came to power at the end of 1958, Hemingway left his beloved Cuba and reestablished himself in Idaho, leaving behind his home, his boat, his books, furniture, paintings, manuscripts, friends, pets, and memories: almost thirty years of his life. And recent scholarly work on A Moveable Feast, on which Hemingway was also working in the late 1950s, suggests that on top of all this he was also trying to confront the tremendous guilt of having abandoned his first two wives. And he couldn’t escape the knowledge that he was not on the best of terms with his sons and that his current marriage, to Mary Welsh, was troubled. The summer of 1959 was characterized by excess and self-indulgence. Surrounded and stimulated by intense bullfighters, their followers, and his own infatuated entourage, Hemingway kept irregular hours, traveled from hotel to hotel, slept badly, ate and drank too much, neglected medical discipline, flirted and perhaps even fell in love with a woman forty years younger than he. He was trying very hard to be happy; I would like to believe that he was. But he certainly was a weakened, troubled man, and he knew it. I think that Hemingway’s awareness of his own deterioration and shortcomings personalized his clear perception that Franco’s Spain was also bedeviled by a wide range of ills: the population was still traumatized by the Civil War, the economy was weak, the dictatorship was interfering in every aspect of life, the guardia civil (q.v.) was everywhere, and the bullfight (still and always a metaphor for all art) was not what it had been. Hemingway’s chronic nostalgia for clear, unspoiled beauty—in nature, in art, and in human

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relationships—clashed more sharply than ever with the flawed present. Perhaps as an antidote to the corruption he saw everywhere—in Spain, in Cuba, in the bullfight, in his own body, and in his relationships, past and present— Hemingway attributed extreme virtue and purity to Antonio Ordóñez.

BACKGROUNDS: THE CONCEPTION OF THE DANGEROUS SUMMER When was The Dangerous Summer conceived, and how did Hemingway’s thinking about it develop? The book comes out of the events Hemingway witnessed in 1959, but we can say that its antigüedad goes back to 27 May 1923, when Ernest Hemingway saw his first corrida and fell in love with the bulls. The intensity of Hemingway’s afición gave moral force to his early work, The Sun Also Rises (1926) and “The Undefeated” (composed in 1924, published in Men Without Women, 1927). It fueled several energetic forays into journalism, some good poetry, and his first, best, and most beautiful nonfiction book, Death in the Afternoon (1932), still the gold standard against which all other bullfighting books must measure and justify themselves. After that major effort, Hemingway seems to have withdrawn from the bullfight. But even when dormant, such passions, like inactive volcanoes, rumble powerfully. Hemingway’s afición is visible throughout the 1930s and 1940s, manifesting itself in another taurine story (“The Mother of a Queen,” 1933), three taurine essays (“Bullfighting, Sport and Industry,” 1930; “The Friend of Spain,” 1934; and “The Horns of the Bull,” 1936, later called “The Capital of the World”), and several taurine passages in For Whom the Bell Tolls (1940).129 Another fifteen bullfighting pieces and fragments, still unpublished, testify to the fascination this subject held for Hemingway. The Spanish Civil War brought Hemingway to Spain again in the late 1930s, and this new Spanish subject produced, as the bullfight had done, publications in a variety of genres, not only the Civil War dispatches he had contracted to write for the North American Newspaper Alliance (NANA, 1937–1939), but also a film script (for Joris Ivens’s The Spanish Earth, 1937), a play (The Fifth Column) and four short stories (published in The Fifth Column and the First Forty-Nine Stories, in 1938), as well as his longest novel (For Whom the Bell Tolls, 1940). All this Spain-based literature forms the background for what emerged from his last foray to “the country that I loved more than any other except my own” (TDS, 43). Like most Republican sympathizers, Hemingway had exiled himself from Franco’s Spain. But when relations between the United States and Spain began to thaw, he returned to Spain after a fifteen-year absence. Intending to

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prepare an appendix to Death in the Afternoon, he saw bullfights in 1953, 1954, and 1956. He was drawn into taurine circles, noticed how things had changed, and met the son of Cayetano Ordóñez. This gave the planned appendix another dimension, or perhaps suggested another work, in addition to the appendix: “I wanted to come over and write the truth, the absolute truth, about his [Antonio Ordóñez’s] work and his place in bullfighting so there would be a permanent record; something that would last when we were both gone . . . I did not want his place in history to be denied or to be fouled up by the maneuvers that were going on” (TDS, 82, 59). He may have been thinking of writing Antonio’s tauromaquia, or perhaps a biography of this great artist. Before going to Spain for the 1959 bullfighting season, Hemingway signed a contract with Life for a journalistic essay about the performances of Ordóñez and his brother-in-law Dominguín. The Life deal defined the essay’s setting (Spain), time span (one summer), characters (two bullfighters), action (bullfighting), length (four to five thousand words), and publication date (1960). Life was probably hoping for another runaway success, like that of its 1952 publication of The Old Man and the Sea, and Hemingway may have harbored similar hopes for a critical and popular hit, perhaps in the form of another novella. Several earlier journalistic pieces had metamorphosed into fiction, sometimes merely by undergoing a change of title or context of publication, and his earlier Spanish travels had produced work in a variety of genres, long and short fiction as well as journalism and nonfiction. Even if the Life essay did end up as straight journalism, perhaps some of the material gathered for it could later produce a short story or another Spanish novel. And indeed, the long manuscript that Hemingway wrote in 1959 and 1960, with its carefully set scenes, dramatic dialogue, sharply drawn conflicting characters and various themes and subplots, does look, as one reviewer noted, like “a manuscript which is trying to become a novel.”130 In fact, the narrative features some of the same characters as his first Spanish novel, where Juanito Quintana and Cayetano Ordóñez were fictionalized as exemplars of virtue and value; now, they reappear as exemplars of decay and dependence. And the main bullfighting characters of the 1926 novel and the 1959 narrative are father and son, necessarily recalling The Sun Also Rises, which is mentioned several times in The Dangerous Summer. Before he even docked in Algeciras on 1 May 1959, then, Hemingway seems to have been thinking about gathering material for four distinct and incompatible projects: an appendix to his own earlier nonfiction book, a tauromaquia of Antonio Ordóñez, a journalistic essay, and a work of fiction, either short or long. Scribner’s would, of course, publish whatever he produced. Hemingway’s multidirectional thinking may also have been complicated by

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his other work-in-process for Scribner’s. Since 1957 he had been working on a memoir about his early years in Paris, and the writing of A Moveable Feast may have a suggested that the new Spanish book could be a companion memoir, focusing on Hemingway’s later experiences. Such a ghost memoir may account for the nontaurine passages (most of them edited out of the 1985 book) that discuss the Spanish landscapes, the memories they evoked, his and Mary’s experiences in Key West and Idaho, and his failing health, discomforts, discontents, and marital problems. Like A Moveable Feast, the memoir passages in The Dangerous Summer (and its typescript) are fictionalized and self-serving. And in both narratives, wives present a problem that Hemingway resolves in more or less the same way, by relegating the wife (Pauline in A Moveable Feast, Mary in The Dangerous Summer) to the sidelines of the narrative while idealizing another woman (his own first wife, Hadley, in the Paris book, and Antonio’s first wife, Carmen, in the Spanish book). When he returned to Spain in 1959, then, Hemingway may have expected that his renewed acquaintance with that country would, once again, enable him to work in a variety of genres, each one with different conventions and a different relationship to those slippery concepts of fiction, nonfiction, biography, autobiography, fact, and truth. Perhaps he thought that the several possibilities outlined here—appendix, tauromaquia, journalism, short story, novel, and memoir—would merge into one piece that would achieve the fifth dimension he had claimed to achieve in Across the River and into the Trees (1950), a book the critics had panned. Perhaps he hoped that this new piece would expand and consolidate earlier achievements on this topic (Spain, bullfighting) and in this venue (Life magazine). But in 1959, Hemingway was neither young nor healthy, and he couldn’t sort out his material or juggle all its possibilities. And so he wrote and wrote, without clear definition or perspective, trying perhaps to do too much at once and unable to establish a clear and consistent definition for how this piece of writing would deal with the facts and feelings, new and old, that flowed out of this return to Spain and the bullfight.

PRODUCTION: THE WRITING AND EDITING OF THE DANGEROUS SUMMER The writing of The Dangerous Summer was hindered not only by the complexities of its conception but also by several energy-consuming practical worries. The Hemingways’ departure from Spain was complicated and protracted, with arrangements made and unmade and separate itineraries worked out for Mary, who left Spain first, to go home via Paris; and for Ernest, Ignacio

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Angulo, and Antonio and Carmen Ordóñez, who sailed with him to New York (arriving 1 November) and then flew with him to Havana and from there back to Key West for a cross-country drive to Ketchum (arriving 19 November). By January 1960 Ernest and Mary were on their way back to Cuba, and in February, after some worrying problems with visas, money, and transportation, Valerie Danby-Smith also arrived in Cuba. Through all this, Mary was threatening to leave him. During this depressed, unsettled time, Hemingway and A. E. Hotchner (q.v.) were also working out the details of several lucrative television projects, such as the adaptation of The Fifth Column and several of his stories for the Buick Electra Playhouse. They were also dealing with the financial, legal, and other details involved in acquiring and adapting Frederick Russell Burnham’s 1926 memoir, Scouting on Two Continents, for television. And Hemingway was also troubled about his next book, A Moveable Feast. He had worked on it in Spain and submitted it to Scribner’s when he returned to the States in November 1959. But he had such strong reservations about it that he withdrew it about four months later, in March 1960. All this was exhausting for an already unwell man who needed to write against Life’s deadline. In November 1959 Hemingway wrote, “I’m bone tired and very beat up emotionally,” and in March 1960 he complained that his life was “nothing but work.”131 Hotchner, who handled most of the details for the television projects, was also exhausted: “I get so pooped from the load of work that by the time I stagger back to my pad I’m not fit for a postcard.”132 Not surprisingly, the writing of The Dangerous Summer got out of control. By the end of March 1960 the typescript was overdue, unfinished, and already at 63,562 words.133 It continued to grow, to almost 120,000 words, and Hemingway was unable to accomplish the necessary cutting and editing. In despair, he called on Hotchner, who had participated in some of the summer’s events, for help. The contract with Life specified that the journalistic piece would focus on the taurine season of the two brothers-in-law, and it was this consideration that guided many of Hotchner’s cuts. Hemingway found it painful to accept Hotchner’s suggestions, which “trimmed the 688-page typescript by about half,” but he agreed to them.134 Life cut another seven thousand words, and this heavily cut though lightly edited version was published in three installments, totaling about fifty thousand words, on 5, 12, and 19 September 1960. A slightly different version, imperfectly adapted to the more knowledgeable Spanish audience, followed soon after (“El verano sangriento,” Life en español, 31 October, 14 and 28 November 1960). These essays necessarily disregard the wider perspectives of Hemingway’s much longer typescript, and he was obviously and thoroughly

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unhappy with the result, his dissatisfaction extending even to the cover portrait of himself: “It made me sick (literally).”135 Both these versions of The Dangerous Summer also disappointed the readership of Life, who had bought a record-breaking five million copies of the magazine in 1952, when it published The Old Man and the Sea, and who now had high expectations from the winner of the Nobel Prize. The Spanish version particularly angered the readers of Life en español; they objected to the insults heaped upon Manolete and Dominguín,136 the misrepresentation of other figures, and the absence of much of the contemporary cast of bullfighters. Fearing a libel suit from Dominguín, Hemingway tried to repair some of the damage: he cabled an update to be published at the end of the last installment, offering some praise of Dominguín and thus implicitly acknowledging his ill treatment of him. Twenty-five years later, Scribner’s published a somewhat longer book version, edited by the in-house editor, Michael Pietsch. Pietsch cut an additional 1,000 words and then restored about 16,100 words from the material Hotchner had cut.137 Today, when we speak of The Dangerous Summer, we generally mean this 1985 book, edited by Pietsch, which gives us about half of the original typescript, adding to it a table of contents, a “Map of Spain” that traces the characters’ travels, a thirty-seven-page introduction by James A. Michener that includes some definitions, a photo spread, a “Glossary of Bullfight Terms” culled from Death in the Afternoon, and a short index compiled by an unidentified hand. Because Pietsch generally followed Hotchner’s guidelines, without attempting to retrieve any of the other aspects of the narrative (the memoir, the wider taurine picture, and so on), the focus of the posthumous book is similar to that of the Life essay that Hemingway did not like. Hotchner and Pietsch were not, of course, the first people to tamper with Hemingway’s texts. In the past, Hemingway had accepted, usually ungraciously, suggestions for cuts and alterations made by respected friends. In The Sun Also Rises, for example, he adopted Fitzgerald’s suggestion that he cut a good chunk of the beginning, and in Death in the Afternoon he nervously adopted Dos Passos’s recommendations for cuts in chapter 20. Throughout his career, Hemingway also had to heed the demands of his publishers. Boni and Liveright’s request that “Up in Michigan” be removed from In Our Time (1925) required the insertion of a new story and changed the relationship between some of the stories and the interchapters. Maxwell Perkins also made demands, keeping Hemingway to deadlines and monitoring his language, the names of his characters, and his political and literary references so as not to offend the Scribner’s readership, affect Scribner’s sales, or expose the publisher to law suits. In A Farewell to Arms, for example, Scribner’s insisted on watering down the characters’ language. And in Death in the Afternoon, the

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publisher’s financial considerations cost us about four-fifths of the four hundred illustrations Hemingway had carefully collected; Perkins feared they would make the book too expensive. In all these instances, Hemingway rewrote and reorganized in order to accommodate the suggested or demanded cuts and changes. But in early 1960, he was no longer able to do that, and although he objected to many of Hotchner’s cuts, he accepted most of them. They were made to satisfy Life, not Hemingway, and twenty-five years later, Pietsch and Scribner’s did not reinstate all the cut material. In both its magazine and book forms, then, The Dangerous Summer is a very complicated hybrid: its words were written by Hemingway, but its content and shape were largely determined by other hands.

RESULT: THE BIAS OF THE DANGEROUS SUMMER There is no denying that in all its versions, including the original manuscript, The Dangerous Summer exalts Antonio Ordóñez at the expense of Luis Miguel Dominguín and, to a lesser extent, other bullfighters. The editing of the typescript may sharpen this bias, but it did not create it: that fault lies squarely at Hemingway’s feet, and he both knew and regretted it. Knowledgeable taurine critics, on whose turf Hemingway had trespassed, were unsparing in their response. They foregrounded basic facts that Hemingway knew but did not communicate clearly enough to his readers: namely, that Ordóñez and Dominguín came from different backgrounds, had different personalities and styles, and were at different stages in their careers: in 1959 Dominguín was thirty-three years old, with fifteen years as a matador de alternativa, and emerging from several years of retirement, as opposed to Ordóñez who, at twenty-seven, was in his eighth season as matador de alternativa. They were not childish competitors for a prize; they were separate, distinct, and distinguished figuras del toreo. Hemingway’s bias angered but did not tarnish Dominguín, who was so well established that Hemingway’s barbs could not lessen his reputation. And of course Ordóñez was such a fine performer that he did not need this kind of distortion in order to shine. The sad fact is that the bias hurt only Hemingway, diminishing his reputation in Spain to this day. No bullfighting season is a championship fight between two contenders, with a crown or medal or title to be awarded to one of them at the end. But The Dangerous Summer treats the 1959 season in precisely this way, concluding that “The question was settled . . . there was not any question anymore who was the best if you had seen the fights and if you had seen Antonio at Bilbao” (205). Hemingway’s pronouncement that Luis Miguel’s goring in Bilbao had “destroyed” him (189) and that the 1959 season, and specially

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that goring, marked a decisive or “tragic” defeat for Dominguín is decidedly a minority opinion. Cossío denies it with a single, matter-of-fact sentence: “Ha seguido toreando, en su brillante tónica acostumbrada, habiendo sufrido cogidas . . . en Málaga y Bilbao” (He has continued fighting with his usual brilliance, even after the gorings in Málaga and Bilbao; my italics).138 Obviously, the Bilbao goring forced Dominguín to cancel many appearances that year and shortened his next season, but most of his forty-two corridas in 1960 were excellent. In short, as I indicated earlier, the season of 1959 was simply one of many for these two masters. Why did Hemingway, who relished bullfight history, traditions, and statistics, who knew that bullfighters can recover from wounds to produce great performances, and who also knew perfectly well that there are different styles and different roads to greatness, insist on the “rivalry of 1959” as a definitive event, with a clear “winner”? It is possible that he was simply acting as writer, immersed in the “fictionalization” process, that literary tendency to create a central figure that draws our sympathy and interest, and to pit it against a flawed counterpart for contrast and emphasis. That would be the simplest and kindest explanation: that he distorted facts in order to heighten tension. Other explanations have also been offered. Gregorio Corrochano, for example, argues that this focus on the “rivalry” is an expression of Hemingway’s own competitive nature, rather than of the two bullfighters’ careers. Hemingway was writing about himself, Corrochano claims, and thus misrepresented the personal and professional relationship between Ordóñez and Dominguín. He also theorizes that Hemingway’s frequent remarks about halffilled rings and his tendency to label all flourishes or adornos as audiencepleasing “tricks” (q.v.) reveal his own perennial worries about money and the saleability of his art.139 Another important critic, Antonio Abad Ojuel, also focuses on the Hemingway psychology, arguing that Hemingway’s exaggerated pronouncements about taurine rivalry, death, and tricks are designed to attract and impress the writer’s American readers (i.e., the intended audience of the book), although they actually alienate any educated taurine aficionado like, for example, Corrochano.140 It can be argued that Hemingway’s bias is rooted in a different constellation of psychological needs: the longing for an ideal or a hero in times of distress, or identification with a young man who recalled or in some way returned his own youth to him, or the need for a loving, admiring “son” at a time when Hemingway’s relationships with his own sons were strained. Ordóñez satisfied all these needs, and he made himself available to Hemingway and gave him entry into the inner circles of the bullfight in a way that the older, more sardonic, sophisticated, and reserved Dominguín would never have done.

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Or perhaps, as Beatriz Penas has argued, the bias is politically and not psychologically motivated: a rejection of Dominguín for his aristocratic demeanor and his intimacy with the Franco regime, while emphasizing Ordóñez’s attempt to keep his distance from it, expressed in his attitude to the land (he plans to farm it, and not just to lounge by the pool, as Dominguín does), his public camaraderie with an avowed Republican like Hemingway, and his open and unguarded jokes. Hemingway focuses on Dominguín’s and Manolete’s “tricks,” Penas argues, to suggest their desire to please, to curry public and political favor; he presents Ordóñez’s more sober art as a metaphor for his greater political independence.141 In short, we can know that there is a bias, but we can only conjecture where it came from. The effects of that bias were long-lasting and far-reaching. Although Dominguín and Ordóñez were, each in his time and in his fashion, superstars of the bullring, Hemingway gave them a different kind of fame. His narrative reached a larger, more international audience than any of their performances; it overshadowed their careers and dominated their obituaries. Non-bullfight people knew about them only because of Hemingway’s account of that summer, a biased account that they accepted as accurate. Bullfight enthusiasts, well versed in the achievements of the two principals, were less gullible, but even they had to factor Hemingway’s narrative into their discussions of these two individuals and the dynasties they represented. Because of A Dangerous Summer, Dominguín and Ordóñez became, and remain, Hemingway’s bullfighters, living on into the twenty-first century as he drew them, their careers reduced to one season, their names always linked to his. Hemingway’s Treatment of Older Bullfighters Even though we can produce several explanations for Hemingway’s vilification of Dominguín, it is more difficult to explain his lack of respect for the other older figuras of bullfighting he also mentions: Domingo Ortega (alternativa in 1931), Manuel Rodríguez (Manolete, alternativa in 1939), Pepe Luis Vázquez (alternativa in 1940), and Antonio Bienvenida (alternativa in 1942). The political implications of their careers—that they performed under Franco’s dictatorship—are obvious but insufficient to explain Hemingway’s failure to acknowledge their achievements and grant them their due. All bullfighters of the period, including Ordóñez, were Franco’s bullfighters; there was no other possibility. Those who refused Franco had to exile themselves. Hemingway’s treatment of Domingo Ortega (q.v.), as seen in the typescript and in the published versions, is interesting. In The Dangerous Summer Hemingway did not recant his earlier disdain for Ortega (DIA, 168–71), even though by 1959 the facts of Ortega’s magnificent career were inescapable. He

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did indicate in the typescript that he wanted to insert a section on “the integrity of Domingo Ortega. . . . Put in Domingo Ortega on the muleta,” but no such passage was written.142 This was insult by omission, intriguing but not harsh. The insults heaped on Manolete, however, were direct, unmistakeable, and less forgiveable. Hemingway saw Manolete only once (in February 1947), and never met him in person; his animosity is difficult to understand. What is certain, however, is that by attacking this Spanish icon, Hemingway offended much of the taurine world and lastingly damaged his reputation as a knowledgeable aficionado. (For more discussion on this point, see Rodríguez Sánchez, Manuel.) Hemingway also erred by treating Antonio Bienvenida and Pepe Luis Vázquez (qq.v.) as if they were Ordóñez’s contemporaries. By 1959, these maestros had been fighting bulls, as novilleros and as matadores de toros, for more than twenty years. Although they were only ten years older than Ordóñez, Vázquez and Antonio Bienvenida and even Dominguín (born in 1926) were a different generation of bullfighters. Promoted to the rank of matador de toros in the early 1940s, they had, like Ortega and Manolete, worked to rebuild the Spanish bullfight in the difficult post-war years (refer to the section on “Change, Nostalgia, and the Law,” earlier in this Introduction). Younger men like Ordóñez, Julio Aparicio (both born in 1932), and Jaime Ostos (born in 1933) were children during the war and novilleros in the late 1940s and early 1950s; they matured as bullfighters in a much more favorable context. Vázquez and Bienvenida brought historical weight to the corridas they graced in 1959, and Hemingway erred seriously by slighting them.143 The Things Taken Out: Editing The Dangerous Summer Acknowledging all this, I must still insist that some of the negative criticism aimed at The Dangerous Summer is really criticism of the conditions of its publication. Hemingway was constrained by his contract with Life: “This has to be a story of Luis Miguel and Antonio and I have not the space to give credit to other matadors for whom I have great respect, admiration and in some cases affection.”144 But Scribner’s was not necessarily bound to the Life publication, and it is difficult to understand why they omitted so much material from the 1985 book version. The still-unpublished portions of the typescript reveal that Hemingway was better informed and had a wider vision of the state of bullfighting in 1959 than any of the published versions of The Dangerous Summer would lead us to believe. The typescript mentions and evaluates, often wittily, about fifteen additional bullfighters: important matadors like Diego Puerta, Luis Segura, Rafael Ortega, Manolo Vázquez (brother of Pepe Luis Vázquez), Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín), the Venezuelan

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César Girón (brother of Curro Girón), the Colombian Pepe Cáceres, and the Mexican Joselito Huerta. It also discusses lesser figures of that temporada, such as José María Recondo, Francisco Antón (Pacorro), Joaquín Bernadó (Hemingway misspelled it Bernardo), and Marco de Celis. It refers to a bullfighter named González (probably Antonio González, whom Ordóñez promoted to matador de toros on 28 May 1959, in Seville, a corrida that Hemingway saw) and another one called Rafaelillo (either the retired matador Rafael Ponce or the banderillero Rafael Valera). The typescript also refers to the famous rejoneador Ángel Peralta, the retired matador turned manager José Ignacio Sánchez Mejías (son of Ignacio Sánchez Mejías, q.v. in HDIA), and the old-timer Sidney Franklin (q.v. in HDIA). Their absence from the published versions of The Dangerous Summer gives us the impression that Hemingway had eyes only for Ordóñez and, to a lesser extent, Dominguín. The fact is that Hemingway saw, knew, and wrote more than is given to us to read. That cast of bullfighters is not our only loss. In the in-house correspondence between Hemingway and Hotchner about the editing of The Dangerous Summer, Hemingway identified one proposed cut as eliminating a character named Mario, another one as “grossly unfair to Luis Miguel,” and another one as “eliminat[ing] the counter-point between the States and Spain which I have tried for.”145 These objections indicate that Hotchner’s proposed cuts, even though adopted by Hemingway, seriously changed the nature of the typescript he had produced, flattening and simplifying it, removing characters and nuances. Even more unfortunately, some of the material that survived the first round of cutting and was published in the magazine version is absent from the book version, thus diluting the presence of the Spanish Civil War in the book (see Madrid). The cross-cultural “counter-point” whose disappearance Hemingway mourned is indeed an important factor in much of Hemingway’s work, which puts American characters in a setting and culture that are foreign to them and to the audience that is reading about them. As Beatriz Penas has pointed out, that cross-cultural element is strongly present in Death in the Afternoon, where bullfighting represents the visible eighth of the Hemingway iceberg, and a critique of Spanish and American culture exists as the larger submerged mass.146 Hemingway’s remarks about Hotchner’s cuts indicate that he wanted that element to enrich The Dangerous Summer as well. In short, then, Hemingway wrote a larger and more complex narrative than The Dangerous Summer gives us. Albert J. DeFazio’s unpublished dissertation, “The HemHotch Letters” (University of Virginia, 1992) reproduces the cut material, and thus enables the larger picture to emerge.147 While my Annotations are keyed to the published book, they also take this cut material into

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account, to give a clearer, more comprehensive picture of Hemingway’s last major piece of writing.

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE DANGEROUS SUMMER Although Hemingway was in poor health and under pressure when he wrote his last narrative, he produced a rich, inventive work because he, like Goya, continued to learn and grow until the very end. The Dangerous Summer merits serious critical attention on several counts. Most obviously, The Dangerous Summer is important because it represents a great artist’s final words on almost all the matters that had preoccupied him throughout his career: Spain, the bullfight, the past, the present, the creation of art, the conflicted relationships between men and women, between fathers and sons, between older and younger artists. Like several of his other books, it examines the effects of fame, money, pride, and ambition on performance, and it lets us see the often adversarial relations that exist between the artist and his professional associates (managers, impresarios, bullring presidents, publishers, publicists, editors, lawyers), his family, his audience, and the critics. In short, The Dangerous Summer looks at all the challenges the artist faces as he labors to subjugate the resisting subject into art, and to communicate that art to his public. As the last piece he wrote, it is Hemingway’s literary testament. The Dangerous Summer is important not only because of its family resemblance to Hemingway’s other work, but also because of its interesting departure from it. Hemingway’s nonfiction books and essays generally feature a first-person narrator whose name is Hemingway, whose nickname is Hemingstein or Papa, and whose actions (traveling, hunting, reading, writing, drinking, falling in love, going to bullfights and museums) are the subject matter of his narrative. Combining the functions of telling and doing, this persona is a narrator/protagonist. This narrator/protagonist “speaks” his opinions and his adventures to two audiences: the readers (real people like you and me who exist outside the book) and the other characters, who exist within it. The in-text audience is often female: the Old Lady in Death in the Afternoon, Poor Old Mama in Green Hills of Africa, Miss Mary in “African Journal” (later published as True at First Light and Under Kilimanjaro), and Hadley in several chapters of A Moveable Feast. These in-text characters perform the role of more or less ignorant or subordinate spectators whose main function is to observe, encourage, learn from, confirm and, whenever possible, admire the actions and opinions of the narrator. In fact, they function in the same way as the readers who

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exist outside the text, in that neither they nor we can influence or control the actions of the strong-willed protagonist or affect the wording, organization, style, or pace of the narrative he is speaking. The protagonist/narrator is in control of everything. In The Dangerous Summer, however, this plan or technique is abandoned, because the roles of protagonist and narrator are assigned to two different characters. The Hemingway persona is still the teller, the first-person narrator, but it is someone else, a talented bullfighter, who acts as the doer, or protagonist. In this book, for the first time in Hemingway’s nonfiction, the narrator relinquishes his centrality as protagonist, and takes upon himself the subordinate, almost feminine role of admiring spectator, of observer or audience, as if he were a minor character in the story he tells. Although he is more closely connected to the bullfighter/protagonist than the other characters are (he goes with him into the callejón, visits him in the hospital, and supervises his convalescence), the fact remains that he is not the doer, not the protagonist, not the center of the action or the focus of all eyes. That role is reserved for Ordóñez (and, to a lesser extent, Dominguín), and the narrator is looking at and admiring Ordóñez, just as the readers and even the other characters in the book are. This, to me, is very interesting. The narrator/protagonist of Death in the Afternoon, Green Hills of Africa, A Moveable Feast, and Under Kilimanjaro stands alone at the center of his narrative, and the characters around him could be removed, or be replaced by each other for most if not all of the book, without changing much of what goes on. The narrator sometimes describes the actions and personality of this or that individual, but the book itself doesn’t depend on any one of those characters, because it isn’t about them. It is always about the narrator/protagonist; he is the one who both tells and does everything. But in The Dangerous Summer, the author has made two bullfighters—or at least one of them—central and indispensable. We could not remove Ordóñez (or Dominguín) from The Dangerous Summer, or even replace them with anyone else, because the book is about them, specifically about them. They, and not the narrator, are the protagonists. The Dangerous Summer could not exist without Ordóñez, and he could not be replaced by any other bullfighter. Another important point is that this protagonist is completely independent from the narrator. Nothing the narrator does or doesn’t do affects his (or their) performance, because the two bullfighters are independent of the narrator: they don’t serve or cater to him, as Bill Davis does; they don’t need to please or obey him, as Mary does; they don’t learn from him or modify their performances in the ring because of his guidance or comment, as Hotchner does. They are totally independent of him, and don’t even derive authority or status by association from him. Instead, in the world they all inhabit, it is the narra-

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tor who, although he is a famous writer, is secondary: his authority derives in large part from the fact that he is the confidant and friend of the protagonist. This focus on a person other than himself marks The Dangerous Summer as a more generous book than any other of Hemingway’s nonfiction works. His admiration for the protagonist is highlighted both by what he says (warm praise for Antonio, cool praise or, more often, disdain for Dominguín and other bullfighters) and by what he doesn’t say (he omits references to Antonio’s weaker performances, glosses over his illegal behavior, and suppresses praise for Dominguín and other bullfighters). It is also highlighted by the structure of the book, although this is affected by editorial intervention. Almost all of the book’s chapters follow the same structure, offering a short introduction that focuses on the narrator and then shifting attention to the bullfighters. The pattern is established in the first chapter, where the narrator speaks about himself for the first six pages, as if to establish his credentials, and then gives three pages (49–52) to Ordóñez, and another three to Dominguín (52–55). This structure suggests balance between the narrator and the protagonists, as well as impartiality in dealing with the two bullfighters. Both the balance and the impartiality soon disappear: the second chapter begins with the narrator, who now only merits a page and a half (56–57) before attention turns to Ordóñez, who dominates the rest of the chapter (57–60), while Dominguín is given only one short paragraph (59). This is actually the pattern that dominates most of the chapters. The narrator sometimes discusses Ordóñez first, sometimes Dominguín first, but Ordóñez generally dominates the space and receives most of the admiration. In chapter 10, which describes the events in Valencia and Málaga, the narrator dominates the first page and speaks periodically; Dominguín, as senior matador, is discussed first (145–46, 155–57, 159–60), but Ordóñez occupies slightly more space (149–52, 155–58, 161–63) and gets more praise. Chapter 11 gives its first page to the narrator, who then practically disappears, and more or less equal space to the two bullfighters; chapter 12 is almost completely devoted to Ordóñez. Chapter 13, the last chapter of the book, repeats and confirms the pattern: it begins with the narrator (the first two pages, 190–91) and then turns to the two bullfighters, first the senior matador (192–200), who exits with a wound, and then Ordóñez, who triumphs with the last bull of the book (200–206). Another important technique that emphasizes the book’s focus on Ordóñez as protagonist is the dramatization of the protagonists, which allows us to hear their voices, diction, and rhythm. Ordóñez speaks often (on pages 52, 58, 63, 70–71, 73–74, 88, 93–103, 112, 118–19, 127–28, 131–32, 136, 143, 146, 152, 154, 158, 162–63, 165, 168, 177, 180–82, 186, 189, 205–206), but Dominguín only rarely (on pages 111, 157, 160–61, 163, 206), and the other characters (Miss Mary, Bill Davis, Hotchner) hardly at all.

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Ordóñez’s centrality is also foregrounded by the insults heaped upon “the competition.” Such attacks are not new in Hemingway. In the earlier nonfiction books, Hemingway heaps praise and abuse on literary figures, living and dead, because they are “the competition” of the narrator/protagonist, who is himself a literary figure. In Death in the Afternoon, for example, more than thirty literary figures are mentioned, many of them more than once, and their works are discussed and (usually) scorned, sometimes at great length. But The Dangerous Summer mentions only seven literary figures (Bacon, Foxá, Lorca, Sánchez Mejías, Shakespeare, Simenon, and Stein), usually only once and very briefly. Most of the attacks (and the occasional praise) are aimed at other bullfighters because, for Ordóñez, the competition are bullfighters, and not literary figures. The narrator is obviously an important author, but even he and his art take second place to the protagonist and his art. Both the distinction and the hierarchy are unprecedented. In this loving attention to another artist, The Dangerous Summer reveals a new focus and generosity of spirit, all the more remarkable because they come from a man who was mired in despair and swiftly descending to suicide. Such an important document deserves to be published in full. Only by looking at the complete typescript of The Dangerous Summer will we be able to discuss what its complex mix of journalism, travel literature, autobiography, biography, tauromaquia, and veiled political criticism is trying to convey. To facilitate that discussion, we also need to look at all these factors in their historical context. And to that end, I offer the annotations that follow.

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Notes: Cross-references to other entries in this volume are indicated by q.v. or the italicized see or see also. References to entries in the companion volume, Hemingway’s Death in the Afternoon: The Complete Annotations (abbreviated HDIA), are presented in roman type with the abbreviation HDIA (q.v. in HDIA; see Barcelona in HDIA; see also Deva in HDIA). References to Hemingway’s texts are indicated by the abbreviations DIA for the hardcover first edition of Death in the Afternoon and TDS for The Dangerous Summer. A shorter version of The Dangerous Summer appeared in three issues of the magazine Life: Part I, 5 September 1960, 77–109; Part II (“The Pride of the Devil”), 12 September 1960, 60–82; Part III (“An Appointment with Disaster”), 19 September 1960, 74–96. For the text, as opposed to the photographs, the specific page numbers are: Part I: 78, 85–88, 91–92, 94, 96–100, 102, 104–105, 109 Part II: 61–66, 68, 73, 75–76, 78–80, 82 Part III: 74, 76, 78, 81, 83, 87–88, 90, 95–96 Life also published a photographic essay featuring the face and opinions of Hemingway, “Stirring Drama in Spain” (7 September 1959, pp. 26–31). The summer’s events produced two additional essays, a short one by Ernest Hemingway (“A Matter of Wind”) and a longer one by Mary Hemingway (“Holiday for a Wounded Torero”), both in Sports Illustrated (17 August 1959, pp. 43–51).

–A– Adamo. See Simon, Adamo de. Aficionados. See Followers. Africa. Hemingway and his second wife, Pauline Pfeiffer, hunted and fished in Africa from December 1933 to February 1934. This African experience 77

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produced Green Hills of Africa (1935) and two stories, “The Snows of Kilimanjaro” and “The Short Happy Life of Francis Macomber.” Twenty years later, Hemingway visited Africa again, this time with his fourth wife, Mary Welsh. That trip, which lasted from August 1953 to March 1954, ended with two airplane crashes. On 20 December 1971 and 3 and 10 January 1972, Sports Illustrated published sections of Hemingway’s long manuscript about the second trip to Africa. As happened with The Dangerous Summer, Scribner’s published a posthumous book-length version of the second safari manuscript, edited by Patrick Hemingway and titled True at First Light (New York, Scribner’s, 1999). This was followed by the full version of the manuscript, edited by Robert W. Lewis and Robert E. Fleming and titled Under Kilimanjaro (Kent, Ohio: The Kent State University Press, 2005). In both the 1930s and the 1950s, Hemingway visited Spain on his way to Africa. The narrator mentions the 1953 trip to Africa (43), the visit to Spain that preceded that trip (53), the crashes (56), and his other adventures (110) while in Africa. He also mentions that Dominguín fought bulls in North Africa (59).

Aisne River, Marne River. Both the Aisne and the Marne run through France roughly east to west, parallel to each other for long stretches. The Central Powers overran Belgium and the northern sections of France early during World War I, turning those areas into bloody battlegrounds. The two rivers formed important fronts. Autumn 1914. After the Battle of Mons, Belgium, in August 1914, the Germans forced the British and French to retreat all the way to the Marne River, which was so close to Paris that the French government moved itself to Bordeaux in early September. The Battle of the Marne (5–12 September 1914) caused the Germans to retreat northwards to the Aisne River, where they held fast. This was the First Battle of the Aisne. Spring 1917. The Second Battle of the Aisne lasted from 16 to 20 April 1917. Large concentrations of German forces were able to stand firm against the French attack, with heavy losses on both sides. The fighting continued through May and June. The government brought in General Pétain to energize the dispirited French Army. Spring 1918. The Third Battle of the Aisne took place in late May and early June 1918. The Germans had staged a surprise attack along the Aisne River, driving the French westward from Chemin des Dames to Soissons and south to the Marne River, coming within thirty-seven miles of Paris. The German advance was broken at Chateau-Thierry on 4 June, but the fighting continued and in July the Germans crossed the Marne. The Allied counteroffensive (the Second Battle of the Marne) drove them back.

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The Ebro River, a crucial front during the Spanish Civil War, brings the Aisne and Marne rivers to the narrator’s mind (126).

Alfonso XIII (Hotel). Address: San Fernando, 2, 41004 Seville. The elegant Hotel Alfonso XIII, “conceived to be the most luxurious hotel in Europe,” was designed in 1928 and inaugurated in 1929, in the presence of the then King of Spain after whom it was named (see Alfonso XIII in HDIA). At that time it was owned by the association of “Grandes Hoteles Europeos.” Today it is registered as a historic building, owned by the city of Seville, and managed by ITT Sheraton (The Westin Luxury Collection). The hotel’s interior patio is surrounded by a series of elegantly furnished seating areas, whose walls are decorated with handsome colored tiles in a variety of designs, which emphasize Spain’s Moorish heritage. The hotel’s restaurants, shops, conference rooms, and other facilities bespeak luxury. Over the years the bedrooms have been modernized and air-conditioned, but the façade and general plan remain unchanged. The hotel has hosted the usual long list of celebrities, ranging from royalty and presidents to movie stars and the prize fighter Primo Carnera (in 1957; q.v. in HDIA). Perhaps because it is so expensive, formal, and selfconsciously elegant, it is not frequented by the taurine crowd, who prefer the Hotel Colón (refer to “The Functions of Place Names,” in the User’s Guide of this volume). Hemingway and his party arrived in Seville on 28 May 1959, the day on which Ordóñez, Chicuelo II, and Jaime Ostos performed in Seville’s plaza de toros. They stayed at the Alfonso XIII that night, leaving at dawn the next morning. The hotel was still fairly new then, only thirty years old.1 The narrator, his “ill and tired” wife, and Bill and Annie Davis spent one night at the Hotel Alfonso XIII “with its comfortless grandeur” (80, 82).

Algeciras. Algeciras’s plaza de toros dates from the 1860s. It had two stories and could seat about 5,500 spectators. This was the bullring Hemingway visited in 1959. The current structure, the “Nueva Plaza,” which sits on the same site, was not inaugurated until 1969. The city’s feria de junio consists of five or six corridas, sometimes fewer; it usually falls the second week of June. Hemingway landed in Algeciras on 1 May 1959 and visited the old Algeciras bullring, which was then almost a century old, on 15 June, to see Dominguín perform there with Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín) and Juan García (Mondeño, q.v.). Dominguín, the senior matador, cut two ears and a tail; Miguelín cut four ears, and Mondeño cut three. Clearly, “La segunda corrida de feria en Algeciras fue extraordinaria” (the second corrida of the Algeciras feria was extraordinary).2

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A week later, Hemingway saw Dominguín in Algeciras again. Describing these performances, Hemingway notes almost all of Dominguín’s strengths: his huge repertoire with the cape and muleta including his spectacular larga cambiada afarolada, performed on the knees, with which he often greeted the bull (145, 150, 172); his grace with the banderillas; and his strict, efficient control over all aspects of the fight: Dominguín was a fine director de lidia (q.v.). While in Algeciras, Hemingway stayed at the Hotel María Cristina (q.v.). The narrator landed in Algeciras (61, 62). He praises all aspects of Dominguín’s two afternoons in the Algeciras feria but then discounts his performance by insisting that the bulls’ horns had been shaved (107) and that Dominguín had resorted to “tricks” (106–107, 109–111).

Alhambra. Located on a hilltop in Granada, the Palace of the Alhambra is an impressive complex of ornate Moorish buildings, gardens, fountains, and courtyards built c. 1250–1350. Yusuf I built the Court of the Myrtles and the ornate Hall of the Ambassadors, where the king received petitioners, ambassadors, and foreign royalty. Mohammed V added the famous Court of the Lions, and Mohammed VII the Tower of the Infantas. One of the last strongholds of the Moors, the Alhambra was ceded to the Catholic kings in 1492. In the sixteenth century, Charles V pulled down part of the structure to make room for his palace, which was never finished. After several centuries of neglect the Alhambra began to be restored in the nineteenth century and is now protected by the United Nations as an important scenic and historic site. It is famous for its intricately ornate arches, ceilings, pillars, and tile- and wood-work. The narrator visits the Alhambra briefly (164).

Alicante. Alicante, a well-fortified port, was under Republican control throughout the Spanish Civil War, until the Republicans conceded defeat in February 1939. When he visits the city twenty years later, Hemingway meets “alive old friends” and “friends of old friends” (i.e., people who shared his political sympathies; TDS, 123). Alicante’s main fiesta honors San Juan Bautista (St. John the Baptist), whose feast day is 24 June. Alicante’s bullring, built in 1847 and remodeled in 1888, seats fifteen thousand spectators. Ordóñez and Alicante. In the 1959 season, Ordóñez fought only once in Alicante, on 28 June. The program for this fight also included Ángel Peralta (a famous rejoneador, or mounted bullfighter), Jaime Ostos (q.v.), and

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Francisco Antón Marín (Pacorro). As the narrative correctly indicates, Ordóñez was given two ears and the tail for his first Domecq bull and one ear for his second. Alicante boasted a “Club taurino Antonio Ordóñez.”3 The narrative mentions Alicante often, both before and after Ordóñez’s performance in that city (122–23; mentioned 118, 119, 121, 127, 144, 164). The narrator’s old friends receive him warmly, and the hotel owner refuses payment from him (123).

Angulo, Ignacio (Natcho). Correct spelling: Nacho.4 A wealthy young man from San Sebastián, Angulo was a contemporary of Antonio Ordóñez who followed his career closely. He was more an aficionado of Ordóñez than of the bullfight in general: a torerista (one who is particularly interested in toreros or in an individual torero), as opposed to a torista, whose major interest is the bull.5 See also Followers. The narrator pays little attention to Angulo, merely noting the he was a young Basque who came with Antonio Ordóñez to La Cónsula for a few days (168).

Antonio. See Ordóñez, Antonio. Aparicio, Julio. Full name: Julio Aparicio Martínez. Spanish bullfighter, b. 1932. Investiture as matador de toros, on 12 October 1950, granted by Joaquín Rodríguez (Cagancho; q.v. in HDIA), in Valencia; confirmed in Madrid, 19 May 1951. Aparicio, the son of a minor bullfighter,6 was a quick study who achieved early fame. In 1949, aged seventeen, he was one of Spain’s topranked novilleros, with seventy-two novilladas including his formal Madrid debut in May. In 1950 he performed in ninety novilladas, appearing often with another fine novillero, Miguel Báez (Litri). In the void left by Manolete’s death, these two young stars, whose showy and risky tremendista maneuvers contrasted sharply with Manolete’s sober, economic classicism, seemed to herald a new era in bullfighting. Such was their success that in both 1949 and in 1950, several traditional fiestas offered novilladas instead of corridas de toros in order to satisfy the public’s demand for this pair of novilleros. At the end of the 1950 season they were promoted to matadores de toros in the same corrida, having drawn straws to determine who would be promoted first and would therefore have seniority over the other: Aparicio won. As a matador de toros, Aparicio had a phenomenal season in 1951: with seventy corridas, he was ranked fourth nationwide (Litri was fifth, with sixty-seven corridas, and Ordóñez was sixth, with forty). His style matured;

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the tremendismo posturing faded and was replaced by more sober, serious art. For the rest of the decade, Aparicio maintained a steady rhythm of between thirty and fifty corridas a year: forty-nine in 1952 (he suffered two serious injuries that year), thirty-four in 1953, thirty-five in 1954, forty in 1955, thirty-seven in 1956 (one serious goring), forty-three in 1957 and in 1958, and thirty-three in 1959.7 He was badly wounded in 1960 and in 1961; in 1962, after thirty-one corridas, he retired. As famous, popular bullfighters often do, Aparicio performed after his retirement to raise money for various causes. In September 1964, for example, he fought a mano a mano with Ordóñez in Ronda’s annual corrida goyesca, in which the bullfighters wear the nineteenth-century dress depicted by Goya (this marked both matadors’ single appearance that year). Then he resumed an active career: in 1965 he performed in twenty-four corridas (a serious goring canceled several others), thirty in 1966, twentyeight in 1967, seventeen in 1968, and eight in 1969, the year he announced his second retirement. His last performance was another corrida goyesca in Ronda, with Antonio Ordóñez, in September 1969. Aparicio was badly injured in a car crash in 1978. His son, Julio Aparicio Loreto, born in 1969, is also a matador de toros. Aparicio and Ordóñez. Aparicio and Ordóñez were contemporaries and life-long friends. Aparicio promoted Ordóñez to matador de toros in 1951; this was the first alternativa Aparicio granted. In the 1959 season, they appeared together in eight corridas: on 30 March and 5 April (Barcelona), on 18 and 23 April (Seville), on 14 May (Madrid), on 30 August (Dax), on 8 September (Murcia), and on 20 September (Arles). In the corrida of 14 May, the first of the San Isidro fair, Victoriano Valencia (q.v.) and Aparicio were both panned by the taurine critic of the Madrid daily ABC; Ordóñez’s fine performance earned him the only ear awarded that afternoon. With his second bull, however, “contagiado [por] la desgana de su compañero y amigo Julio Aparicio . . . Ha hecho mal” (infected with the apathy of his friend and colleague Aparicio . . . Ordóñez performed poorly).8 The narrator remarks accurately that the early years of Aparicio’s career were very profitable (71) and that he appeared on the same bill with Ordóñez and Valencia in Madrid, May 1959. He describes Aparicio as a fine matador although he did not shine in that corrida and was upstaged by Ordóñez (71, 74, 118).

Aragón. See Christian Kings. Aranjuez. Aranjuez has been a royal property for more than five centuries, ever since the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. The existing palace was

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built in the sixteenth century by Philip II (q.v. in HDIA) and expanded by subsequent monarchs. The region’s pleasant weather made it a popular summer resort, with horse races and bullfights offered for the entertainment of the aristocracy seeking relief from the Madrid heat. Aranjuez’s important corridas celebrate the feast days of San Agustín, on 28 August, and of San Fernando, on 30 May. Fountains, statues, and gardens also attract many tourists, as do Aranjuez’s famous strawberries and asparagus. The Aranjuez Bullring. Aranjuez’s plaza de toros was built in 1761 or 1796 (reports vary), rebuilt in 1829, and renovated in 1851 and 1881. Although quite large—it seats almost ten thousand spectators—it had oldfashioned and inadequate medical facilities when Ordóñez was wounded there in 1959. The most recent renovation and modernization occurred in 1976. Hemingway and Aranjuez. Hemingway visited Aranjuez for the corrida of San Fernando on 30 May 1923, one of the first he ever saw. It was not a good corrida: the performances of Marcial Lalanda, Pablo Lalanda, and Braulio Lausín (Gitanillo de Ricla) ranged from perfunctory to miserable (for a detailed review, see Aranjuez in HDIA). Little wonder that in describing Aranjuez in Death in the Afternoon, Hemingway focused on the picturesque and not on the bulls, the bullfighters, or his response to them. In his 1959 visit to Aranjuez, Hemingway again mentions the beauty of the place, but this time pays more attention to the specifics of the bullfight he saw there. Ordóñez and Aranjuez. In 1959, Ordóñez fought only once in Aranjuez, in the important corrida of Saturday, 30 May. The bulls were from the Barcial ranch and the other two bullfighters were Manuel Jiménez Díaz (Chicuelo II), whose performance Hemingway describes, and Jaime Ostos (qq.v.). Chicuelo II was awarded one ear for his first bull (the audience asked for a second, but it was denied); he was applauded for his work with his second bull. Ostos was unremarkable with both his bulls; his work was received in silence. In his nostalgic review of this corrida, Gregorio Corrochano, who frequently compares Dominguín to José Gómez Ortega (Joselito), places Ordóñez in the tradition of Juan Belmonte and Antonio Fuentes (q.v. in HDIA). Such a comparison constitutes high praise. In his review of the Málaga corrida (q.v.), Corrochano again invoked Belmonte and Joselito, both of whom he had known personally and frequently seen in the ring. In his essay “A Matter of Wind,” Hemingway accurately translates the official description of the twelve-centimeter wound Ordóñez suffered in Aranjuez: it “was four and a half inches deep and had to be opened up in the two directions the flick of the horn took.” In the book version, however,

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the wound is inaccurately described as being “six inches deep” (96). The goring worried Hemingway so much that he asked the Jesuits to pray for his friend (see Jesuit Seminary Fund Association). Mary Hemingway described the goring as a “disaster . . . comparable to Mickey Mantle’s being hit between the eyes by one of Herb Score’s fast balls and taken to the hospital with a broken skull.” The injury cost Ordóñez a month’s employment; his first fight after Aranjuez was in Zaragoza (q.v.), on 27 June.9 The Aranjuez Restaurant. The café-restaurant Hemingway mentions but does not name is probably El Rana Verde, on the banks of the Tagus (Tajo) River (address: 2, Carretera de Madrid, Aranjuez). The establishment has its roots in a 1903 merendero or chiringuito (a small eatery, often nothing more than a kiosk), which supplied meals to the agricultural workers employed in the royal residence. In 1933, Joaquín Cot Massó, a Catalan, came to Aranjuez as an employee of the newly established Gerona-Madrid-Aranjuez busline and fell in love with Concepción Díaz, whose parents, sister, and seven older brothers ran the family’s kiosk. Cot returned to Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War, but he came back to Aranjuez and to Concepción after the war. They married in 1940, and started their own chiringuito, eventually expanding it into the restaurant that for decades has been a landmark of Aranjuez. Their establishment was named after Concepción’s father, who jokingly addressed all his friends as rana verde (green frog) and thus became known as el tío Rana Verde (the fellow or uncle Rana Verde). In 1999, when I first visited it, the restaurant was about double its original size, and was owned and run by José Tomás and Joaquín Cot Díaz Heredero, sons of the founders of this branch of the family business. In 2006, when I enjoyed a three-and-a-half-hour lunch there with my daughter (we fed the Tajo’s water fowl, who swam to our table), it was run by Jorge and Joaquín Cot Minguela, sons of Joaquín Cot Díaz; their uncle, José Tomás, had taken charge of the Delicias (q.v.), on the other side of the river. The landmark restaurant still goes under its original name as well as the more grammatical La Rana Verde. A sister restaurant, easily accessible from the ringroad around Aranjuez, opened after Hemingway’s death. It is also called La Rana Verde. An illustration in Life en español shows a set table—a lovely still life— with a caption which mentions the Tajo River which flows between the restaurant and the former Hotel Delicias, which also had a restaurant facing the river. In both the Spanish and English versions of The Dangerous Summer, the restaurant is compared to a Sisley painting.10 A similar simile occurs in A Moveable Feast, whose narrator remarks that the view from the French restaurant called La Pêche Miraculeuse is “as Sisley had painted it” (MF, 43–44).

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The narrator describes the city of Aranjuez and the corrida of 30 May (87–96); he refers frequently to the goring Ordóñez suffered that day, mostly to say that it did not affect subsequent performances (114, 116, 118, 127, 140; see also 85).

Authors. For the few authors, books, and literary characters mentioned in The Dangerous Summer, see Don Juan; Hamlet; Hotchner; Fortune; Foxá; García Lorca; Hemingway, Mary; Shakespeare; Stein. The unnamed author of the book that Bill Davis reads (124) is probably Sidney Franklin (q.v. in HDIA), whose self-congratulatory autobiography is titled The Bullfighter from Brooklyn. Ernest Hemingway also refers to his own published work: Death in the Afternoon (62), The Old Man and the Sea (56), The Sun Also Rises (50, 53, 135, 136, 139); and to several works-in-progress (45, 55, 56, 59; these include the posthumously published “nonfiction” works, The Dangerous Summer, A Moveable Feast, and “African Journal” or True at First Light/ Under Kilimanjaro). For a discussion of ghostwriting, see Davis, Bill, in this volume; see also Authors in HDIA. For authors as competition, refer to “The Importance of The Dangerous Summer,” in the Introduction to this volume.

–B– Bach, Johann Sebastian. German organist and composer, 1685–1750. Bach’s preludes, fugues, inventions, sonatas, concerti, and church compositions are masterpieces of the Baroque period. Titles familiar to every generation of music lovers include Books I and II of The Well-Tempered Clavier, the Brandenburg Concertos, the Goldberg Variations, the Magnificat, and the Mass in B Minor. Even when working with a difficult bull, Antonio Ordóñez displays a “Bachlike purity” (130).

La Barata (the Cheap One). Nickname for the expensive Lancia that Hemingway acquired in July 1959 (190; see Cars; Lancia). Barcelona. During the Spanish Civil War, Hemingway made four trips to Spain, visiting Barcelona on three occasions: December 1937, April 1938, and November 1938. By this last date, almost all of the International Brigades had been withdrawn from the front lines, and the Nationalists were advancing north from the Ebro River. The fall of Barcelona to

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Franco’s forces at the end of January 1939 enabled the Nationalists to take over all of Catalonia and marked the end of Republican hopes: about two hundred thousand Republicans fled to France. Alicante (q.v.) surrendered in February; Valencia and Madrid fell in March. In 1959, Hemingway mentions Civil War battles as he approaches the Ebro River (q.v.), but his account of the subsequent drive to Valencia and Barcelona makes no reference to his wartime visits to those strongly Republican areas. The only hint about his earlier trips to Barcelona comes when he mentions that a certain hotel there was “friendly” (126; cf. the hotel in Alicante, TDS, 123). Knowing that his narrative would be published in Franco’s Spain (in the magazine Life en español), Hemingway diplomatically avoids politics, focusing instead on the pleasures of the journey and on bullfighting. Barcelona and the Bullfights. Tradition has it that Barcelona has celebrated bullfights since the 1500s. Its first modern bullring was a wooden structure, La Barceloneta, named after the port district where it stood. The increased popularity of the bullfight in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries resulted in the construction of two newer bullrings, both of which still stand. The Plaza de las Arenas, built in 1900 to seat almost fifteen thousand people, is a charming, brick-colored Moorish building that has not been used for bullfights since the 1960s. The Plaza Monumental was built in 1914 or 1915 to seat eight thousand people and expanded in 1916 to accommodate about twenty-five thousand. Decorated with blue and white tiles, it has, in addition to all the usual amenities (infirmary, chapel, offices, stables for horses, corrals for bulls), a large, well-stocked taurine museum. It is said to be the most comfortable bullring in all Spain, because the spectators sit in individual seats with backs (but no arms), instead of jostling each other along a bench. All three of Barcelona’s bullrings were de primera categoría (first-ranked rings) in the 1930 taurine code, although even at that time La Barceloneta was no longer used (it was torn down in the 1950s). Barcelona’s important fiestas honor San José (St. Joseph), whose feast day is 19 March, and the city’s patron saint, Nuestra Señora de la Merced (Our Lady of Mercy), whose feast day is 24 September. Bullfights are held throughout the taurine season.11 Ordóñez and Dominguín in Barcelona. In 1959 Ordóñez performed five times in Barcelona. The corridas of 30 March, 5 April, and 1 May took place before Hemingway arrived in Spain. Hemingway describes the one of 29 June, which featured Antonio Bienvenida, Dominguín, and Ordóñez, with bulls of Sepúlveda de Yeltes (q.v.). Ordóñez’s work with the first bull

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was met with silence but his performance with the second was rewarded with an ear and a triumphant “salida a hombros” (carried out of the ring on the shoulders of the spectators). Blashill reports that on this afternoon Dominguín cut three ears from his two bulls (to Ordóñez’s one), but Hemingway—although he admits that Dominguín was “superb” with both his bulls—only mentions the trophies awarded for his second bull. This is one of the ways in which he undercuts Dominguín (refer to “Result: The Bias of The Dangerous Summer” in the Introduction to this volume). On 18 July, in a corrida that is not mentioned in The Dangerous Summer, Ordóñez fought Pinohermoso bulls in Barcelona, sharing the bill with Jaime Ostos and Antonio Borrero Moreno (Chamaco); he was given four ears for his work that afternoon.12 The narrator mentions but does not describe Dominguín’s corrida in Barcelona on 18 May (74, 77; see also Espontáneo). He describes the corrida of 29 June (128–30) and mentions Barcelona several times, both before and after the corrida (118, 123, 124, 125, 126, 133).

Bartender. Bartenders and waiters figure less prominently in Hemingway’s nonfiction than in his novels. In The Dangerous Summer, a bartender is mentioned only once (167; see also Wine). Baseball. Hemingway linked baseball and bullfighting as early as 1923: in describing his first bullfight, he wrote that bullfighters look like “major league ball players.”13 The connection surfaces again in a 1959 article, when he tries to explain a taurine mishap in terms more accessible to an American audience. Describing the way “the bull’s hoof slipped in the sand which had been disturbed by the horses,” Hemingway said that “It was like a bad bounce in baseball.” And describing the bull’s horn, Hemingway wrote that it is “sharp-pointed but widens to the size of a baseball bat.”14 Mary Hemingway picks up the baseball imagery when she compares Ordóñez’s injury to “Mickey Mantle’s being hit between the eyes by one of Herb Score’s fast balls.”15 In The Dangerous Summer, two very different young men, an American writer (Hotchner) and a Spanish bullfighter (Ordóñez) come together because both are friends of Hemingway’s. Their characters and interests represent different aspects of Hemingway’s own, and in several scenes Hemingway connects them to each other and to himself in terms of jokes, costumes, writing, bullfighting, baseball, and the definition of the private and public self. The cross-cultural sporting motif receives more attention in the Life version of The Dangerous Summer, which retains Hemingway’s discussion of Ordóñez’s abilities as catcher and the evolution of sport into

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joke; this was excised from the book version.16 The baseball trope is made visual in a photograph in Life en español, which shows Hotchner pitching and Ordóñez wielding a bat.17 Cf. the photographs of Hotchner as bullfighter, TDS, following 166. See also Sports (in this volume); see Altrock, Nick (in HDIA). The narrator uses baseball imagery in reference to Ordóñez, Hotchner, and Dominguín (158, 180, 182, 193).

Bayonne, France. Bayonne’s plaza was inaugurated in July 1893 and seats 10,800 spectators. Built and owned by a consortium, it was acquired by the city in 1985. Ordóñez in Bayonne. In 1959 Ordóñez fought twice in the Bayonne. His first appearance was the mano a mano of 15 August (bulls of Carlos Núñez), in which Ordóñez was granted two ears for the first bull, two ears and the tail for his second, and two ears for his third. Dominguín’s knee, injured when he fell in Málaga (q.v.), bothered him so much in Bayonne that after performing a remate on his knees, he used the wooden stick to which the muleta is attached as a cane, to enable him to stand up. Hemingway refers to this indirectly when he writes that in Bilbao, on 21 August, “Luis Miguel got to his feet without having to use the muleta stick to push up with” (TDS, 196). Ordóñez returned to Bayonne on 6 September 1959, fighting Osborne bulls with Antonio Bienvenida and Jaime Ostos (qq.v.) and earning two ears for his first bull; opinions were divided and he was not granted any trophy for his work with the second bull.18 The narrator goes to Bayonne for the corrida of 15 August (176, 178–79).

Beaufort, Sir Francis. British naval officer, 1774–1857. He devised the Beaufort scale for measuring wind velocities: zero indicates a calm, when wind velocity is less than one mile per hour; twelve indicates a hurricane, when winds reach velocities of more than seventy-five miles per hour. After years of fishing in Caribbean and other waters, Hemingway was necessarily familiar with the Beaufort scale. When Ordóñez is gored, the narrator measures his pain in terms of the Beaufort scale (98).

Belmonte. Full name: Juan Belmonte García. Spanish bullfighter, 1892–1962 (died by his own hand). Investiture as matador de toros, in Madrid, October 1913.

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Belmonte had a long and spectacular career. He first captured national attention by narrowing the distance between himself and the bull and taking enormous risks. He was called a daredevil and the public, afraid he would not last long, rushed to see him. In 1914, Belmonte and José Gómez Ortega (Joselito, q.v.) met for the first time in the bullring. Inspired or perhaps goaded by Belmonte’s unconventional maneuvers, Joselito quickly mastered Belmonte’s unorthodox moves, polished and improved them, and then performed the revised version before Belmonte, who in turn challenged him with increasingly dangerous innovations, while becoming a more sober and artistic performer himself. The Belmonte-Joselito partnership or competition is considered one of the golden ages of bullfighting. As Belmonte achieved polish, he suffered fewer gorings. But he always maintained his revolutionary closeness to the bull, a closeness that transformed the art of toreo and caused him to be called the father of modern bullfighting. Belmonte retired a number of times, but was still fighting, albeit in Portugal, in 1937. For more detail about this important bullfighter, see the entry for Belmonte in HDIA. The narrator, having seen the great Belmonte perform, decides that Luis Miguel’s capework was not first-class (54). Ordóñez, on the other hand, achieves the excellence of Joselito and Belmonte (189).

Belville, Rupert. Alternate spelling: Bellville. Hemingway and Belville met in 1937 “on their way to Spain to take opposite sides in the war.”19 Hotchner adds that Belville “had been a pilot on Franco’s side during the Civil War” and describes him as “a tall, well-groomed, ruddy-faced perfectly dictioned constituent of the leisured, nonworking, White’s Clubbed upperest class.” Mary Hemingway, who went with Belville to several corridas in the spring of 1954 while Hemingway recuperated in Venice, describes Rupert as a tall, womanizing alcoholic who had been “packed off by his family to the . . . sherry-producing provinces of Spain” where he befriended the rich wine-makers and became a bullfight aficionado. Ordóñez remembers Belville as a wealthy Englishman, much attracted by the bullfight, who had been Hemingway’s friend for years.20 Belville accompanied Hemingway to bullfights in Pamplona, in the summer of 1953; in Madrid, in the spring of 1954; in Logroño and Zaragoza, in the fall of 1956; and to many corridas during the summer of 1959.21 The narrative does not mention Belville’s presence in Logroño and Zaragoza (TDS, 56).

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The narrative describes Belville as a tall Englishman, well versed in the bullfight, who shared Hemingway’s admiration for Antonio Ordóñez (58). He was one of “our friends” who joined Hemingway in Pamplona in 1953 (49) and for several weeks in 1959 (62–63, 69, 76, 108).

Benitez Cubrera. Correct spelling: Benítez Cubero. Full name: José Benítez Cubero. Twentieth-century Spanish bull breeder. In 1935 don José Benítez Cubero bought a herd for his ranch, Los Ojuelos, in Marchena (Seville). That herd traced its pedigree back to 1830, to animals owned by don Diego Hidalgo Barquero. In 1910, the prominent bull breeder don José Domecq (q.v.) acquired some of this stock and crossbred it with Surga and Parladé blood. After Domecq’s death, the herd went through two owners—Antonio Peñalver, who bought it in 1924, and the Pallarés Delsors brothers, who bought it in 1929—before being acquired by don José Benítez Cubero in 1935. He established their seniority or antigüedad by presenting them in a corrida in Madrid on 10 September 1939 under his name, brand, and colors (blue and white). The herd is still (as of 2006) in the same family, with the same colors and brand. In 1959 Ordóñez killed six Benítez Cubero bulls: two on 18 April, in Seville; one on 1 May, in Barcelona; two on 12 July, in el Puerto de Santa María (the ones Hemingway mentions); and one on 27 September, in Nîmes.22 The animals fought in el Puerto de Santa María were Benítez Cubero bulls (136).

Bidassoa. Correct spelling: Bidasoa. River in the province of Navarra, in northeastern Spain. See Rivers, Mountains. Vera de Bidasoa. In November 1924, Vera de Bidasoa, a city on the Bidasoa River quite close to the French border, was the site of a shoot-out between Civil Guards (q.v.) and revolutionaries attempting to topple the government of Primo de Rivera (q.v. in HDIA). The revolutionaries, who had come from Paris, were detected by a constable at Vera de Bidasoa. They managed to kill several people, including two Civil Guards, and to wound many more. Fourteen men were captured on the Spanish side and turned over to the commandant at Vera; seventeen more were arrested on the French side. The revolutionary cadre was later estimated to number as many as seventy men.

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The military authorities, worried by this and several similar events that had preceded it, rushed to try four of the captured men. The hasty trial, the subsequent reversal of the verdict, and the final review of the case resulted in two executions and one suicide. The case was followed by the newspapers, and Hemingway obviously was familiar with it: he wrote about it in an unpublished fragment titled “Revolution,” and in Death in the Afternoon, where he incorrectly located the events at Deva (DIA, 274). In 1953, Hemingway traveled the same route as the unfortunate revolutionaries, going south from Paris to Pamplona. But the journey did not jog his “rat trap memory” into mentioning the events of 1924 nor his own published and unpublished writing about them. Or perhaps he did remember them, but chose not to mention them in a narrative that would be published in Franco-ruled Spain. For more detail, see the entry for Deva in HDIA. The narrator mentions that when he entered Spain he was stopped at three checkpoints at the Bidasoa River. He feared he and his party would be arrested or deported (45).

Bienvenida. Professional name of the Mejías family, natives of the town of Bienvenida, in Badajoz (Extremadura). The founder of this bullfighting dynasty was Manuel Mejías Luján (1844–1908), an excellent banderillero. His sons were also bullfighters: the elder, José Mejías Rapela (Pepe Bienvenida, 1880–1959), was a banderillero, and the younger, Manuel Mejías Rapela (q.v. in HDIA) was an inspired and talented matador whose career was derailed by a serious goring that permanently weakened his left leg. This Mejías had nine children, two of whom died in infancy: Antonio Mejías Jiménez lived only five months, 1915; and Carmen (Carmelita) fourteen months, 1919–1920. The other children, who survived to see the family prosper, were the daughter, Carmen Pilar, and the six bullfighting sons: Manuel Mejías Jiménez (1912–1938, q.v. in HDIA), José (1914–1968), Rafael (1917–1933, murdered by a family employee), Antonio (1922–1975, q.v. in this volume), Ángel Luis (1924-2007), and Juan (1929–1999). All the sons except Rafael became matadores de toros. Because the family traveled all over Spain and to Central and South America, several of the Bienvenidas were not born in the town that provides their nickname. In 1959, Antonio Mejías Jiménez (q.v.) came out of retirement for thirty-two corridas. Bienvenida, Antonio. See Mejías Jiménez, Antonio (Bienvenida).

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Bilbao. With its long taurine tradition, Bilbao had four plazas, each one built at a different location, before the first plaza at Vista Alegre was built at the end of the nineteenth century. None of these older plazas survive. Vista Alegre, the city’s major bullring, was inaugurated on August 1882; it seated 12,800 and was the plaza Hemingway knew. It burned down in September 1961, just two months after Hemingway died, and a new plaza, similarly named and situated, was built in only five months. It is somewhat larger, seating almost fifteen thousand spectators. Its inaugural corrida, celebrated on 19 June 1962, featured Antonio Ordóñez as senior matador.23 Vista Alegre hosts Bilbao’s big feria, the Corridas Generales, which is held in August, lasts about a week, and offers five or six corridas, generally with the large bulls that are so much to Bilbao’s taste. Ordóñez in Bilbao. In 1959, Ordóñez performed on three days of Bilbao’s feria. On 18 August, the bulls were from the ranch of Atanasio Fernández and his colleagues were Curro Girón and Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín).24 Hemingway accurately reports that Ordóñez earned four ears. Although The Dangerous Summer notes the heavy presence of the “law and authority” in Bilbao, it does not mention the authorities’ response to the illegal behavior of Ordóñez’s picadors (see Silvestre Gómez, Enrique). Since the matador is ultimately responsible for his staff, the omission works to exalt Ordóñez (refer to the section titled “Result: The Bias of The Dangerous Summer” in the Introduction to this volume). On 20 August Ordóñez fought in Bilbao again; the bulls were from Antonio Pérez and the other matadors were Jaime Ostos (q.v.) and Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín), whom Hemingway had seen two days earlier. (Although the published text does not mention Miguelín, he performed often that year, which was his first full season as a matador de toros, and Hemingway saw many of those performances; for more detail about him, see endnote 24.) Ordóñez was cheered for his first bull and booed for his second. On the following day, the two brothers-in-law and Jaime Ostos fought Palha bulls (q.v.). Ordóñez was given an ear for his first bull, an ovation for his second, and two ears for his third, which was, as Hemingway reports, the bull that had gored Dominguín. Dominguín in Bilbao. Dominguín performed in the Bilbao fiesta on 19 August (without Ordóñez)25 even though he was not yet fully recovered from the goring he had suffered in Valencia on 30 July and from the knee injury sustained when he fell in Málaga, on 14 August. He had showed weakness in that leg in Bayonne on 15 August and four days later, fighting difficult Villamarta bulls in Bilbao, he further strained the injured leg. With insufficient time for recovery, Dominguín approached the corrida of 21 August in poor condition. Hemingway’s remark that “If Luis Miguel had been

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managed by his father . . . he would never have gone to Bilbao to be destroyed” echoes Gregorio Corrochano’s prescient remark that “Luis Miguel . . . no ha debido venir a Bilbao” (he shouldn’t have come to Bilbao), published in his review of the August 19 corrida. Corrochano opens his review of the corrida of 21 August by mentioning Luis Miguel’s father: “si viviera, Luis Miguel no haría este paseo” (if he were alive, Luis Miguel wouldn’t have performed on this day). Corrochano’s review of this Bilbao corrida was entitled “Pocas veces ocurre lo inesperado” (The unexpected rarely happens), indicating that the goring was to be expected.26 The narrator describes Bilbao (189, 191), its bullring (194–95), and four corridas of its August fair (191–205).

Bogotá, Colombia. Luis Miguel Dominguín was promoted to the rank of matador de toros in Bogotá, in 1941, at the age of fifteen. But since foreign investitures were then not valid in Spain, his seniority actually dates from the Spanish investiture, granted at La Coruña on 2 August 1944 by Domingo Ortega. Only partially recovered from a serious goring in Caracas on 4 January 1953, Dominguín fought poorly in Bogotá on 15 February and announced his retirement shortly after that corrida. It turned out to be only a partial retirement: for the next few seasons, he performed occasionally in Central and South America, though not in Spain. By 1957 he was fighting in Spain again, including a corrida in Madrid, his first there since 1949.27 Hemingway is correct about the location but not the date of Dominguín’s first retirement. The narrative reports that Dominguín announced his retirement in January [1953], in Bogotá (113).

Bull, Half-Bull. In 1959, Spain’s taurine code (Reglamento) defined bulls as follows: novillos that were fought in novilladas without picadors had to be younger than four years old; those fought in novilladas picadas (with mounted picadors) had to be at least three but not more than six years old; and bulls fought in corridas de toros had to be at least four but not more than seven years old. (The overlapping was reduced but not eliminated in the 1962 Reglamento.) The Reglamento also established parameters in terms of weight, the official weight being taken post mortem. In first-class rings, the bull had to weigh at least 460 kilograms; in second-class rings, at least 435 kilograms; and in third-class rings, at least 410 kilograms.28 The half-bull that Hemingway mentions is objectionable because he is too young or too light or because his horns have been tampered with, which

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may make him less accurate with his horn thrusts. All of this may give the matador a false feeling of security and may reduce the gravitas of the bullfight. In some ways, this half-bull is a response to the innovations introduced by Juan Belmonte (q.v.), which created a demand for a smaller, faster, more responsive bull that could be fought closely. In response, bull breeders in the 1920s and early 1930s sometimes sent underage bulls into the bullring, a practice that drew sharp protests (see Villar in HDIA). Another important factor in the production of the “half-bull” was the Spanish Civil War. For a more extended discussion, refer to “Bulls and Bull Breeding,” in the Introduction to this volume. See also Mejías Jiménez, Antonio (Bienvenida); Rodríguez Sánchez, Manuel (Manolete). The narrator discusses illegal practices such as using underage or bred-down bulls, “what we call the half-bull or medio-toro,” including bulls whose horns have been shaved (46–49, 59, 90–91; mentioned on 83, 187).

Burgos. Burgos has a long tradition of bullfighting, with fights being recorded as early as 1352. Hemingway visited Burgos’s old bullring, which was inaugurated in 1862 and renovated in 1900. It seated about eight thousand people. In 1967, Burgos built a larger bullring, with seating for 12,200 spectators. Ordóñez in Burgos. In 1959, Ordóñez fought only once in Burgos, on 30 June, during the fiesta of San Pedro (St. Peter), whose feast day is 29 June. The bulls were from the ranch of María Cruz Gomendio, and the afternoon’s bill also featured Jaime Ostos and Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín). Ordóñez’s bullfight schedule reports that he heard only silence after his work with the first bull and that he got two ears for his second, but a newspaper account reports that he was awarded an “ovación” during his first faena and again after he had killed his first bull; and that he got two ears and a turn around the ring for his work with the second.29 Hemingway also saw a corrida of Miuras in Burgos, early July 1959. The narrator describes the town of Burgos and the corrida of 30 June only briefly (132–33; mentioned 118, 134, 190). He also mentions another corrida in that city (134).

–C– Cabo Blanco, Peru. See The Old Man and the Sea. El Callejón (Madrid). Full name: El Callejón de la Ternera. Restaurant established on 5 March 1944. Address: 6 Calle Ternera (or Calle de la Ter-

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nera), a very short street off the Plaza del Callao on the Gran Vía, Madrid. In the early 1990s the restaurant moved over into the next building but one, remaining on the same alley. El Callejón was proud of its “Rincón de Hemingway” (Hemingway’s Corner), which displayed plaques and photographs commemorating the visits of Hemingway, Ordóñez, their entourages, and other taurine luminaries. When the restaurant moved, this display was transferred to the new address as well. By 2002, however, the whole area had been redesigned, and the restaurant had disappeared. In 2003, a Cuban restaurant, called Cuando salí de Cuba (When I Left Cuba) opened on the same site, serving Cuban food and displaying Hemingway memorabilia. Both Life and Life en español correctly locate El Callejón on the Calle Ternera, but the typescript and the book version place it on the Calle Becerra. It is clear that Hemingway misremembered the name of the street, but his mistake is logical: both words, becerra and ternera, mean calf (feminine), but the word becerro/a usually refers to the offspring of ganado bravo, while the ternero/a to that of domesticated cattle. The narrator enjoys his meals at El Callejón (84–85, 133).

Campanas. See Drinks. Carlton Hotel (Alicante). The Alicante Carlton no longer exists. The narrator stays at the Carlton in Alicante, which he praises, for only a few hours, arriving before lunch and leaving after the bullfight. The management refused payment from their illustrious guest (122, 123).

Carlton Hotel (Bilbao). Address: Plaza Federico Moyúa, 2, 48009 Bilbao. Early in the twentieth century, Bilbao’s leading citizens decided that their city lacked a sufficiently impressive venue for its cultural, social, and business gatherings. They established the “Sociedad Hotel Carlton” to fund and supervise the construction of the Carlton Hotel. Their architect, Manuel María Smith Ibarra (1879–1956), presented his plans for a large, solid rectangular building in 1919. Construction began immediately and was completed in 1926. Even before its completion, the Carlton Hotel was designated the official home of Bilbao’s Chamber of Commerce and of its Atheneum. It has hosted important political and financial meetings, as well as Bilbao’s most important visitors. The Carlton Hotel has been modernized and renovated several times. The first improvements, in 1930 and in 1945, were supervised by the original

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architect. The hotel’s current managers, the Aranzazu Group, refurbished the hotel between 1992 and 1994. The Spanish government has declared the luxurious four-star hotel a protected historical monument. In Hemingway’s day, the Bilbao Carlton seems to have been the hotel of choice for bullfighters and their followers. In 1959, both Ordóñez and Hemingway stayed at the Carlton, and in 1960, when the French writer Jean Cau traveled with Jaime Ostos, they also lodged there. Like Hemingway, Cau remarks upon Bilbao’s money, large bulls, and heavy rain.30 The narrator likes Bilbao’s Carlton Hotel, where he stayed (191; see also 189).

Cars. In the 1950s, cars were still scarce in Spain, and therefore constituted a status symbol. Peter Viertel, for example, remarks that in 1954 Luis Miguel Dominguín had a Cadillac and a driver named Mariano, and that in 1959 he had a Mercedes.31 Hemingway also carefully reports who was driving or riding in what car during the summer of 1959. Ordóñez has a Chevrolet (104; q.v.), a Land-Rover (108), and a Mercedes (88, 114; the interview in El Pueblo identifies it as a Mercedes 220 and the driver as Diego). Belville has a Volkswagen, which he lends to the Davises and Hemingways (76, 82). Bill Davis drives a Ford (q.v.). Hemingway’s chauffeurs, Adamo de Simon and Mario Casamassima (qq.v.), both drive Lancias (q.v.), a “new old” one in 1956 (56) and a new one nicknamed La Barata (q.v.) in 1959 (190–91). Mary Hemingway and Annie Davis seldom ride in the same car with their husbands (see also Women and Girls). To attend the bullfights at the various ferias and fiestas, the narrator, Bill Davis, and the bullfighters’ other friends do a great deal of driving (66, 164–65; see also 68–69, 121, 123, 131).

Casa Luis (restaurant). Correct spelling: Casa Ruiz. Full name: Cervecería Ruiz—Casa Cuesta. Address: Calle Castilla 3 and 5, Triana, Seville. Since the Calle Castilla becomes Callao, the restaurant also has the address of Calle Callao 2 and 4. It faces the chillingly named Callejón de la Inquisición, a short street which leads down to the Guadalquivir River. The cervecería (bar-cum-eatery) was founded in 1917, under the name Casa Cuesta. In March 1936, shortly before the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, the business was acquired by José Ruiz Sánchez, who renamed it Cervecería Ruiz. It survived the war years, prospered, attracted a taurine clientele, developed a solid repertoire of local dishes, and was taken over by his son, José Ruiz Rodríguez. He added the old name, Casa Cuesta, to

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distinguish his establishment from another one nearby, which was owned by another family named Ruiz.32 Before 1959, and for many years after, patrons used to enter the restaurant through the kitchen, passing the cash register and squeezing through a narrow opening in the bar, as the waiters did, to reach the tables in the bar area. The entrance was redesigned, so that patrons would enter directly into the bar. When I was there in 1998, this bar area was a fairly large room decorated with tiles and furnished with a long bar and several small tables where patrons were served drinks, tapas, and light meals, with more substantial meals available in a smaller, whitewashed, somewhat more formal dining room in the back. The small kitchen, situated between the bar and the dining room, was plainly visible from the dining room. In 2006, when I returned, the large front room served a full menu. In Hemingway’s day, as today, this quiet, informal, friendly family-run establishment offered a marked contrast to the sumptuous Hotel Alfonso XIII (q.v.), where the Hemingways stayed when they came to Seville with Ordóñez. In the typescript, Hemingway remarks that he felt sleepy at the Seville bullfight, adding that this was the first and only time that this had happened to him. In one interesting sentence, two independent clauses link his unwonted nodding off and the shady management of the Seville bullring, the latter topic being developed in succeeding sentences (see also Sevilla).33 The grammar suggests that Seville is to blame for Hemingway’s disinterest, but his lassitude could simply be postprandial: one eats well at the Casa Ruiz, and wine always figured largely in Hemingway’s Spanish lunches. The Cervecería Ruiz closed in 2001, but by 2003 it had reopened under new ownership. It now (2006) carries the old name Casa Cuesta, and has a Web site (www.casacuesta.net) that claims (incorrectly, I think) it was established in 1880. The narrator enjoyed his meal at the Casa Luis [sic] (80).

Casamassima, Mario. Hemingway’s chauffeur. According to Carlos Baker, Casamassima was “a lean and sardonic friend” of Gianfranco Ivancich (q.v.). According to Mary Hemingway, he was “dark” and “devilish-looking.” In 1956 he drove the Hemingways from Paris to Spain and back, and in 1959 he drove alone from Udine to Spain, to deliver their new Lancia (q.v.).34 See also Cars. The narrative identifies Casamassima as an Italian “racing driver [and] beginning TV director” who served as Hemingway’s chauffeur in 1956 (56–57, 142). He joined Hemingway and Davis in August 1959 (190–91).

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Castile. See Christian Kings. El Charri. See Gongoiti, Gabriel. Chevrolet. Hotchner describes “Antonio’s cuadrilla [crew] wagon” as “a big custom-made Chevrolet with a panel-truck chassis to withstand the beating from the bad Spanish roads.”35 See also Cars. The narrator mentions the Chevrolet in which Ordóñez and his cuadrilla traveled from engagement to engagement (104).

Chicuelo II. See Jiménez Díaz, Manuel. Choko’s Bar. The Basque spelling is txoko; the Spanish spelling is choco, and the diminutive is chococo. The choco is a familiar, comfortable corner, one’s original home or birthplace; the word is also used to refer to a place used or rented by a group of relatives or friends who gather regularly for festive meals, birthdays, weddings, and other celebrations. Located on the Plaza de la Constitución (today the Plaza del Castillo), the Choko stood under the pillars of what was once the Hotel Quintana, where Hemingway stayed in the 1920s. The bar that Hemingway frequented in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1950s can still be visited today.36 The narrator and his friends gather at the Bar Choko in Pamplona (138, 139).

Christian Kings. The three Christian kings were Alfonso VIII of Castile (1155–1214), Peter II of Aragón and Cataluña (1174–1213), and Sancho VII (El Fuerte, the Strong One) of Navarre (1154–1234). Although they had often been in conflict with each other, sometimes forging alliances with Moors (Moslems) to protect or enlarge their own dominions, in 1212 they joined forces with each other and with the Roman Catholic Church to fight against the Moors, who ruled over large tracts of land and whom at that point they perceived as their common enemy. Background: The Alliance between King Sancho and the Moors. Before the Church joined forces with powerful Spanish kings to create a unified Spain, local kings had occasionally forged alliances with Moorish kings and princes in order to enlarge their own territories. In 1199, for example, King Sancho VII had enlisted the aid of Morocco to protect his kingdom from inroads by the kings of Castile and of Aragón. This alliance between Christian and Moor (against other Christian kings) caused Pope Celestino III to excommunicate Sancho, who then stayed in Morocco for so long that he was suspected of having converted to Islam. However, in 1209 Sancho

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VII joined his erstwhile enemies, thus becoming one of the three Christian kings intent on expelling the Moors. The pope’s excommunication was canceled. The Alliance of the Christian Kings against the Moors. In 1195, Alfonso VIII had been defeated by Mahmed ben Yacub of Morocco at Alarcos; in 1211 Mahmed ben Yacub took Seville and was well positioned for further battle. Determined to rid himself of the Moors once and for all, Alfonso VIII turned to Peter II and to Sancho VII, his erstwhile enemies in the longlasting regional struggles for land. These three Christian kings were backed by Pope Innocent III and by a strong contingent of French, Spanish, and Portuguese knights and bishops. All these armies gathered in Toledo and headed south for battle. Legend has it that a shepherd, Martín Alhaga, guided Alfonso VIII and his army through Spain’s mountains (see Despeñaperros) and thus ensured their success in difficult terrain. Alhaga’s contribution to the enterprise is commemorated with a statue erected in his honor in the Cathedral of Toledo. Spain’s Moslems, most of whom were Almohades (followers of the Mahdi), were concentrated in southern Spain and strongly supported by the Moroccan Mahmed ben Yacub and his troops. The decisive battle took place at or near Las Navas de Tolosa, in July 1212, just south of the Sierra Morena.37 This battle marked the virtual end of an intermittent five-centuries-long struggle to expel the Moslems from most of what is now Spain (the reconquista, or reconquest of Christian lands). In 1230 Castile and Leon were united and able to conquer, in quick succession, the Moslem cities of Córdoba (in 1236) and Seville (in 1248) as well as the Balearic Islands and Murcia. Within fifty years of the battle at Las Navas de Tolosa, only Granada and a few neighboring ports harbored Moslems. The Fifteenth Century. In 1469, the marriage of the Catholic monarchs Ferdinand and Isabella (qq.v. in HDIA) practically completed the unification of Spain, and the struggle for religious hegemony became the paramount issue in the reconquista. Armed with the military and moral support of the Roman Catholic Church, the Catholic kings embarked upon the Inquisition, killing and expelling Jews as well as Moors from Spain. In January 1492, they easily took what was left of Moorish Granada (see, for example, Ronda in HDIA). Thus freed of most of their internal worries, they focused their considerable energies on conquering and converting the Americas, and reconquista became conquista. The narrator drives past the area where the kings of Castile, Aragón, and Navarre defeated the Moors: he gives the date of the battle (67).

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Chulo. Chulos were originally bullring servants who worked on foot, assisting the mounted bullfighter (who was a caballero, a gentleman or aristocrat, literally a man who rides a caballo, horse). Later, the word came to signify any bullfighter who fought on foot at the orders of a matador: a member of the matador’s cuadrilla or crew (see the Glossary of Death in the Afternoon, s.v. Banderillero). The original chulos were attached to a particular bullring instead of to an individual rejoneador or matador, as the modern cuadrilla is. As matadors gained in stature and prestige, and hired their own cuadrillas, the bullring’s chulos were assigned other, lesser duties in the bullring, such as opening the toril to allow the bull to enter the arena and assisting members of the matador’s cuadrilla, especially by handing out banderillas, pics, and garrochas (long poles used by rejoneadores or mounted bullfighters). Behind the scenes they conducted the bulls from their pens (chiqueros) to the passage where they waited to enter the ring; they also worked at skinning and cutting up the killed bulls, and so on. Slowly the word chulo lost its taurine connotations and acquired a more negative meaning, becoming slang for a low-life, usually associated with Madrid’s lower or criminal classes and, by extension, any shady, showily dressed character—a dandy, an effeminate man, or a pimp.38 Ordóñez’s delight at “our chulo appearance” is a reference to the informal clothes he and Hemingway wore (as opposed to formal civilian attire like coats and ties, or formal torero attire such as the traje corto (worn at tientas or festivales) or traje de luces (suit of lights, worn in the ring). Ordóñez is clearly referring to the dignity conferred upon all bullfighters by their profession and not by their clothes. Their profession—“We’re toreros, aren’t we?” (112)—exempts them from the social and sartorial codes that bind lesser mortals. Ordóñez, then, is using the word in its ancient taurine context. In a 1952 letter, Hemingway shows his awareness of these linguistic subtleties: “The language [Spanish] is easy to learn superficially. But there are so many meanings to each word that, spoken, it is almost double talk. In addition to the known meanings of a word there are many secret meanings from the talk of thieves, pick-pockets, pimps and whores, etc.” (Selected Letters, 794). Hemingway’s references to chulo as a “double-meaning word” focuses on its negative meanings: (1) the flouting of middle-class codes or values, with overtones of criminality (“Sevillian underworld,” 113) and (2) sexual irregularity, in which category he would put homosexuality and pimping (the “quite rough” meaning, 113). See also Homosexuals in HDIA. After many years in Cuba, Hemingway probably also knew the Caribbean expressions ¡Qué chulo! and ¡Qué chulería!, which mean, “What fun!”

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The narrator announces that he knows several meanings for the word chulo (113).

Ciudad Real. Ciudad Real’s main fiesta, the Fiesta de la Virgen, runs from 14 to 22 August and is celebrated in the city’s old bullring, built in 1844 and remodeled in 1873. The outside walls form a sixteen-sided polygon, interrupted by three entrances, which are not only insufficient in number but also too narrow to admit the crowds easily. Ordóñez in Ciudad Real. The mano a mano of 17 August marked Ordóñez’s only appearance in this bullring for the 1959 season. The bulls were from the ranch of Ricardo Arellano and Dominguín cut an ear. Ordóñez was awarded an ear for his first bull, two ears and the tail for his second, and two ears, tail, and hoof for his third. He was carried out of the ring on the shoulders of the enthusiastic spectators.39 At the Ciudad Real corrida, Hotchner dresses as a bullfighter, enters the bullring with Dominguín and Ordóñez, and stands in the callejón with the narrator, thus giving the narrator the opportunity to explain various aspects of the bullfight (180–89).

Civil Guard. See Guardia Civil. Cobaleda. The Cobaleda and Sánchez Cobaleda (q.v.) families are important bull breeders of the twentieth century, although the pedigree of the Cobaleda bulls can be traced back to the eighteenth century, when the herd was owned by several generations of the Guendulain family of Tudela, Navarre. That herd was bought by Nazario Carriquiri in 1850. Carriquiri registered his brand (two C’s crossed back to back) and colors (green and crimson) when he first presented the animals to be fought in a Madrid corrida on 10 July 1864. The herd’s antigüedad (seniority) dates from that corrida, which indicates uninterrupted registration under that brand and those colors even though the ownership has changed several times. In 1883 the Count of Espoz y Mina acquired full control of the herd (he had been co-owner with the Carriquiri family), and his heirs sold the herd and all its rights to Bernabé Cobaleda of Salamanca in 1908. The bulls appeared in Madrid under the name Cobaleda (but with the Carriquiri brand and colors) for the first time in 1909. When Bernabé Cobaleda died in 1929, his son Juan Cobaleda Sánchez inherited the rights to the brand and colors and half of the herd, and his daughter Natividad also inherited part of the herd. Juan Cobaleda died in 1960, and his heirs sold

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the herd in 1963. After that, it had several other owners, and the Carriquiri brand was lost. In 1988, the herd became the property of Antonio Briones Díaz, who reinstated the brand. Natividad Cobaleda’s portion, inherited by her daughter, also named Natividad, carries the original Cobaleda colors (green and crimson) and antigüedad (10 July 1864), but has a different brand. The younger Natividad registered her herd under the name of her husband, Atanasio Fernández Iglesias, and today (as of 2006), it still carries his name. The Sánchez Cobaledas (q.v.) are another branch of the far-flung Cobaleda families. Some of their herds devolve from the Villar bulls (q.v. in HDIA), which Hemingway saw in the 1920s. Matías Sánchez Cobaleda, who died in 1928, left his holdings to his widow, who sold it in 1947 to Nicasio López Navalón. He bred out the Trespalacios blood that had characterized the herd, and crossed the cows with a Juan Guardiola Soto (formerly Parladé) stud bull. Nicasio sold his herd in 1954 to María Cruz Gomendio y Pérez de los Cobos, who changed the brand to reflect her name (a G superimposed on a cross, or cruz) and colors (dark green and fire), and the herd acquired a new antigüedad, 28 June 1959 (the ranch and its brand are now extinct). The 1950s Gomendio bulls were quite different from the old Cobaledas. Due to sales and marriages, then, Cobaleda bulls were owned by several families, who bred them variously. Hemingway stretches a point by attaching the name Cobaleda to the Cruz Gomendio bulls that Ordóñez fought in Burgos on 30 June 1959.40 The narrator reports that the Cobaleda bulls which Ordóñez fought in Burgos were “difficult and dangerous” (133).

Col de Velate. This mountain pass, located between Pamplona and San Sebastián, crosses the easternmost end of the Cantabrian Mountain Range, near the border of Spain and France.41 Hemingway mentions another pass, Despeñaperros (q.v.), in the south. Coming from France into Spain and driving towards Pamplona, the narrator crosses the mountains at the Col de Velate (45).

Constitution. The USS Constitution was an ocean liner built in 1951 by the Bethlehem Shipbuilding Corporation, Quincy, Massachusetts, for American Export Lines. She is a single-class ship with six decks. The Heming-

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ways boarded in New York, on 22 April 1959; they occupied Stateroom U 143. In 1974 the Constitution was sold to a Chinese shipping company. She returned to American ownership in 1981 when she was sold to American Hawaii Cruises and became a family-oriented cruise ship. Her sister ship is the Independence.42 The narrator and his wife sailed to Spain in the spring of 1959 on the Constitution, which is comfortable but not as distinguished as European vessels (61).

La Cónsula. The finca (estate) known as La Cónsula is on the Churriana road, near Málaga, Andalucía. The entrance gate bears the date 1856, but the finca was probably established about fifty years earlier, by Juan Roz, the Prussian consul to Spain.43 A local story reports that, although the Prussian consul was kind to the local populace, who duly appreciated him, the house’s name actually honors the consul’s wife, who outlived him and outdid him in good deeds and generosity. The elegant front of the large white house presents ten graceful arches on the bottom floor; these are repeated upstairs, where the bedrooms open to a spacious balcony or terrace. The house faces a graveled semi-circle and is surrounded by carefully designed gardens punctuated by paths, pools, fountains, and sculpture. Encroaching residential development has reduced the size of the gardens, but they are still impressively large and boast trees that are well over one hundred years old. Bill Davis (q.v.) was “in his early forties” when he first came to the area in search of a house: he and Annie bought La Cónsula in May 1952 for about $50,000.44 In 1993 it became the Escuela de Hostelería de Málaga, which focuses on haute cuisine and graduates chefs and maitres d’hotel who quickly find employment in five-star hotels and in elegant paradores all over Spain. Although the exterior of the building remains mostly unchanged from Davis’s day, the downstairs rooms have been transformed into offices and the upstairs rooms into classrooms, a library, and practice kitchens. A modern addition, adjacent to the original house, houses a professional kitchen, wine cellars, a bar, and an elegant restaurant where impressive (and expensive) lunches are offered on week-days, prepared and served by advanced students who are carefully monitored by their professors. The restaurant is called Fiesta (the British and Spanish title of Hemingway’s The Sun Also Rises, although this may be coincidental), and its logo features a muleta and sword.45 In 2006, the Hemingway Society visited La Cónsula at the beginning of its Twelfth International Hemingway Conference.

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Hemingway and La Cónsula. La Cónsula was Hemingway’s headquarters in 1959. His stay in the house is commemorated by a large portrait, done in tiles, in the pool area. In the restaurant, the maitre d’s desk is a copy of the one that Davis had ordered for Hemingway to enable him to write standing up, which was how Hemingway preferred to work after the injuries suffered in the African plane crashes. The narrator describes the house, its furnishings, and its gardens (61–62). Ordóñez comes to La Cónsula on several occasions (101–104, 167, 168, 176), and Mary Hemingway organizes a joint birthday party there for Hemingway and Carmen Ordóñez (138, 142–43). The house is mentioned several times (66, 82, 109, 113, 164).

Córdoba. Córdoba is a very taurine city, home to five califas, or rulers, caliphs (the word recalls Córdoba’s Moslem or Moorish history) of toreo: Rafael Molina Sánchez (Lagartijo, 1841–1900), Rafael Guerra Bejarano (Guerra or Guerrita, 1862–1941), Rafael González (Machaquito, 1880–1955), Manuel Rodríguez Sánchez (Manolete, q.v.), and, most recently inducted into this Hall of Fame, Manuel Benítez Pérez (el Cordobés, b. 1936). In the eighteenth century, when mounted aristocrats disported themselves with bulls, taurine events were held in the city’s main square, the large Plaza de la Corredera and, less often, in the Plaza de la Magdalena. In 1759, Córdoba built its first bullring, a wooden structure located in the Campo de la Merced, although taurine events continued to be held at the Plaza de la Corredera. The early wooden bullring was replaced by a series of increasingly larger and more solid structures, built in 1789 (this ring burned down in 1810), 1815 (it lasted until 1820), and 1827. This last was torn down in 1834 when the city decided to build a permanent bullring in a different location, on the Carrera de los Tejares (hence that bullring’s name, Los Tejares). This large bullring, inaugurated on 31 May 1846, was damaged by fire and rebuilt in 1866, renovated and enlarged in 1868 (from 10,500 to 14,600 seats), and torn down in the 1970s.46 It is the plaza Hemingway visited in 1959. Hemingway never saw Córdoba’s current bullring, called La Plaza de los Califas or just Los Califas. Built in 1965 to seat almost seventeen thousand spectators, it is located in a newer part of the city, called Ciudad Jardín, and not on the site of Los Tejares,47 which is now occupied by a large department store, El Corte Inglés (on the Ronda de los Tejares). Although Los Califas replaced Los Tejares as Córdoba’s plaza de toros, the old bullring survived for almost another decade, hosting concerts, sports events, and other public activities: it served Córdoba for over a century.

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The new area, Ciudad Jardín, and the neighboring development, Vista Alegre, were all built in the 1960s; in Hemingway’s day, Córdoba was a much, much smaller city than it is today, and the Córdoba Palace (q.v.) was its only large, modern hotel. Córdoba’s annual feria is dedicated to the city’s patron, Nuestra Señora de la Salud (Our Lady of Health), whose feast day is 25 May. (Rather incongruously, the city’s cemetery also carries her name.) In the 1920s, the feria ran for three days, but it now lasts a week to ten days, and is simply called la feria de mayo (the fair of May).48 Ordóñez and Córdoba. In 1959, Ordóñez fought in Córdoba only once, on 26 May, when he shared the bill with Pepe Luis Vázquez and Jaime Ostos (qq.v). The bulls were from the ranch of Carlos Núñez. Vázquez did short faenas, but nothing extraordinary. Ordóñez earned an ovation for his work on his first bull, but his second was deficient in horns and was scorned by the audience; Ordóñez obtained permission to buy the sobrero (substitute bull) and did a magnificent faena, cutting two ears and being carried out of the ring by his admirers. Ostos also did well, as Hemingway reports: he cut both ears from his first bull and was also carried out on shoulders.49 The narrator describes the town of Córdoba briefly and lavishes more detail on the bullfight (77–80).

Córdoba, Jesús. Full name: Jesús Córdoba Ramírez. Mexican bullfighter, b. 1927. Investiture as matador de toros, in Celaya, Mexico, 25 December 1948; confirmed in Mexico City, 16 January 1949; confirmed in Madrid, May 1952, his first season in Spain. Córdoba was born in Winfield, Kansas, the son of Mexican parents who moved back to Mexico when he was ten years old. When he came of age, he opted for Mexican rather than American citizenship. Córdoba’s rise as a novillero was rapid, “francamente brillante.”50 During the 1950s he fought in Mexico, Portugal, France, and, after the ban against Mexican bullfighters was lifted in 1951, in Spain. His three consecutive Spanish seasons were quite successful: fourteen corridas in 1952, thirty-five in 1953 (he was ranked seventh of all accredited matadors performing in Spain), and either ten or fourteen (reports vary) in 1954.51 In 1955 and 1956 he remained in Mexico, not appearing in Spain at all. In 1957 he performed in eight corridas in the best bullrings of Spain, including Madrid. But that year the old antipathy to Mexico, which had sided with the Republicans during the Civil War and which afterwards sheltered many of Franco’s opponents, reasserted itself: from 1957 until 1961 Mexican bullfighters were

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excluded from Spanish rings. (For a history of Mexican boycotts, see “Change, Nostalgia, and the Law,” particularly endnote 5, in the Introduction to this volume.) Córdoba was still active in the Mexican rings in the late 1960s, and in the early 1990s he served as asesor (technical advisor) to the bullring in Mexico City. Hemingway and Córdoba. Hemingway saw Córdoba in the 1953 Pamplona fair, on the afternoons of 7 July, when he performed with Julio Aparicio and Isidro Marín, and 9 July, when he appeared with Emilio Ortuño (Jumillano) and Pedro Martínez (Pedrés). On the second of these afternoons, Córdoba dedicated one of his bulls to Hemingway.52 The narrator accurately describes Córdoba’s Kansas origins, adds a positive evaluation, and reports that Córdoba dedicated a bull to him (51).

Córdoba Palace (hotel). Sometimes misspelled Palas.53 Address: Jardines de la Victoria, Córdoba, Spain. The hotel, at the edge of the old Jewish Quarter, was a short, park-side walk to Los Tejares, the bullring Hemingway knew, and is also within walking distance from today’s bullring, Los Califas. Its convenient location has made it a favorite for bullfighters and aficionados. See also Córdoba. When the Palace Hotel was inaugurated in 1956, it was Córdoba’s largest and most elegant hotel, with 106 rooms housed in two wings; it was surrounded by gardens, fountains, and empty fields. A third wing (an additional forty-one rooms) was added during the major remodeling and expansion of 1992, the year of the “Expo” that celebrated the five centuries since the discovery of the Americas. Today large buildings and busy highways hem it in. The Palace was and is still (in 2006) a four-star hotel. When it was acquired by the Grupo Sol Meliá, its name was changed to the Meliá Córdoba.54 Refer to “The Functions of Place Names,” in the User’s Guide of this volume. Mary Hemingway, who had caught cold during Madrid’s sanisidros, was not feeling well on 26 May 1959 when José Luis Vázquez, Jaime Ostos, and Antonio Ordóñez (qq.v.) fought in Córdoba. The narrator’s wife rests in a friend’s room at the Palace Hotel in Córdoba (77).

El Coto. El Coto was a private restaurant, attached to Madrid’s Bolsa, or Stock Exchange. Address: Plaza de la Lealtad, 1, Madrid, facing the lateral of the Paseo del Prado and the Plaza de la Lealtad, across from the Ritz and a short block from the Palace Hotel (q.v.), where Hemingway stayed in the summer of 1959.

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The Madrid Stock Exchange was established more or less informally in 1831, near the Puerta del Sol. It acquired its current address in 1893,55 but many of its members continued to hold their working lunches and coffee breaks in the Café Fornos (q.v. in HDIA), the Suizo, and the Inglés, even though the Exchange’s new home housed its own Café de la Bolsa, as well as formal dining rooms that offered sit-down meals every day. El Coto was the Exchange’s most ambitious foray into culinary service. It was a five-fork garden restaurant open only in the evenings and restricted to members of the Stock Exchange and their guests, who were mostly bankers, economists, politicians, and other figures connected to the world of high finance. The fenced-in garden, the broad steps that lead to the Exchange’s kitchens and indoor banquet rooms, and the outdoor bar can still be seen, though the restaurant itself was in operation only for a decade or so, c. 1950–1960. Today the Exchange is serviced only by a cafeteria; the two indoor dining rooms are used only for special occasions, and the elegant El Coto is forgotten.56 The Ritz’s garden restaurant, practically a twin of El Coto, is closer to the Prado, but not by much. It is possible but, I think, unlikely that Hemingway confused the Ritz with the Coto. Probably one of his crowd had friends in the financial world who issued the invitation to dinner at El Coto. Again, in giving a specific place name, Hemingway conveys important information about his and his friends’ standing and interests; in this case, they are hobnobbing with the financial elite of Franco’s Spain, indulging in what he calls “the sinister social life of Madrid” (194). Refer to “The Functions of Place Names,” in the User’s Guide of this volume. The narrator, Ordóñez, Dominguín, and several other people dine at El Coto (73).

Crowd. See Spectators. Cuba. Hemingway first saw Cuba when the ship bringing him and his second wife, Pauline Pfeiffer, back to the United States stopped briefly in Havana in April 1928. He began visiting Cuba in the early 1930s, staying at the Ambos Mundos Hotel in Havana.57 In April 1939 he and Martha Gellhorn rented a large house called La Finca Vigía, in San Francisco de Paula, near Havana. They bought it in December 1940, and Hemingway lived in it, first with Martha and then with his fourth wife, Mary Welsh, until 1960. Today the house and grounds comprise the Museo Ernest Hemingway.

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Cuba and the Gulf Stream appear in several of Hemingway’s Esquire magazine essays and in three of his novels: To Have and Have Not, The Old Man and the Sea, and Islands in the Stream. The narrator mentions Cuba several times (43, 55, 56, 59).

Cuevas Roger, Victoriano (Valencia, Victoriano Valencia). Spanish bullfighter, b. 1933. Investiture as matador de toros, 27 July 1958, in Barcelona, granted by Antonio Bienvenida, with Antonio Ordóñez acting as witness; confirmed in Madrid, 14 May 1959, by Julio Aparicio, with Ordóñez again acting as witness. Victoriano was the fifth matador to be known as Valencia (q.v.), the professional nickname of the distinguished bullfighting family to which he belonged through his mother, who was a Roger. For the founders of the Valencia dynasty, see Roger, José; and Roger, Victoriano (Valencia II), both in HDIA. Because of his family connections, his talent, and several stupendous performances, Victoriano Valencia attracted much attention as a novillero even though, as a law student at the University of Salamanca, he had little time to spend in the ring. His appearances were further curtailed by terrible gorings in 1953 and again in 1954; this second wound kept him out of the rings for most of 1955 (only four novilladas). In 1956 Valencia made his Madrid debut as novillero. He performed in twenty-one novilladas that year, the number rising to twenty-four in 1957, in spite of a major goring. Badly injured again the next year, he still managed seventeen novilladas before his promotion and fourteen corridas de toros after it, for a total of thirty-one performances in 1958. He had spent six seasons as novillero and law student, and graduated from law school at almost the same time that he was promoted to matador de toros. Valencia was badly injured about two weeks after his promotion. In 1959, Valencia’s first full season as a matador de toros, he appeared with Ordóñez on three occasions: on 30 March, in Barcelona; and on 14 and 16 May, in Madrid. Hemingway, who was in Madrid for the whole of the San Isidro feria, also saw Valencia on 22 May (see Madrid). On 14 May, the Madrid confirmation of his investiture (an important event in a bullfighter’s life) Valencia was, as Hemingway points out, disappointing: it took several tries to kill his bull. Hemingway does not report Valencia’s performance two days later—he refers to the corrida of 16 May only indirectly, when he criticizes the bulls (see Madrid; Pablo Romero) whose listlessness defeated the matadors’ efforts. According to the taurine critic of ABC, the whole afternoon was boring. And on 22 May, Valencia was ignominiously injured and thoroughly panned. As Díaz Cañabate re-

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marked, “La feria no le ha pintado bien a Valencia” (The feria has not brought out the best in Valencia). In spite of these three lackluster afternoons—which led to Hemingway’s gloomy prediction of an insecure future for Victoriano Valencia—the newly promoted matador fought thirty-five corridas in 1959, being ranked eighth nationwide (Ordóñez was fifth, Dominguín was seventh). In the 1960s the number of his appearances decreased, but he made a remarkable comeback in 1969. The numbers tell the story: twenty-four corridas in 1960, twenty-seven in 1961, thirty in 1962, twenty-six in 1963, seventeen in 1964, twelve in 1965, fifteen in 1966, eleven in 1967, six in 1968, twenty-five in 1969, fifteen in 1970, and fourteen in 1971. He got married a few days after his last performance of 1971. Victoriano Valencia was clearly possessed of a strong character that enabled him to obtain a law degree in spite of the physical and psychological pressures of the bullfighting season, and thereafter to continue his generally successful twenty-year career in the bullring in spite of frequent and terrible injuries. When he retired at the age of thirty-eight, he became a bullfight impresario. In 1964 he also starred in the movie Los Duendes de Andalucía. Valencia gave many good performances and a few magnificent ones, most famously his work with the Palha novillo named Carpeto (6 July 1958, in Madrid), which is probably the one Hemingway had in mind. Throughout his career, Valencia retained the capacity to produce an elegant, impressive performance, the expectation of which drew the everhopeful taurine public to any ring in which he appeared.58 His strong point was the muleta; his swordwork was often disappointing. The narrator witnessed the confirmation of Victoriano Valencia’s promotion to full matador in Madrid, comments on his past, and is doubtful about his future (71).

–D– Da Vinci, Leonardo. See Leonardo da Vinci. Davis, Annie. Full name: Anne Bakewell Rogers Davis, 1912–1985. The Bakewells, a wealthy Baltimore family, had three children: the oldest was Jean (1910–1950), whose first husband was the British critic Cyril Connolly; the youngest was Thomas (1914–c. 1975), about whom little is known; and the middle child was Annie, who married her first husband

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when she was eighteen; the marriage produced two sons but lasted only five or six years. In 1939 or 1940, Annie went to New York, where she met Bill Davis (q.v.), whom she married in 1948. When Annie and Bill decided to move to Spain, Cyril Connolly introduced them to Gerald Brenan, who had settled in Churriana (Málaga) in 1934. In May 1952, the Davises acquired La Cónsula (q.v.), becoming the Brenans’ neighbors as well as friends.59 According to Mary Hemingway, Annie was “cultivated . . . gentle, passive, and unpunctual.” She seems to have felt insecure in her relationship with her socially ambitious husband: “Although anyone could see Bill depended on her emotionally as well as financially, she thought her life with him hung by a tenuous thread. Flustered, genuinely kind and gentle, she was not at all stupid, but she moved and spoke and even seemed to think very very slowly; then all at once her curiously slab-like Americo-Indian or Mexican face would come alight and she’d say something apposite.” She was “a relaxed gentle and generous spirit” who charmed her guests.60 Annie had not met the Hemingways when Bill invited them to La Cónsula in the summer of 1959, but she welcomed them and obviously supported Bill’s efforts to please their guests and even their guests’ guests: Antonio Ordóñez, his wife, and the many friends Mary invited to Ernest’s sixtieth birthday party. Annie Davis is the Hemingways’ hostess at La Cónsula, the Davis’s villa near Málaga. She has traveled through Spain with Bill (84, 120) but now travels with Mary Hemingway (76, 77, 82, 133).

Davis, Bill. Full name: Nathan (William) Morris Davis (1906–1985). Details about Davis’s background and profession are difficult to ascertain. One biographer identifies Davis’s father as “a prominent Chicago lawyer.”61 Hotchner calls Davis an “ex San-Franciscan”; Meyers says he “was born in California in 1907.” Clive Fisher, Cyril Connolly’s biographer (Connolly was Annie Davis’s brother-in-law) describes Davis as “a New Yorker of no apparent profession”; Gerald Brenan’s biographer (Brenan was Davis’s neighbor in Churriana [Málaga]) agrees that “what Bill did or had done no one really knew. He was an ex-alcoholic,” he may have been a lawyer, and seems to have worked intermittently for newspapers in San Francisco, Oakland, and New York. Always interested in the arts, he convinced Peggy Guggenheim to support Jackson Pollock at the beginning of his career. He encouraged many other artists, offering them financial support and hospitality. La Cónsula displayed his important collection of maps.62 Davis was a tall man “with a deep, hoarse, mechanically indistinct voice” due to hearing problems; he became quite deaf in middle age.63 The

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hearing loss may also account for some of his erratic, sometimes antisocial behavior. Although Davis was a generous host, especially when his guests were rich or famous, he was frequently impatient, easily bored, and sometimes frightening: “There was a menacing air of controlled violence about him. Kind, unless crossed socially (when he could be fearsome—he once knocked someone out for arguing about his choice of restaurant), adroit, even cunning, coarse, a snob, quite well-read, a genuine lover of Spain . . . [he was a] complex, opaque man” who “enjoyed getting his guests drunk and seeing what happened.”64 One guest reports that Davis’s pleasures included “(a) farting loudly for people to hear and then turning round with a surprised leer; (b) peeing all over the lavatory seat to annoy women; (c) blowing his nose into his fingers and flinging the snot.”65 Davis was undoubtedly a connoisseur of Spain. A friend who traveled with him reports that “he was a really marvelous guide—he just knew every single thing, place or person, mountain, waterfall, castle, wine, dish, music, lonely restaurant in a hut miles from everywhere, etc. to investigate.” Hotchner agrees: “He had used his ten expatriate years in Spain schooling himself on Iberian architecture, history, art, music, food, aristocracy, sports, wine, government, topography, customs, laws, regions, religion, literature and philosophy . . . Bill knew all the little streets in Pamplona the way he knew most Spanish towns.”66 Davis and Hemingway. It is not clear how Hemingway and Davis met. In 1942 Hemingway and his third wife, Martha Gellhorn, stayed with the “wealthy, young” Bill Davis in Mexico City.67 By the time Hemingway and his fourth wife, who had not yet met Davis, came to La Cónsula, the two men had been friends “off and on for twenty-five years.”68 Davis was obviously proud to be seen with Hemingway. He was a “shameless flatterer of the famous . . . and when Hemingway installed himself at La Cónsula, everyone, his oldest friends, were dropped on the spot.”69 Hotchner, himself a great admirer of Hemingway, writes that Davis’s “attitude toward Ernest was openly reverential.”70 In his affectionate letters, Hemingway often addresses Davis as “Negro,” and the nickname appears in the Life and Life en español versions of The Dangerous Summer. This nickname, so offensive to the sensitized American ear, should be read in its Spanish context. It proceeds from a running joke that Davis had actually written Hemingway’s books—the Spanish phrase “hacer de negro” means “to ghostwrite.” Ghostwriting was and is quite common in the taurine world. The autobiographies and tauromaquias of luminaries such as Juan Belmonte, José Delgado, Rafael Guerra Bejarano, Francisco Montes (Paquiro, q.v.), and Ricardo Torres Reina (Bombita Chico, qq.v. in HDIA), were written by hands other than their own.

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Davis’s nickname comes out of this tradition of hacer de negro. Ordóñez jokes that “Ernesto can’t really write . . . Bill is his Negro [ghostwriter]. He tells the stories to Bill on trips or when they go into town and then Negro writes them. Now I know the trick.” Ordóñez himself offered to tell Hemingway “terrible stories; unbelievable stories” that Hemingway could tell to Davis, who would then “make them literary.” As part of the ongoing joke, Ordóñez also suggests that Mary Hemingway, “a woman of education and culture,” cleaned up Hemingway’s prose.71 See also Tricks. Among the many other definitions for the Spanish word negro (feminine: negra) and the diminutives, negrito or negrita, is the following: “Voz de cariño usada entre casados, novios o personas que se quieren bien” (an expression of affection used by spouses, sweethearts, or people who love each other dearly). Hemingway recognized the difference between Spanish and English or American usage when he carefully pointed out that in Spain the word “Negro” was traditionally used “affectionately rather than as an insult” (DIA, 241). That 1932 remark was still valid in the Spain of the 1950s, when he used the nickname for Bill Davis; and in the 1980s, when the definition quoted above was published in the Diccionario de la lengua española (Madrid: Real Academia Española, 1984).72 Scribner’s 1985 decision to excise the affectionate nickname was, obviously, aimed at expected American, not Spanish, reactions to this Spanish word. For other nicknames used by Hemingway and his friends, see Papa in this volume; see also Smith, William Benjamin and Pilar in HDIA. It is necessary to emphasize that the characters in the magazine versions of The Dangerous Summer, including the American-born narrator and his host, use and understand the word “Negro” in a manner appropriate to the Spanish culture of their day. Hemingway’s fictional Americans just as appropriately use this and other words to refer to racial prejudice in their own country: Richard Cantwell, for example, recognizes that Memphis is dangerous for black but not for white people (ARIT, 36); Robert Jordan recalls seeing a black man lynched in Ohio (FWTBT, 116–17); and the characters in To Have and Have Not use racial slurs like “Chink” and “Nigger.” That is, the characters in Hemingway’s fiction and in his nonfiction use language as an expression of their own sensitivities, prejudices, experiences, and educations. They have a variety of cultural and personal backgrounds, and they differ not only from each other but also from their author. Their speeches should not be read as a reflection or expression of Hemingway’s own attitudes.73 The narrator reports that Bill Davis’s expertise in bullfighting, food (84), and driving (124, 164–65) made him “a wonderful travelling companion” (84).

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Davis is mentioned often (61, 66, 68, 69, 76, 82–84, 87, 97, 101, 108, 114, 116, 119, 120, 125, 128, 132, 133, 138, 164) but speaks seldom (84–85, 117–18, 122, 124, 127, 164).

Davis Children. Annie and Bill Davis’s two children, Teo (b. 1951) and Fernanda Nena (b. 1952), were sent to exclusive boarding schools in England while the parents remained in the family home, La Cónsula (q.v.), or traveled. Home for the summer holidays, the children met the Hemingways in 1959. They are mentioned by name in the Life publication of The Dangerous Summer, but not in the book.74 The narrator refers to the Davis’s young offspring (61).

de Foxá, Agustín. See Foxá, Agustín de. Death in the Afternoon. Hemingway’s magnificent and comprehensive survey of all aspects of bullfighting was published in 1932. For the relationship between Death in the Afternoon and The Dangerous Summer, refer to “Backgrounds: The Conception of The Dangerous Summer” in the Introduction to this volume; see Death in the Afternoon in HDIA. The narrator claims that he has come to Spain intending to write an appendix to Death in the Afternoon (62).

Delicias (hotel and restaurant). Full name of original establishment: Restaurante Delicias. Address: Carretera de Madrid, 2, 28300 Aranjuez. In the early days, up to and including the 1950s when Hemingway visited it, the Hotel Delicias had twenty-nine rooms, which could be had with or without meals. Like the restaurant El Rana Verde, which faces it on the other side of the Tajo River, it was managed jointly by the two Cot brothers. Today (2006) it is called the Salones Delicias and, as its full title (Salones de Bodas y Celebraciones) indicates, it hosts weddings and other large events. It is now managed by one of the brothers, José Tomás Cot, while the restaurant is run by the family of the other brother, Joaquín. The beautiful dining room of the Salones Delicias overlooks the Tajo River; the bridge that connects them can be seen from both establishments. See also Aranjuez. The narrator and Ordóñez cross the river to reach the Hotel Delicias in Aranjuez (87).

Despeñaperros. El desfiladero de Despeñaperros (the gorge of the overthrow of the dogs, i.e., the Moors) is a dramatic, rocky divide in the Sierra

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Morena (q.v.) that separates Andalucía from La Mancha. Strategically important, it has been the place of several battles. In July 1212, Alfonso VIII tried but failed to take the pass from the firmly entrenched Arabs. According to legend, a local shepherd, Martín Alhaga, led the king and his troops to another pass and thus enabled them to reach Las Navas de Tolosa and the decisive battle in which the Moors were defeated (see Christian Kings). Since then, the mountain pass that took Alfonso VIII to Las Navas is called the Puerto del Emperador (the Emperor’s Pass) or the Puerto del Rey (the King’s Pass). In 1810, the French, under the leadership of General Mortier and Napoleon’s brother Joseph Bonaparte, defeated the Spanish at the pass of Despeñaperros. Offering plenty of hiding places and a good view of the approaches, the pass was favored by bandits for much of the nineteenth century. Today the gorge can be crossed safely and easily by train or by car (a good road now runs between Santa Cruz de Mudela, in southern La Mancha, to Jaén in Andalucía). The railroad and gorge appear in one of the several handsome photographs that accompany “The Dangerous Summer, Part I” in Life magazine, 5 September 1960. See also Col de Velate; Proverbs. Traveling from La Cónsula northwards to Madrid, the narrator mentions various places on the way: Granada, Jaén, Bailén, Las Navas de Tolosa, the pass of Despeñaperros, Valdepeñas, and Manzanares (66–67).

Director de lidia (director of the fight). Each matador is in charge of all events and individuals related to the combat and death of his bull. Thus, he decides how often and how long the bull is to be pic-ed, who will place the banderillas, whether his banderilleros should worry the bull after the sword thrust, and so on. Any unaesthetic or illegal behavior that occurs while his bull is in the ring is, finally, the responsibility of the matador. The corrida’s senior matador, the one with the earliest alternativa, has additional privileges and duties. He is listed first in the carteles (posters or advertisements), and his seniority is communicated to the audience by his position in the paseo, the bullfighters’ processional entry into the ring: he walks in on the president’s right, with the second most senior matador on the president’s left, and the junior matador in the center (the cuadrillas and other bullring personnel follow the matadors). In the usual corrida, where six bulls are fought by three matadors, the senior matador fights the first and fourth bulls. He can cede his first bull to a novillero who is taking his alternativa on that day, and he must also kill any bull whose matador has been incapacitated. This last duty can result in terrifically strenuous afternoons, like that of the Madrid corrida of 27 April 1933, which featured four

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matadors and eight bulls. Nicanor Villalta was the senior matador, and all three of his companions—Manolo Bienvenida, Domingo Ortega, and Antonio García (Maravilla, sometimes Maravillas)—were injured, leaving Villalta to kill seven of the afternoon’s eight bulls. In a novillada, the senior novillero is the director de lidia, with the same responsibilities. On 15 August 1920, the novillero Mariano Montes Mora (q.v. in HDIA) appeared with three other novilleros in a bullfight that featured eight Palha bulls. All of Montes’s colleagues were put out of action by the first bull, and he killed eight bulls that afternoon.75 In general, the senior matador is, with the president (q.v.), responsible for the proper conduct of the entire bullfight: that is, he directs the lidia not only of his own bulls, but of all the bulls of the afternoon. Although he must be careful not to overstep his authority or come into conflict with the president or his fellow matadors, he should intervene discreetly when he sees that things are done badly or illegally. This last duty, performed in the interests of the art and exposing the senior matador to his colleagues’ resentment, has been much neglected since the days of Joselito and Belmonte. It takes a strong personality and much pundonor (commitment and pride) to intervene in another man’s performance. In both of Hemingway’s references to the conduct of the bullfight, he focuses on the senior matador, but he seems to be discussing the matador’s conduct of his own performance, and not his more general responsibility for all of the afternoon’s events. The narrator opines that Julio Aparicio “conducted the lidia . . . stupidly” (71) and praises Dominguín as a fine director de lidia (199).

Domecq, Juan Pedro. Full name: Juan Pedro Domecq Díez. Spanish bull breeder, d. 1975. The Domecq herds, including those owned by Juan Pedro Domecq Díez, trace their ancestry to the eighteenth century: for the early history of these herds, see the entries for Vázquez, Veragua, and Vistahermosa, all in HDIA. Domecq Acquires Veragua. Juan Pedro Domecq Núñez de Villavicencio acquired the old Veragua stock by buying it from its new owner, Manuel Martín Alonso, in 1929 or 1930. In the late 1930s and early 1940s the Domecqs strengthened their Veragua herd with animals from Mora Figueroa and from the Count de la Corte (q.v. in HDIA), thus emphasizing their Vistahermosa leaven. Since 1931, the Veragua bulls have been registered under Domecq, the family that owns the Veragua

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brand (on the previous page), colors (crimson and white), and antigüedad (2 August 1790, which makes them the second-oldest breed in Spain). Domecq’s four sons—Juan Pedro, Pedro, Salvador, and Álvaro Domecq Díez—inherited the herd in 1937; they kept most of it but sold sections to various other breeders. Juan Pedro’s portion included the ancient brand and colors made famous by the Veragua family. In the late 1950s, the herd consisted of approximately 250 cows, six seed bulls, and their many offspring. These carefully bred fighting bulls were much in demand and performed so well that in 1959 don Juan Pedro Domecq Díez was invited to tour the ring with the matadors on a dozen occasions, including the splendid mano a mano in Málaga, 14 August 1959.76 The various branches of the Domecq family owned and own several ranches in Jerez de la Frontera, Cádiz. Several members of the family have distinguished themselves as rejoneadores (mounted bullfighters) and one of the brothers, Álvaro Domecq Díez, is the author of El toro bravo: Teoría y práctica de la bravura, an authoritative treatise that has gone through many editions (7th ed.: Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1996). Ordóñez and the Domecq Bulls. In 1959, Ordóñez killed twelve Domecq bulls from various Domecq ranches (for example, see Pamplona). In addition to the two killed in Alicante (28 June) and the three in Málaga (14 August) that are mentioned in the narrative, he killed two Domecq bulls in Jerez de la Frontera (3 May), two in Linares (28 August), two in Almería (29 August), and one in Ronda (10 September).77 The narrator mentions that the Domecq ranches supplied excellent bulls for the fights in Alicante (122) and Málaga (169; see also 172, 174, 176).

Domingo, Dominguito Dominguín. See González Lucas, Domingo. Dominguín. The first bullfighter to be known by this nickname was Domingo del Campo Álvarez (1873–1900),78 who was named Domingo (Sunday) because he was born on that day. The much more famous bullfighters known by this professional nickname are Domingo González Mateos (1895–1958, q.v.) and his three sons: Domingo (1920–1975), José (1921–2003), and Luis Miguel González Lucas (1926–1996, qq.v.). Like many bullfight aficionados, Hemingway uses the nickname as patronymic, but the family name is González. In 1964, five years after the events described in this book, Luis Miguel legally changed his surname from González to Dominguín. See also Dominguín in HDIA. Dominguín, Pepe. See González Lucas, José.

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Don Juan. The fictional character known as don Juan Tenorio is based on a lustful scion of the Tenorio family, residents of Seville since the early fourteenth century. Don Juan first appeared on stage in El burlador de Sevilla by Gabriel Téllez (Tirso de Molina, c. 1571–1648). He is the main character of the play Don Juan Tenorio by José Zorrilla Moral (1817–1893). Zorrilla’s version of the Don Juan story was so popular that the name of his main character has come to stand for any handsome, successful, and unrepentant young seducer. In For Whom the Bell Tolls, when Robert Jordan tells Pilar that he cares for her as well as for Maria, she calls him “a regular Don Juan Tenorio,” her use of his last name indicating familiarity with the Spanish tradition (92). Outside of Spain, the seducer is known simply by his honorific and his first name: Don Juan or Don Giovanni. As such, he has been the subject of works by Byron, Mozart, Shaw, and others. For Hemingway’s reference to another seducer, see Casanova in HDIA. In May 1954, Dominguín, described by one admirer as “impossibly handsome,” was not looking his best. He was “tired” and “beat to the wide” because he was spending most of his time at the Madrid hospital where his long-time lover, Ava Gardner, was being treated for kidney stones.79 The narrator remarks that upon occasion Dominguín resembles Don Juan (54).

Drinks. In an unpublished section of The Dangerous Summer, Hemingway defines “Campanas rosado” as “the lovely delicate and happy wine we all loved so well.” In Life and in Life en español, Valdepeñas is described as “a wine with no pretensions. It tastes roughly smooth and clean and it lights a small fire . . . On a hot day it is cool from the shade and the wind. It cools you and then lights the fire that you need always just to show it is there.”80 See also Drinks in HDIA. The narrator and his friends drink beer (118), sangría (148, 152), whiskey (131), and wine (190), including Campanas (83, 102, 167) and Valdepeñas (67–68, 84–85). The narrator approves of people who can drink large quantities of wine and of bars where the wine is plentiful and good (135, 139); vineyards are also mentioned (76, 83, 132, 181).

Drivers. Following the bullfights requires Hemingway to spend much time on the road. Hemingway notices other drivers (121, 123, 131), decides his own driver is unsatisfactory (66, 68–69), and is pleased when Bill Davis drives (69). Unlike the drivers Adamo [de Simon] and Mario Casamassima (qq.v.), whose personalities and skills earned them Hemingway’s admiration, the unsatisfactory driver hired in 1959 remains nameless. Other drivers are also mentioned (66, 121, 123–24, 164), usually humorously.

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Druids. Priests or ministers of the ancient Celts of Gaul and Britain, who studied the natural sciences and believed in the immortality of the soul. The narrator claims the forests along the Irati date back to the days of the Druids (138).

Dudley, Earl of. Full name: William Humble Eric Ward, third Earl of Dudley. British aristocrat, industrialist, and politician, 1894–1969. The Ward family’s estates were rich in coal and iron deposits, which they mined and exploited. They founded the modern blast furnace and were instrumental in introducing coal to the process of extracting iron. William Humble Eric Ward served as parliamentary private secretary to the under-secretary of state for India, 1922–1924; high sheriff of Worcester, 1930; and Conservative member of Parliament. In 1932 he became the third Earl of Dudley; in 1935 he was elected president of the British Iron and Steel Federation. At the time of his death he was reputed to be one of the richest men in Britain. Mary Hemingway notes that the “mob” that enjoyed Pamplona in 1953 included “that robust baritone, Lord Dudley—‘Call me Eric’—and his brother, Eddie Ward and his statuesque blond bride.”81 See also Cars; Followers; Rolls Royce. The Earl of Dudley is one of the many people with whom Hemingway enjoyed the rowdy feria of Pamplona in 1953. He had a “gold-trimmed Rolls Royce” (49).

–E– Ebro River. The long Ebro River runs from the Cantabrian mountains of northern Spain southeast to the Mediterranean coast, between Barcelona and Valencia. The Ebro and the Spanish Civil War. There was serious fighting along the Ebro River from mid-April through most of the summer of 1938, as the Nationalists attempted to reach the Mediterranean and drive a wedge into Republican territory. The beginning of this campaign coincided with the formalization of the Anglo-Italian Pact of April 1938, in which Britain recognized Italian sovereignty over Ethiopia and the Italians agreed to minimize their involvement in Spain. Mussolini withdrew some troops from Spain that spring, but a substantial force of about forty thousand Italian “volunteers” remained. With their help, the Nationalist forces defeated the Republicans at Gandesa, west of the Ebro; at San Mateo, west of Vinaroz;

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and then at Vinaroz, on the coast, south of the Ebro. Finally Tortosa, at the mouth of the Ebro, fell to the Nationalists as well, and they were able to advance their troops north of the river, making their final drive towards Barcelona (q.v.). The Ebro had marked the front until the end of 1938. See also Aisne River. Hemingway’s Dispatches. Hemingway was in Spain from 31 March to May 1938, on the third of his four visits during the Civil War. He filed seven dispatches about the fighting along the Ebro River (3, 4, 5, 10, 13, 15, and 18 April 1938). Two of the more vivid and moving pieces describe the retreating Spaniards and International Brigades (3 and 4 April 1938). The first recalls “On the Quai at Smyrna”: it has similar carts, newborn babies, and injured animals. The second focuses on a few men from the Lincoln-Washington Battalion of the International Brigades.82 Hemingway met survivors from the fighting at Gandesa, and he visited Tortosa both before and after it was bombed and fell to the Nationalists. The fighting at the Ebro River moved him to write Max Perkins, “The retreat from Mons was chickenshit alongside of this last show.”83 His “Old Man at the Bridge” is about a dazed refugee of that fighting.84 Traveling from Valencia to Barcelona in the dark, the narrator waits at Vinaroz for sunrise so he can see the Ebro River. The wind, mist, gray skies, and bad roads reinforce his sadness as he remembers the Republican losses (125–26).

El Escorial. A small town to the northwest of Madrid, whose bullring seats three thousand spectators.85 It is near the enormous palace-monastery of El Escorial, which holds a monastery, church, palace, mausoleum, library, and many interior courtyards. It was built by 1563–1584 by King Philip II (q.v. in HDIA) to fulfill a vow he made at the battle of St. Quentin, in 1557, on St. Lawrence’s feast day (10 August). Philip II lived monastically in El Escorial for the last fourteen years of his life, leaving to others the management of Spain’s various military conflicts. El Escorial was a royal residence until about 1860, after which it housed an Augustinian monastery. The narrator mentions both the town and the palace of El Escorial (54, 101).

Espontáneo. In his historical review of the Reglamento taurino, Díaz Cañabate comments on the uniqueness of the espontáneo to the taurine world, noting that in no other public event (e.g., a play, a ball game) do the spectators tolerate, let alone applaud, an unauthorized individual who attempts to join the performers. Over the years the Reglamentos governing the bullfight have added clauses to discourage espontáneos, but people still jump

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into the ring to start or recharge a career, or perhaps just to protest some point or other. Díaz Cañabate’s diatribe against these interlopers reveals the ineffectiveness of these rulings. The Reglamento of 1923 and its revised 1924 edition ruled that when a spectator leaps into the ring, the acting matador must instruct his cuadrilla to remove him quickly and hand him over to the authorities, who were empowered to impose fines. In July 1923, after the Madrid corridas were interrupted four times by unruly spectators, the authorities finally enforced the rule, imposing fines and then jailing the espontáneos who failed to pay.86 The 1930 Reglamento, still in force in 1959, was stricter. It decreed that in portable plazas, the spectacle is to be canceled the moment the espontáneo appears on the arena. In permanent plazas, “All spectators must remain seated during the fight” and “Espontáneos will be turned over to the authorities and fined 250 pesetas or be jailed. . . . The espontáneo cannot take part in any kind of bullfight for two years after his jump into the ring. If any impresario signs an espontáneo before the two-year period has elapsed, he will be fined 1,000 pesetas.” Bullfighters who were slow in removing the espontáneo from the ring were also fined.87 Although 250 pesetas is not a prohibitive amount when translated into dollars—about $5 in 1960 or about $63 in 1996—it was a considerable amount for Spaniards at that time, when cash was so scarce that even landowners, bull breeders, and other members of the propertied classes tended to conduct business through barter. And espontáneos are usually poor village boys, hardly able to come up with any cash at all. The Reglamentos are clear, and in a dictatorship authority cannot be defied: the law had to be enforced and seen to be enforced. Cossío tellingly remarks that the law was applied with “extrema dureza” (extreme rigor) in 1973—two years before Franco’s death—when Pedro Benjumea, a wellknown matador de toros, leapt into the Seville ring improperly dressed and wielding a muleta and an umbrella (Cossío encloses the umbrella in exclamation marks, strong punctuation almost never seen in his encyclopedia). Benjumea’s bullfighting license was revoked for two years, as the law dictates, and Benjumea did not work again until 1976.88 Sometimes, however, there was more theater than compliance, and the espontáneo was released after a short time, or the fine was forgotten, or a bullfighter paid it or had the amount deducted from his fees. One successful espontáneo was Manuel Benítez (el Cordobés), who leapt into the arena of Las Ventas on 28 April 1957 and went on to win fame and a huge fortune. The entrance of an espontáneo into the ring has traditionally been an expression of passion, defiance, and ambition. Today, with the proliferation

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of taurine schools and novilladas, aspiring bullfighters have more opportunities, and it seems that the improved economic situation has curbed the espontáneo more efficiently than the earlier rulings, fines, and arrests. The change is reflected in the 1992 Reglamento, which forbids spectators from entering the bullring but doesn’t detail fines or other punishment.89 Even so, sanctioned by tradition and popular support, the occasional espontáneo still dares to interrupt the orderly procedure of the bullfight. See also Spectators. The Espontáneo and the Matador. Although the audience is often excited by the novelty of it, the bullfighters themselves generally do not welcome espontáneos. The intruder can divert the public’s attention away from the bullfighter, break the rhythm of the bullfight, spoil the bull the matador had been carefully bringing along, put himself into a dangerous situation that requires the bullfighter’s intervention, or even get himself killed. But sometimes the espontáneo will be tolerated by a matador who admires his spunk and performance. In short, bullfighters’ responses to the espontáneo vary according to personality and situation. An unpublished section of The Dangerous Summer reports that a nineteen-year-old espontáneo jumped into the Barcelona ring to cape Dominguín’s second bull on 18 May 1959: “He had undoubtedly messed up the bull for Luis Miguel but Miguel had handled him well and killed him skillfully.”90 Ordóñez, who kept careful track of his colleagues, was surely aware of the parallel event, which is unfortunately absent from the book version of The Dangerous Summer. The espontáneo who jumped into the Aranjuez (q.v.) bullring was quickly removed by Ordóñez’s men (92–93). In spite of the intrusion, Ordóñez fought the bull beautifully. The narrator attributes Ordóñez’s goring to his own carelessness (about the condition of the sand) as he performed crowdpleasing “trick passes” (94), but the espontáneo seems to blame himself: he is in tears (96).

–F– Ferrer, José (Josele). Spanish bullfighter, 1900–1970. Ferrer was a skillful banderillero who worked for the leading matadors of his day: Juan Belmonte, Manuel Álvarez, Luis Miguel González (Dominguín), Miguel Báez (Litri), and Antonio Ordóñez. In 1959 Ordóñez’s cuadrilla included two other banderilleros, Bonifacio García (Yoni) and Antonio’s brother Juan Ordóñez (Juan de la Palma), as well as the picadors Manuel and Enrique Silvestre Gómez (qq.v.).91

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The narrator correctly identifies Ferrer as one of Antonio Ordóñez’s banderilleros for the 1959 season (147, 174, 201). Ferrer selects and tries out the bulls (133, 146), removes the unwanted espontáneo (92–93), rescues Ordóñez when he is injured (96), and shares his triumph (188).

Flores, Samuel. Spanish bull breeder, 1884–1973. The Flores family has been breeding bulls in and around Albacete since the early nineteenth century. In 1914, three Flores brothers—Samuel, Leonardo, and Melquiades—established a new bull-breeding ranch with stock bought from Eduardo Olea (who had bought it from the Marquis of Villamarta, q.v. in HDIA) and from José Vega (who owned Veragua and Santa Coloma animals). To differentiate their ranch from that of their father, they called themselves “Samuel Hermanos” (Samuel Brothers). In 1925 they began to phase out their original stock, focusing instead on Gamero Cívico cows and seed bulls and presenting the results in Madrid on 15 (or 22) April 1928. The deaths of two of the brothers and the havoc created by the Civil War left one brother, Samuel Flores, the sole owner of a much-depleted ranch in the early 1940s. He carefully restocked it with Vistahermosa animals, and quickly regained his position as an important bull breeder. His colors are blue, crimson, and old gold.92 Samuel Flores’s Successor. By the mid-1960s, the elderly (and childless) Samuel Flores was no longer able to run his ranch. The herd was deteriorating rapidly, and his great-nephew, Samuel Romano Flores (he changed his name to Samuel Flores Romano), was put in charge. The young man took drastic measures, discarding three hundred of the Flores’ five hundred cows. He also introduced modern methods of record keeping to help him decide which seed bulls were producing the best results. To keep his ganadería’s reputation from slipping further, he sold sparingly. By emphasizing the stock’s Vistahermosa blood, he began to produce the elegant, reliable bulls that still characterize the ranch. As of 2006, the ranch continues to keep the same brand, colors, and antigüedad.93 Ordóñez and the Samuel Flores Bulls. In 1959 Ordóñez killed six Samuel Flores bulls: one in Córdoba (26 May), one in Mont de Marsan (20 July), two in Valencia (28 July), and two in Murcia (8 September).94 Hemingway mentions only the Valencia bulls. The narrator correctly identifies don Samuel Flores as the bull breeder who supplied the excellent replacement bull Luis Miguel fought in the first mano

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a mano in Zaragoza, June 1959; the bull replaced a weak bull and cost Luis Miguel forty thousand pesetas (116–17). The narrator also notes that Flores supplied the bulls for a corrida in Valencia, late July 1959 (148).

Followers. Spanish: Seguidores or toreristas (admirers or fans of a torero). Like pop stars and football teams, bullfighters attract fiercely partisan fans who are often noisy, sometimes drunk, and usually willing to travel great distances to see their hero perform. Not infrequently, aristocrats and other members of the upper classes follow a taurine star during the whole nine months of the season, even traveling with him to South America for the winter months. Some of these seguidores are serious aficionados, but many simply come along for the joyride. Add to the seguidores the relatives, members of cuadrilla and of the press, the manager and other professional personnel who travel with the matador, and you have quite a crowd. In addition, when he arrives at a town or city, the matador may be mobbed by the taurine club and his own local peña, or fan club. For the successful bullfighter, privacy is a scarce commodity. Among Ordóñez’s followers in 1959 were Gabriel Gongoiti (el Charri), Ignacio Angulo (Nacho) (qq.v.), Eduardo Echevarría, and Mariano Tomás. Hemingway had his own friends and followers, including Davis, Hotchner, and several people identified by Mary Hemingway as “our group,” “our crowd,” and “our friends”: Valerie Danby-Smith, José Luis Castillo Puche, Peter Buckley, Juanito Quintana and his son, the Saviers, Teddy Jo Paulson, Mary Schoonmaker, and several others.95 See also Dudley; Friends; Informants; Tourists. Seguidores and Aficionados: When defining the word aficionado, Sánchez de Neira distinguishes among three types of people one can see at a bullfight. First, he notes, are those who go frequently to bullfights, know not what they see, and are taken in by showy maneuvers; they are often looking elsewhere, at a beer vendor or a member of the opposite sex, when serious things happen in the ring. Quite different is the second category, the opinionated follower who is blinded by passion: this undiscriminating seguidor overlooks the idol’s faults and denigrates the achievements of others. And the third type, lovingly described, is the passionate, well-educated aficionado who has a serious, long-lasting commitment to the bulls and toreo. Aficionados read, discuss, and analyze all aspects of the bullfight. They see as many bullfights as they can and may even travel far afield to a tienta, novillada, or corrida. Although they may admire one bullfighter more than another, they do not gloss over the faults of their favorites or denigrate the achievements of the others. They are honorable aficionados, and not seguidores.96

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The narrator, Bill Davis, Hotchner, other friends, and many unidentified people accompany Ordóñez and Luis Miguel in 1959 (70, 73, 87, 108, 112, 114, 119, 123, 140, 148, 154, 167, 179, 187, 191, 194–95). Managers and promoters are also much in evidence (75, 78, 92, 122, 148, 167, 176; see also Impresarios; Journalists; Men and Boys). Nameless “people” approach the narrator (44, 168).

Ford. Mary Hemingway mentions that on 1 May Davis met the newly arrived Hemingways in the “pink Ford sedan he [Davis] had chartered from a garage in Gibraltar.” They were “Still using the pink Ford” as late as September. Hotchner writes that in 1959 “Ernest said he had a salmon-pink English Ford (color officially called Pembrook Coral) which he had rented in Gibraltar.”97 See also Cars. The narrator mentions “the English Ford” but not its color (76).

Fortune. In his reference to Fortune, Hemingway paraphrases English philosopher Francis Bacon (1561–1626): “He that hath wife and children hath given hostages to fortune” (Of Marriage and Single Life). Bacon’s remark harks back to the Roman poet Lucan (39–65 CE), who wrote that “I have a wife, I have sons: all of them hostages given to fate.” Like most bullfighters, Hemingway was superstitious and, off and on, religious: see also Luck, Prayer. The narrator remarks that he prayed for his family, “all those I had in hock to Fortune,” and for several others, whom he lists (69).

Foxá, Agustín de. Full name: Count Agustín de Foxá Torroba, later the Marqués de Armendáriz. Spanish aristocrat, writer and diplomat, 1903–1959. Foxá claims that he entered the diplomatic corps (in 1930) largely to indulge his love of travel. He wrote several plays and travelogues, including a novel entitled Madrid, de Corte a Cheka (1938) and four volumes of poetry, much of it, like El toro, la muerte y el agua (1936) dealing with bullfighting. He also wrote a novel based on the life of the banderillero Enrique Belenguer Soler (Blanquet, 1881–1926; q.v. in HDIA). His play Gente que pasa was awarded a prize by the Spanish Royal Academy.98 The narrator recalls that in 1954 Agustín de Foxá served as secretary at the Spanish Embassy in Cuba (55).

France. In 1959, Ordóñez fought ten of his fifty-two corridas in France: one in Arles, two in Bayonne, two in Dax, two in Mont de Marsan, two in Nîmes, and one in Toulouse.99 See also Aisne River; Frenchman.

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The narrative mentions the French corridas of Ordóñez (74–75, 140), Dominguín (54, 74–75), and of the two of them jointly (176–79). In addition, France and individual French cities are mentioned (44, 59, 61, 81, 105, 136, 190).

Franco. Full name: Francisco Paulino Hermenegildo Teódulo Franco Bahamonde; known as “Francisco Franco,” “Generalissimo,” and “el Caudillo.” Spanish military and political leader, 1892–1975; dictator from 1939 until his death. Franco had an impressive career. Born to a lower-middle-class family troubled by paternal drink and abuse, he was determined to succeed. During his early army service in Morocco, he was often cited for bravery and rose rapidly through the ranks, becoming the Army’s youngest general. In 1923 he was appointed commander of the Spanish Foreign Legion. At the military uprising that signaled the beginning of the Spanish Civil War in July 1936, Franco took control of Spanish Morocco. In September 1936 the Nationalist forces appointed him head of state and commander of southern forces. General Mola, appointed to command the Army of the North, was killed in an air crash nine months later and thus, in March 1939, Franco emerged as dictator, merging the Nationalists, Carlists, and Falangists and establishing a Church-backed, repressive government that tolerated no opposition or criticism. During World War II Franco supported the Axis while maintaining an official policy of neutrality. In 1946 the victorious Allies withdrew their ambassadors from Spain, which remained isolated from the international community until 1950. Through the European Recovery Plan (the Marshall Plan), American bases were established in Spain in 1953. In 1956 Spain withdrew from Morocco and in 1957 joined the Organization of European Economic Cooperation (OEEC). In 1969, Franco arranged for Prince Juan Carlos to succeed him, although he remained head of state until his death in 1975. Franco and Dominguín first met at the Corrida de Beneficencia of 19 September 1946, at which Franco presided. Dominguín and his fellow performers (Manolete, Gitanillo de Triana, and Antonio Bienvenida) all dedicated their bulls to the head of state. Dominguín was proud of his friendships with Franco and Picasso, whom he defined as “dos de las personas que yo más he respetado” (two of the people whom I most respect). He remembers that Franco enjoyed his jokes. In 1950, Franco awarded the Gran Cruz de Isabel la Católica to Dominguín.100 As Hemingway says, Franco and Dominguín frequently hunted together. In the natural course of events, bullfighters are feted by “rich and important friends,” but Hemingway distinguishes between them and “the sinister

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social life of Madrid” (194), which probably includes the influential people in Franco’s government. Franco appears in one other Hemingway work: Richard Cantwell, the protagonist of Across the River and into the Trees, despises Franco (ARIT, 172). See also Inspector. Luis Miguel goes shooting with Franco (199).

Franco, Carmen Polo de. Full name: Carmen Polo y Martínez Valdés (1900–1988). She married Francisco Franco in 1923. Educated by nuns, doña Carmen is reputed to have influenced her husband to impose heavy censorship on anything touching sexual matters in Spanish art and literature. The Bilbao corrida she attended took place on 21 August; the bulls were Palha.101 Carmen Polo de Franco sat in the Presidente’s box at the Bilbao bullfight, during which Luis Miguel was gored and Antonio Ordóñez was awarded three ears (196, 199).

Franco’s Son-in-Law. See Martínez Bordiú, Cristóbal. Frenchman. The famous picture of the weeping Frenchman was published by Life magazine on 4 February 1941. It shows the full face of a middle-aged man in coat and tie; a woman in black stands behind his right shoulder. As the caption of the photograph accurately states, “His country’s grief distorts the face of a Marsellais watching the flags of France’s lost regiments being shipped to Africa.” His mouth is particularly expressive, the lips tightly drawn together to contain the sorrow. He is dignified in his pain.102 The narrator refers to several unnamed Frenchmen, including journalists (70, 75), the man who relinquished a girl to Hemingway and his companion (137–38; see also Prisoners; Tourists), and the man who wept when France fell to the Germans (57).

Friends. Because accounts differ, details about Hemingway’s meetings with his friends are sometimes difficult to establish. Meeting Ordóñez. Iribarren identifies Juanito Quintana and Jesús Córdoba as the friends who introduced Hemingway to Ordóñez on 10 July 1953. His account of this meeting differs from Hemingway’s on two points: he reports that the introduction took place at Hemingway’s request, and that it occurred before the corrida. Meeting Friends in France. Hemingway claims that in 1953 “Our friends did not show,” so that only three people crossed into Spain with him (i.e.,

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his wife, his driver Adamo de Simon, and his friend Gianfranco Ivancich). However, both Robert Parrish and Peter Viertel recall meeting the Hemingways on 5 July 1953, at a hotel called the Chantaco, at St. Jean de Luz, and driving to Pamplona with them; Kathy Parrish and Virginia (Jigee) Viertel accompanied their husbands.103 In 1954 Viertel, by now estranged from his wife, again joined the Hemingways, this time in Madrid, where he met Luis Miguel Dominguín. Viertel had agreed to meet the Parrishes and Hemingways at the Chantaco in the fall of 1956, but he telephoned to say he would not come. He met the Hemingways later, at the Hotel Felipe II in El Escorial, to discuss the screenplay for The Sun Also Rises. Viertel is the friend who “did not show” (TDS, 44) but that absence occurred in 1956, not 1953.104 The narrator’s friends are mostly but not exclusively Republicans (43, 123). For Republican friends, see Alicante; Barcelona; Quintana, Juan; Madrid. For Nationalist helpers and hosts, see López de Carrizosa y Martel, José; Primo de Rivera, Miguel. See also Followers. The narrator mentions but does not name the friends who were supposed to meet him in France and accompany him into Spain (44), and the “trusted friends” who keep him informed on taurine matters (46, 137, 152; see also Informants). He identifies Ordóñez, Dominguín (54–55, 108, 148), and Quintana (53, 64–65) as good friends. He recalls that Ordóñez had asked “a mutual friend” to introduce Hemingway to him, and that the introduction had occurred after the afternoon’s corrida (50–51). He also mentions the risk involved in being friends with bullfighters (51). Ordóñez’s colleagues, family, and friends visit him in the hospital (99); Dominguín has friends in high places (see Franco).

–G– Gamero Cívico. The Gamero Cívico bulls are descended from the Murube bulls acquired by Eduardo Ibarra (q.v. in HDIA) in 1884. In 1903 the noted bull breeder Fernando Parladé acquired a goodly number of Ibarra stock; he registered this herd under his brand and color (yellow) in Madrid, on 24 April 1904. Like Carmen de Federico (q.v. in HDIA), Ibarra and Parladé bred their Murube stock carefully, achieving consistently good results. In 1914, having held it for only a decade, Parladé sold most of this stock to don Luis Gamero Cívico, also an excellent breeder, and also of Seville. An interesting side note on this legendary Parladé: Díaz Cañabate writes that Parladé had such high standards and bred his animals so selectively that the products, though excellent, were few; so few, in fact, that within a

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decade he was bankrupt. But his reputation was such that many herds today claim Parladé blood. Filiberto Mira explains that the breeders to whom Parladé supplied cows and bulls “regeneraron o crearon un crecido número de ganaderías que se enorgullecen de su prosapia ‘parladeña’” (revitalized or created a large number of herds proud of their Parladé heritage). That Parladé blood must by now run so thin that most of the claims to it express vanity rather than biological credibility. A similar situation exists with the Contreras stock, leading Mira to write that “aquellas 90 vacas . . . se habían multiplicado tan milagrosamente como los panes y peces” (those 90 [Contreras] cows must have multiplied as miraculously as the loaves and fish).105 Gamero Cívico died in March 1921, and his children, Luis, Manuel, José, and Juana, registered the herd under the rubric “Herederos de don Luis” (don Luis’s heirs) in 1922. The fine herd deteriorated rapidly. Toros y toreros en 1924 blames the unevenness of the Gamero Cívico bulls’ performances on the heirs’ lack of discrimination: “todo lo que les paren las vacas lo juegan como toros” (they fob off as real bulls every creature their cows produce).106 In 1925 these heirs divided their holdings into four equal lots, selling them to Ernesto Blanco, his son Manuel Blanco, Rafael Lamamié de Clairac, and Samuel Flores (q.v.). Thus this ParladéGamero Cívico herd became dissociated from the family, though they kept a few animals to themselves, selling to bullrings in Spain and South America and sometimes garnering reprimands for providing inferior stock. Having sold the brand and the antigüedad, they called their animals Torre Abad, the name of their ranch. In 1934, Domingo Ortega (q.v.) bought some Parladé stock (and the Parladé colors and brand) from the Blanco family.107 Arellano-Gamero Cívico. Don Ricardo Arellano y Gamero Cívico, a distant member of the family, bought a completely different herd in 1949. His bulls were sometimes known as Arellanos and sometimes as ArellanoGamero Cívicos. In 1959 Ordóñez killed two of these Arellano bulls in Zaragoza (27 June) and three in Ciudad Real (17 August). Hemingway calls these bulls Gamero Cívicos, which is inaccurate: they are really Arellanos or Arellano-Gamero Cívicos, and they are Salamancan bulls, as Hemingway notes, of the Contreras strain, and therefore quite a different animal from the Andalucian Gamero Cívicos once owned by Luis Gamero Cívico, which were of the Vistahermosa strain.108 It is the owner, and not the bulls, who is entitled to use the name Gamero Cívico.

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The narrator reports that the Gamero Cívico bulls that were fought in the fourth mano a mano, held in Ciudad Real in August 1959, were “an uneven lot” (184–85).

Gaona. Full name: Rodolfo Gaona Jiménez. Mexican bullfighter, 1888–1975. Having established a good reputation in Mexico, Gaona came to Spain in 1908. Investiture at Madrid’s plaza of Tetuán de las Victorias, 31 May 1908; confirmed in Madrid’s main plaza, 5 July that same season. Gaona’s career in Spain was marred at the very beginning by the xenophobia of the Madrid press and, years later, by the powerful and clannish organization of bullfight managers and impresarios (qq.v.). In his first three Spanish seasons as matador (1908–1911) Gaona was consistently in top form, but later seasons saw an occasional uncertainty and failure of courage. In general, however, he was acknowledged to be a master technician who achieved great popular and critical success on both sides of the ocean, from 1908 to 1920. After 1920 he performed mainly in Mexico, retiring from the ring in 1925. Gaona was an elegant, accomplished bullfighter who excelled in the cape and banderillas but was sometimes uncertain with the sword. Even during the epoch of Joselito and Belmonte, Gaona was able to maintain his standing as a premier matador.109 For more detail, see Gaona in HDIA. Hemingway and Gaona. Hemingway’s first visit to Spain, in 1923, coincided with Gaona’s last Spanish season, but Hemingway did not see Gaona perform. The passes Hemingway admires may be the elegant, swirling maneuvers called de frente por detrás, which were revived and popularized by Gaona and are since known as gaoneras. Although Hemingway does not always admire Luis Miguel’s capework, he twice compares his passes to those of the great Gaona (128, 149).

García Jiménez, Juan (Mondeño). Spanish bullfighter, b. 1934. Investiture as matador de toros, 29 March 1959, in Seville; confirmed in Madrid, 17 May 1960. Ordóñez officiated at both ceremonies. A brave, cold, serene fighter, Mondeño took great risks and consequently was often gored. These serious injuries reduced the number of his appearances and delayed his promotion. In 1956 he managed to fight in only eight novilladas; in 1957 the number rose to twenty-three, and in 1958 to thirty-one, although in each of those years he suffered two major injuries as well as several minor gorings. He was promoted early in the 1959 season; the promotion was not confirmed for more than a year.

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After his promotion the injuries continued. At least once a year he was forced to cancel several contracts and to weigh the advantages of a longer convalescence against the demands of the career. It is remarkable that in spite of this punishment, Mondeño not only continued to fight but adhered to his practice of working very close to the bull. For five years he maintained a grueling schedule, fighting both the regular season in Spain and the winter season in Latin America. His Spanish corridas numbered twentyseven in 1959, fifty-three in 1960, forty-nine in 1961, fifty-two in 1962, and forty-eight in 1963.110 As the impressive numbers suggest, he was frequently listed among the top ten matadors performing in those years. At the end of the 1963 season, Mondeño abandoned the ring to become a Dominican monk. Jean Cau discusses Mondeño’s “psicología . . . interesante,” citing his penchant for reading, thinking, and worrying, which Cau claims is atypical for a bullfighter. “Lo que me preocupa,” Mondeño is quoted as saying, “son las relaciones del hombre con Dios y con los demás hombres” (What concerns me are man’s relations with God and with other men).111 Mondeño was ordained in 1964, left the order in 1965, and returned to the ring in 1966, quickly reclaiming his position as a top-ranked matador: fifty corridas in 1966 (ranked tenth nationwide, even after his long absence), forty-one in 1967, twenty-two in 1968, and eighteen in 1969. He retired in January 1970. His last public appearance was at a festival in 1983. Ordóñez and Mondeño. In 1959, Ordóñez and Mondeño appeared together on three occasions: on 29 March and 22 April in Seville, and on 12 July in El Puerto de Santa María (q.v.). Hemingway was not yet in Spain for the first two of these performances and since the third conflicted with the Pamplona feria, he missed that one as well. Mondeño did not work in Pamplona or in Valencia that year, but he did perform on the last day of the Málaga fair.112 The narrator correctly reports that Mondeño appeared with Luis Miguel Dominguín and Antonio Ordóñez in Puerto de Santa Maria, 12 July 1959, but does not describe Mondeño’s performance (136).

García Lorca, Federico. Spanish poet and dramatist, 1898–1936. Lorca’s plays include Blood Wedding (1933), Yerma (1934), and The House of Bernarda Alba (1936). Lorca was also a talented musician, an interest that led to the Fiesta del cante jondo (in collaboration with Manuel de Falla, 1922), the popular Romancero gitano (1928), and Poema del cante jondo (1931), all of which deal with gypsy music. And he was, of course, an important poet, the most popular of his generation. The passionate “Llanto por Ignacio Sánchez Mejías” (1934), mourning the death of the bullfighter, is among his best known poems. In “Romance de la Guardia Civil” and

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other poems, Lorca glorifies Spain’s gypsies, whose world of passion and superstition comes into conflict with the brutality of modern civilization. Two volumes of poetry, Poeta en Nueva York and Diván del Tamarit, appeared posthumously. As an artist, a homosexual, and a liberal, Lorca opposed authoritarian regimes like the Civil Guard, the Army, the Church, and the Fascists. He supported the Republic. His assassination early in the Civil War was the subject of much disinformation, with the Republicans and the Nationalists accusing each other of murdering one of Spain’s leading artists. The Franco regime did its best to disassociate itself from the murder, and was much helped in its efforts by two French reports, published in the early 1950s, which argued that Lorca had been the victim of homosexual rivalry and jealousy, not of politics. The site of the murder was variously misreported, the first newspaper stories identifying it as Córdoba and subsequent reports mentioning Guadix (east of Granada), Madrid, and Barcelona. The ravine (barranco) Hemingway mentions is in the first foothills of the Sierra de Alfacar, and is known as the barranco of Viznar where “Only a few dozen paces from the road, hundreds of bodies lie buried in the shale. . . . Shallow graves were dug all over the slope. . . . The largest pit in the barranco . . . must hold at least a hundred bodies. . . . The prisoners were brought to the pit tied together with rope or wire, and shot in the nape of the neck with pistols.” But a leading historian and prize-winning Lorca biographer, Ian Gibson, argued that Lorca was not killed at this ravine: “In the early days of the Granada repression the men at the Colonia [a Nationalists stronghold] did not despatch their victims in the barranco, but in the olive groves that clothe the slopes of this wide valley. Federico was one of these early victims and, contrary to what has often been said, is not buried in the pozos (as the sinister pits in the barranco are known to local inhabitants).” Gibson identified “the unacknowledged resting place of Granada’s greatest poet” as Fuente Grande, in Alfacar, claiming that Lorca was one of the four prisoners shot and buried there on 19 August 1936. In the 1979 reissue of his book, Gibson reported that his original conclusions, first published in 1971, have since been confirmed by “extensive investigations.” And in fact, in 1980, five years after Franco’s death, the Granada County Council purchased the area in Fuente Grande to turn it into a memorial park. The “they” whom Hemingway mentions are the Nationalists. Gibson identifies those most directly concerned as Ramón Ruiz Alonso, who discovered that Lorca was being hidden by the family of his friend, the poet Luis Rosales; José Valdés, the chief of the Assault Guards who assumed the position of civil governor of Granada in the early days of the Nationalist

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uprising and who, acting upon Ruiz Alonso’s report, arrested Lorca; and General Queipo de Llano, commander of the Nationalist forces in Seville and other sections of the South, who was undoubtedly consulted as to the fate of a prisoner as famous as García Lorca, and who approved the execution. Luis Rosales, nominally a Falangist, endangered his family and risked his own life in attempting to save Lorca.113 The mountains to which Hemingway refers are the Sierra de Alfacar. In identifying the ravine at Viznar as the site of Lorca’s murder, Hemingway was repeating the conventional wisdom of his day. The narrator describes the drive past place where he believes that “they” murdered García Lorca (164).

García Torres, Bonifacio (Joni). Correct spelling: Yoni.114 Spanish bullfighter, b. 1919. Investiture as matador de toros, Seville, April 1946; not confirmed in Madrid. Although born in Triana, a Sevillian neighborhood famous for its many bullfighting families and dynasties (e.g., those of Francisco Vega de los Reyes [Gitanillo de Triana] and Joaquín Rodríguez [Cagancho], qq.v. in HDIA), Yoni was the only member of his family to take up bullfighting. His birthplace and style assured him the affection of his fellow Southerners, and when he made his debut as novillero in Seville he was extravagantly admired. Seville’s enthusiasm was not shared by other important bullfight audiences, and Yoni’s ambition slowly evaporated. In 1940, probably his best year, he performed in twenty-four novilladas. His South American tours met with scant success, and his promotion to matador de toros in Seville was not confirmed in Madrid. In fact, his alternativa was his only corrida for 1946, and after it he performed only seldom as matador de toros: one corrida in 1947, two in 1948, and another two in 1951. For most of his career he worked as a banderillero.115 For the other two banderilleros in Ordóñez’s cuadrilla, see Ferrer, José; Ordóñez, Juan. The narrator accurately identifies Joni [sic] as one of the three banderilleros in Antonio Ordóñez’s cuadrilla (92–93, 133, 147, 174, 188, 201).

The Generalissimo. See Franco. Girls. See Prisoners; Women and Girls. Girón, Curro. Full name: Francisco Girón Díaz. Venezuelan bullfighter, 1938–1988; came to Spain in 1955. Investiture as matador de toros, 27

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September 1956, in Barcelona; confirmed in Madrid, 12 June 1958. Curro and his brother Rafael (b. 1937) were promoted in the same corrida, the moving ceremonies being conducted by their older brother César, who was that year’s top-ranking matador.116 Another brother, Efraín (Freddy), was also a matador, as was Curro’s son, Marco Antonio Girón Lozano (b. 1965). The Girón family was from Maracay, in Aragua, Venezuela, and the town honored César by naming its modern bullring after him. Undoubtedly inspired by César’s success, Curro began training in his mid-teens. He came to Spain when he was seventeen and rapidly made a name for himself as a novillero, performing often with his younger brother Rafael. Before being promoted at the end of the 1956 season, Curro performed in forty-four novilladas. In 1957, his first full season as a matador de toros, he was ranked third among all the active bullfighters in Spain (fifty-six corridas; Ordóñez was ranked fifth that year, with forty-eight). In 1958 Curro was fourth, with fifty-nine corridas; Ordóñez was third, with seventy-eight. In 1959, Curro was the top-ranked matador in Spain, with eighty-one corridas; Ordóñez was fifth, with fifty-two, and Dominguín was seventh, with thirty-seven. Curro Girón’s star remained high in the early 1960s, as the numbers indicate: fifty-six corridas in 1960 (ranked fifth), seventy-four in 1961 (ranked first), fifty-three in 1962 (ranked sixth), twenty-eight in 1963, thirty-seven in 1964, twenty in 1965, twenty-four in 1966, twenty-five in 1967, and twenty-one in 1968. In the 1970s the numbers diminished, and Curro accepted contracts in lesser plazas. Some critics felt he should have retired before his decline became so obvious, but Curro Girón insisted on performing, in spite of clearly declining capacities and increasingly frequent injuries. When Girón retired in 1977, he had been an active matador de toros for more than twenty years. He was a brave, hard-working, and deservedly popular bullfighter: “Tuvo mucho cartel en toda España” (He was popular throughout Spain).117 Ordóñez and Girón. In 1959, Curro Girón and Ordóñez performed together in nine corridas: on 22 April (Seville), on 19 July (Mont de Marsan), on 25 July (Valencia), on 1 August (Palma de Mallorca), on 16 August (Santander), on 18 August (Bilbao), on 30 August (Dax), on 3 September (Mérida), and on 9 September (Murcia).118 Hemingway and Girón. Hemingway saw Girón in the Valencia and Bilbao fights, when he performed with Ordóñez. He also saw him twice during the San Isidro fair (see Madrid), on 15 and 22 May. On the first of these afternoons, the cartel also included Antonio Bienvenida (q.v.) and Luis Segura. Girón earned a rave review from ABC’s Díaz Cañabate, who rejoiced that on this afternoon, Girón had rejected his former dependence on the

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adorno in favor of the more classic passes, and had done these to perfection, earning two ears for his first bull. With his second bull, which did not lend itself to good work, Girón also eschewed the temptation of the showy adorno (which should be used sparingly, and only in addition to, and not in substitution for, classic passes; see Tricks). On 22 May, in spite of his elegant work with the banderillas, Girón did not impress ABC’s taurine critic. Hemingway probably also saw Girón in Pamplona, where he performed on 7, 9, and 11 July 1959. At all these performances, he placed his own banderillas, doing it well. With the cape and muleta, however, he tended to focus on the public rather than the bull, basing his performance on adornos at the expense of orthodoxy and dignity. In the corrida of 7 July, Curro Girón was the senior matador: this cartel of young modernistas offered lots of fancy turns but little serious toreo, and the Pamplona public loved it. Díaz Cañabate complains that “Contra las olas del modernismo es imposible luchar” (It’s impossible to fight the tide of modernism).119 The narrator accurately reports that Curro Girón fought in Valencia with Antonio Ordóñez and Jaime Ostos (qq.v.) in July 1959 (146) but does not describe his work.

God Is My Co-Pilot. Patriotic 1945 black-and-white Warner Brothers movie based on the book by Col. Robert Lee Scott, Jr., a Protestant minister-cumfighter pilot. The book pays tribute to Scott’s unit, the American “Flying Tigers,” with whom he flew in China. The movie starred Dennis Morgan as Col. Robert L. Scott, Dane Clark as Johnny Petach, and Raymond Massey as Maj. Gen. Claire L. Chennault. Chennault was the organizer and leader of “a volunteer force . . . [of] the best military pilots in America . . . to fly P-40 Tomahawks against the Japanese along the Burma Road. His band of adventurers, who would not fly their first missions until December 1941, became the legendary ‘Flying Tigers’.”120 The New York Herald Tribune panned the movie as “A slapped-together attraction . . . all the flashbacks, supposedly emotional scenes, and fragments of philosophy which punctuate the aerial action vitiate a tale which might have been a notable addition to the screen’s extensive considerations of the far-flung theatres of the war.”121 The narrator believes that a driver should sharpen his skills and check his equipment “before inviting God to be his co-pilot” (69).

Gómez Ortega, José (Joselito). Spanish bullfighter, 1895–1920. Investiture as matador de toros, in Seville, September 1912; confirmed in Madrid, October 1912.

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Descended from bullfighters on both his mother’s and father’s side, Joselito showed great talent as a boy and had a tremendous following long before his investiture. In 1913, his first full season as matador de toros, he was ranked first nationwide (with eighty corridas), a position he maintained for six consecutive years (1913–1918), a record not surpassed until Juan Antonio Ruiz (Espartaco) began his seven-year domination of the Spanish bullring in 1985. Joselito’s performances were almost consistently magnificent; he mastered all aspects of bullfighting and fought with grace, courage, and art. Between them Joselito and Belmonte (q.v.) dominated the bullring, defining the 1910s as a golden age of bullfighting. Joselito’s death at the horns of the bull Bailaor shocked the Spanish public and caused a terrific national outpouring of grief.122 For more detailed statistics, see Gómez Ortega, José in HDIA. Hemingway and Joselito. Hemingway, who saw his first bullfights in 1923, never saw Joselito perform, but he repeats all the superlatives and clichés that inevitably attach to Joselito; they were and are common currency among aficionados. Hemingway mentions Joselito in The Sun Also Rises (168), in For Whom the Bell Tolls (251, 252, 253), and very often in Death in the Afternoon. The narrator compares Antonio Ordóñez and Luis Miguel to Joselito and Belmonte (Ordóñez, 189; Luis Miguel, 107, 171).

Gómez Trenor, Juan Luis. A friend of Ordóñez, Gómez was from Valencia, where he owned large orchards. He was a major stockholder of the CocaCola Company in Spain. In the early twenty-first century, the CEO of Colebega, S.A., the bottling company of Coca-Cola, is Juan Luis Gómez Trenor-Fos, who may be the son of Ordóñez’s friend. Juan Luis’s remark, “Too much,” is a reference to the picnic described on p. 154, when the phrase was used repeatedly to express the participants’ happiness or exaltation. It is “a definite stage of flood, of overflow” (TDS, 194). In the typescript, Ordóñez remarks, “Somos los chicos de too much” (We are the too-much kids).123 The narrator identifies Juan Luis as the owner of a country house near the beach in Valencia where Antonio, Hemingway, and a few others enjoyed a picnic (153–54; alluded to, 168) before the first mano a mano in late July. The next day Antonio Ordóñez dedicated a bull to him (161–62). Juan Luis speaks: 162.

Gongoiti, Gabriel (el Charri). Full name: Gabriel Gongoiti Fernández del Valle, c. 1930–c. 1980. The somewhat pejorative word charro refers to

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someone from the Salamanca area, a villager of rather bad taste, but in this case, turned into a nickname, it probably connotes affection. Gongoiti, el Charri, came from a wealthy Bilbao family and was an aficionado of the bullfight. He met Antonio Ordóñez when he jumped into the Bilbao ring after a triumphant novillada to help carry Ordóñez out of the ring. As Gongoiti reported the incident, Ordóñez instructed his swordhandler to give twenty duros to each of his admirers, “para que se tomen unas copas” (so they can have a few drinks) and thirty duros to the chubby one (i.e., Gongoiti). Gongoiti enjoyed the distinction, introduced himself, and the two young men became friends. Over the years, el Charri saw many of Ordóñez’s fights, including many in 1959 (Gongoiti was then thirty or thirty-five years old). In 1960 he entered a Dominican seminary, stayed there for five or six years, and left it without taking final vows. He remained single all his life.124 See also Followers. The narrator describes el Charri as one of Ordóñez’s followers who often told jokes at the celebratory meals after the bullfights (119).

González Jiménez, Juan (el Trianero). Spanish bullfighter, b. 1936. Investiture as matador de toros, 6 July 1958, in Barcelona; confirmed in Madrid, 16 May 1959. Antonio Ordóñez officiated at both ceremonies. El Trianero began to attract attention in 1956 when, as a novillero, he gave several fine performances in Madrid. In 1957, in spite of a long absence from the ring due to a serious injury, he managed forty-six novilladas and established himself firmly in the top ranks of the novilleros. He had a weaker year in 1958 (eleven novilladas before his promotion, followed by four corridas de toros), and improved his record only slightly in 1959, the year that marked the high point of his career as matador de toros even though he performed in only seventeen corridas without particularly distinguishing himself in any of them. He fought nine times in 1960 and the same number in 1961, being badly gored at the end of the latter season. Seriously wounded again in 1964, he retired from the bullring. Thereafter he worked in his family’s chocolate factory. Hemingway and el Trianero. In 1959, Ordóñez and el Trianero appeared together on two afternoons: on 16 May (Madrid) and 18 May (Nîmes). Hemingway witnessed the first of these two events, which he mentions only briefly: he accurately identifies the bulls as Pablo Romeros (q.v.) but does not report that Victoriano Valencia and el Trianero appeared with Ordóñez, who was given an ovation for his work with the first bull (no trophies) but whose work with the second bull elicited only silence from the audience. The bulls were listless that afternoon, and the bullfighters were not able to do much with them.

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The next day, 17 May, el Trianero drew a small, apparently underage bull and had to fight him to the accompaniment of derisive jeers from the audience; his second bull was cowardly, and altogether el Trianero had an unsuccessful afternoon, witnessed by Hemingway. On 18 May, in Nîmes, the bill included Ordóñez, Chicuelo II, and el Trianero. Hemingway, who had stayed in Madrid, did not see this Nîmes corrida at which el Trianero was injured.125 Hemingway makes only a passing mention of this young, unexceptional bullfighter, but he appears in a photograph (TDS, the upper photograph on the page preceding the opening of chapter 11); el Trianero is standing between Hemingway and Bill Davis.126 The narrator accurately reports that el Trianero was gored at Nîmes, France, on 18 May 1959, and that Ordóñez substituted for him on the last bull (75).

González Lucas, Carmen. Luis Miguel Dominguín’s sister and Antonio Ordóñez’s wife. See Ordóñez, Carmen. González Lucas, Domingo (Domingo or Dominguito Dominguín). Luis Miguel’s brother. Spanish bullfighter, bullfight manager, and impresario, 1920–1975 (died by his own hand). Investiture as matador de toros, Barcelona, June 1942; confirmed in Madrid the same month. Growing up in a taurine environment, Domingo began performing as a child. He was talented, intelligent, and carefully educated by his father, Domingo González Mateos (q.v.), but in spite of these advantages he never developed a great following. In 1943 he performed in twelve corridas, in which he consolidated his reputation as an accurate estoqueador (swordsman). Serious gorings early in his career (two in 1944 and one in 1945) cut short his seasons at an important stage of his career. He fought seven corridas in 1946, one in 1947, and one in 1948. During this time Domingo was also involved in managing his younger brother’s spectacular career, which clearly eclipsed his own, and helping his father coordinate the family’s taurine empire—they had controlling interests in several bullrings in Spain and other wide-ranging investments. As apoderado (manager and publicist), he served several famous bullfighters, including Domingo Ortega, his brother Luis Miguel, and his brother-in-law Antonio Ordóñez. Domingo was also politically active, volunteering to fight on the side of the Nationalists during the Spanish Civil War but later turning publicly against Franco. Cushioned by his brother’s fame, wealth, and close ties to Franco, Domingo was able to remain in Spain after the war, even though he was a known member of the outlawed Spanish Communist Party. This

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political affiliation put him in touch with many artists, and his own apparent immunity from the Franco forces enabled him to organize not only bullfights but television shows and films for them. Most notable in this area was his support for Luis Buñuel’s prize-winning film Viridiana; he was its executive producer. His disregard for authority (political, clerical, and familial), his fiscal irresponsibility (among his failed business ventures was a hastily set up, expensive chicken ranch), his gambling, his high living, and his impetuous generosity to the needy who were attracted or referred to him, were tolerated by his brother Luis Miguel until the early 1970s. Deprived of access to the family’s interests, Domingo moved to Ecuador in 1973 and killed himself two years later. He is reported to have had a sharp wit and a kind heart.127 The narrator accurately reports that in 1959 Domingo and Pepe manage their brother Luis Miguel Dominguín and their brother-in-law Antonio Ordóñez (65, 122, 136, 196). Domingo is particularly helpful when one or the other of his clients is gored (95–96, 160, 163, 200). Domingo Dominguín speaks: 157, 183.

González Lucas, Gracia (Pochola). Luis Miguel’s sister, b. 1924. Twice married—first to Miguel García-Chávarri and then to Luis Zarraluqui— Pochola “ha llevado una activa vida social” (led an active social life). According to Dominguín’s biographer, she and Luis Miguel were close friends.128 The narrator mentions that Dominguín’s wife and older sister are coming to visit him in the hospital (206).

González Lucas, José Alejandro (Pepe Dominguín). Luis Miguel’s brother. Spanish bullfighter, 1921 or 1922–2003. Investiture as matador de toros, Madrid, May 1944, granted by Antonio Bienvenida. The nickname Pepe is properly unaccented in the Spanish-language versions of The Dangerous Summer, published in Life en español as El verano sangriento (1960) and as a book, El verano peligroso (1986). Like his older brother Domingo and his more famous younger brother Luis Miguel, Pepe Dominguín was educated by their father and started performing as a child. As becerristas and novilleros, the brothers performed together under their father’s management. Pepe’s career as a bullfighter was longer and more successful than Domingo’s, and he performed often with Luis Miguel. In the first years after his alternativa his career advanced quickly: five corridas in 1944, the

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year of his promotion; ten in 1945; twenty in 1946, twenty-eight in 1947, and fifty-eight in his best season, 1948.129 Then the numbers began to decline: thirty-two in 1949 and eighteen in 1950. Although badly gored in July 1951, he still managed to appear thirty-four times that year, but in 1952 he only managed half that number of performances. Disheartened by the decline of his career and by the deaths of his wife and two daughters,130 Pepe retired from the bullring at the end of the 1952 season. Throughout his career, he was recognized as a capable, confident bullfighter who, like Luis Miguel, excelled in the tercio of the banderillas.131 Sometime after his retirement, Pepe was induced by his family to join Domingo in the complicated and profitable business of managing other bullfighters, among them such stellar figures as Luis Segura, Antonio Mejías (Bienvenida), Dámaso Gómez, and, of course, Luis Miguel and Antonio Ordóñez. For several years Pepe managed the plaza de toros in Quito, Ecuador, which the family had bought at his instigation. In Madrid, he was for many years the president of the Asociación de Matadores, Rejoneadores, y Apoderados. He had a strong literary bent, and published frequently in Diario 16 (a Madrid newspaper, established in 1976). His books include Mi gente (Madrid: Piesa D.L., 1979), an autobiographical account of his family in which Pepe emerges as honest, irreverent, witty, self-confident, and proud of his and his family’s achievements. The family also occupies a central position in his last book, Rojo y oro (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 2002), a mature, generous, and well-written memoir that contains chapters on Pablo Picasso, Orson Welles, and Ernest Hemingway as well as analyses and evaluations of important bullfighters of the twentieth century, most of whom he knew personally and professionally, with the exception of José Gómez Ortega (Joselito) and Manuel Granero, who died in 1920 and 1922. Predictably enough, his short stories, Carasucia y otros cuentos (Madrid: Rubí, 1985), are about bullfighting. The personal, nostalgic, humorous, and occasionally philosophical or political vignettes he wrote for Diario 16 during the sanisidros of 1980 were reissued in a privately published limited edition that celebrates the bullring’s fiftieth anniversary. Although it is beautifully illustrated by Onésimo Anciones, Toros en Las Ventas (Madrid: O.I.A., 1981) is the least impressive of Pepe Dominguín’s books. The narrator accurately reports that by 1959 Pepe Dominguín had retired from the bullring and, with his older brother Domingo, managed Luis Miguel and Antonio Ordóñez (65, 137, 160, 173). Pepe Dominguín speaks: 157.

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González Lucas, Lucía Bosé de. Luis Miguel’s wife. Italian movie star, b. 1931. In 1947 she was crowned Miss Italy, and soon after launched her successful acting career in Guiseppe de Santis’s Under the Olive Tree (1949). Thereafter she was directed by Michelangelo Antonioni, Juan Bardem, Luis Buñuel, and other important directors. In 1955, after a very short courtship, she married Luis Miguel. They had three children: Miguel (b. 1956, a popular singer known professionally as Miguel Bosé), Lucía (b. 1957), and Paola (b. 1960, named after her father’s good friend Pablo Picasso, q.v.). The couple separated in January 1968, probably due to Dominguín’s many and public indiscretions and especially his long-standing affair with his cousin Mariví. The marriage was not dissolved by the Roman Catholic Church. After her ten-year retirement from film to raise her children, Lucia Bosé worked under Federico Fellini (Satyricon), Marguerite Duras (Nathalie Granger) and Jeanne Moreau (Lumière). She has a long filmography to her credit (http://movies.aol.com/celebritiy/lucia-bose). Luis Miguel’s Second Wife. In December 1988, Luis Miguel married Rosario Primo de Rivera y Urquijo (c. 1938–2006), granddaughter of the dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera (q.v. in HDIA) and niece of José Antonio Primo de Rivera (1903–1936, founder of the Spanish Falange), in a civil ceremony. They lived a secluded life on their ranch, La Virgen, and their home El Arcón, in Sotogrande, until Dominguín’s death on 8 May 1996.132 The narrator praises Luis Miguel’s wife (166; see also 59, 206).

González Lucas, Luis Miguel (Dominguín). Spanish bullfighter, 1926–1996. Investiture as matador de toros, in Bogotá, 1941; Spanish investiture in La Coruña, 2 August 1944, granted by Domingo Ortega (q.v.); confirmed in Madrid, 14 June 1945, by that year’s top-ranked bullfighter, Manuel Rodríguez (Manolete, q.v.), with Pepe Luis Vázquez (q.v.) acting as witness. Two factors—the Spanish Civil War and Spain’s ban on child performers— restricted the Dominguín family’s access to Spanish bullrings in the late 1930s. For most of the Civil War, the three young Dominguín brothers appeared together in Mexico and Portugal and in a few charitable festivals offered in Nationalist-controlled Spain and organized by their father. At age eleven and twelve, Luis Miguel was a talented becerrista (i.e., a boy who fights but does not kill bulls younger than three years old).133 Luis Miguel was promoted to matador de toros in Colombia, in 1941, when he was fifteen years old—a foreign alternativa not recognized in Spain. When he turned sixteen, Spain’s minimum age for performance in a Spanish bullring, he performed in fifteen novilladas in various Spanish

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plazas. His Madrid debut in September of that year confirmed his already excellent reputation, and he received his Spanish alternativa the next season, in August 1944, four months before his eighteenth birthday. In 1945, Dominguín’s first full season as a matador de toros, he performed in forty-one corridas and was ranked seventh nationwide. For the next seven years, he was consistently among Spain’s top five matadors, with sixty-two corridas in 1946 (ranked first), sixty-three in 1947 (ranked second, in spite of two serious gorings that caused many cancellations), a stunning one hundred in 1948 (ranked first), seventy in 1949 (Cossío cites seventy-seven; ranked second), forty-five in 1950 (Cossío cites forty; ranked fourth), ninety-eight in 1951 (the second-ranked bullfighter that year had seventy-five), and fifty-six in 1952 (ranked fourth; Ordóñez, aged twenty and recently promoted, ranked first that year, with seventy-four corridas). Dominguín was gravely injured at the end of the South American season and in February 1953 he went into partial retirement, not performing in any Spanish plaza until 1957 (he had disappeared from Madrid’s Plaza Monumental at Las Ventas in 1951 and 1952 as well). But in those years he continued to perform in Mexico and South America, where he also had a large and faithful following. Possessed of a large repertoire, confident and accurate, Luis Miguel was seldom injured. He was a commanding figure in the bullring: “Es torero de un poder extraordinario y de una inteligencia del oficio insuperable, y así se ha impuesto a los toros . . . [con una] mezcla de estilos” (He has extraordinary strength and ability and a complete knowledge of his profession, and has dominated the bulls . . . [employing] a variety of styles).134 His weak point, weak only in comparison to his other strengths, was his capework; with the banderillas, the muleta, and the sword he was “insuperable.” In the 1940s and early 1950s Dominguín’s career coincided with those of Domingo Ortega (promoted in 1931), who offered a link to the pre–Spanish Civil War bullring; and with the stars of the period immediately following the war: Manuel Rodríguez (Manolete, promoted in 1939) and Pepe Luis Vázquez (promoted in 1940). These three masters promoted him, confirmed his alternativa, and performed with him in the early postwar years, when bullfighting—and all of Spain—tried to return to normalcy. This continuity with the past made Dominguín a historically as well as artistically significant figure. In 1956 Dominguín became a bull breeder, acquiring additional pedigreed cows and bulls in 1958 and 1960 and branding his animals with the number one (q.v.) that marked his position in the bullfighting world. On 4 August 1957 he fought again in Spain, having been absent from Spanish rings since 1952. On 29 September 1957 he performed in Las

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Ventas for the first time since 1950. All told, in 1957 he fought twenty-two corridas in Spain, doubling that number in 1958 and suffering one serious goring, in Santander on 16 August 1958 (just a few days before his father died). This 1958 season provides the background for Peter Viertel’s roman à clef, Love Lies Bleeding (1964), dedicated to Luis Miguel and featuring a famous matador who is gored on the day when his father dies; a younger, light-hearted challenger named Fermín Ortega (obviously Ordóñez); a physician friend (based on Tamames, q.v.); as well as a pregnant wife, two mistresses, and a foreigner who is “his” bullfighter’s intimate friend and who takes pride in his position as taurine insider. Hemingway, Viertel, Jean Cau (author of Las orejas y el rabo, a 1961 book about Jaime Ostos, q.v.), Allen Josephs (author of Ritual and Sacrifice in the Corrida: The Saga of César Rincón, 2002) and Edward Lewine (author of Death and the Sun: A Matador’s Season in the Heart of Spain, 2005, about the 2002–2003 season of Ordóñez’s grandson and Dominguín’s greatnephew, Francisco Rivera) are only a few of the many foreigners who have attached themselves to a bullfighter and written their versions of one or two of his seasons. In 1959, with fifteen years of alternativa, Dominguín was contracted to fight seventy-seven corridas; his injuries reduced the number to thirtyseven. That year’s top-ranked performer, Curro Girón, fought eighty-one corridas; Jaime Ostos was second, with seventy; Ordóñez was fifth, with fifty-two; and Dominguín was seventh. Hemingway’s statement that this season was decisive or “tragic” for Dominguín is a minority opinion. Cossío summarizes Dominguín’s 1959 season with a single, matter-of-fact sentence: “En 1959 ha seguido toreando, en su brillante tónica acostumbrada, habiendo sufrido cogidas, con pérdida de corridas, en Málaga y Bilbao” (He has continued fighting in 1959 with his usual brilliance but suffering gorings and the consequent loss of corridas, in Málaga and Bilbao).135 After forty-two corridas during the 1960 season, Dominguín retired. In 1971, at age forty-six, Dominguín emerged from retirement once again. That year he fought forty corridas in Spain (thirteen of them with Antonio Bienvenida, q.v., who had also emerged from retirement that year) and a few more in Yugoslavia and Mexico. He performed thirty-four times in 1972 and forty-five in 1973, enjoying great successes but suffering several wounds. Polished, witty, handsome, accomplished, and well connected in the bullfight world, Luis Miguel held his position as premier bullfighter and media star throughout his long career, sometimes fighting as many as a hundred afternoons in one season (barring injuries, thirty appearances mark a respectable season, fifty an impressive one). He was a pragmatic, sometimes

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cynical man who would, when he thought it would help him master his bull or his audience, use a maneuver that, although effective, was not particularly graceful or artistic (see Tricks, and the discussion of alivio). Dominguín’s penchant for boasting and for scandalous behavior in and out of the ring brought him considerable criticism. He was reputed to have had a great many affairs with movie stars like Ava Gardner (seen in the photograph following page 102 of TDS), and at least one woman is said to have committed suicide because of him. His success and charisma enabled him to keep his friends in high places and thus conduct his life in almost complete disregard of the religious and political restrictions of Franco’s regime.136 See also Number One. And for Dominguín’s role in and response to the events Hemingway describes in The Dangerous Summer, refer to the section titled “The Facts of 1959: The Taurine Season,” in the Introduction to this volume. The narrator praises Luis Miguel as a brave, knowledgeable, and skillful matador (52), a master with the banderillas and muleta (109–110), although his capework is sometimes but not consistently “spectacular and beautiful” (150). He recognizes that Dominguín was a fine director de lidia (q.v.; 199) but decries his penchant for tricks (110, 150–51, 178, 184, 187, 196–97), often with bulls whose horns have been shortened (74, 107, 111, 178). He describes Dominguín’s performances in Algeciras (105–106, 109–11), Barcelona (128, 129), Bayonne (178), Bilbao (192–200), Ciudad Real (183–87), Málaga (169–74), Valencia (145–50), and Zaragoza (115–17). He also alludes to but does not describe performances that he did not see: in Granada (82, 86, 105), Oviedo (74), Palma de Mallorca (148), Puerto de Santa María (136, 137), Talavera de la Reina (74), Toledo (85, 86), Tudela (148), Vitoria (in 1958, 63), Africa, and France (59, 74–75). [For details on these corridas, see the entries for these cities.] He unfairly and inaccurately suggests that the confrontation with Ordóñez broke Dominguín’s spirit and finished his career. Luis Miguel Dominguín speaks: 111, 157, 160–61, 163, 206.

González Mateos, Domingo (Dominguín). Luis Miguel’s father. Spanish bullfighter, bullfight impresario, and manager, 1895–1958. Investiture as matador de toros, Madrid, 26 September 1918. Born to poor and uneducated parents in Quismondo, near Toledo, Domingo (so named because he was born on a Sunday) determined to conquer poverty through bullfighting. His apprenticeship took him, as is usually the case, to a variety of minor plazas, until he was contracted to appear in Madrid, where he did not perform well. He persevered, however, and enjoyed his first success in Barcelona at the end of the 1917 season. Early in the 1918 season several good performances, particularly in

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Barcelona, resulted in a return visit to Madrid, where he distinguished himself in May and again in June. Then his career took off: he became one of the top-ranked novilleros of that year, and was promoted to full matador de toros late in September 1918. By then his standing was such that the promotion was awarded by José Gómez Ortega (Joselito, q.v.), in Madrid. Dominguín’s first few seasons as matador de alternativa were uneven but, on the whole, quite successful: numbers are not available for 1919, but he performed in thirty-two corridas in 1920, thirty-five in 1921, and twenty in 1922 (although mediocre and even poor performances were unfortunately frequent). But in those years Joselito and Belmonte were insuperable competition, and Dominguín recognized that his skills and talents were not of the first rank: he was graceful with the muleta, generally competent with the cape and banderillas, but too often inept with the sword. Although he continued to fight as often as possible (including several profitable South American tours), he became increasingly involved in the administrative aspects of the bullfight, working as impresario and manager (for several years he managed his own career as well, instead of hiring an apoderado). In 1924, he performed in seventeen corridas, a respectable number, but in 1925 he only had three, and all of these were in fiestas that he himself had organized. He retired as matador de toros at the end of this season. Dominguín as Manager. Dominguín’s genius lay in his ability to recognize young talent. One of his first clients was his friend, Ignacio Sánchez Mejías (q.v.), who was then acting as banderillero for Joselito. Other major talents whose careers he helped launch were Domingo Ortega (q.v.), Joaquín Rodríguez (Cagancho), and Fermín Espinosa (Armillita Chico; qq.v. in HDIA). Dominguín was an aggressive manager: he insisted that Ortega shorten his name by dropping the patronymic López, he convinced the Barcelona impresario Pedro Balañá to lengthen the city’s taurine season by three novilladas starring his protegé Ortega, and after Ortega’s successful alternativa, he doubled Ortega’s fees.137 Dominguín featured his clients in the several Spanish and Mexican bullrings with which he was affiliated, and grew in fortune and reputation as they developed into major stars. During the Spanish Civil War, which naturally curtailed taurine activity, the Dominguín family and their growing entourage (secretaries, trainers, servants, photographers, etc.) traveled to New York, Mexico, Cuba, and Portugal, as well as Spain. At this time Domingo decided to devote himself entirely to the training and promotion of his three bullfighter sons.138 The family spent most of 1940 and 1941 in Cuba, Perú, Colombia, and Venezuela as Domingo organized bullfights in the major cities of these and

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other Latin American countries. Because these countries, unlike Spain, did not forbid children under the age of sixteen to fight bulls, all of Domingo’s sons were able to perform in those years. Luis Miguel turned sixteen in December 1941, and the family returned to Spain a few months later. The three sons inevitably became major partners in the successful family enterprise, all of them performing both in Spain and in Latin America. Luis Miguel’s phenomenal success is closely linked to his father’s efforts; the two had a complicated relationship,139 but Luis Miguel was always represented either by his father or his brother, also named Domingo (q.v.). In the early 1950s and again in 1959, the Dominguín family also managed Antonio Ordóñez’s career, both times for a brief period only (see Managers; also refer to the sections on “Impresarios, Apoderados, and the Rise of los Trusts” and “The Facts of 1959: The Taurine Season,” both in the Introduction to this volume). The elder Dominguín has been the subject of several books, including Eduardo Pagés’s Dominguín, su arte y sus éxitos (1918), Alfredo R. Antigüedad’s Y el nombre se hizo renombre (1949), and his son Pepe Dominguín’s Mi gente (Piesa, 1979). A dominant personality, he brought his family out of poverty and into immense wealth and social prominence.140 See also González Mateos, Gracia Lucas Lorente de, in this volume; see González, Domingo, in HDIA. Hemingway’s earlier attacks on Domingo González (DIA, 93, 168, 170) and his protegé, Domingo Ortega (DIA, 168–71 et passim), are not repeated in The Dangerous Summer. The narrator comments on the various stages of the elder Dominguín’s career as matador, impresario, and manager (52, 189).

González Mateos, Gracia Lucas Lorente de. Luis Miguel’s mother, c. 1901–1983. Gracia Lucas married Domingo González Mateos (Dominguín) in 1919. They had five children: Domingo, José (Pepe), Gracia (Pochola), Luis Miguel, and Carmen (Carmina). She was very active in the family’s businesses, managing them by herself when her husband was away and, after his death, working with her children. The narrator mentions Domingo Dominguín’s wife and their five children (52).

Gran de Valencia. Correct spelling: Grau (port). See Pepica. Granada. Records indicate that Granada was an important bullfight center as early as the eighteenth century. The city still enjoys an active bullfight season, which includes week-long fairs in May, June, and September, and festive bullfights on 8 July and 7 August.

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Granada’s bullrings have been beset by a long string of disasters. The first plaza burned down in 1876. Construction on a second plaza was quick and uneventful (1879–1880), but only nine years after its completion, the top third of the building was obliterated by a hurricane. Bullfights continued to be held in what remained of the plaza until 1912, when two fires destroyed most of the wooden sections. The ring was rebuilt 1912–1913, but by then the city was seriously considering a new, larger, more modern bullring. The new ring, built in 1927–1928, was admired not only for its luxurious external decoration but also for its spacious, well-equipped infirmary, handsome chapel, offices, large patio for horses, and its many and welldesigned holding pens for bulls. It was inaugurated on 30 September 1928, by Manuel Jiménez (Chicuelo), Joaquín Rodríguez (Cagancho), and Fermín Espinosa (Armillita Chico, qq.v. in HDIA); the bulls were Concha y Sierra.141 This is the bullring to which Hemingway refers in The Dangerous Summer. On 30 May 1959, the same day on which Ordóñez was gored in Aranjuez, “Luis Miguel cortó orejas en Granada” (cut ears in Granada) in a corrida that also featured Gregorio Sánchez and Curro Romero; the bulls were Villamarta. Dominguín was enthusiastically applauded and did a turn around the ring after his first bull, but the president denied him the ear that the audience demanded for him. With his second bull, he gave a stupendous performance “en el centro del anillo con pases de todas las marcas” (in the center of the ring with all kinds of passes) and was given two ears and a turn around the ring. Sánchez was much applauded for his work with both his bulls; the audience demanded an ear for his second bull but it was denied. Curro Romero was also applauded. The program for the next day had originally included Ordóñez, but he had been injured in Aranjuez the day before, so the performers on the 31st were Luis Miguel, Chicuelo II, and Jaime Ostos (qq.v.); the bulls were Juan Pedro Domecq, and on this day, as on the previous one, Luis Miguel had “great successes” (105). Hemingway, who had planned to go to this corrida, went instead to Madrid to visit Ordóñez at the Ruber Clinic (q.v.).142 The narrator mentions that Dominguín had been successful in Granada (105; see also 86) and plans his trip to that city to see Ordóñez perform (82, 88). The narrator mentions other trips to or through Granada (66, 164).

Grand Hotel. Correct name: Gran Hotel. Address: Calle Joaquín Costa 5, Zaragoza. Opened in 1929 by Alfonso XIII, the luxurious hotel was frequented by matadors and other taurine personalities: it was one of the city’s

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two main hoteles taurinos, the other being the Hotel Posada de las Almas.143 The Gran Hotel is still a five-star hotel. Refer to “The Functions of Place Names,” in the User’s Guide of this volume. In Zaragoza, the narrator stays at the Grand [sic] Hotel (114–15).

Guadarrama. See Proverbs; Sierra de la Guadarrama. Guardia Civil (Civil Guard). Established by three royal decrees (28 March, 12 April, and 13 May 1844), the nationwide guardia civil replaced various separate provincial law enforcement agencies. It is closely associated with the army; its members receive military training and its supreme commander carries the rank of field marshal. During the Civil War they were allied with the Nationalists. Omnipresent and feared during the Franco regime, they are mentioned frequently in For Whom the Bell Tolls and make Catherine Bourne nervous in The Garden of Eden (38–39). See also the entry for Guardia Civil in HDIA. The guardia civil control the crowd outside the operating room at the bullring in Valencia where Luis Miguel is treated; they accept orders from the narrator (161, 163). The Bilbao authorities, more formal and punctilious, restrict his movements (191, 200).

–H– Half-Bull. See Bull, Half-Bull. Hamlet. Eponymous character of Shakespeare’s famous play, Hamlet is a young prince torn between doubt, familial duty, and the need to act. See also Shakespeare. The narrator compares Dominguín to two well-known literary characters: Hamlet and Don Juan (q.v.; 54).

Hemingway, Ernest (Ernesto, don Ernesto, Papa). Full name: Ernest Miller Hemingway. American journalist, novelist, and short story writer, 1899–1961. Winner of the Pulitzer and Nobel Prizes for Literature, Hemingway is one of the major figures of American literature in the twentieth century. Details about his life and art are easily available in more than a dozen biographies, my favorites being Carlos Baker’s Ernest Hemingway: A Life Story (1969) and Michael Reynolds’s five-volume masterpiece. The

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books and articles that offer critical insights into his art are too many to list, although mention should be made of The Hemingway Review, published twice a year. See also Authors; Journalists. The first-person narrator, whose name is Ernest Hemingway, has been absent from Spain since the Spanish Civil War. In The Dangerous Summer he records three return visits (1953, 1954, and 1956) and describes the performances of two great bullfighters, Antonio Ordóñez and Luis Miguel González (Dominguín). He also speaks about himself, mentioning his involvement in the Civil War (43, 45, 118–20, 126, 142), his life in Cuba (43, 55, 59), the injuries he suffered during his 1953–1954 safari in Africa (53–54, 56), and several of his books: The Sun Also Rises (50, 53, 135, 136, 139), Death in the Afternoon (62), and The Old Man and the Sea (56). He also mentions his works in progress (45, 55, 56, 59) and his reasons for writing about Antonio Ordóñez (82). Ernest Hemingway speaks: 44, 63–64, 68, 70–71, 73, 74, 85, 88, 96–99, 100–103, 112, 118–19, 122–24, 128, 131–32, 136, 140, 152, 154, 157–58, 161, 163, 165, 181–88, 205–206.

Hemingway, Mary Welsh. American journalist, 1908–1986. For details of her career, see Journalists. Mary had been married twice (to Lawrence Cook, from 1929 to 1931, and to Noel Monks, from 1938 to 1946) before she became Hemingway’s fourth wife in 1946. The marriage was troubled by Mary’s childlessness and ambition, Hemingway’s neglect and abusiveness, and a heavy consumption of alcohol on both sides. In 1959, Hemingway’s ill-treatment of his wife brought them very close to separation. Mary’s consistently cheerful and not always accurate memoirs focus on her life with Hemingway (How It Was, 1976). For details of the Mexican corrida Mary saw, see Rodríguez Sánchez, Manuel (Manolete). The narrator reports that Mary knows very little about bullfights, her only experience having been a lackluster corrida in Mexico (46). Several years later, she accompanied Hemingway to Spain and was pleased when Luis Miguel dedicated a bull to her (109, 111). But Spain does not seem to have agreed with her: in 1953 she caught cold in Pamplona (49), and in 1959 she broke a toe in the Irati River (137), caught cold in Madrid (76),144 had a fever outside Córdoba (80), and was “still ill and tired” in Seville (82). She and Hemingway traveled in separate cars (76, 82) and sometimes ate at separate tables (108). She seems to have spent most of the summer of 1959 at Annie Davis’s home, La Cónsula, where she organized an extravagant party to celebrate her husband’s sixtieth and Carmen Ordóñez’s thirtieth birthdays (140, 142; see also 43–44, 58–59, 67, 70, 76–78, 81, 133).

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Hotchner, Ed (Hotch, Pecas, el Pecas). Full name: Aaron Edward Hotchner. American lawyer, editor, author, screenwriter, b. 1920. Hotchner met Hemingway in 1948, when he went to Cuba to interview him, and they remained friends until Hemingway’s death. Hotchner adapted several of Hemingway’s works for television and the movies and helped Hemingway cut and shape the original manuscript of Dangerous Summer for publication in Life magazine. But James Michener’s claim that Hotchner was hired by Life (TDS, 14) is incorrect: Hemingway asked Hotchner for help and Hotchner gladly provided it. When Hemingway offered remuneration, Hotchner was grateful but surprised, “since [I] had no thought this was anything but your project that I enjoyed helping on. . . . please remember we are not on a dough basis.”145 Hotchner was instrumental in shaping the 1960 Life version of The Dangerous Summer, and twenty-five years later, Michael Pietsch, the editor at Scribner’s who was responsible for the book version, adopted most of Hotchner’s editorial interventions. Hotchner is the author of Papa Hemingway: A Personal Memoir (1966), whose publication Mary Hemingway attempted to prevent. Hotchner’s claim that his memoir had been approved by Ernest and Mary Hemingway is inaccurate, as is the claim that he taped many of his conversations with them and that he kept a detailed journal of his relationship with the Hemingways. Instead, Hotchner quoted from letters, sometimes inaccurately and invariably without obtaining permission; he made mistakes in chronology; he summarized events in a way that distorted them; he misquoted or misattributed quotes. But, as Al DeFazio argues convincingly, Hotchner’s memoir, although unscholarly and inaccurate, does not misrepresent the strong friendship and productive business relationship that he enjoyed with the Hemingways before Hemingway’s death.146 Hotchner also wrote The Dangerous American: A Novel of Suspense (1958), Hemingway Hero (1967), Doris Day (1976), Choice People: The Greats, Near-Greats and Ingrates I Have Known (1984), The Man Who Lived at the Ritz (1984), Hemingway and His World (1989), and other books and scripts, including several based on Hemingway’s works. Most recently, he wrote the Preface to Dear Papa, Dear Hotch: The Correspondence of Ernest Hemingway and A. E. Hotchner (edited by Albert DeFazio and published by the University of Missouri Press in 2005). He is also a partner in Paul Newman’s food line, Newman’s Own, whose profits go to charity. Hotchner, who is a lawyer, drew up the firm’s incorporation papers. Hotchner as Bullfighter. The Hotchner-as-bullfighter escapade is not a unique event. On 3 July 1927, the poet Rafael Alberti entered the Pontevedra

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bullring in full taurine regalia, orange and black, pretending to be a banderillero in Ignacio Sánchez Mejías’s cuadrilla. On 25 August 1958, Dominguín took his friend, the Count of Teba, into the Bayonne bullring, dressed in a suit of lights as if he were a member of his cuadrilla. The bullfight had been completely sold out, and Dominguín hatched this plot to enable his friend to see the corrida. A year later, on 17 August 1959, Hotchner entered the bullring in Ciudad Real similarly disguised.147 Hotchner traveled with Hemingway in Spain from late June to late August 1959. Hotchner joined Bill Davis and Hemingway in June and traveled with them for the rest of the summer, even dressing up in one of Ordóñez’s suits of lights and entering the ring as if he were a bullfighter (180–89). Hotchner speaks: 122, 124, 140, 180–87.

Hotel Keepers. Hotels, bars, and restaurants become an important concern during the bullfight season, which takes bullfighters, aficionados, and followers from town to town; the narrator mentions them often (68, 85, 122–23, 126, 131; see also Marceliano; Pepica). Taurine hotels take particularly good care of the matadors who frequent them, saving rooms for them and their entourages and providing special services (see, for example, TDS, 163, where the Hotel Royal receives the wounded Luis Miguel). Out-of-town taurine people generally know which hotels a matador prefers, and they congregate there at fiesta time. When Hemingway names the hotels he patronized, he gives us interesting information that lets us evaluate how he was received in various cities during their fiestas. Cafés and bars are also markers which deserve careful reading. For a fuller discussion, refer to entries for the individual hotels and “The Functions of Place Names,” in the User’s Guide of this volume. The narrative mentions many hotels: the Alfonso XIII in Seville (80, 82), the Carlton in Alicante (122, 123), the Carlton in Bilbao (189, 191), the Delicias in Aranjuez (87), the Grand [Gran Hotel] in Zaragoza (114–15), the Hilton (61), the María Cristina [Reina Cristina] in Algeciras (111), the Miramar in Málaga (65, 167), the Palace in Córdoba (77), the Palace in Madrid (54), the Madrid Ritz (73), the Paris Ritz (61), the Royal in Valencia (144, 163), the Suecia in Madrid (69), the Victoria in Valencia (144), the Wellington in Madrid (69, 70, 73), and the Yoldi in Pamplona (51). Friends and admirers like Annie and Bill Davis, Juan López de Carrizosa (Marqués de Mérito), and Juan Luis Gómez Trenor (qq.v.) also supply food or lodging.

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–I–

Iban, Baltazar. Correct spelling: Baltasar Ibán. Full name: Baltasar Ibán Valdés. Spanish bull breeder, d. 1976. In 1957, Baltasar Ibán acquired a herd whose ownership can easily be traced back to a ranch established in 1929 by Jerónimo Díaz Alonso, who specialized in Contreras stock. This Don Jerónimo was killed during the Spanish Civil War and many of his valuable animals were slaughtered. In September 1939 don Jerónimo’s heirs sold the remaining stock to Manuel González Martín, who added it to the Contreras stock he already owned. In 1940 González sold half his stock to the Count of Ruiseñada, and in 1957 he sold the remainder of his herd, as well as his brand, colors, and antigüedad, or seniority, to Baltasar Ibán Valdés. Don Baltasar presented his Contreras bulls in Madrid on 15 August 1957; he kept the old colors, pink and green, but changed the brand, making it represent his initials: a tall I on which a shorter B is superimposed. In so doing, he established a new antigüedad, 15 August 1957 (for a definition and discussion of antigüedad, refer to the section on “Bulls and Bull Breeding,” in the Introduction to this volume). Baltasar Ibán’s heirs still (as of 2006) keep the ranch in his name.148 In 1959 Ordóñez killed two bulls from the Baltasar Ibán ranch: one in the mano a mano in Valencia (30 July), described as “a big red bull” (161, 162), and one in Murcia (9 September, not mentioned in The Dangerous Summer).149 Like Baltasar Ibán, Ignacio Sánchez (q.v.) owned a Contrerasbased herd. The narrator reports that Baltasar Ibán and Ignacio Sánchez supplied handsome, undoctored bulls for the first mano a mano between Luis Miguel Dominguín and Antonio Ordóñez (154, 156, 161, 162).

Identities. In an interesting passage that appears in the Life version of The Dangerous Summer but not in the book version, Hemingway quotes Ordóñez at length on the distinction between his professional and public personae: “what the torero had to do for politeness as a torero the man was not responsible for. The man was only responsible for what the torero did with the bull and . . . in relation to other toreros.” He would not allow Hemingway the same leeway, however, and chided him for addressing strangers as “my friend” when he autographed his books for them. Hemingway’s identity as an author becomes the subject for a series of jokes, as a variety of

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people are given credit for his work (see Davis, Bill). And Hotchner and Ordóñez pretend to exchange identities, as a joke that continued beyond the summer: when he returned to the States, Hotchner occasionally signed his letters “Antonio.”150 The narrator reports that Ordóñez distinguished between “the man and . . . the torero,” and that Ordóñez and Hotchner assumed each other’s professions and names (180–82).

Ile de France. Large, luxurious French liner that made her maiden voyage in 1927; her sister ship is the Liberté (q.v.). Hemingway made four trans-Atlantic crossings on the Ile de France. The first was in 1934, when Pauline and Ernest Hemingway sailed from Africa back to the United States. Mary and Ernest Hemingway sailed to Europe on this boat late in 1949, and returned to the United States on the same boat in 1950. And in 1956, the Hemingways traveled “In our usual suite, Senlis, on the Ile de France”; they worked out in its gym and “had amusing verbal games with Irving Stone and his wife Jean.”151 The ship appears in Hemingway’s fiction: the protagonist of Islands in the Stream, Thomas Hudson, sails to France on the Ile de France to attend the funerals of his two younger sons and his second wife, all killed in a car crash (197–200). See also Normandie. The narrator remembers the Ile de France as a luxurious ship (61).

Impresarios or Promoters. Note: Some of the material for this entry is taken from the longer discussion of “Impresarios, Apoderados, and the Rise of los Trusts,” in the Introduction to this volume. Bullring impresarios own or manage a property that requires the services of a large number of people, such as the bullring servants (alguacilillos, monosabios, areneros, carpinteros, torileros, mulilleros, etc.) as well as the ring’s musicians, medical staff, clergy, cleaners, ushers, ticket agents, publicity people, food vendors, horse contractors, veterinarians, and so on. Impresarios must maintain cordial working relationships with these workers’ unions, with the matadors’ and bull breeders’ unions, and with representatives of city government, traffic police, civil guard, the media, the audience, and the bullring’s neighbors. Impresarios necessarily have frequent contacts with apoderados (bullfighters’ managers) and with bull breeders, and are often embroiled in feuds and alliances which last for shorter and longer periods of time. They are important power brokers. In 1959, the Valencia fair was handled by a city committee, and the bullring impresario was Luis Alegre y Puchades; the corporation he headed

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was called Empresa Alegre y Puchades, and they also ran the Alicante ring; hence the Alicante impresarios are involved in determining the program for the Valencia fair (122); by the 1970s the firm had added the Benidorm ring to its roster of clients. For all that he disapproves of impresarios’ dealings, the narrator claims the Valencia impresario as a friend of his who seems to have invited him to witness and perhaps participate in a power-broking session (122). The narrator notes the presence and influence of impresarios, whom he calls “promoters” (47–48, 70, 81, 114, 122, 148, 176). He objects to the collusion between impresarios and managers (47–48).

Informants. While traveling with Antonio Ordóñez, Hemingway received reports about Luis Miguel’s performances and moods from “people I trusted who were seeing his fights” (74, 86, 152). See also Followers; Friends. Inspector. It is highly unlikely that the inspector who admits Hemingway into Spain had “read all your books” as he claims, because in 1953 most of Hemingway’s books were unavailable in Spain. After the Spanish Civil War, Franco (q.v.) banned most foreign writers and Hemingway, so openly supportive to the Republicans, was particularly distasteful to the regime. Hemingway’s The Torrents of Spring, which was the first of his books to be published in Spain, appeared in 1946, in an edition that also contained “The Undefeated.” The Sun Also Rises was published in Spain in 1948, although a 1944 Argentinean translation had circulated illegally in literary circles. But the short story collections and the other novels—A Farewell to Arms, To Have and Have Not, For Whom the Bell Tolls, and Across the River and into the Trees—were simply unavailable in Spain in 1953. For Whom the Bell Tolls was proscribed until 1968, fifteen years after the inspector’s remark. In the early 1950s, Spain began to emerge from its long isolation from the international community. Foreign tourism was tolerated and then, as the decade wore on, encouraged. Another indication of the thawing of relations was that Franco’s censorship allowed the Spanish-language edition of Life, which in 1952 carried The Old Man and the Sea, to circulate. Douglas LaPrade writes that “The appearance in Spain of The Old Man and the Sea . . . in the same year that U.S. military bases opened in Spain [as part of the Marshall Plan], helps explain why Spain has regarded Hemingway as a symbol of American freedom of the press, or perhaps American propaganda.”152 This Spanish version of The Old Man and the Sea is probably the book the inspector had read. With Spanish politeness, he may have generalized it to the entire Hemingway oeuvre.

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Beatriz Penas reads the inspector’s remarks as a political statement. As a border guard, she argues, he may have been duty-bound to confiscate banned books, and thus he may have collected a good library of forbidden fruit. And by confiding to Hemingway that he has read these confiscated books, he indicates that he defies the regime that employs him, and that he trusts Hemingway to keep his secret.153 At the Spanish border, the police inspector flatters the narrator, shakes his hand, and stamps the passports (44–45). Inspector speaks: 44–45.

Irati. Spain’s Irati River is recalled as the scene of peace, permanence, and happiness. But the narrator’s disregard of his wife’s pain when she broke a toe in this river hints at the Hemingways’ marital wars (137–39). See also Druids; Rivers, Mountains. Isidro, San Isidro. Full name: San Isidro Labrador (1082–1170). He is the patron saint of Madrid, where he was born and buried. The city celebrates his feast day, 15 May, with a feria. In the 1920s, the sanisidros lasted only a few days, but inflation expanded it to ten days in 1959, two weeks in 1966, and three and sometimes four weeks in the 1990s. In 1998, the sanisidros consisted of twenty-eight corridas. For the importance of Madrid and its feria, see Madrid; refer to the section “The Bullring,” in the Introduction to this volume; see also Isidro, Saint in HDIA. The narrator describes a corrida of the San Isidro feria (71–74). He mentions the sanisidros often (60, 62, 76; see also 63, 107, 118).

Ivancich, Adriana. Italian author and artist, 1930–1983. Adriana met Mary and Ernest Hemingway in Latisana, near Venice, when she was just under nineteen years old. Hemingway became infatuated with her and fond of her brother, Gianfranco (q.v. below). He saw a great deal of them in Venice and hosted them and their mother in Cuba. Adriana was married twice, first to Dimitri Monas and, in 1963, to Count Rudolf von Rex. She had troubled relationships with her husbands and her sons, drank heavily, and committed suicide. She is the author of La torre bianca (The White Tower), an autobiographical narrative whose title refers to the “private, uncapitalized company, White Tower, Inc.” established by Adriana and Hemingway and named after the tower or guest house at the Finca Vigía where Adriana and her mother stayed when they visited the Hemingways from late October 1950 to early February 1951.154

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Adriana was an important figure in Hemingway’s life for several years. Infatuated with her, he supported her artistic efforts, insisting that her drawings be used to illustrate his two published fables, “The Good Lion” and “The Faithful Bull” (published in Holiday, March 1951); they collaborated on the text of a third, unpublished piece, “The Great Black Horse.” She is generally recognized as one of the prototypes for Renata in Across the River and into the Trees, and her drawings were used in the dust jackets for that book and for The Old Man and the Sea. Erroneously identified as her mother (Señora Ivancich), Adriana appears in the photograph that follows p. 166. She is the young woman in the right, who dangles her legs in the pool.

Ivancich, Gianfranco. Italian lawyer and would-be author, b. 1920. He is the older brother of Adriana Ivancich (q.v. above). Ivancich was wounded in the fall of 1942 in North Africa, where he had served with an Italian tank unit under Rommel (q.v.). He was wounded again in 1945, when the Ivancich home was bombed. He met the Hemingways in Venice in 1949, lived in Cuba from 1949 until January 1953, joined the Hemingways in Europe in 1953, and attended Hemingway’s birthday party in 1959. Hemingway was fond of and generous to both Gianfranco and Adriana.155 The narrative mentions that Gianfranco Ivancich accompanied the narrator and his wife on their 1953 trip to Spain. Ivancich is described as an officer and a friend (45; see also 46, 49, and the photograph following p. 166 of TDS).

–J– Jerez de la Frontera. After many years of holding bullfights in portable or makeshift plazas, Jerez de la Frontera built its first plaza in 1839–1840. This sixteen-sided wooden building, with a seating capacity of eleven thousand, burned down in 1860. It was rebuilt in 1872, and in 1891 this structure also burned to the ground. The third plaza, a masonry structure built in 1894, survives to this day. Smaller than its predecessors, it seats nine thousand spectators. In addition to regular bullfights, Jerez de la Frontera celebrates two major fiestas, in May and September; important bullfights are also held in August.156 On 1 May 1959, the first day of the Jerez fair, the Villamarta bulls arrived in poor condition and Galache bulls were fought instead: they were small and uninspiring. Rafael Ortega performed instead of Dominguín.157

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In the corrida of 3 May 1959, Pepe Luis Vázquez, Ordóñez, and Diego Puerta fought Domecq bulls. Ordóñez was awarded both ears for his first bull and two ears, the tail, and three turns about the ring for his second. Corrochano’s otherwise glowing review of this corrida is important in that it appeals to Ordóñez to eschew the effective but less honorable “estocada baja” (the low or off-center sword thrust), advice that Ordóñez generally failed to heed. Ordóñez and five other bullfighters also performed in Jerez de la Frontera on 24 June 1959 at a festival (in which novillos, not toros, are fought) in a benefit performance. On this occasion, he was feted by the Asociación de Caridad and named an adoptive son of the city.158 Ordóñez was also supposed to perform at Jerez on 15 September 1959, killing all six bulls by himself at a concurso de ganaderías, but because of the scandal with his picadors, other bullfighters had to take his place (see Silvestre Gómez, Enrique). The narrator mentions that Dominguín canceled his appearance at Jerez de la Frontera and that Ordóñez fought there on 3 May (62).

Jerónimo, San Jerónimo. See Monasterio de San Jerónimo. Jesuit Seminary Fund Association. Address in the 1950s: 211 Pere Marquette Building, corner of Common and Baronne streets, New Orleans, Louisiana. The eighteen-story Pere Marquette Building, one of New Orleans’ first skyscrapers, replaced the four-story College of Immaculate Conception, which had been built on that site in 1847 and torn down in 1925 when the site was acquired by the Pere Marquette developers. The landmark Marquette Building was designed as an office building. Its developers went bankrupt during the Depression and in 1940 it reverted to the Jesuits, who rented out most of its space and used the income to subsidize the Jesuit High School. The Jesuit Seminary Fund Association had its offices at the Pere Marquette Building when Hemingway wrote to them. At that time its director was the Reverend J. B. Leininger. In the late 1990s the organization was listed as the Jesuit Seminary and Mission Bureau (The Catholic Directory for the U.S.A.), although they refer to themselves simply as “The Jesuits.” Their address is 500 S. Jefferson Davis Parkway, New Orleans, Louisiana 70019-7192.159 Hemingway and the Jesuit Seminary Fund. Although the published narrative mentions the Jesuit Seminary Fund in the context of the events of early July (142), Hemingway had written to the Jesuit Seminary Fund Association on 4 June 1959, just a few days after Ordóñez was gored in Aran-

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juez, to request memberships for Antonio Ordóñez, whom he described as “one of my best friends” and “the greatest bullfighter that ever lived,” and for Carmen Ordóñez and their two daughters. He enclosed a check for $150 (about $980 in 2005 terms, although different conversion tables yield different results). About six weeks later, according to a newspaperman who was interviewing Hemingway at the time, he received an acknowledgment from the Jesuits. Hemingway translated its contents to the interviewer, who didn’t speak English, explaining that he had paid for masses for Antonio because “I am a Catholic” and because “Bullfighters must be helped with prayer because they are always in danger.”160 In 1994 Hemingway’s handwritten letter to the Jesuit Seminary Fund was offered for auction. Siegel Auction Galleries estimated its value at $2,000–$2,500 and the envelope at $200–$250, but the items fetched considerably more: the letter sold for $3,500 and the envelope $280. The October 1994 issue of the Society Jesuit Notes reported the sale and remarked that “The Jesuits of the Southern Province were happy to receive such a wonderful gift to help continue our mission.”161 Other Contributions to Religious Organizations. About thirty years earlier, in late October 1928, Hemingway had taken out a membership in a similar organization, Chicago’s “Arch-Confraternity for the Relief of the Souls in Purgatory.” This was about four months after the birth of his son Patrick and two months after finishing the first draft of A Farewell to Arms, when Hemingway visited his parents at Oak Park and then went to Chicago to wait for his wife, Pauline, to join him. At the time, Hemingway was worried about “how to love your Catholic wife when the Kansas City doctor said no more babies for at least three years.” He also worried about his father, Clarence, who was suffering from diabetes, chest pains, mood swings, and memory loss, and who “seemed more than ever depressed in spirits and gray in the face.”162 On Sunday 28 October, and perhaps again the following Thursday (Feast of All Saints), Hemingway went to the Holy Name Cathedral in Chicago and was enrolled in “The Arch-Confraternity,” which offered plenary and partial indulgences “that may be obtained by the Living for the Dead,” for periods ranging from seven to thirty years. Hemingway’s membership went into effect on 1 November 1928; his father killed himself on 6 December.163 See also Fortune; Luck, Prayer (in this volume); see also YMCA (in HDIA). The narrator mentions that he had taken out a membership in the Jesuit Seminary Fund Association (142) and that he had commissioned prayers for Carmen Ordóñez (148). In addition, Hemingway himself prays for his family and friends (69).

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Jiménez Díaz, Manuel (Chicuelo II). Spanish bullfighter, 1929–1960. Investiture as matador de toros, in Valencia, 24 October 1953; confirmed in Madrid, May 1954. This Chicuelo is not related to Manuel Jiménez Moreno (Chicuelo, 1902–1967), whom Hemingway discusses in DIA. Chicuelo II had more courage than art, an imbalance that caused him to be badly gored at least once a year, with the consequent cancellations of engagements. Even so, he performed frequently: forty-two corridas in 1954 (he was ranked fifth nationwide) and sixty-seven in 1955 (more than any other matador). Badly gored in Peru early in 1956, he had a short season in Spain that year but still managed thirty-two corridas. He was wounded twice in 1957 (on 21 April in Zaragoza and on 27 September in Abarán) and retired at the end of the season, after thirty-three corridas. Chicuelo II emerged from retirement in 1959 to fight in thirty-eight corridas, seven of them with Ordóñez: he was ranked sixth that year (Ordóñez was fifth, with fifty-two corridas, and Dominguín ranked seventh, with thirty-seven). He died in a plane crash in January 1960. Chicuelo II was short, as Hemingway twice points out (TDS, 90, 91), but the main problem was that he lacked the technique and the cool intelligence that enable the bullfighter to dominate the bull and control the pace of the fight. Consequently, his performances sometimes lacked unity, the bull was not properly managed, and Chicuelo II was often injured. But he won the critics’ admiration and the public’s affection for his daring and his courage. Ordóñez and Chicuelo II. Ordóñez’s and Chicuelo II’s seven joint appearances spanned the whole 1959 season: 18 May (Nîmes), 30 May (Aranjuez), 5 July (Toulouse), 19 July (Mont de Marsan), 27 July (Valencia), 5 September (Cuenca), and 27 September (Nîmes).164 The narrator correctly reports that Chicuelo II appeared with Ordóñez in Aranjuez in May 1959 (90). He remarks that Chicuelo II had knowledge, courage, and “wonderful luck” (90–92); he pleased the audience with a combination of classical and showy passes (91; see also 94, 97). His “luck ran out” (92; i.e., he was killed) while Hemingway was writing The Dangerous Summer.

Joni. Correct spelling: Yoni. See García Torres, Bonifacio. Joselito. See Gómez Ortega, José. Journalists. Hemingway, Ordóñez, and Dominguín were the subject of many newspaper stories in the summer of 1959; journalists formed part of their entourage. See also Photographers; El Pueblo; Reader’s Digest.

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Mary and Ernest Hemingway were themselves journalists. Ernest began his career as a reporter, writing for the Kansas City Star, The Toronto Star Weekly, and the Toronto Daily Star in the 1920s. In the next decades, he wrote for The New Republic (about post-war Italy), for the North American Newspaper Alliance (NANA, about the Spanish Civil War), for PM (about Japan and China), for Collier’s (about the Royal Air Force and World War II), for Look (about his second safari), for Esquire (about a variety of topics), and for several other journals, including Life (about the Spanish bullfight season of 1959). Mary Welsh had spent five years working for the Chicago Daily News before joining the English Daily Express in the late 1930s. When she met Hemingway, she was employed by the London Bureau of Time, Life, and Fortune (all under the editorship of Henry Luce), and she wrote several pieces while married to Ernest, with titles like “Hemingway’s Spain” (Saturday Review 50 [11 March 1967]). During the summer of 1959, both Ernest and Mary published in Sports Illustrated (17 August 1959): his short article was “A Matter of Wind” and hers “Holiday for a Wounded Torero.” The narrative mentions French (70), Spanish (87–88), and American (139–40) journalists. Journalist speaks: 139–40.

Juan. See Ordóñez, Juan (bullfighter); Pastor, Juan (chauffeur). Juan Luis. See Gómez Trenor, Juan Luis.

–L– Lancia. Carlos Baker mentions that in 1953 the Hemingways, Gianfranco Ivancich, and Adamo de Simon drove from Le Havre to Pamplona “in the Lancia” and that in 1954 Hemingway and Adamo drove from Italy “to Spain in the Lancia.” In 1956 Casamassima drove the Hemingways from Paris to Spain and back, “in the Lancia,” and in July 1959 he drove a new Lancia from Italy to Spain, delivering it to Hemingway for his sixtieth birthday. This car was nicknamed “La Barata” (the Cheap One), probably because it was so expensive. Baker describes this Lancia as “new,” and the typescript identifies it as a Lancia Flaminia, “beige with a low wide wind scoop,” faster and larger than the rented pink Ford (q.v.) they had been using.165 The Lancia company (est. 1906) produced beautifully designed, sporty cars that were temperamental in performance. The classy, expensive Lancia

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Flaminia was produced from 1957 to about 1970, in four basic models: sedan, coupé, touring, and Zagato (a sporty convertible). Coachbuilt models were introduced in early 1959. Pininfarina, who was responsible for the two-door Flaminia coupé, said of the prototype that it would be the car he wanted to drive to Heaven in.166 The Wikipedia’s entry for this car lists royalty, movie stars, and Hemingway among the “famous owners” of this status symbol. Hemingway’s expensive new Lancia was soon smashed up: “Just outside Aranda de Duero south of Burgos the right front tire blew out. The car mowed down five stone slabs along the shoulder of the road. No one was hurt, but the whole front of the car was demolished.” Hotchner writes that this Lancia was “new . . . the first Ernest had actually owned . . . and Ernest was very proud of it.”167 Annie Davis agrees that the car was “splendid” and that “Ernest was very proud of its speed and beauty.”168 The typescript reveals that the car held the road well at speeds of more than a hundred miles an hour. See also Cars. The narrative mentions the Lancia Company (45), the Lancia that Adamo drove in 1953 (45), “a new old Lancia” that Mario Casamassima drove in 1956 (56), and the Lancia that Casamassima drove from Italy to Spain in 1959. Hemingway and Bill Davis nicknamed this new Lancia La Barata (the Cheap One) and considered it “the best looking car” at the feria in Bilbao (190–91).

Land-Rover. See Cars. Lanham, General Buck. Full name: Charles Trueman Lanham. American soldier, military instructor, and amateur poet, 1902–1978. A graduate of West Point (q.v.), Lanham had a distinguished military career. He commanded the Twenty-Second Infantry Regiment of the Fourth Infantry Division during the invasion of Normandy, “attacked the Siegfried Line, and held a key salient in the Battle of the Bulge. . . . Lanham ultimately won 17 decorations.” He and Hemingway met in July 1944 and were together during the battles at Hürtgenwald during which Lanham’s Twenty-Second Regiment “suffered 80 percent casualties in 18 days.” Lanham retired from the army in 1954, becoming chairman of Colt’s Patent Firearms, a subsidiary of the Penn-Texas Corporation. He worked for Xerox Corporation from 1960 until his retirement in 1970.169 He is one of the sources for Hemingway’s Colonel Cantwell, the protagonist of Across the River and into the Trees. Lanham came to Spain for Hemingway’s sixtieth birthday party in 1959 and then traveled to the bullfights with him (144–45; see also the photographs following page 166).

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Leonardo da Vinci. Italian painter, sculptor, architect, and scientist, great Renaissance genius, 1452–1519. His best known works include the Milan fresco The Last Supper and the Mona Lisa. The narrator ironically describes his driver, with his many and shifting allegiances, as possessed of a “Leonardian . . . versatility” (45).

Liberté. Originally named Europa, this ship was built by Blohm & Voss, Hamburg, Germany, and completed in 1930. When Germany turned her over to the French government in 1946 as part of World War II reparations, she was renamed Liberté. In 1947 she was damaged during a storm, scuttled, refloated, and reconstructed at a cost of about $19 million. She was sold to an Italian company in 1961 and dismantled in 1962. Her sister ship is the Ile de France (q.v.).170 The narrator remembers the Liberté as a luxury ship like the Normandie and the Ile de France (qq.v.; 61; see also Constitution).

Linares. The three-storied bullring of Linares, inaugurated in 1872, seats 10,500 people. The town celebrates its patron saint, San Agustín, with a feria held late each August. It also has festive bullfights late in June and early in September.171 On 28 August 1947, the bulls were Miuras and the bullfighters Rafael Vega de los Reyes (Gitanillo de Triana, q.v. in HDIA), Manuel Rodríguez Sánchez (Manolete), and Luis Miguel Dominguín (qq.v.). Manolete was fatally gored by Islero; he died only a few hours later. Manolete’s shocking death has been attributed to a variety of causes: physical and psychological exhaustion, inattention, miscalculation, an earlier wound, medical incompetence, contaminated plasma, and plain bad luck: the Miuras had originally been committed to another corrida,172 the original allocation of bulls had not intended Islero for Manolete,173 the other bullfighters were standing too far away to save him, and so on. Dominguín and Linares. In the grief and distress caused by that event, Luis Miguel Dominguín, the youngest man on the bill, was accused of having precipitated Manolete’s death.174 Some argued that Dominguín’s growing reputation pressured the older bullfighter to attempt dangerous maneuvers (just as, according to Hemingway, Ordóñez’s excellence was dangerous to Dominguín). On that particular afternoon, the difficult Miuras made trophies scarce, but Dominguín had been awarded the ear of his first bull.175 The younger man’s success, while it may account for some of the uncharacteristic adornos Manolete performed with Islero, may or may not have impelled him to take greater risks. The general consensus is that he

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was slower than usual in disengaging himself after inserting the sword, and the Miura gored him at that juncture. Dominguín was also accused of not having acted quickly enough to distract the bull from Manolete. But the injury came at the moment of the sword thrust, and could not have been prevented by any of the performers. Dominguín explains that these accusations changed his attitude to the bullfighting public: “en Linares descubrí que la masa es cobarde y por eso la trato como tal, con desprecio” (in Linares I discovered that the public is cowardly and therefore I treat them as they deserve, with disdain).176 He also claims that “The real fault of Manolete’s death should be laid at the feet of his manager, Camará,” who over-scheduled Manolete even though “Manolete was out of shape.” Camará “made Manolete cross the line once too often. . . . there’s the story: money.”177 As Hemingway notes, 21 August 1959, the day Dominguín was gored in Bilbao, marked the first anniversary of his father’s death. The approaching anniversary of Manolete’s last corrida—implicit in the words Linares, Miura, and luck—is certainly among the “other things” which Hemingway believes Dominguín had on his mind. On that famous anniversary, 28 August 1959, Ordóñez, Ostos, and Antonio Borrero Moreno (Chamaco) fought Domecq bulls in the Linares feria. The narrator mentions the death of Dominguín’s father, Miuras, Linares, luck, and “other things” in connection with Dominguín’s goring in Bilbao (195; see also 92, 187, 188).

Logroño. Every year, Logroño honors San Bernabé (Barnabas) with bullfights in June, and San Mateo (Matthew) with a week-long fair in September. For most of the nineteenth century the city held bullfights in portable plazas erected and dismantled the same day (plazas no permanentes). These offered little protection to the spectators, and after one such injuryplagued afternoon, the city decided to build a more solid bullring. The large, three-storied, wooden bullring was completed in 1862 or 1863 and served the city for half a century, until it burned down in 1914. It was replaced by a smaller, privately financed bullring, which was inaugurated on 21 September 1915 by the day’s stars: José Gómez Ortega (Joselito), Juan Belmonte, and Julián Sainz (Saleri II). This is the bullring Ernest and Mary Hemingway visited late in September 1956, when they and several friends saw Ordóñez, César Girón, and Joselito Huerta. Ordóñez did not perform in Logroño in 1959.178 The narrator saw Ordóñez perform in Logroño in 1956 (56–58; mentioned, 132).

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López de Carrizosa y Martel, José (Peps Merito). Alternate spelling: Pepe Mérito. Spanish pilot and aristocrat, 1895–1963. The López de Carrizosa family have been residents of Jerez de la Frontera since the fifteenth century, when Iñigo (d. 1498) defended the town from the Moors. In 1471, he also resisted the attempts of the Marqués of Cádiz to acquire the town, being wounded and taken prisoner in that battle. In 1479 he endowed a chapel in the church of Jerez. In the eighteenth century the illustrious family produced high-ranking naval officers (Felipe, 1730–1798; and Francisco, d. circa 1807), and in the nineteenth century, the family turned to law and politics; a current law firm still carries the family name. They are still an influential part of the local landscape, which their many wineries dominate (jerez means sherry).179 Peps Mérito’s father (d. 1928) probably grew up in Jerez. He came to Córdoba as a result of his marriage to Carmela Martel y Arteaga (d. 1937), heiress of the Condes de Torres Cabrera, the family that had bought the Monasterio de San Jerónimo (q.v.) in 1905 or 1908 (the documents are unclear). Their son, the Peps Mérito whom Hemingway mentions, is probably the first family member to have grown up thinking of Los Jerónimos as home. Peps, the Marquis of Mérito, was a dashing, handsome, adventurous pilot who left Córdoba early on to explore the larger world. He acquired the title when his father, the first to hold it, died in 1928. His support of Franco during the Spanish Civil War earned him an additional title, the Marqués de Valparaíso, in 1943—Valparaíso being the name of the valley in which the monastery stands. His first wife was heiress of the Patiño family, owners of tin mines in Bolivia. Their daughter, Victoria Eugenia López de Carrizosa y Patiño, married the Belgian Count Henri du Chastel de la Howardie, with whom she had five children, four of whom survive. Although the family lives in Brussels, they and their guests often stay at the Monasterio de San Jerónimo. Peps Mérito’s second wife, Graciela Gulia [sic] Abril y Olivera (1911–2001) was Cuban.180 The original owners of Los Jerónimos, the Torres Cabreras, seem to have disappeared from Córdoba: their large town home is now the property of a beer magnate and the winding little street on which it stands displays no street signs identifying it as the Calle Conde de Torres Cabrera. The residents, however, still call their street by that name, and the street is easy to find, since it is identified by name in maps of the city: it is in the old city, bounded on one end by the Plaza del Cristo de los Faroles (near the large old Convent of the Capuchinos), and on the other by the small Plaza de Capuchinos. A small plaque on one of the buildings commemorates the fact that Manuel Rodríguez Sánchez (Manolete, q.v.) was born on the Calle Conde de Torres Cabrera.

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Hemingway and Peps Mérito. The connection between Pepe Mérito and Hemingway may have been established through the Dominguíns, who were friends of the family and often stayed in the house or, more probably, through Graciela or her Cuban family. Mary Hemingway mentions that Peps Mérito visited the Hemingways at the Finca Vigía in the 1940s, at which time Peps was already widowed of his first wife (a Bolivian) and was either married to or courting his second wife (a Cuban).181 After the bullfight in Córdoba, May 1959, the narrator and his wife were guests of Peps Mérito, the Marqués del Mérito, whose home was once the Monasterio de los Jerónimos (80).

Luck, Prayer. The Spanish word for luck, suerte, also means “a taurine technique.” Living so closely with death, bullfighters are sensitive to issues of luck, prayer, and the supernatural. Hemingway himself, brought up Protestant, converted to Roman Catholicism and was quite superstitious. According to his wife Mary, he said that “Religion is superstition . . . and I believe in superstition.”182 Luck. Hemingway’s later works are full of references to luck. Santiago, the protagonist of The Old Man and the Sea (1952), believes that luck is necessary but insufficient for success (23, 32, et passim), a belief shared by Richard Cantwell in Across the River and into the Trees (232) and by the narrator of A Moveable Feast (55, 57, 61–62, 93). For Santiago, luck is a very serious subject (116–17), fraught with complication and contradiction. He sees himself as unlucky (32, 125) and lucky (75). He seems to think that luck can attach to a thing, like “a lucky boat” (13) as well as to a person. He defines it as something that just happens, although sometimes he thinks it can be induced (125).183 A Moveable Feast (1964) is similarly crowded with references to luck: the narrator’s wife believes they are lucky (38, 55, 56–57) and the narrator rubs a horse chestnut or rabbit’s foot to attract good luck (91, 96) and knocks on wood to ward off bad luck (38). Several of Hemingway’s characters believe that talking or otherwise referring to death might bring on the dreaded event (THHN, 109, 111; IITS, 446). They also feel “that if you said a good thing it might not happen” (OMATS, 43; IITS, 111, 113, 119, 120, 384). Prayer. Prayer occurs or is mentioned in most of Hemingway’s works, from Jake Barnes’s prayer and his inability to pray in The Sun Also Rises (87, 124) to Joaquín’s mid-sentence switch from political dogma to Catholic formula in For Whom the Bell Tolls (321). The paternoster is repeated ritually in “Now I Lay Me” and subverted in the famous “nada”

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prayer of “A Clean, Well-Lighted Place.” These are only the most obvious references to Christian prayer which, like luck, means different things to the many different characters Hemingway created. See also Fortune, Jesuit Seminary Fund Association; Linares (in this volume); see also Luck and Roman Catholic (in HDIA). The narrator mentions luck in general terms (117, 154) and in connection with individual bullfighters: Chicuelo II (91, 92), Dominguín (86, 115, 137, 168, 170, 195), and Ostos (78, 145). Bullfighters pray before the bullfight (88, 142, 182, 183), and the narrator himself commissions “professionals” to pray for several people (142, 148; see also 68–69).

Luis Miguel. See González Lucas, Luis Miguel (Dominguín).

–M– Macy’s. A chain of American department stores, known for creative advertising, competitive prices, and sturdy, practical merchandise. It was founded in 1858 by Rowland Hussey Macy, American merchant, 1822–1877. Macy began his career as cabin boy on a whaler. He then operated small stores on both the east and west coasts of the United States, but without success. In 1851 he established the Haverhill Cheap Store, in Haverhill, Massachusetts, and seven years later he opened R. H. Macy & Co. in New York. Thanks to the business boom during and after the American Civil War, this store flourished. Macy’s heirs sold the business; the new owners kept the Macy name. Hemingway’s reference to Macy’s refers to the good quality and reasonable prices of its merchandise; Macy’s did not, of course, stock banderillas. The narrator reports that at the end of the afternoon in Zaragoza, where Dominguín and Ordóñez first performed together, Luis Miguel used inexpensive but sturdy banderillas, “from Macy’s” (117).

Madrid. Hemingway was in Madrid when the city was shelled during the Spanish Civil War, and the short stories he wrote about that period, as well as his only full-length play, are set in Madrid. Eight of his wartime dispatches deal, more and less directly, with the fighting in Madrid.184 But when the city is mentioned in The Dangerous Summer, there are no references to the fighting. In the Life and the Life en español versions, however, Hemingway’s references to “old friends who cannot sleep late either” are retained; these old friends congregate “early in the morning” in Madrid’s

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taverns for the first drink of the day.185 Their presence in these “clean, welllighted place[s]” suggests that they are also Republican veterans, tortured by memory and uneasy in Franco’s Spain. But even this fleeting reference was removed from the book-length version of The Dangerous Summer, and the emphasis falls fully on the bullfights, not the politics, of Madrid. See Spanish Civil War. Madrid and the Bullfight. For a discussion of Madrid’s bullrings and their importance in the taurine world, refer to “The Bullring,” in the Introduction to this volume, and see Isidro. Madrid and the Feria of San Isidro, 1959. Hemingway was in Madrid during the whole feria, although he did not go to all the corridas. Ordóñez performed in Madrid on 14, 16, and 21 May 1959, although only the first of these events is fully described in The Dangerous Summer (71–73). On 14 May, Ordóñez performed with Julio Aparicio and Victoriano Valencia (qq.v.); they fought bulls from the ranch of Atanasio Fernández. Ordóñez was awarded an ear and two turns around the bullring after his first bull; Corrochano was so impressed that he called Ordóñez a “príncipe del toreo” (a prince of bullfighting, a princely bullfighter), basing his regal simile on Ordóñez’s dedication of the faena to Prince (later King) Juan Carlos. Ordóñez’s work with the second bull received only tepid applause.186 On 15 May, at the Corrida de Beneficencia, Ordóñez did not perform. The bullfighters were Antonio Bienvenida, Curro Girón (qq.v.) and Luis Segura: the bulls came from the ranch of the Duke of Pinohermoso. On 16 May, Ordóñez performed with Victoriano Valencia and Juan González Jiménez (el Trianero, q.v.), whose alternativa, which Ordóñez granted him in 1958, he now confirmed in Madrid. The bulls were Pablo Romeros (q.v.). On this afternoon, Ordóñez’s performance with his first bull earned him an ovation, but the audience observed his work with the second, which Ordóñez had dedicated to Hemingway, in disapproving silence. The taurine critic of Madrid’s daily ABC was unimpressed with this corrida, saying that the combination of weak bulls and unimaginative bullfighting resulted in a boring afternoon. Hemingway mentions this corrida only in passing: “on May sixteenth . . . Antonio . . . fought weak Pablo Romero bulls in Madrid” (74).187 On 17 May, Rafael Ortega, Joaquín Bernadó and el Trianero fought Tassara bulls: Ortega got rave reviews. On 18 May, Pepe Luis Vázquez, Antonio Bienvenida, and Julio Aparicio (qq.v.) fought Sánchez Cobaleda bulls in an exciting corrida: Antonio Bienvenida killed a bull recibiendo and all three bullfighters were carried out of the ring on the shoulders of their audience. In the typescript, Heming-

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way writes that he did not see this triumphant corrida; there is no mention of it in the book. On 19 May, Pepe Luis Vázquez, his younger brother Manolo Vázquez, and Curro Romero, who confirmed his alternativa, did the best they could in the pouring rain; the corrida was canceled after the third bull; Hemingway refers briefly to the rain (76) without mentioning any taurine detail. The next day’s corrida was canceled because of the rain. On 21 May, his third Madrid appearance, Ordóñez performed with Gregorio Sánchez (q.v.) and Manolo Vázquez; the bulls were from the ranch of Bernabé Fernández. The three bullfighters performed poorly with their first bulls: Ordóñez was jeered and whistled at, but with his second he accomplished a “gran faena” and then killed the bull recibiendo, as Bienvenida had done three days earlier, although Hemingway neglects to mention this (but see Bienvenida). Ordóñez was granted an ear, the only trophy awarded that afternoon.188 On 22 May, Gregorio Sánchez, Curro Girón, and Victoriano Valencia performed with Antonio Pérez bulls. The next day’s corrida was rained out, and the feria closed with a corrida nocturna, on 24 May, featuring Luis Segura (who dedicated his first bull to Hemingway, a great honor), Rafael Ortega, and Joaquín Bernadó. All these important Madrid corridas were reviewed by, among others, Antonio Díaz Cañabate, taurine critic of the Madrid daily ABC,189 but Hemingway’s report of the sanisidros is very skimpy. For Hemingway’s remark about Madrid’s air, see Proverbs. The narrator refers to Madrid’s hotels (the Palace, 54; the Ritz, 73; the Suecia, 69; and the Wellington, 69, 70, 73; qq.v.); its restaurants (the Callejón, 84–85, 133; and the Coto, 73); its Botanical Gardens (62, 101); the Prado Museum (43, 101, q.v.); Barajas Airport (180; alluded to, 177, 178, 179), the Ruber Clinic (q.v.); and, of course, its San Isidro bullfights (71–74). Madrid is mentioned frequently (60, 62, 63, 76, 107, 118).

Málaga. In the late 1700s and early 1800s Málaga built three small wooden bullrings, with seating capacities ranging from five to six thousand people. In 1849, a larger ring was built of stone, brick, and wood; in 1852 the wooden section was replaced with stonework. This seated twelve thousand spectators, although as many as fourteen thousand could be packed in. In 1864, when a corrida was canceled for political reasons, the angry owner of the bullring caused this large, solid structure to be completely demolished— a remarkable bit of violence. Bereft of a proper bullring, Málaga held bullfights in various localities, all of them unsatisfactory, until it built La

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Malagueta, which seats up to fourteen thousand. Construction took two years, and the bullring, inaugurated in June 1876, has served Málaga’s afición for more than a century.190 Ordóñez and Dominguín in Málaga. The mano a mano of 14 August marked Ordóñez’s only appearance in Málaga for 1959. He had been scheduled to fight in the Málaga feria earlier that month, but the goring at Palma de Mallorca on 1 August forced him to cancel that appearance. Similarly, Dominguín had canceled all appearances since his very serious goring in Valencia, on 30 July. Their recent injuries made their incandescent performances on 14 August all the more impressive. Ordóñez got all six ears of his three Domecq bulls, as well as the hooves of the second and third bulls. He was carried out of the bullring. In his glowing review of this mano a mano, Gregorio Corrochano compares these two bullfighters to Joselito and Belmonte (qq.v.), writing that although the corrida didn’t represent the best each one could do (both made mistakes), the afternoon was memorable because “No se reservaron en ningún instante de la corrida; en cada toro iban a superarse; les sacaron a los toros hasta el último átomo de bravura” (They withheld nothing during the whole corrida; they set out to surpass themselves with each bull; they extracted all the bravura of which the bulls were capable). Corrochano singles out Dominguín’s work with the third bull of the afternoon (Dominguín’s second) for special praise: the disconcerting bull tended to skip and hop (paso de gazapeo; Hemingway calls this “trotting”), but Dominguín adjusted himself to the bull and managed to construct a superb faena. He also focuses on Ordóñez’s last bull, which behaved peculiarly but was fought superbly, the bullfighter’s intelligence overcoming the obstacle: “Esto es lo que tiene importancia en el toreo: no torear porque sí, sino torear porque así se debe torear, torear como se debe torear” (This is what is basic to bullfighting: not to fight as one wishes, but to fight as the situation requires, to fight as one should). Corrochano predicts that “Málaga no se olvidará nunca de esta corrida” (Málaga will never forget this corrida), and ends by saying that this is the level at which Joselito and Belmonte performed on all their 257 afternoons together.191 For Corrochano, the beauty of the afternoon lay in the men’s sustained high level of commitment, intelligence, and skill, a sentiment repeated by Hemingway. But Hemingway emphasizes the absence of evil rather than the presence of virtue: “What was important was that the two brothers-inlaw had fought an almost perfect bullfight that had been unmarred by tricks by the men or shady maneuvers by the managers or promoters” (TDS, 176, my italics). Like Corrochano, Hemingway mentions Joselito whom (unlike Corrochano) he never met or saw in performance.

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Hemingway reports that Dominguín “nearly got killed . . . at Málaga,” but he exaggerates: that injury was officially classified as being “sin importancia” (of no consequence). Still, the injured knee bothered Dominguín in Bayonne and Ciudad Real (qq.v.) and contributed to the goring in Bilbao (q.v.) a week later. The narrator attended the Málaga fair (167–68) and describes the mano a mano that took place in that city after the fair was over as “one of the very greatest bullfights I have ever seen” (168). He reports this corrida accurately (168–76) and refers back to it several times (182, 187, 193, 195). Since Málaga is near La Cónsula, the city is mentioned frequently (61, 66, 68, 69, 76, 82, 100, 102, 113, 118, 121, 133, 140, 167, 177).

Mallorca. See Palma de Mallorca. Man. See Men and Boys. Manager (Apoderado). Note: For a more detailed discussion, refer to “The Facts of 1959: The Taurine Season” and “Impresarios, Apoderados, and the Rise of los Trusts,” both in the Introduction to this volume. A bullfighter’s manager arranges the bullfighter’s always fluid schedule, taking into account the bullfighter’s health, injuries, preferences and feuds, the plazas at which he is more and less popular, the bulls he prefers to fight, the travel schedules for his crew and their equipment, and so on. The manager also negotiates the salaries, insurances, pensions, and other financial affairs of all the people attached to the bullfighter; handles the legal complications of the season’s contracts and cancellations; supervises publicity and orchestrates the bullfighter’s public appearances (e.g., interviews, banquets, visits to fan clubs). Hemingway Attacks Managers. Although taurine managers did not, generally speaking, become public figures until after the Spanish Civil War, Hemingway recognized and objected to the power of the apoderado in its early manifestations. In Death in the Afternoon (1932) Hemingway discusses Domingo Dominguín’s early years as manager; see the entries for González, Domingo; and Manager in HDIA. Hemingway refers to bullring impresarios (q.v.) as “promoters” and disdains these administrators as well. Manolete’s, Dominguín’s, and Ordóñez’s Managers. Throughout his career, Manolete was managed by José Flores González (Camará), whom Manolete trusted completely and who made most of the decisions. Luis Miguel Dominguín’s career was managed first by his father, Domingo González Mateos, and then by his brothers, Domingo and José (Pepe)

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González Lucas (qq.v.). All of these managers were or had been bullfighters, some of them also were impresarios, and all of them wielded great power. Ordóñez had a number of managers: his first managers were Raimundo Blanco, González Vera, and the former bullfighter Marcial Lalanda (q.v. in HDIA), none of whom kept the position for more than a year. From 1951 to 1956, he was managed by Domingo González Mateos, who became his father-in-law in 1953.192 From 1956 until 5 April 1959, Ordóñez was managed by José Flores Cubero (Camará, the son of the Camará who had managed Manolete); from April 1959 until February or March 1960, he was managed by his brothers-in-law Domingo and José; and for the rest of that year his manager was Pepe Belmonte. After that, he was managed by a Madrid consortium, his last manager being José María Jardón (of that Madrid consortium).193 The narrator discusses taurine managers in general (47–48, 65, 75, 167, 176), and Ordóñez’s and Dominguín’s managers in particular (65, 95, 189). He mentions that Ordóñez changed managers (136) and refers to Manolete’s manager as well (47, 92). Almost all these references to managers are unflattering. The narrator also objects to the collusion between impresarios (promoters) and managers (47–48).

Manolete. See Rodríguez Sánchez, Manuel. Manzanares. Manzanares celebrates two annual ferias, one from 18 to 22 July and the second from 6 to 12 August; it also has a festive bullfight on 14 September. The city’s bullring, built in 1900, was financed by a single individual, Isidro Bautista. In 1929 it was acquired by the city, remodeled and enlarged to hold between nine and ten thousand spectators. Ignacio Sánchez Mejías (q.v.) died of complications resulting from the goring he received in the bullring of Manzanares on 11 August 1934.194 The narrator mentions Manzanares and recalls Sánchez Mejías (67, 68, 88).

Marceliano, Casa Marceliano. Address: Calle Mercado 7–9, Pamplona (in the old city, near the city walls, the Church of Santo Domingo, the Museum of Navarre, and the city hall). The bar-restaurant took its name from its long-time owner, Marceliano Anoz Navaz (1891–1978). His sons eventually sold it, but it continued to function as a restaurant until Pamplona acquired the historic building in 1992. It was unused for a few years while the city debated whether to

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knock it down, turn it into an old age home, or open a Museo Hemingway. It now houses the municipal offices of Pamplona.195 The narrator describes Marceliano’s as one of “our old secret places” in Pamplona (139).

María Cristina. Correct name: Hotel Reina Cristina. Address: Paseo de la Conferencia, 11207 Algeciras, Campo de Gibraltar (Cádiz). The Austrian aristocrat María Cristina (1858–1929) became queen of Spain when she married Alfonso XII in November 1879. She was widowed in 1885, several months before her third child and first son was born, and she served as regent for that son until he ascended the throne as Alfonso XIII (q.v.) in 1902. The Reina Cristina Hotel, built in Algeciras in 1901–1902, was named for the woman who had been queen of Spain for more than twenty years. It was financed by Lord Alexander Henderson, an English magnate responsible for the Bobadilla-Algeciras Railroad, the Andalucía Water Company (later the Servicio Municipal de Aguas), and the small shipping company called Vapores Punta Europa. Henderson Administration also built a sister hotel, the Reina Victoria, where Hemingway stayed when he first visited Ronda (q.v. in this volume and in HDIA) in June 1923. In 1906, the Hotel Reina Cristina achieved international fame when it hosted the political leaders of Spain, France, Germany, the United States, Britain, Italy, Russia and Morocco during the Conferencia de Algeciras at which Morocco was divided into French and Spanish protectorates. In 1928, when the hotel was almost completely destroyed by fire, Henderson commissioned William Thompson to design a larger structure on the site. In 1936, Harold Lieb, an Austrian, took over the management of the hotel, remaining at his post until he died in 1959. During World War II, politicians, photographers, and spies met at the hotel to keep track of events at Gibraltar, gateway to the Meditarranean. In 1954, the Transatlantic American Export Line established the Algeciras-New York route for the Independence and the Constitution (q.v.). The Henderson and Thompson families were controlling shareholders in Henderson Administration, the company that owned the hotel until it was sold in 1963 to Trust Houses International, later Trust Forte Hotels. It has since been acquired by Hoteles Globales, which still runs it. Carmen Polo de Franco (q.v.), the kings of Spain, and a long list of famous politicians, movie stars, producers, bullfighters, and other artists have stayed there.196 Peter Viertel, who, like Hemingway, stayed in the Hotel Reina Cristina in 1959, described it as “surprisingly gracious. . . . it has the appearance of a

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Norman inn, with dark green shutters against its pale pink walls. It stands in a large park overlooking the bay at the western end of the waterfront.”197 The narrator mentions the Hotel María Cristina [sic] approvingly (111).

Marne River. See Aisne River. Marquis del Mérito. See López de Carrizosa y Martel, José. Martínez Bordiú, Cristóbal, the Marquis of Villaverde. Spanish physician, 1922–1998. Martínez Bordiú graduated Madrid’s medical school in 1944 and then studied thoracic surgery in Spain, England, and the United States, becoming one of Spain’s leading experts in this area. He performed Spain’s first heart transplant, and his publications include essays on tuberculosis, lung cancer, Pott’s Disease, and lung surgery.198 The son of the Count of Argillo, he became the tenth Marquis of Villaverde in 1943. He married Franco’s only child, a daughter named Carmen like her mother, on 10 April 1950.199 Franco’s son-in-law was also one of his physicians during the dictator’s prolonged last illness. After a major heart attack on October 21, Franco needed intense medical attention to survive a series of cardiac crises complicated by kidney failure and internal bleeding from multiple ulcers. He was hospitalized for the last time on 7 November 1975, and died on 20 November, the thirty-ninth anniversary of the execution of José Antonio Primo de Rivera (1903–1936), founder of the Spanish Falange. Both are buried at the Valley of the Fallen, a cold, large mausoleum on a hilltop northwest of Madrid. As an attending physician and a member of the family, Martínez Bordiú broke the news of the dictator’s death to the family and the nation. Dominguín and Franco’s son-in-law are friends (199).

Mayor of Ronda. In 1959, the mayor or alcalde of Ronda was Francisco Carrillo de Mendoza Morales, who was assisted by a board of tenientes del alcalde (the mayor’s lieutenants) and señores concejales (aldermen), all of whose names are duly listed in the handwritten Libro de actas de pleno (minutes of the meetings) kept in the current mayor’s office in Ronda’s beautiful city hall, facing the Plaza Mayor. The books for the 1950s do not mention that Hemingway received a gold medal, although if the city’s officials had appeared in official regalia to award it, the ceremony would have been recorded in the books, as would the names of the “five other people” to whom, Hemingway claims, the medal had previously been

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awarded (TDS, 112). Ronda’s Casa de Cultura has no record of gold medals having been issued to celebrate the bicentennial of Pedro Romero (1754–1954), although commemorative medals issued in other metals are often displayed at Ronda’s lovely taurine museum, in the bullring. Paco de la Cruz, of the mayor’s office, suggested to me that the Ordóñez peña (fan club) probably invited the mayor and his officers to the ceremony in which Ordóñez was given the embroidered capote de paseo and at which Hemingway was also honored. Such invitations were and are not infrequent, and a ceremony sponsored by the peña would not be registered in the city’s ledgers even if the mayor attended it. Although I could find no record in Ronda of the gold medal Hemingway mentions, a gold-colored Ronda/Romero medal can be seen in the Hemingway Collection (JFK), with Hemingway’s war medals and several other personal effects (flask, wallet, etc.) as well as the documents related to his other awards (Pulitzer Prize, Nobel Prize). The medal reads “II Centenario Ronda: 1754–1954.” It is gold-colored, or perhaps gold-plated, although it lacks the stamp on the metal that would certify it as such. It may have been issued by Ordóñez’s peña, or it may be one of the medals given the damas goyescas and other participants in the parades and displays connected to the Romero bicentennial celebrations (see Ronda, in this volume; see also Ronda, in HDIA).200 Hemingway seems to have misunderstood or misremembered the provenance and other details surrounding the medal. The narrator explains that the medal which the Mayor awarded him had special significance because Ronda is considered “the cradle of bullfighting” (113) and because Pedro Romero, whose bicentennial the medal commemorates, was “one of the first and greatest of professional fighters” (DIA, 43). He was surprised and pleased to receive this medal from the Mayor (112–13).

Mejías Jiménez, Antonio (Bienvenida). Venezuelan-born Spanish bullfighter, 1922–1975. Investiture as matador de toros, Madrid, 9 April 1942; granted by his brother José (Pepe Bienvenida, 1914–1968, q.v. in HDIA), who also cut off Antonio’s coleta (pigtail that identifies its wearer as a matador) when Antonio retired in October 1966. The fourth of Manuel Mejías Rapela’s six bullfighting sons, Antonio began his training as a child. He was a novillero of the first rank, with thirty novilladas in 1941, all in important plazas. Early in the 1942 season, he was promoted to matador de toros (two months before his twentieth birthday). On 26 July that year, a bull named Buenacara inflicted a terrific abdominal wound that required a long series of operations and more than two months of convalescence.

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In 1943, Antonio Bienvenida’s thirty-seven corridas sufficed to rank him tenth nationwide. That number seems relatively low to us today, but at that time Spain, which was still recovering from the Spanish Civil War, had only thirty-five accredited matadores de toros, and of these, only twenty performed in ten or more corridas. Compare this to 1959, when Spain boasted sixty-four matadors, thirty-six of whom performed in ten or more corridas. (In 1990, inflation operating in the bullring as elsewhere, Spain had one hundred fifty-one matadors, although only forty-five of them had ten or more corridas. It’s still a tough profession.) In 1944, with the promotion of Antonio’s younger brother, three Bienvenida brothers appeared among the top-ranked matadors: Pepe had fiftynine corridas (ranked third nationwide), Antonio had twenty-five (ranked tenth), and Ángel Luis had twenty. In 1945, the scar tissue from the 1942 wound required surgery, and Antonio lost the Spanish season: he performed only in Mexico and Portugal. In 1946 he had a fine season, with thirty-one corridas in Spain (ranked eighth). The number dropped to twenty-four the next year, a terrible goring in May forcing him to cancel many performances, but in 1948, probably his best year, he fought fiftythree corridas. The numbers and quality of Antonio Bienvenida’s performances decreased as the almost annual gorings took their toll. A further complication arose from his courageous public refusal, late in 1952, to fight bulls with shaved horns, which caused him to be quietly blackballed by important matadors and by the impresarios of several first-ranked plazas, including Madrid. Bienvenida exposed not only the practice but also the connivance of matadors, managers, and impresarios. The uproar resulted in regulations that formally outlawed the practice and established fines for underweight or shaved bulls. Angus Macnab honored Bienvenida by dedicating The Bulls of Iberia to the man “who restored honour to the bullfight.” The last sixty pages of the book offer a lively account of the affair and a glowing description of Bienvenida in action. Needless to say, the shaving continued, though not as blatantly. For more details about the shaving of the bull’s horns, refer to “Bulls and Bull Breeding” in the Introduction to this volume. In spite of the physical and psychological stresses, the many cancellations due to injuries, and the unacknowledged boycott against him, Antonio Bienvenida continued to deliver fine performances and to enjoy public support. He was ranked among the top ten matadors for most of the 1950s, with nineteen corridas in 1951 and again in 1952, thirty in 1953, thirty-four in 1954, thirty-five in 1955, thirty-three in 1956, twenty-nine in 1957, and twenty-four in 1958. He also performed with Domingo Ortega (q.v.) and

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Enrique Vera in Tarde de toros (1955), a movie aimed at attracting a wider public to the bullring. It has a ridiculously predictable story line, some showy cape- and muleta-work and, in deference to foreign sensibilities, very little swordwork and no blood. The presence of foreign spectators at the bullfights allows local aficionados to explain some of the more obvious facets of the bullfight to the movie’s viewers. In 1959, with seventeen years of alternativa and many injuries and good deeds to his credit, Antonio Bienvenida performed in thirty-two corridas (Curro Girón, the top-ranked, had eighty-one, followed by Jaime Ostos with seventy and Gregorio Sánchez with sixty-four). Bienvenida performed twice with the much younger Ordóñez: on 29 June (in Barcelona, with Dominguín) and on 6 September (in Bayonne, with Jaime Ostos). In 1960, Bienvenida attempted to fight twelve bulls, each of a different strain, performing alone in a double corrida; he managed nine. He retired at the end of the 1966 season, having fought in about fifty corridas (reports vary) in that year. He performed occasionally in the next few years, mostly in festivals to raise money for charitable causes. In 1970, however, Bienvenida and Dominguín, who had retired in 1960, began training for a joint return to professional life. Bienvenida launched this stage of his career on 18 May 1971, during Madrid’s sanisidros. He fought twenty-seven corridas that year, thirteen of which also featured Dominguín, and enjoyed several triumphs, such as the memorable afternoon of 30 May when he cut four ears in Madrid. In 1972 he fought in twenty corridas; he was fifty years old. Until he retired for the second and last time, in 1974, Bienvenida performed often in Spain and in Latin America. The next year he died of an injury sustained as he was teaching his nephew the art.201 For more than three decades, this Bienvenida was an important figure in the arena, honored for his skill, bravery, strength, and dignity. Grandson, son, nephew, brother, and uncle of bullfighters, he enhanced the already illustrious family name. A great deal has been written about him (e.g., Filiberto Mira’s Antonio Bienvenida: Historia de un torero) and on the grounds of Las Ventas, the world’s main bullring, a large, multi-figured sculpture honors Antonio Bienvenida. Hemingway Downplays Antonio Bienvenida. Although The Dangerous Summer does not mention the Madrid corrida of 18 May, Hemingway discussed it in the typescript. The bullfighters for that afternoon were Pepe Luis Vázquez, Antonio Bienvenida, and Julio Aparicio. Hemingway writes that he decided not to see it because he had already seen Bienvenida “very bad like an over-weight, disinterested husk of the skillful matador he had been” and had been similarly disappointed in Aparicio. Consequently, “we

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stayed away from a fight in which they both fought Barcial bulls with Pepe Luis Vasquez [sic] and gave our seats to friends. We planned on a picnic in the country and so missed a very good corrida. . . . the three veteran matadors put out everything they had and were carried out of the ring in triumph.”202 Knowing this much, Hemingway surely knew that on this day, Bienvenida had killed a bull recibiendo: he had to try twice, the sword not going in fully the first time but sinking in to the hilt on the second attempt. This performance earned Bienvenida two ears, a turn around the ring, and glowing reviews in all the newspapers. It may have spurred or challenged Ordóñez to attempt the same thing in Bilbao, on 21 August. Hemingway was both inaccurate and unfair when he wrote that “No one in our time cites twice recibiendo” (203). In El Escorial, on 10 August, Bienvenida was again praised: “Me gustó mucho por lo que hizo y por lo que dejó de hacer. Me gustó porque fué un torero diverso, como tienen que ser los toreros” (He pleased me very much with what he did and with what he left undone. He pleased me because he was varied, as bullfighters should be).203 Like most bullfighters, Bienvenida had good and bad afternoons, all of which were reviewed in the press, but Hemingway (or his editors), intent on Ordóñez and the conflict that is central to his narrative, downplays this important bullfighter. For a longer discussion, refer to the section “Result: The Bias of The Dangerous Summer,” in the Introduction to this volume. For earlier members of this family, see Bienvenida and Mejías, Manuel (in HDIA). The narrator mentions that Antonio Bienvenida fought on the same bill with Dominguín and Ostos in Toledo (85) and Valencia (144); and with Dominguín and Ordóñez in Barcelona (128). He does not particularly admire his handling of the bulls (128, 144).

Men and Boys. The bullrings and cities are crowded (see Spectators) and Hemingway and Ordóñez are usually surrounded by admirers and hangerson (see Followers). A few nameless men and boys also show up in the narrative, including pedestrians (66), perverts (167), pickpockets (49), and the pilot and co-pilot of a chartered plane (177). A nameless, undefined man speaks to the narrator in Manzanares (68). Mercedes. See Cars. Mérito, Peps (Marquis del Mérito). See López de Carrizosa y Martel, José. Miguelillo. See Moraleda Molina, Miguel.

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Miramar, Hotel Miramar. Address: 8 Paseo de Reding, Málaga. The hotel was on the taurine circuit (see Hotel Keepers) but has since folded.204 The Davises and the Hemingways visit the bars at the Hotel Miramar in Málaga (65, 167). Miura. Spanish bull-breeding family. The founder of the Miura herds was Juan Miura, who bought stock in 1841 or 1842 for his ranch near Carmona, Seville. He registered his bulls, their brand and colors in Madrid on 30 April 1849; today’s Miuras date their antigüedad from that corrida, keeping the same brand and having two sets of colors: green and red in the provinces, green and black in Madrid. Miura is the only bull-breeding ranch with two sets of colors, and there are two explanations for this unusual situation. One is that when the bulls came to Madrid for their qualifying corrida in 1849, another bull breeder was already displaying green and red ribbons, and so the Miuras chose green and black, keeping those colors in all subsequent appearances in Madrid. A more romantic but probably less accurate explanation is that the black in the Madrid colors is a sign of mourning for the matador José Rodríguez (Pepete, 1842–1862), dramatically killed by a Miura bull. Juan Miura’s two sons, Antonio and Eduardo, owned the ganadería successively. Eduardo Miura’s sons, Antonio and José Miura Hontoria, maintained joint ownership and kept the herd in their father’s name, calling themselves “señores hijos de don Eduardo Miura” (sons of Eduardo Miura) from the time they inherited the herd in 1917 until 1940, when they transferred ownership to their late uncle Antonio’s son, Eduardo Miura Fernández (1914–1996). This man’s sons, Eduardo and Antonio Miura Martínez, represent the herd today (2006), marking more than a century and a half of uninterrupted family ownership. For more detail, see Miura in HDIA. Early in their history, the Miura bulls were noted for their strength and deadliness, and for the sentido (craftiness) that enabled them to distinguish the man from the lure and thus made them so unmanageable and dangerous that in 1908 many bullfighters demanded higher wages to fight them. (This is called el pleito de los Miura [the Miura dispute or boycott]; for more details see HDIA 284–85 and 433–34). Vistahermosa blood was introduced at various points during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to make them more manageable. In the 1950s, a reviewer happily reported that the bulls “han mejorado notablemente en cuanto a condiciones de lidia se refiere. . . . En general, se distinguen por su bravura

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templada y su docilidad, como lo prueba el hecho de que con la mayoría de los dichos toros se lucen hoy día los toreros y hasta les cortan las orejas” (have improved markedly in terms of what is required in the ring. . . . In general, they are characterized by their tempered bravery and docility, as indicated by the fact that most of these bulls today respond so well to the bullfighters that ears are often cut).205 Hemingway and Miuras. Hemingway had seen Miura bulls in the 1920s; he mentions them in The Sun Also Rises (169; see also 131, 145). In Death in the Afternoon, Hemingway finds that the Miuras are less deadly than they used to be (129–30), but still, it was a Miura that killed Manuel Rodríguez (Manolete, q.v.) in Linares (q.v.) in 1947, after such a fine faena that the bullfighter was awarded both ears and the tail: they were sent to him in the infirmary. Quintana remarks to the narrator that the Miuras of the 1950s are different from those of the 1920s (63). The narrator admires the Miuras he saw in Burgos (134), and correctly reports that Manolete was killed at the height of his powers by a Miura bull (187, 188; see also 92, 195).

Monasterio de San Jerónimo. (Also called the Real Monasterio de San Jerónimo de Valparaíso de Córdoba, or Los Jerónimos; in English, the Monastery of St. Jerome or Hyeronimus.) The large building is in Valparaíso, in the Serranía de Córdoba, and can be reached by the Carretera de la Sierra. The building sits on the remains of a Roman aqueduct, which brought water to the area. The availability of water spurred the construction of nearby Medina Azahara, a magnificent Moorish palace with extensive gardens and fishponds, an impressive throne room, a mosque, houses of learning, parade grounds, and facilities for maintaining about twelve thousand men and two thousand horses. Construction was begun c. 936 and took about twenty-five years. The palace was built by Abderrahman III for his favorite wife, Zahra or Zahara (Flower), and destroyed by rebel Berber mercenaries in 1010. (It is now partially restored and open to the public). Four centuries later, in 1408, Fray Vasco de Sousa, a Portuguese monk of the Hieronymite Order (los Jerónimos), founded a monastery near Medina Azahara, on lands that had been donated by Doña Inés de Pontevedra. The ruins of Medina Azahara supplied much of the construction materials used in the monastery’s chapel, cloisters, library, infirmary, gardens, and other sections of the monastery, which gave shelter to travelers in that isolated area. During the almost four hundred years of its existence as a monastery, the buildings were expanded, improved, and richly decorated

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with handpainted tiles, religious paintings, sculptures, military banners, and other furnishings, many donated by illustrious guests such as the Catholic monarchs, Isabella and Ferdinand, who came frequently to supervise the conquest of Granada (as a woman, she had to obtain special permission from the pope to enter the monastery); Philip II, who came in 1570; Philip IV, who visited in 1624; and the Counts of Medici, who came at various times and brought sumptuous gifts. In 1835, the state confiscated all religious properties and the monastery had to be disbanded. In 1837 the building and its lands were auctioned off, going through various hands which sold, stole, or destroyed its contents. Early in the twentieth century, the complex became the property of the Count of Torres Cabrera, one of whose daughters, Carmela Martel, became the Marquesa del Mérito and the mother of Peps Mérito (q.v.). Since 1963 and until today (in 2006), it is owned by the daughter of Peps Mérito, Victoria Elena López de Carrizosa y Patiño, who is the current Marquesa del Mérito. She married the Belgian Count Henri du Chastel de la Howardie; the Chastel-Mérito family lives in Brussels, visiting the Monasterio several times a year. During its century of ownership, the family has carefully restored the Monastery, whose oldest sections (the church, cloisters, galleries, and chapter house) are Gothic. One of the interior patios holds a fountain carved out of a single block of marble and displaying a bronze fawn; they are said to be from Medina Azahara and thus more than a thousand years old. Many of the medieval monks’ cells have become elegantly furnished guest rooms, with period pieces that were either found in the building and restored, or acquired through purchase; the refectory displays a mixture of period pieces and modern ceramics bearing the family names and seals. Plumbing, heating, air conditioning, a swimming pool, and other amenities have been discreetly added throughout; the library is indexed and its humidity carefully controlled. The family’s own apartments display hunting trophies (like Hemingway, Peps Mérito made several African safaris), portraits, photographs, and other personal memorabilia. Their guest book has been signed by a veritable “who’s who” of the twentieth century, including Carmen Polo de Franco, Ernest Hemingway, Mary Hemingway, and lesser lights like their friends Bill and Annie Davis (qq.v.). Family milestones, like weddings and christenings, are celebrated in what is one of the oldest and grandest private homes of Spain. Some of their extensive property is leased to the bull breeder Ramón Sánchez, whose bulls can be seen as one approaches the Monastery.206 The narrator describes the Monastery as “a wonderful place to stay” (80).

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Mondeño. See García Jiménez, Juan. Mont de Marsan (France). The first bullring at Mont de Marsan, built in the mid-1850s, was a wooden structure which could accommodate only two thousand spectators. In 1889 a larger bullring was built, to seat about 7,500. Remodeled in 1933, this bullring still serves the aficionados of this French city (like many other bullrings, it also hosts concerts and shows). Ordóñez and Mont de Marsan. Ordóñez fought in this bullring on two consecutive afternoons, 19 and 20 July 1959. On the first of these corridas, the bullfighters were Ordóñez, Chicuelo II, and Curro Girón (qq.v.); the bulls were from the Sepúlveda de Yeltes ranch, owned by Ignacio Sánchez (q.v.). Ordóñez was given an ovation for his work with the first bull and an ear for his second. The next day the fighters were Litri, Ordóñez, and Jaime Ostos. Ordóñez’s work with his first bull, which was from the ranch of Martínez Elizondo, was jeered by the audience; for his second bull, from the ranch of Samuel Flores (q.v.), he was given an ear. In an unwonted gesture, he placed the banderillas on this bull himself. Hemingway missed these fights; he had returned to La Cónsula to greet guests who were arriving for his birthday party on 21 July.207 The narrator mentions that Ordóñez fought well in Mont de Marsan (140).

Montes, Francisco (Paquiro). Spanish bullfighter, 1805–1851. Investiture as matador de toros, April 1831, in Madrid. Montes, who came from a poor family, was trained as a bricklayer. Financial need combined with an early interest in bullfighting to determine the career of this great torero. His strength, quick reflexes, and fine coordination enabled him not only to rise quickly through the ranks but also to distinguish himself by performing unusual feats, such as vaulting over the bull from horn to tail. His skill with the cape developed from corrida to corrida, as he tried new and unusual combinations and variations that charmed the public. The seasons from 1832 to 1836 were sensational, Montes performing frequently and always to great acclaim. Montes ran afoul of the Madrid establishment when he began to insist that he always be billed as senior matador regardless of his fellow bullfighters’ date of alternativa (investiture). The Madrid management attempted to exclude him from the Madrid ring, but his popularity was such that the impresarios had to back down, and Montes continued to perform, albeit less frequently, in Madrid. His performances were consistently artistic and frequently unusual. He often came into direct contact with the bull, grabbing him by the horns or the tail. In an 1839 corrida he knocked out

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(with his fist) an enraged bull that had refused to be distracted from a prone bullfighter he had been attacking. He was not only an agile, expert performer, but also an able master of his cuadrilla, which he picked carefully and used to maximum advantage. He was also a fine judge of ganado bravo, often being called in to settle disputes about the age and fitness of bulls. Montes’s energetic performances, demanding schedule, and almost constant travel began to take their toll. In the mid-1840s he suffered several minor gorings; his drinking also increased markedly. In 1845, 1846, and 1847 he accepted fewer and fewer engagements in order to reduce the travel, the strain, and the possibility of failure. He retired in 1848 and attempted to start a business, but financial difficulties returned him to the ring in 1850. He was received with great pomp and enthusiasm and gave fine performances until he was gored in the lower part of the left leg, in July 1850. He recovered very slowly from this wound, suffering several setbacks and infections. The injury seems to have weakened his system; he never fought again, and he died less than a year later. Like his life, Montes’s death was spectacular: there was great disagreement about whether he was really dead or not, and his burial was delayed for quite some time. Finally he was taken to the cemetery, where he was left, above ground, under the surveillance of guards. After twenty-four hours, he was finally pronounced fully dead and the funeral took place.208 For additional details about this great bullfighter, see Montes, Francisco in HDIA. Montes’s Tauromaquia. In 1836 Montes’s Tauromaquia completa defined his views of the art and recommended changes and improvements. The book was commissioned by and then mostly ghostwritten by his friend and admirer, the author and taurine critic Santos López Pelegrín (Abenamar). It set down Montes’s reformist views on the function, organization, and management of the cuadrilla, redesigned the torero’s dress, and defined new ethics and new standards for the bullfight. The book established him as a leading theorist as well as practitioner of toreo. The Tauromaquia begins by defining the three basic requirements for the bullfighter: “valor, ligereza y un perfecto conocimiento de su profesión” (bravery or courage, agility, and a thorough knowledge of his profession). In Death in the Afternoon, Hemingway quoted Montes’s famous dictum accurately (Glossary, s.v. Ligereza), but in The Dangerous Summer, he substituted a wordy variant of one of his own favorite phrases, “grace under pressure,” for Montes’s ligereza.209 The sad lapse of memory and style reveals Hemingway’s decline, and his self-aggrandizement indicates his need to still feel himself an authority. The narrator identifies “the three great requisites” for a bullfighter (51).

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Montoya, Juan. A character in The Sun Also Rises: he owns a hotel in Pamplona. See Hotel Keepers; Quintana, Juan. The narrator identifies his old friend Juan Quintana as the prototype for Montoya (53).

Moraleda Molina, Miguel (Miguelillo). Spanish bullfighter, 1906–1969. As a teenager Miguelillo hoped to become a matador, but soon recognizing the dangers and difficulties of that profession, he became a swordhandler, or mozo de estoques, working for such important figures as Juan Martín-Caro (Chiquito de la Audiencia, q.v. in HDIA), Francisco MartínCaro (Curro Caro), Luis Miguel Dominguín, and Antonio Ordóñez, whom he joined in 1953. A mozo de estoques or de espadas is his matador’s right-hand man, serving a variety of functions both in and out of the ring. He orders, cleans, and mends the bullfighter’s trajes de luces, monteras (hats or caps worn by bullfighters), capes, muletas, swords, and other personal and professional equipment; arranges travel and hotels; and sometimes runs interference for his matador. During the corrida itself he is in charge of all the equipment used by the matador and his crew; he stands in the callejón making sure that everyone has everything he needs at the proper time. One writer describes this personage as “el más sabio y experto administrador del torero” (the bullfighter’s wisest and most skilled administrator); another claims that “Un torero puede prescindir de mucha gente que le rodea en la Plaza y fuera de la Plaza, pero jamás de un mozo de espadas” (A bullfighter can dispense with many of the people around him, both in and out of the ring, but he cannot do without his sword-handler).210 Ordóñez remarked that, although he has had a long string of managers, he had only two mozos de estoques: Carreras and Miguelillo.211 The narrative correctly identifies Miguelillo as Antonio Ordóñez’s swordhandler (70, 165). He helps Ordóñez don his bullfighter’s suit (181, 189), sets up his portable chapel (88), prepares his cape and gear (157, 182), rescues him when he is wounded (95), and tapes the wound (132). He also gets glasses of water (90, 158), makes phone calls (99), gets tickets for the narrator (87), and is generally available and helpful (107, 117, 127). Miguelillo speaks: 90, 157, 183.

–N– Narrator. See Spectators; refer to the section “The Importance of The Dangerous Summer” in the Introduction to this volume; see also Narrator in HDIA.

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Natcho, Nacho. See Angulo, Ignacio. Navarre. See Christian Kings. Las Navas de Tolosa. See Christian Kings. Negro. See Davis, Bill. Nicknames. See Davis, Bill, and Papa; see also Nicknames; Smith, William Benjamin (in HDIA). Nîmes. The bullring in Nîmes was built in the ruins of a Roman coliseum, whose walls and arches surround the ring and make an impressive background. The large, oval-shaped bullring seats 16,500 people. Ordóñez in Nîmes. In 1959 Ordóñez fought twice in the beautiful Nîmes bullring, early and late in the season. On 18 May he performed with Chicuelo II and el Trianero (qq.v.); in addition to working his own bulls, he killed that of el Trianero and earned a total of four ears and a tail (the bulls were from the ranch of Carlos Núñez). On 27 September, his last performance for the season, Ordóñez performed with Chicuelo II and Luis Segura. The spectators whistled their disapproval of his work with his first bull, from the ranch of Salvador Guardiola, but he cut both ears of his second bull, from the ranch of Benítez Cubero (q.v.).212 The narrator mentions that Dominguín and Ordóñez fight on consecutive days in Nîmes, a city the narrator likes (74–75).

Normandie. Built by Chantiers & Ateliers de St. Nazaire, Penhoet, France, the Normandie was completed in 1935. A large (eighty thousand tons), luxurious ship, she had ten decks and a dining room which seated one thousand guests. She was fast: in 1935 she set the trans-Atlantic record of just over four days. In 1936 she was enlarged and declared the largest ship in the world. In 1941 she was appropriated by the United States for conversion into a military transport, to be named Lafayette. She caught fire from a carelessly handled acetylene torch and the water used to extinguish the fire made her so heavy that she turned on her side and sank partially. After efforts to raise and restore her proved impracticable, she was scrapped in 1946.213 Hemingway sailed from Spain to the United States in May 1937 on this elegant French liner. Hemingway’s character Thomas Hudson, his first

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wife, and his second wife also traveled on the Normandie (IITS 313–15, 327). The narrator finds that the American-built and -owned Constitution, although comfortable, lacks the elegance of the European Normandie (61).

Number One, Número Uno. A reference to Luis Miguel González (Dominguín, q.v.). Two years after the death of Manolete (q.v.; see also Linares), Dominguín stood in the center of the Madrid bullring and shocked his public by raising his forefinger to indicate that he was now número uno in the bullfight world. The aggressive assertion unleashed a storm of criticism and publicity, as people argued the accuracy and the taste of the gesture. But Dominguín’s self-crowning was affirmed by his public: he was so widely known as el número uno that mail addressed to “El No. 1, Madrid” or “Al Maestro, Madrid” reached him without delay.214 As Hemingway points out, Dominguín acted the part: he commanded very high fees, lived extravagantly and, like Hemingway himself, was an international celebrity whose face appeared often on the covers of popular magazines. When he acquired a ranch, he branded his animals with the number one. But the Dominguíns were not dedicated bull breeders, and the brand was soon extinct. The narrator refers to Dominguín’s reputation as Spain’s número uno (106, 111, 153, 195), but claims that in 1959 that position was taken over by Ordóñez (169, 205).

Nurses. Two nurses accompany Dr. Tamames (q.v.) when he comes to check up on his patient, Antonio Ordóñez (99).

–O– The Old Man and the Sea (1952). Hemingway’s short, spare novel was a tremendous critical and popular success: when it first appeared in Life magazine (1 September 1952), it sold over five million copies within fortyeight hours. The book version, published simultaneously in the United States and Britain on the next day, hit The New York Times Book Review Section’s best seller list two weeks later and stayed there for twenty-six weeks, until 8 March 1953. It restored his reputation, which had been tarnished by the critics’ dislike of Across the River and into the Trees (1950).

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By the end of 1952, only four months after it was published, the book had been translated into Croatian, Danish, Finnish, German, Italian, Norwegian, Serbian, and Swedish. By the end of the decade it had been translated into twenty-three more languages, including Chinese, Greek, Hebrew, Icelandic, Japanese, Russian, Turkish, and Yiddish. It quickly became required reading in scores of schools and universities around the world, was the basis of sermons in churches and synagogues, and brought its author bushels of fan mail. Hemingway was awarded the Pulitzer Prize in 1953 and the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1954. For the book’s publication in Spain, see Inspector. The first movie based on the book starred Spencer Tracy. Hemingway was involved in some aspects of the film’s production, such as the action shots of fishing for marlin, attempted first in the waters off Cuba and then in Cabo Blanco, Peru (April 1956). None of the outdoor action shots Hemingway helped set up were used; the movie features a rubber marlin. The movie was released in October 1958. A second version, made for television and starring Anthony Quinn, appeared in 1990. The narrator mentions working on the movie of The Old Man and the Sea (56).

Ordóñez, Antonio. Full name: Antonio Ordóñez Araujo. Spanish bullfighter, 1932–1998. Investiture as matador de toros, in Madrid, 28 June 1951, granted by Julio Aparicio (q.v.). Partly because of his family connections but mostly because of his enormous talent, Ordóñez acquired a large following even as a novillero, with sixty-five novilladas in 1949 (including his Madrid debut) and forty-six in 1950. In 1951, just a few months after his nineteenth birthday, he was promoted to matador de toros, adding forty corridas de toros to the thirteen novilladas that had preceded the investiture. In 1952, his first full season as a matador de toros, Ordóñez fought seventy-four corridas, more than anyone else that year. In 1953, wounded twice, he performed in forty-seven corridas; in 1954, the number rose to forty-nine. Each one of these years, his Spanish season was followed by working tours of Mexico and South America. Badly gored in the first bullfight of the 1955 season, Ordóñez had to cancel several performances. His season was further shortened when he was called up for military service; he performed only four times that year. But in 1956 he fought sixty-five corridas (ranked second nationwide), going from success to success at home and, after the Spanish season ended, in Mexico and other Latin American countries. In 1957 he performed in forty-seven corridas, went to Venezuela for the winter (he was gored on 24 February)

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and, like many wealthy matadors, acquired a ranch (refer to the section “Ordóñez’s Career as Bull Breeder,” later in this entry). As Hemingway points out, Ordóñez was wounded almost every year.215 More than once, he refused to leave the ring until he had killed the bull that had gored him. On one such occasion (Aranjuez, q.v.), he was so impressive that, as Hemingway reports, he was awarded both ears, the tail, and a hoof.216 But in spite of these annual injuries, his courage never failed, he retained his physical prowess, and his style became more elegant and mature. Critics have described the 1958, 1959, and 1960 seasons as “triumphant,” “his best”: he performed in seventy-eight, fifty-two, and fiftysix corridas, ranking among the top five or six performers for each of those years. Cossío is almost as enthusiastic about him as Hemingway: “Es indiscutida su superioridad sobre cuantos toreros pisan la arena” (His superiority over all other active bullfighters is indisputable).217 In 1959, Ordóñez performed in fifty-two corridas in Spain and France (these are the ones that usually determine the bullfighter’s national ranking): he was ranked fifth that year, while Curro Girón (q.v.) was first, and Dominguín seventh. He fought another eight corridas in Latin America: one in Ecuador, three in Peru, and four in Colombia. Ordóñez and Luis Miguel Dominguín appeared together in ten corridas that season, four of them mano a mano. At the first of these, in Valencia, Ordóñez was awarded the ear of his first bull and both ears of his third; at their second, in Málaga, he collected six ears, two tails, and two hooves; at the third, in Bayonne, six ears and one tail; and at the last, in Bilbao, five ears, two tails, and a hoof.218 Ordóñez was as successful in the early 1960s as he had been in his first decade of alternativa. In 1960 he fired his brothers-in-law, who had been acting as his managers (see Managers), fought fifty-six times and was awarded many ears. Although seriously gored three times in 1961 and twice in 1962, he managed sixty-one and fifty-two corridas in those two years. He retired at the end of the 1962 season. Ordóñez emerged from retirement in 1965 to successful seasons both in Spain and in Latin America. The number of injuries decreased,219 and the numbers and the quality of his corridas continued to be impressive: forty in 1965 (ranked tenth nationwide), forty-five in 1966 (including a stupendous afternoon in Málaga, on 10 April, when he cut four ears and two tails from his two Domecq bulls, in spite of being badly gored by the second), thirtyfour in 1967, a stupendous seventy in 1968 (after eighteen years of alternativa!), and fifty-one in 1969.220 By then the wear and tear were starting to show: his back and hip became increasingly bothersome, and in 1969 he needed an ankle operation.

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The twenty-seven corridas of 1970 were uneven and after twenty-eight performances the next season—one of which, in Pamplona, was loudly jeered—he retired on August 1971. He continued to perform at festivals and in the annual September corridas goyescas in his native Ronda, where his appearances attracted an international audience and rave reviews. His last goyesca, on 9 September 1980, was a mano a mano with his famous son-in-law Francisco Rivera (Paquirri, 1948–1984). In 1981 he performed on two consecutive afternoons, in Mallorca on 16 August and in Ciudad Real on 17 August; these were nondescript performances. His painful hip caused him to cancel the projected September appearance in Ronda. In his retirement years, Antonio Ordóñez managed the Ronda bullring, sponsored its corridas goyescas, and trained his grandson, Francisco Rivera Ordónez (for more detail on the Ordóñez dynasty, see Ordóñez, Cayetano). In 1995, France bestowed the French Legion of Honor upon Ordóñez, and in 1997 Spain honored him with the Medalla de Oro a las Bellas Artes (Gold Medal of Fine Arts): he was the first bullfighter ever to be awarded these high honors.221 (For subsequent bullfighters similarly honored, see Trophies.) Ronda has bestowed every possible honor upon him (see Mayor of Ronda), and his ashes are buried in Ronda’s bullring. Since then, a slightly larger than life-size statue of him has been placed at the entrance to the bullring, on the right as one faces it; a matching statue of his father, Cayetano Ordóñez, stands to the left. Evaluations. Complaints and criticisms have, inevitably, been lodged against Ordóñez. Most commonly he is charged with having a somewhat limited repertoire, too many off-center sword thrusts,222 and too much selfconfidence. But Bagüés concludes that Ordóñez, an admired professional bullfighter since his teens, “viene siendo . . . una de las grandes figuras de esta época” (has been . . . one of the great names of this era).223 Abad Ojuel also mentions that, like most bullfighters of his generation (he names the five or six exceptions), Ordóñez neglected the banderillas224 and that his attempt to revive the art of killing recibiendo (standing still to kill the bull), while honorable, was basically unsuccessful.225 But like all critics who point out Ordóñez’s faults, Abad Ojuel finally heaps praise upon his “elevada condición artística . . . la clase y la hondura del arte de Antonio Ordóñez pueden con todo” (his great artistry . . . Ordóñez’s elegant and deep art overcomes everything, i.e., all bulls and all competition). Critics of the stature of César Jalón (Clarito), Pepe Alameda, and Nestor Luján all praise Ordóñez’s style, in particular his capework (everyone praises his famous verónicas), his faenas with the muleta, and his temple (the adjustment of pace to the requirements and possibilities offered by the bull, with emphasis on smoothness and slowness). Gregorio Corrochano

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wrote of his verónicas that they could serve as model for any sculptor wishing to render this pass in stone, and that his capework in general “no tiene término de comparación” (is beyond compare).226 Summarizing his career, Cossío describes him as “magistral en el toreo a la verónica, insuperable con la muleta, mejor estoqueador de lo que pudiera pensarse, torero clásico de arriba a abajo, auténtica gran figura de su época, cuyo nombre ya ha entrado, por sus múltiples méritos, en la historia grande del toreo de todos los tiempos” (masterful with the cape, unsurpassed with the muleta, a more efficient swordsman than he is given credit for, a classic bullfighter from head to toe, a towering force of his generation whose many merits have etched his name into the centuries-old history of toreo).227 Like so many other great bullfighters, Ordóñez has been the subject of much literary interest. José María Pemán, Rafael Duyos, Aquilino Duque, José Bergamín, Ángel Cafarena, Gerardo Diego, Luis Jiménez Martos, Francisco Vélez Nieto, Alfonso Canales, Orson Welles, and, of course, Hemingway are some of the many writers who have praised him. Ordóñez’s Career as Bull Breeder. In 1957, Ordóñez acquired his first ranch, Valcargado (q.v.), and a herd of ganado bravo (fighting stock), whose brand incorporates his initials. Three years later he added a second herd of cattle, putting his holdings in his wife’s name (see Ordóñez, Carmen), and in 1961 his bulls appeared in the movie Carmen; he fought them himself. In 1980, Ordóñez bought the herd belonging to Carlos Urquijo de Federico (the son of Carmen de Federico, q.v. in HDIA; her husband had bought it from the Murube family in 1917 and put it in her name). As the Enciclopedia universal notes, Ordóñez’s acquisition of Carlos Urquijo de Federico’s herd was a coup “digno de mención” (worthy of note), since “las vacadas de abolengo no suelen desprenderse de la propiedad de una misma familia” (prestigious herds are not easily relinquished by the family).228 Ordóñez then sold the herd to José Murube, thus returning it to the family whose name it had carried even during the sixty years it had belonged to Carmen de Federico and her sons. Ordóñez was a historically minded bull breeder. In 1985 Ordóñez acquired another herd, registering it in his daughter Belén’s name; it was sold in 1992 to Joaquín Barral. Ordóñez’s grandsons, Francisco and Cayetano Rivera Ordóñez, are also landowners and bull breeders in Andalucía. Hemingway and Ordóñez. Hemingway first saw Ordóñez in Pamplona, where he appeared in two corridas: on 8 July 1953, when he performed with Jorge Aguilar (el Ranchero) and Juan Posada, fighting Atanasio Fer-

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nández bulls; and on 10 July, when he fought Cobaleda bulls with Julio Aparicio and Pedro Martínez (Pedrés). The cut on the hand that Hemingway mentions occurred on 8 July.229 According to Mary Hemingway, Hemingway watched Ordóñez perform on several occasions after the corrida of 21 August 1959 (Bilbao) that closes The Dangerous Summer: in Calahorra (31 August), Cuenca (5 September), Murcia (8 and 9 September), and Ronda (10 September).230 From his first meeting with Ordóñez, in Pamplona, July 1953, the narrator admires him wholeheartedly: “I could tell he was great” (50; a fairly safe assessment since Ordóñez had been Spain’s top-ranked matador the preceding season).231 In 1956 Ordóñez impressed Hemingway by killing recibiendo (58). Hemingway accurately reports that Ordóñez “had a great year in 1958” (59; see above) and describes four months of the 1959 season. The narrator reports that Ordóñez worked in such close proximity to the bull that his shirt and trousers were soaked in the animal’s blood (189, 194); that his courage is not diminished by the gorings he endures (64, 109, 116, 118, 168, 169); that he occasionally woos the audience with showy maneuvers (88–89, 94); and that he kills beautifully, sometimes recibiendo (58, 202–205) and more often by inserting the sword slightly off-center (63, 116, 117, 156, 170, 179, 184, 198, 201, 204). The narrator openly attacks Manolete, alternatively praises and snipes at Dominguín, and downplays other bullfighters, whether old masters or younger stars, in order to exalt Ordóñez. (Also refer to “Result: The Bias in The Dangerous Summer,” in the Introduction to this volume.) Antonio Ordóñez speaks: 52, 58, 63, 70–71, 73–74, 88, 93–103, 112, 118–19, 127–28, 131–32, 136, 143, 146, 152, 154, 158, 162–63, 165, 168, 177, 180–82, 186, 189, 205–206.

Ordóñez, Carmen. Luis Miguel’s sister and Antonio’s wife. Full name: Carmen González Lucas de Ordóñez (Carmina), 1929–1982. Youngest child of Domingo González Mateos (Dominguín) and Gracia Lucas. She married Antonio Ordóñez in Luis Miguel Dominguín’s ranch, Villa Paz (q.v.), in the fall of 1953. In 1960, she became the titular owner of a herd acquired by Antonio Ordóñez.232 Both her daughters married bullfighters: for more details, see Ordóñez, Cayetano, and the section “The Ordóñez Dynasty.” See also Women and Girls. The narrator mentions Carmen often (53, 60, 70, 73, 99, 101, 108, 135, 137, 142, 146, 164, 165). His admiration for her is undiluted: she is beautiful (97, 103–104) and intelligent (148). She and Hemingway share the same birthday, July 21 (138, 140). Carmen Ordóñez speaks: 97.

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Ordóñez, Cayetano. Antonio’s father. Full name: Cayetano Ordóñez Aguilera (Niño de la Palma). Spanish bullfighter, 1904–1961. Investiture as matador de toros, 11 June 1925, granted by Juan Belmonte in Seville; confirmed in Madrid on 16 July that same year. A gifted novillero, Cayetano Ordóñez aroused such intense admiration that he was even hailed as the successor to the great Joselito (q.v.). His coming from Ronda, the home of the legendary Pedro Romero (q.v.), added to his aura. By 1923 he was making a national stir, and his triumphs in 1924 led to contracts in the important plazas of Seville (three novilladas) and Valencia (two novilladas): in Seville he cut two ears and a tail and was carried out of the ring on the shoulders of his admirers. The next year, 1925, was arguably his best, although he got off to a poor start with a serious goring in the left thigh that cost him three weeks and affected several subsequent performances. His alternativa was granted by none other than Juan Belmonte (q.v.), and although he was not promoted to matador de toros until several months into the 1925 season, he was ranked sixth among matadores de toros that year. He was ranked first in 1926 and 1927, but in those years he produced occasional apathetic performances that dampened the critics’ and public’s enthusiasm for him. He retired in mid-July 1928, after twenty-seven corridas and only three years of alternativa. Cayetano returned to the bullfight the next year, beginning the season with fire but unable to maintain the pace or his public. The forty-three corridas of that year were reduced to thirty-one in 1930 and twenty-two in 1931 (including four in Madrid, all disastrous). The general consensus was that Cayetano Ordóñez’s character could not support his enormous talent. For more detail on the early career of this interesting bullfighter, see the entry on him in HDIA. Ordóñez’s Later Career: The Comeback Hemingway Missed. In 1932 Ordóñez was contracted for only thirteen events, but an extraordinary performance at the end of the season led to renewed hopes and more engagements for 1933. Two serious gorings that year kept his performances down to twenty corridas, though the reviews were much more positive. The seasons of 1934 and 1935 included many more spectacular afternoons. He missed parts of those seasons due to injuries, but his renewed energy for the bullfight was much in evidence. A serious goring and the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War interrupted what looked like a successful comeback. During and after the war, Cayetano, already in his thirties, realized that he could not compete with the younger crop of talented bullfighters, which included Manuel Rodríguez (Manolete). Even so, Cayetano continued performing as matador until 1942; he then resigned his alternativa and be-

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came a freelance banderillero, a move that was both criticized as undignified for a man of his stature—a true figura del toreo—and admired as indicating a continued commitment to the bullfight. He retired in 1950.233 In 1996, Ronda honored him and his son, Antonio, by erecting statues of them in front of the bullring: Cayetano is shown finishing a pass with the cape (to the left of the entrance, as one faces the bullring), and Antonio stands to the right. The Ordóñez Dynasty. Cayetano’s generation was the first in the Ordóñez family to take up bullfighting: five of the seven brothers attempted it, but only Cayetano achieved the rank of matador de toros. Cayetano’s five sons—Cayetano (1928–1974, q.v.), Juan (1930–1965, q.v.), Antonio (1932–1998, q.v.), José (b. 1935, q.v.); and Alfonso (b. 1938) Ordóñez Araujo—all became bullfighters, although only three of them received the alternativa.234 Antonio’s tremendous success eclipsed the careers of all his brothers. Cayetano’s one daughter, Anita, married the Mexican fighter Feliciano (Chano) Ramos, whose career seems to have been similarly blighted by the family connection. Antonio Ordóñez’s two daughters married prominent bullfighters. Carmen Cayetana (Carmina, d. 2004) married Francisco Rivera Pérez (Paquirri, 1948–1984) in 1973. Paquirri, who had received his alternativa on 11 August 1966, was already a famous bullfighter when he married Carmina; their wedding was a major social event. They had two sons, Francisco (Fran, b. 1974) and Antonio Cayetano Rivera Ordóñez (b. 1977); she had another son, Julián Cabrera Ordóñez, with her second husband. Ordóñez’s younger daughter, Belén, married Juan Carlos Beca Belmonte, the grandson of Juan Belmonte (q.v.). Beca Belmonte, born in 1947, was promoted to the rank of matador de toros by Antonio Ordóñez on 26 August 1968; he had a generally undistinguished career, which seems to have ended by the mid-1970s. They had no children. In 1988 she married José Luis Cobo, from Ecuador, who became a matador de toros on 4 December 1988, in Quito; they had a daughter, also named Belén and called Belencita to distinguish her from her mother. Altogether, then, Antonio Ordóñez had four grandchildren, two of whom took up bullfighting. These two, the sons of Carmina and Paquirri, are descended from three great bullfighting families: Rivera, Ordóñez, and Dominguín. The older one, Francisco, was promoted to matador de toros on 23 April 1995, in Seville, and did very well that year and during the next two seasons. His career took a downward turn in 1998 and 1999, but at the time of this writing he is an important bullfighter, with fifty-three corridas in 2001 (ranked twelfth nationwide), sixty-one corridas in 2002 (ranked tenth), fifty-six in 2003, fifty-eight in 2004 (ranked tenth), seventy-seven in 2005 (David

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Fandila was ranked first nationwide, with one hundred and seven corridas, a staggering number), eighty-four in 2006, and a successful 2007 season as well. Fran Rivera is a handsome, romantic media star, the first matador to marry into the upper echelons of Spain’s aristocracy (although the marriage did not last long). He is the subject of Edward Lewine’s Death and the Sun: A Matador’s Season in the Heart of Spain (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2005, about the 2002–2003 season). He officiated at the alternativa of his younger brother, Cayetano, on September 2006, in Ronda (q.v.). On that emotional afternoon, the two brothers performed mano a mano, without a third bullfighter. Cayetano dedicated his first bull to his brother and their late father, and his third bull to his grandfather Antonio, whose ashes are buried in the Ronda bullring. Both brothers cut ears. Hemingway and Ordóñez. Hemingway wrote about the older Cayetano Ordóñez (Niño de la Palma) in two of his major works, exalting him in The Sun Also Rises (1926) and attacking him viciously in Death in the Afternoon (1932). In The Dangerous Summer, Hemingway also exaggerates, attacking Dominguín in order to exalt Cayetano’s son, Antonio Ordóñez. These excessive responses say more about Hemingway than they do about his subjects. Life en español published a photograph of Cayetano Ordóñez in its first installment of El verano sangriento.235 The narrator remarks that when he first saw Antonio Ordóñez perform (in Pamplona, July 1953), he compared him favorably to his father (50–51).

Ordóñez, Cayetano. Antonio’s brother. Full name: Cayetano Ordóñez Araujo (Niño de la Palma). Spanish bullfighter, 1928–1974. Investiture as matador de toros, 8 September 1946, in Ronda; confirmed in Madrid, 16 May 1948. He was the oldest son of Cayetano Ordóñez Aguilera (q.v. above and in HDIA) and, although he was born in Dos Hermanas (Seville), he used his father’s famous nickname, which recalls his family’s roots in Ronda. The younger Cayetano Ordóñez was not a notable matador, although he did have several solid seasons. The critical consensus is that he was unable to engage the public or impress the critics. And he was, of course, overshadowed by his younger brother Antonio. Statistics tell part though not all of the story: Cayetano did not perform in Spain in 1947, his first full year as matador de toros, but he did perform in Latin America that year. He returned to Spain for six corridas in 1948, six in 1949, and four in 1950. The numbers jump to nineteen in 1951, twenty in 1952, twenty-four or twentyfive in 1953 (accounts vary), and twenty-four in 1954 (including Ronda’s first corrida goyesca, held that year to celebrate the second centennial of

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Pedro Romero (q.v.; see also Mayor of Ronda). In 1955 and again in 1956, he had only five corridas in Spain, and a similar number in Mexico. In 1957 he had seven corridas in Spain, and on 25 May 1958 he had one of his greatest triumphs and was carried out of the Madrid plaza on the shoulders of an ecstatic public. Thereafter Cayetano performed less frequently, and after the 1963 season, when he had only two corridas, both in minor plazas, he retired from the ring. For the last years of his life, he was attached to the bull-breeding ranch of Prieto de la Cal.236 He died in Seville, of a sudden heart attack. In the 1950s, Antonio Ordóñez was a powerful, top-ranked fighter who brooked no competition. An interesting passive verb suggests how Cayetano’s career was blighted by political and familial machinations: “Cayetano . . . se ve obligado, porque lo han marginado de ferias y otro tipo de festejos, a abandonar los ruedos” (because he has been marginalized [shunted aside] from ferias and other taurine events, Cayetano performs less and less and so finds himself forced to abandon the rings).237 The careers of Juan and José, two other Ordóñez brothers, also declined with the decade. The narrator mentions Ordóñez’s oldest brother only briefly (70).

Ordóñez, Consuelo Araujo de. Antonio’s mother. Full name: Consuelo Araujo de los Reyes de Ordóñez. Bailaora and cantaora (flamenco dancer and singer), c. 1910–1971. As a young woman, Consuelo Araujo performed on stage and tablaos (flamenco clubs) as well as in a couple of films,238 but ceased her artistic activity when she married Cayetano Ordóñez in July 1927. They had five sons, all of whom were bullfighters: Cayetano (1928–1974, q.v.), Juan (1930–1965, q.v.), Antonio (1932–1998, q.v.), José (b. 1935, q.v.), and Alfonso (b. 1938) Ordónez Araujo; their only daughter, Anita, married a Mexican matador, Feliciano (Chano) Ramos; the marriage failed, and she lives in Seville. The narrator describes Antonio Ordóñez’s mother as good-looking (99).

Ordóñez, Juan. Antonio’s brother. Full name: Juan Ordóñez Araujo (Juan de la Palma). Spanish bullfighter, 1930–1965 (died by his own hand). He was the second of Cayetano Ordóñez Aguilera’s five bullfighting sons. Juan was a stylish novillero, his handling of the sword was impressive, and he performed creditably at his Madrid debut. While still in his twenties, however, he realized that, for a variety of reasons, some of them perhaps having to do with family politics, he would never achieve more than very

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modest success as a matador. He went to work as a banderillero, first for his brothers and later for Victoriano Valencia (q.v.). He married the famous Spanish movie star, Paquita Rico, in Quito, Ecuador, in a civil ceremony— thus creating a scandal in Franco’s Spain. They were married again, in Spain, in a church ceremony. Living with a successful wife, related to and working for successful bullfighters, Juan Ordóñez slid into depression and committed suicide at the age of thirty-five.239 The narrator correctly reports that Juan is an important member of Ordóñez’s cuadrilla. He has duties in and out of the ring (79, 92–93, 133, 146, 181, 188, 201).

Ordóñez, Pepe. Antonio’s brother. Full name: José Ordóñez Araujo. Spanish bullfighter, b. 1935. Investiture as matador de toros, 20 September 1954, in Valladolid; confirmed in Madrid, 14 May 1956. His famous brother, Antonio, officiated at both ceremonies. Pepe was the fourth of Cayetano Ordóñez Aguilera’s five bullfighting sons. Although Pepe attracted some attention during his apprenticeship and cut ears during his Madrid debut as novillero on 23 May 1954, he did not succeed as matador de toros, as the numbers indicate: nine corridas in 1954 (in addition to twenty-seven novilladas that preceded the alternativa that year), twenty in 1955 (his first full season as matador de toros), sixteen or eighteen in 1956 (accounts vary), three in 1957, and one in 1958, the year in which he retired. During his short career he suffered three serious gorings, one as novillero and two as matador de toros; they dampened his enthusiasm for the bulls. For some years he worked as a bullfight manager.240 The narrator identifies Pepe as Antonio Ordóñez’s brother (95).

Ortega, Domingo. Full name: Domingo López Ortega. Spanish bullfighter and bull breeder, 1908–1988. Investiture as matador de toros in Barcelona, March 1931; confirmed in Madrid, June 1931. Ortega was Spain’s top-ranked matador de toros for seven years: 1931–1934, 1936, 1937, and 1940 (in which year Spain had only nineteen active matadores de alternativa, as compared to sixty-four in 1959 and one hundred and fifty-one in 1990—although only forty-five of these fought ten or more corridas). He was one of the important bullfighters who brought the fiesta de toros back to life after the Spanish Civil War (see also Vázquez, José Luis). Although Ortega absented himself from the ring in 1941, he performed in every other year of the first post-war decade: thirtyone corridas in 1942, twenty-eight in 1943, fifty-five in 1944 (ranked

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fourth), forty-five in 1945, twenty-eight in 1946, thirty-eight in 1947, thirty-five in 1948, and seventeen in 1949.241 From 1934 until a few years before his death, Ortega was a bull breeder; he bought Parladé stock from Ernesto and Manuel Blanco, who had themselves acquired it from Gamero Cívico (q.v.). Ortega’s herd carried the famous Parladé brand and the original yellow colors, but Ortega changed the yellow to blue in 1943 and established a new antigüedad (9 July 1950). After going through several other owners, the herd is now (as of 2006) called Toros de Parladé; it displays the old Parladé brand, the original yellow ribbons, and the original antigüedad (23 May 1913). The political implications of Ortega’s career—and of all bullfighters who fought during Franco’s reign, including Dominguín and Ordóñez—are obvious but insufficient to explain Hemingway’s failure to acknowledge, let alone recant, his earlier mistaken evaluation of Ortega, even though by 1959 the facts of Ortega’s magnificent career were easily available to him. Hemingway did note in the manuscript that he wanted to insert a section on “the integrity of Domingo Ortega . . . Put in Domingo Ortega on the muleta,” but no such passage was written.242 It is interesting, though, that a large 1933 cartel in the living room of Hemingway’s Cuban home, the Finca Vigía, announces Domingo Ortega: Hemingway therefore had his name constantly before him, all through the 1940s and 1950s. For more detail, see González Mateos, Domingo (in this volume); see also Ortega, Domingo; González, Domingo (in HDIA). The narrator correctly recalls that Domingo González, Luis Miguel Dominguín’s father, had been Ortega’s first manager (52).

Ostos, Jaime. Full name: Jaime Ostos Carmona. Spanish bullfighter, b. 1933. Investiture as matador de toros, in Zaragoza, 13 October 1956; confirmed in Madrid, 17 May 1958. He was promoted by Antonio Mejías (Bienvenida), with Ordóñez as witness. Ostos attempted to combine two careers, but finally abandoned aviation in favor of bullfighting. His progress as novillero was interrupted by military service in 1954 (he served as a pilot), but by 1956 he was clearly a first-rank novillero, racking up fifty novilladas (and three gorings) before his promotion. In 1957 he fought thirty-eight corridas and was ranked ninth nationwide. Because he did not appear in Madrid that year, his alternativa was not confirmed until the sanisidro bullfights of May 1958, in which

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year he fought fifty-four corridas, suffered several minor injuries and two bad gorings, and was ranked fifth nationwide. His performances that year were highly acclaimed, and he was sensational in 1959 (seventy performances, ranked second) and 1960 (sixty corridas, ranked fourth), appearing on the same bills with all the other premier fighters of those seasons. He was gored in the face in both those years. Ostos maintained his position among critics and public as one of the top ten bullfighters for the next several years, in spite of being seriously injured at least once a year: fifty-six corridas in 1961, seventy-nine in 1962 (ranked first nationwide, the annual injury not coming until the end of the season), twenty-five in 1963 (no less than three serious wounds, including the lifethreatening multiple goring of 17 July which affected major arteries and severely mangled a leg), sixty-two in 1964 (a remarkable comeback, considering the injuries of the previous year), seventy-three in 1965 (ranked third), and fifty-three in 1966. The decline was rapid: thirty-one corridas in 1967, twenty-seven in 1968, twelve in 1969, six in 1970, and one in 1971; during these last two years, he was mostly concerned with business affairs. In 1972 he enjoyed a short-lived comeback: thirty-three corridas, followed by twenty in 1973 and his farewell performance in 1974. The indomitable Ostos returned to the ring in 1977 (eight performances) and in 1980 (twelve performances, quite remarkable for someone who was forty-seven years old and had been so harshly and frequently injured). On 6 September 1985, he came out of retirement for one corrida, in order to officiate at Carlos Barroso’s promotion to matador de toros. Because of his enormous courage, his passion for the bullfight, and his open, outspoken personality, Ostos was enduringly popular, even towards the end of his career, when his style and technique had so clearly deteriorated. Hemingway, Ordóñez, and Ostos. When Hemingway saw him in 1959, Ostos was ranked second in Spain; Ordóñez was fifth. They performed together in fifteen corridas: on 26 May (Córdoba, q.v.), on 30 May (Aranjuez, q.v.), on 28 June (Alicante, q.v.), on 30 June (Burgos, q.v.), on 18 July (Barcelona, q.v.), on 20 July (Mont de Marsan, q.v.), on 25 July (Valencia, q.v.), on 26 July (Tudela, with Dominguín as senior matador, q.v.), on 20 and 21 August (Bilbao, with Dominguín on the 21st, q.v), on 23 August (Dax), on 28 August (Linares, q.v.), on 29 August (Almería), on 4 September (Mérida), and on 6 September (Bayonne, q.v.).243 Hemingway also saw Ostos perform in corridas which did not feature Ordóñez, like the opening corrida of Valencia’s July feria (see Valencia [the city]). Ostos’s 1960 season was the subject of Jean Cau’s Las orejas y el rabo (published in French, 1961; Spanish translation, 1962). Advertised as “the

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answer to Hemingway’s last book,” it won the Goncourt Prize of 1961. Like Hemingway, Cau discusses the problem of shaving the bull’s horns, but he does not condemn it as strongly, arguing instead that the practice is an unavoidable concomitant to the modern fashion of fighting close to the bull.244 Refer also to the discussion of the shaving of the horns (afeitado) in “Bulls and Bull Breeding” in the Introduction to this volume. The narrator describes Jaime Ostos as a reckless, “almost insanely brave” (77) young matador who often appeared on the same bill with Luis Miguel and Ordóñez during the summer of 1959. His performances are generally very good (77–80, 85, 145, 198–200; see also 108, 145).

Oviedo (Asturias). Oviedo’s plaza was inaugurated on 4 August 1889, by Salvador Sánchez (Frascuelo) and Rafael Molina (Lagartijo; qq.v. in HDIA), who fought Veragua bulls. It was almost totally destroyed during the Spanish Civil War, but it was soon restored. Oviedo had only two corridas de toros in 1959. The one of 7 May 1959 was the first one of the season for Luis Miguel, who performed with Curro Girón, and Victoriano Cuevas Roger (Victoriano Valencia; qq.v.); the bulls were Pérez Angoso. The city’s second corrida, held on 21 September, featured six bullfighters, each fighting one bull, and two rejoneadores. Ordóñez did not fight in Oviedo in 1959, and Hemingway did not see corridas in that city.245 The narrator notes that Luis Miguel was awarded four ears in Oviedo (74).

–P– Pablo Romero. Family of Spanish bull breeders. Don Felipe de Pablo Romero founded his ranch in Seville in 1885. When he died in 1906, his son and namesake inherited the carefully bred herd. For more detail on the early history of this ganadería, whose antigüedad, or seniority, dates back to 9 April 1888, see the corresponding entry in HDIA. In 1943, the ownership of the herd passed to the founder’s grandsons, José Luis and Felipe de Pablo Romero y Arloitia, who had been managing it for the family since the 1920s. When Felipe died in August 1944, his sons and his brother became coowners and co-managers. In 1956, they incorporated themselves as “Pablo-Romero, S.A. (señores hijos de).” In 1987 the herd, its brand, colors (sky blue and white), and seniority (8 April 1888) were inherited by Jaime de Pablo-Romero y Cámara, marking five

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generations of uninterrupted ownership. In 1998, they were sold out of the family and are now called “Partido de Resina (antes Pablo Romero).”246 Of the Pablo Romeros he saw in 1959, Díaz Cañabate wrote that they were handsome, fat, sad, and de-energized.247 The narrator describes the Pablo Romeros fought in Valencia by Antonio Bienvenida, Dominguín, and Jaime Ostos as “beautiful and huge” but weaklegged and lacking stamina (144); the ones fought in Madrid were also “weak” (74). In contrast, the Pablo Romeros that Luis Miguel fought in Algeciras were stronger and more agile (109). The narrator mentions that Ordóñez was lightly gored by a Pablo Romero during the running of the bulls in Pamplona (136).

Palace Hotel (Córdoba). See Córdoba Palace. Palace Hotel (Madrid). Address: Plaza de las Cortes, 7, Madrid. The fivestar Palace Hotel is near the Prado, the slightly older Ritz (q.v.), and the Palacio Villahermosa (now the Thyssen-Bornemisza Museum). It was built at the request of King Alfonso XIII (q.v.), who convinced millionaire Georges Marquet that Madrid needed such a luxury establishment. Construction began in 1912 and the five-hundred-room hotel opened fifteen months later, on 12 October 1913. It was then the largest hotel in Europe. Like all such establishments, the Palace Hotel has hosted a great many celebrities, including artists, writers, and movie stars (who were not permitted to stay at the nearby Ritz). It was known to cater to the international set, which gave it the reputation of being a meeting place for spies and other such international intriguers. The Palace Bar boasts that Hemingway was a frequent customer.248 One of the last scenes of The Sun Also Rises takes place in the bar of the Palace Hotel (243–45). Catherine and David Bourne stay in a “big room in The Palace in Madrid” (The Garden of Eden, 59). The narrator mentions that he stayed at the Palace Hotel in 1954 (54).

Palha. The Palha family ranch was established in Vila Franca de Xira, Portugal, c. 1850, by Antonio José Pereira Palha, who registered the breed under his name (Pereira), brand, and colors in Madrid in 1862. His son, don José Pereira Palha Blanco, presented the bulls to be fought in Madrid under his brand and colors (blue and white) on 4 November 1883; they have kept this antigüedad, or seniority, for more than a century. For more detail on the breeding of Palha bulls from the establishment of the ranch in 1850 until the publication of Death in the Afternoon in 1932, see Palha in HDIA. These are the “old Palhas” Hemingway mentions.

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José Pereira Palha Blanco, son of the founder, died in 1937, at the age of eighty-three. His nephews, Francisco and Carlos Van-Zeller Palha, and their descendants have continued the family practice of cross-breeding for strength. This venerable ganadería continues to produce a small number of bulls with the same characteristics as the original herd (mostly derived from Concha y Sierra bulls), but these are now fought only in Portugal. For the Spanish and French bullrings, where their strong bulls are highly valued, the Palha ranches produce two kinds of bulls: those descended from Miura stock and those that mix Concha y Sierra with Veragua blood.249 Ordóñez and Palha Bulls. Seven of the 113 bulls Ordóñez fought in 1959 were Palhas: two in Valencia (27 July), three in Bilbao (21 August; in addition to his own two, he also killed the Palha which gored Dominguín that day), and two in Mérida (4 September). The narrator remarks that the Palhas that Luis Miguel and Ordóñez fight in Bilbao were different from “the old Palhas.” One of them gores Luis Miguel quite seriously (195–96, 199–200).

Palma de Mallorca. Palma de Mallorca’s first bullring, built in 1865, was replaced by a large, striking structure that Cossío describes as probably the most important and beautiful of those built in the twentieth century. Called the Coliseo Balear, it is neoclassic in style, with white walls built of local stone and seats of a contrasting pink. Its four towers provide external access to the top rows, and its corrals, offices, and other dependencies are in keeping with its elegant appearance. It was inaugurated on 21 July 1929, by Antonio Márquez, Nicanor Villalta, and Félix Rodríguez (qq.v. in HDIA), who fought Pablo Romero bulls; the ceremonies opened with a display of rejoneo (with mounted bullfighters). The city also has a smaller bullring, called Cortijo Vista Alegre, inaugurated in 1959. It seats about a thousand people and is used for training and for tourist-oriented bullfighting displays. Luis Miguel in Palma de Mallorca. On 25 July 1959, Luis Miguel was the senior matador in a corrida that also featured Julio Aparicio and Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín); the bulls were M. Sánchez Cobaleda. The next day, as Hemingway accurately reports, Luis Miguel, Ordóñez, and Jaime Ostos fought in Tudela (q.v.); the bulls were Martínez Elizondo. Hemingway did not see these fights because he was in Valencia at the time (148). Ordóñez in Palma de Mallorca. In 1959, Ordóñez performed in the Coliseo Balear on 1 August. The bulls were Conde de la Corte, and his fellow matadors were Curro Girón (q.v.) and Antonio Borrero Moreno (Chamaco).

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He was awarded an ear for his second bull, which injured him.250 Hemingway did not see this fight. The narrator mentions Palma de Mallorca several times (148, 163, 164, 168–69), but does not describe any bullfight there.

Pamplona. Although Pamplona has a long history of bullfighting, documented as far back as the fourteenth century, its first bullring was not built until 1843.251 It burned down on 10 August 1921, about three weeks after the end of the traditional Pamplona feria of San Fermín (q.v.). The fire broke out in three locations at the same time, suggesting arson. A new, larger bullring, with a seating capacity of thirteen thousand, was constructed on the same site. It was finished in time for the ferias of 1922, so that there was no break in the annual celebrations. When Hemingway first visited Pamplona, in July 1923, this bullring was only one year old. Hemingway and Pamplona. In the nine years between 1923 and 1931, Hemingway attended seven of Pamplona’s sanfermines. After the Spanish Civil War, he did not visit Spain until the 1950s, when Franco, anxious to renew commercial and diplomatic ties with other countries, allowed the United States to open a base in Spain. Eisenhower’s visit to Spain in 1953 marked a turning point. Tempted by a favorable exchange rate, tourists (q.v.) flowed into Spain (Hemingway among them) and, inevitably, to Pamplona, the setting for much of the action of The Sun Also Rises (q.v.). In 1959, the city honored its famous literary friend with a lunch hosted by the mayor, Miguel Javier Urmeneta.252 Today a handsome bust of Hemingway stands in the Paseo Hemingway, near the bullring. It is decorated every July with the obligatory red neckerchief. Ordóñez and Pamplona. Ordóñez liked the Pamplona feria and performed there almost every year of his two decades as matador de alternativa.253 In 1959, he did not perform in Pamplona, but he and Hemingway enjoyed the week-long celebrations. The schedule for that year was: on 7 July: Curro Girón, Antonio Borrero (Chamaco), and Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín) fought Peralta bulls. on 8 July: Manolo Vázquez, Antonio Borrero (Chamaco), and Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín) fought Juan Pedro Domecq bulls. on 9 July: Pepe Luis Vázquez, Gregorio Sánchez, and Curro Girón fought Álvaro Domecq bulls. on 10 July: Gregorio Sánchez, Luis Segura, and Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín) fought Pablo Romero bulls. on 11 July: Ramón Solano (Solanito), Curro Girón, and Diego Puerta fought Miura bulls.

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on 12 July: Luis Segura, Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín), and Diego Puerta fought Garci-Grande bulls.254 Hemingway’s remarks about Pamplona reveal the consistency of his attitude towards the past (it was a happy time) and his resistance to change (it makes past happiness irrecoverable). In Death in the Afternoon, he connected Pamplona with himself and his way of dealing with change: “Pamplona is changed, of course, but not as much as we are older. I found that if you took a drink that it got very much the same as it was always. I know things change now and I do not care. It’s all been changed for me. Let it all change” (DIA, 278). Twenty-five years later, that attitude had hardened into denial: “all the overcrowding and the modernizations at Pamplona meant nothing. In Pamplona we had our old secret places. . . . The wine was as good as when you were twenty-one . . . everyone remembered how we were. . . . Nobody was defeated” (TDS, 139). The narrator describes Pamplona’s ferias of 1953 (48–52) and 1959 (134–40, 142) and refers frequently to the city and its bullfight traditions (43, 45, 133, 147, 163, 167, 180), its hotels (51, 52) and its restaurants (138, 139). Pamplona is described in positive terms: its feria is “lighthearted,” “healthy,” and “strenuous” (142, 167). He is aware of the influence of The Sun Also Rises on the city (136).

Papa. The widely used nickname Papa is generally assumed to derive from Hemingway’s first-born son, John, nicknamed Bumby, whose remark, “La vie est beau avec papa,” was quoted by Hemingway in a letter to Maxwell Perkins on 23 November 1926 and again in a letter to Fitzgerald probably written the next day. At that time, Hemingway was separating himself from Hadley and Bumby and needing to hear (and to say) that he was a good father. Although still in his twenties, Hemingway took to referring to himself as Papa, and the appellation, as well as its variant “Pappy,” was quickly adopted by friends such as Dos Passos and MacLeish, although both were older than Hemingway.255 It seems, however, that Hemingway was “Papa” long before he became a father. As his parents’ second child and their oldest son—he was three years older than Ursula, five years older than Madelaine, eleven years older than Carol, and sixteen years older than Leicester—he assumed authority early on. Mark Spilka writes that “By seventeen his paternal and protective instincts were . . . strong, and as his sister Marcelline attests, he . . . liked to pick up . . . baby Carol,” his youngest sister, and “dandle her on his knee.” In 1917, Hemingway left home for Kansas City, Missouri, and the next year, recovering from his wounds, he described plans that would keep

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him in Europe for six months and enjoined his siblings to “have a good time while Papa is away children.” The remark suggests that the nickname was in place before Hemingway left home.256 Hemingway’s father, Dr. Clarence Hemingway, often stayed in Oak Park while the family summered in Michigan’s Upper Peninsula—Burwell calls these “single-parent summers”—and Ernest supervised and instructed his younger siblings. According to Leicester, “It was hard for Mama to handle six children. So she delegated the older ones to look after the younger ones.” Ernest called his little brother “kid,” thus emphasizing the age difference between them. Indeed, “for most of his adult life Ernest had been passing as a couple of years older than he actually was . . . maintaining the image of a man more mature in years than he really was.” Leicester adds that Ernest “needed someone he could show off to as well as teach. He needed uncritical admiration. If the kid brother could show a little worshipful awe, that was a distinct aid in the relationship.”257 As Hemingway’s celebrity status grew, the nickname Papa was more frequently and publicly used. In Green Hills of Africa, Hemingway had the narrator’s wife address her husband, a fictionalized version of Hemingway himself, as Papa, Poppa, or Poor Old Poppa (22, 184, 206). As if to emphasize his patriarchal status, Hemingway took to calling his women friends “Daughter.” Taking “Papa” as “part of a larger cultural text” that includes the author and all “the writings associated with that figure,” Robert Scholes and Nancy R. Comley produced a rich reading of the word, using texts such as Sophocles’ play Philoctetes (“Papa as cry of pain leading to initiation”), Mozart’s opera The Magic Flute (“Papa as sign of fecundity and earthy happiness”), and Richard Strauss’s opera Der Rosenkavalier (“Papa as sexual predator and dumb ox”).258 Hemingway’s famous nickname was well established by the time he met A. E. Hotchner and Antonio Ordóñez, and both his young admirers adopted it in conversation and in writing—Hotchner titled his book about Hemingway Papa Hemingway: A Personal Memoir.259 For other nicknames, see Davis, Bill (in this volume); see also Pilar; Smith, William Benjamin (in HDIA). For Spanish nicknames, see Nicknames in HDIA. Speaking to each other, Ordóñez and Hotchner repeatedly acknowledge the narrator’s wisdom and authority: for example, “stay with Papa and do exactly as he says” (180–81).

Pastor, Juan. In her memoir, Mary Hemingway frequently mentions Juan, the Hemingways’ chauffeur in Cuba, but does not supply his last name.

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Fuentes, whose book is riddled with contradictions and inaccuracies, identifies Hemingway’s chauffeur as Juan Pastor.260 The narrator refers to his Cuban chauffeur, Juan (55).

Pecas, El Pecas (The Freckles). See Hotchner, Ed. The nickname “Pecas” is applied to Hotchner; “El Pecas” is his fictional taurine apodo (180–83). Pedestrian. A pedestrian is almost killed by Hemingway’s incompetent driver, who is soon relieved of his duties (66). Penicillin. This remarkable antibiotic was discovered twice, first in 1896 by a French medical student (no one paid any attention to his findings) and again in 1928 by Alexander Fleming (1881–1955), who was rewarded with fame and a knighthood. British and American scientists spent the next dozen years learning to grow, purify, and concentrate it, performing clinical tests, and trying to obtain government approval for its use. The outbreak of World War II gave urgency to the research, but as late as 1943 only “200 patients had been treated with the drug. The results were so impressive that the surgeon general of the United States Army authorized trial of the antibiotic in a military hospital. Soon thereafter, penicillin was adopted throughout the medical services of the United States Armed Forces.”261 Thus, “the present antibiotic era may be said to date from 1940, when the first account of the properties of an extract of cultures of Penicillium notatum appeared.”262 Dr. Francisco (Paco) Serra (q.v. in HDIA) was the first to use penicillin in the treatment of a goring. On 14 October 1944, he gave the new antibiotic to Manuel Cortés, a novillero who had been badly gored in the left thigh on 28 September 1944, in Algemesí. The local infirmary had applied a tourniquet and sent the young man to the better medical facilities in Valencia, but the car broke down on the way, and with one thing and another, Cortés didn’t arrive to Valencia until 9:00 PM. Needless to say, he was in pretty poor condition. Dr. Serra gave him three blood transfusions and finally came to the painful conclusion that the leg had to be amputated. He hesitated, because he recognized that “tal decisión representaba la muerte del torero, aunque se salvara el hombre” (this decision spelled death for the bullfighter, even if it saved the man). But the situation was desperate. Cortés survived the drastic surgery and even showed some improvement. But the wound became septic, whereupon Serra ordered penicillin. The patient improved markedly, but some time later he suddenly lost consciousness

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and died, probably from a blood clot or heart attack.263 In 1959, Hemingway discussed the importance of penicillin in the taurine world: Strangers to bullfighting are always puzzled why so many fighters are wounded and so few are killed. The answer is antibiotics and modern surgery. Penicillin and the other antibiotics are as important to a bullfighter, if he is to survive, as his confidential banderillero is. Penicillin is the unseen member of the cuadrilla. Without antibiotics there would have been at least twenty matadors and novilleros killed last season. With antibiotics and modern surgery many famous matadors who died in the past would have been saved.264

Or, as Nicanor Villalta put it, “Esto es lo que divide precisamente el toreo en dos épocas: antes y después del doctor Fleming” (It is precisely this which divides bullfighting into two periods: before and after Dr. Fleming).265 In the typescript of The Dangerous Summer, Antonio Ordóñez informs Hemingway that a statue honoring the man credited with the discovery of penicillin is going to be erected at Las Ventas.266 The statue, unveiled in 1964, shows a bullfighter, montera in hand, saluting Dr. Alexander Fleming. Pepica, La Pepica. Full name: Restaurante La Pepica. Address: Playa de Levante, 6 and 8, Grau de Valencia. Pepica was the nickname of Josefa Marqués, the founder of the establishment.267 At the end of the nineteenth century, Pepica Marqués was one of several people, mostly fishermen’s wives, who would set up temporary kiosks on the Grau of Valencia to provide meals for fishermen and other beach-front workers.268 Most of these merenderos (lunchrooms), whose location on the beach was determined by annual lottery, contained a kitchen, a serving counter, and a roofed but wall-less eating area with a long table (Hemingway describes Valencia’s “eating shacks on the beach” in Death in the Afternoon [44–45]). Many of these large but flimsy wooden buildings (about thirty meters deep and six meters wide) were destroyed by the 1927 temporal del Pilar (storm named after the Virgin of the Pillar, because it struck on her feast day, 12 October). In 1928, permanent structures were erected. In 1952, Pepica’s two sons and six daughters enlarged their family’s business, enclosing the open-air dining area and building another extension for outdoor meals. In 1993 the current owner, one of Pepica’s grandsons, expanded the business again.269 In addition to the large restaurant, Pepica’s boasts a bar whose mirror carries the legend “La Pepica Fundada Año 1898” (founded in 1898) and a hotel, also run by the current generation of the family.

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Hemingway and La Pepica. Hemingway, Ordóñez, and their friends seem to have eaten at Pepica’s on 28 June 1959, after the Alicante fight. A similar gathering, but without Ordóñez, enjoyed dinner at Pepica’s on 25 July and perhaps on other evenings during the Valencia fair of 1959. Pepica’s dining room displays a blow-up of Hemingway’s description of the meal (in Spanish translation) as well as pictures of the diners and of the staff, standing with Hemingway next to huge pans of paella. This photograph is signed by “Ernesto Hemingway” and dated “30/7/59,” but was probably taken on 28 June. The narrator and the rest of the crowd gather at Pepica’s for celebratory meals (123–25, 127, 147–48).

Peter, St. Peter. One of the twelve Apostles, a fisherman whose original name was Simon. He was the first of the Apostles to whom Jesus appeared after the Resurrection. His feast day, like that of St. Paul, is 29 June. The narrator mentions the holiday crowds on St. Peter’s day (131).

Photographers. In addition to the Spanish and European photographers who were documenting the taurine season, two Life photographers, Will Lang and Larry Burrows, accompanied Hemingway that summer. Hemingway reported that “after instruction and explanation” in the ethics of taurine photography, Burrows “moved around the callejón as cannily as a good banderillero.”270 See also Journalists. The narrator worries that the photographers will distract or disturb the bull, making him more dangerous to the matador (169–70). Photographers crowd around Dominguín when he is injured (160–61).

Picasso, Pablo. Full name: Pablo Ruiz Picasso. Spanish painter, sculptor, and ceramicist, 1881–1973; one of the founding forces of cubism and surrealism. His most famous works include Les Demoiselles d’Avignon (1907) and Guérnica (1937). After the Spanish Civil War Picasso lived in exile from Spain, satisfying his passion for the bullfight by attending corridas in Arles, Nîmes, and other French cities. He was introduced to Dominguín by Jean Cocteau in September 1958. According to Dominguín, Picasso was very friendly: he phoned Dominguín after he was gored in Valencia (30 July 1959) and again after he was gored in Bilbao (21 August 1959), this second time with an invitation for him and his family to convalesce in Picasso’s home in Cannes. This was the first of many visits, including several extended stays in Picasso’s château

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in Vauvenargues. Picasso and Dominguín became such good friends that Dominguín’s two older children were often left with Picasso and Jacqueline, and that Catherine, Jacqueline’s daughter, lived with the Dominguíns when she came to Spain to study Spanish. Dominguín and his wife Lucia Bosé named their third child, Paola (b. 1960), after Pablo Picasso; Picasso and Jacqueline were her godparents. At Picasso’s request, Dominguín wrote a prologue to the collection of drawings, sketches, and watercolors published under both their names as Toros y toreros (G. Gili, 1961). Several of Picasso’s paintings hung in Dominguín’s home. The Dominguíns attended three events in honor of Picasso’s eightieth birthday, in 1961: the family reunion, the public celebration in Nice, and the bullfight in Vallauris where Dominguín and Domingo Ortega dedicated their bulls to the painter. On several occasions Dominguín attempted to mediate between Franco and Picasso, but was unsuccessful. The friendship with Picasso ended soon after Dominguín and Lucia Bosé separated, but in the summer of 1959 the two families were still very close and Picasso openly expressed his admiration for Dominguín.271 Hemingway also mentioned Picasso in A Moveable Feast (117; see also 16, 19, 116, 206) and in Islands in the Stream (71). The narrator claims that Luis Miguel’s encounters with Ordóñez have shaken Dominguín’s self-confidence, so that Dominguín now thinks that only a few people still consider him “number one.” Among them is Pablo Picasso who, the narrator suggests, admires Dominguín only because he is out of touch with bullfighting in Spain (195).

Pilar. Pilar is the patron saint of Spain’s Guardia Civil (q.v.) and of the province of Aragón. Tradition has it that the Virgin appeared to St. James (Santiago) as he prayed at Zaragoza. A large, richly decorated basilica stands at the site of the shrine built by James to commemorate the miracle. A marble pillar (Spanish pilar), topped by an image of the virgin, supposedly marks the precise location of the vision and gives her the name, la Virgen del Pilar. Pilar’s feast day, 12 October, is celebrated in Zaragoza with a feria. Hemingway used the name Pilar as a code name or nickname for Pauline during their affair, and especially when they were separated, waiting for Hadley to agree to a divorce.272 Hemingway also gave this name to a character in For Whom the Bell Tolls and to his boat, a thirty-eight-foot doubleengine cabin cruiser built by the Wheeler Shipyards of Brooklyn. Hemingway took possession of the boat in 1934, on his way home from his first African safari. He loved the Pilar and often took guests aboard.

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The boat is now in dry dock in the Museo Ernesto Hemingway, at the Finca Vigía, Cuba. The narrator mentions that the Pilar is moored in Cuba (60).

Police. See Guardia Civil; Inspector. Prado. Full name: Museo del Prado de San Jerónimo (the Meadow of St. Jerome). The Prado, Madrid’s premier museum, was built on the grounds of the St. Jerome Monastery and of the Palace of Buen Retiro, at the end of the eighteenth century; the project’s principal architect was Juan de Villanueva. Originally intended as a natural history museum, it eventually opened as an art museum in 1819, displaying the royal collections of art works. Since then, the building has been expanded and remodeled several times to house the museum’s growing collection. Masters like el Greco, Goya, and Velázquez are well represented in the Prado, where Hemingway saw them. The Prado was one of Hemingway’s favorite museums; he praises it in Death in the Afternoon (51–52). The narrator visits the Prado (43, 101; mentioned 73).

Prayer. See Luck, Prayer. President. The president of the bullring is a high-ranking civil authority, often a governor or mayor, who imposes law and order upon performers and spectators; he represents the state. His duties are spelled out in the Reglamentos (legal taurine codes) that govern the bullfight and that have gotten longer and more detailed over the years. The president has full authority over everything that happens in the bullring, but since his appointment depends on his political status, he is not necessarily an expert on taurine matters. The taurine code of 1923 introduced two professional advisors into the presidential box: a salaried veterinarian to decide on matters pertaining to the bulls and the horses and an asesor técnico, usually a retired bullfighter or a well-informed aficionado, whose main duty was to indicate when it was time to change the tercios, or acts, of the bullfight. The 1930 Reglamento, written during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera (q.v. in HDIA), reduced these functionaries’ authority and markedly increased that of the president. Thus, since 1930, the president is not required to ask the advice of the veterinarian, retired matador (asesor), or any other expert who sits with him; he may do so if he wishes, but having received

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their advice, he is not required to heed it. This Reglamento also saw to it that the president receives the salutes of the bullfighters, gives the signal that the bull is to be let into the ring, makes sure the bull is properly pic-ed, may order banderillas negras if it is not, keeps track of time, issues warnings if any portion of the bullfight threatens to exceed the time limit, decides if any of the laws governing the fight have been breached, settles disputes, and imposes penalties. He also determines which and how many trophies (one ear, two ears, tail, hoof) are to be awarded to a successful matador, and which honors are due the bull (a celebratory turn around the ring or, much rarer, an indulto, or commutation of the death sentence).273 All his decisions are legally binding. Matadors often chafe at the president’s authority over their work, especially in the areas of pic-ing (tercio de varas) and the awarding of trophies. But the bullfight, like Spain before 1975, is not a democratic institution, and the president traditionally represents the state at the bullfight. Famous personalities are often honored by being invited to sit in the president’s box. Bullfighters are required to dedicate their first bull to the president or the presidencia, but after satisfying this formality a bullfighter may dedicate the same bull to any other individual or to the public as a whole. See also Spectators. The narrator mentions the president often (78, 79, 90, 92, 94, 95, 110-11, 116, 149, 155, 174, 188; see also 81).

Primo de Rivera, Miguel. Full name: Miguel Primo de Rivera y Urquijo. Spanish lawyer and politician, 1904–1968. His father was General Miguel Primo de Rivera (1870–1930), the dictator of Spain (1923–1930) who was ousted when the Republic was established and who died shortly thereafter; q.v. in HDIA). His older brother, José Antonio (1903–1936), helped establish the fascist Spanish Falange in 1934; he was killed in a Republican prison in Alicante on 20 November 1936. Another brother, Fernando, was also killed in the early days of the Civil War, on 23 August 1936. Miguel Primo de Rivera y Urquijo, a Falangist like his brothers, spent much of the war in Republican jails. After Franco’s victory, his lands and titles were restored to him and he was appointed Minister of Agriculture (1941–1945) and Ambassador to London (1951–1958), the post he was occupying when Hemingway returned to Spain in 1953. He was a long-time friend of Dominguín, and his daughter, Rosario Primo de Rivera y Urquijo, became Dominguín’s second wife in 1988. The “friend” who obtained the letter from Primo de Rivera may well have been Dominguín. Hemingway’s newspaper dispatches, speeches, and the film The Spanish Earth were all pro-Republican, and he did not visit Spain for fifteen years

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after the Republic fell. Once he came back to Spain, however, Hemingway was necessarily surrounded by tacit and active supporters of the Franco regime. For more detail on the effect of the Spanish Civil War and of Franco’s dictatorship on bullfighting, see Rodríguez Sánchez, Manuel; see also Spanish Civil War. For a failed attempt to topple the Primo de Rivera government in 1924, see Bidassoa [sic] in this volume; see Deva in HDIA. The narrator claims he is uneasy about visiting Franco’s Spain in 1953 and was “cheered . . . vaguely” to have the protection afforded by a letter from Miguel Primo de Rivera (44).

Prisoners. The two American women “captured” by Hemingway, Ordóñez, and Davis during the feria in Pamplona have been identified as Teddy Jo Paulson (nicknamed “Prisne” for “Prisoner”) and Mary Schoonmaker (nicknamed Mary Dos, to distinguish her from Mary Hemingway, who became Mary Uno). Different people remember them differently, but they seem to have been school teachers.274 Ordóñez recalls that two pretty French women, Nicole and Liz, were “captured” at La Rioja and joined the traveling troupe of merry-makers, but they are not mentioned in Hemingway’s account. However, in his letters to Hemingway, Hotchner sends warm greetings to “Annie [Davis], Mary [Hemingway], Valerie [Danby-Smith, later Hemingway], Nicole + any new females” and to “Valerie, Nicole and whatever new prisoners you may have hired on.” And in her book, Valerie Hemingway mentions a “young blond actress” who joined “the Hemingway cuadrilla, which seemed bent upon collecting as many pretty young girls as possible.”275 The narrator writes that a young Frenchman enjoying the feria at Pamplona “ceded” his female companion to Hemingway, Ordóñez, and Bill Davis, who took her prisoner (137–38).

Promoters. See Impresarios. Proverbs. When the narrator talks about the dangers of smashing “the whole basket of golden eggs” (148), he is conflating two stories or proverbs: the first being a warning against greed (the goose who laid the golden eggs was killed by greed), and the second about diversification of investments (do not put all your eggs in one basket). The narrator also refers to the proverbial saying about Madrid’s wind (76). This is the wind that blows from the Guadarrama Mountains: “Aire de Guadarrama, aire sutil, que mata a una persona, y no apaga un candil,” or, in a shorter version, “El Guadarrama sutil, que mata un hombre y no

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apaga un candil.” In 1911, an American travel writer presented a very free translation of this proverb: “There is a saying among the Spanish that the cool air of night, while too gracious to blow out a candle, will freeze a sentry in his box.” More recent guide books refer to the same saying when they warn that “the subtle air of Madrid ‘which will not extinguish a candle, will put out a man’s life’, and even on sunny days visitors should be on their guard against abrupt falls in temperature.” These translations, like Hemingway’s, are rough: a candil is a small oil lamp, not a candle (candle is candela or vela), and sutil means “penetrating” or “keen” as well as “delicate” and “subtle.”276 The proverb Hemingway mentions, about good bullfighters being born only south of Despeñaperros (q.v.), refers to the mountain pass of that name (67). Another version of this proverb is that “En Andalucía se torea; de Despeñaperros arriba, se trabaja” (In Andalucía there is bullfighting; north of Despeñaperros, there is work [i.e., no grace, no art: the bullfighters merely do their job]).277 Proverbs carry a great deal of truth and wisdom, but we should remember that gracefulness, although traditionally associated with Andalucía and particularly with its gypsies (see Triana in HDIA), can flower any place and in any one; see, for example, Félix Rodríguez in HDIA. See also Proverbs in HDIA. Public. See Spectators. El Pueblo. Illustrated Madrid newspaper, established in 1928. The reporter whom the narrator mentions but does not name was Marino Gómez Santos, who interviewed Ordóñez several times during the 1959 season. His lavishly illustrated six-part biographical essay, “Antonio Ordóñez Cuenta su Vida,” appeared in daily installments in El Pueblo, 6–11 July 1959. Hemingway modestly does not mention that Gómez Santos interviewed him as well, describing Hemingway as “timid, modest, angelically human . . . an adventurer, nephew of Ulysses . . . with the clear eyes of a twentyyear old” and so on: Gómez Santos’s portrait of Hemingway is as saccharine as his portrait of Ordóñez.278 The narrator mentions that a reporter from El Pueblo came to interview Antonio Ordóñez on 30 May, the day of the bullfight in Aranjuez at which Ordóñez was gored (87–88; see Journalists).

El Puerto de Santa María (Cádiz). The original bullring of El Puerto de Santa María, Las Galeras, was built in the mid-1700s and is mentioned in a royal edict, dated 1768, which decreed that each year the proceeds of ten corridas must be donated to a local hospital. The royal attention and the

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projected series of gala benefit corridas were the impetus for the construction of a new, larger plaza, which served the town from that date until about 1800, when it was replaced by an even larger but, unfortunately, short-lived structure: it burned down in September 1813. Another plaza was built on the same site in 1813–1814; this structure was completely renovated in 1842 and then replaced by yet another, larger one which took two years to complete (1878–1880). This handsome, well-appointed plaza seats between fourteen and fifteen thousand spectators. It is still in use. El Puerto de Santa María celebrates a two-week long fair in late April and early May. Regular bullfights are held throughout the taurine season in this beautiful town which boasts a great afición. On 12 July 1959, Dominguín, Ordóñez, and Mondeño (qq.v.) fought Benítez Cubero (q.v.) bulls in El Puerto de Santa María. Ordóñez received an ovation for his first bull and was awarded an ear for his second, but the afternoon was generally acknowledged to be a “Gran triunfo de Luis Miguel” (a great triumph for Luis Miguel), who cut three ears.279 Hemingway did not see this corrida. The narrator grudgingly acknowledges Dominguín’s triumph at El Puerto de Santa María (136–37).

–Q– Quintana, Juan. Full name: Juan Quintana Urra. Spanish hotelier and aficionado, c. 1891–1974. Hemingway met Quintana in the early 1920s (see Quintana in HDIA), when he owned and managed the Hotel Quintana in Pamplona, which was popular with bullfighters and with Hemingway. Because right-wing Pamplona was in the Nationalist camp, the Republican Quintana lost the hotel and his livelihood in the 1930s. During and after the Civil War, Quintana lived in San Sebastián, “working for a wine company and living in penury in a walk-up flat.”280 Hemingway and Quintana did not meet again until Hemingway’s first post-war trip to Spain, in 1953. Peter Viertel, who claims to have traveled with Hemingway from France to Pamplona that year, wrote that Quintana was “a small man, nearly bald, somewhat impoverished-looking in his gray summer suit. . . . His eyes filled with tears as he greeted Hemingway, their long embrace bringing back memories of better days.”281 Hemingway and Quintana were together during the bullfights in Pamplona, Madrid, and Valencia, 1953; in Madrid in 1954; and in Logroño and Zaragoza in 1956. In 1959, Quintana went with Hemingway, Davis, and

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Ordóñez to several corridas and ferias, including those of Málaga and Madrid and, of course, Pamplona. The Life version of The Dangerous Summer reports that during their conversations at La Cónsula, Hemingway and Quintana discussed the contributions of penicillin (q.v.) and modern surgery to bullfighting and to individual bullfighters.282 Penicillin is, of course, a centerpiece of taurine medicine, and in the 1950s it was still new enough to be considered “miraculous.” (During their “medical” conversations, Hemingway and Quintana seem not to have mentioned improved transportation, including ambulances and medical helicopters, which rush wounded bullfighters from small-town bullrings to well-equipped medical centers like the Ruber Clinic [q.v.] and supply treatment en route.) Early in 1974, recognizing that he was close to death, Quintana asked to be transferred from San Sebastián to Pamplona. He died at the Casa de Misericordia (parochial poorhouse) on 27 January and is buried in his native city.283 Quintana is “an old friend” whom the narrator identifies as the prototype for Montoya in The Sun Also Rises (53). The narrator reports that Quintana has sold his hotel in Pamplona (139) but maintains his interest in bullfighting (58). He and the narrator renew their friendship in 1959 (64–65, 69). Quintana speaks: 63–64.

–R– Reader’s Digest. A monthly American magazine that publishes summaries of articles from leading newspapers and magazines. It was established in 1922 by (William Ray) DeWitt Wallace (1889–1981) and achieved enormous popularity: it is translated into seventeen languages and for many years was one of the best-selling magazines in the United States (circulation of thirty million in 1980). As its name indicates, it summarizes and simplifies previously published material for the general readership. The narrator damns the journalist (q.v.) who attacks him by connecting him to the Reader’s Digest (140).

Redondel. A circle, or the round arena in which the bullfight actually occurs. Hemingway mistakenly uses this word to identify the circular section of the pic called the arandela. The purpose of the round arandela was to limit the pic’s entry into the body of the bull. The cross-shaped cruceta replaced the arandela in the 1962 Reglamento.284 See Sevilla.

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The narrator reports that the redondels [sic] used by the picadors in Seville were defective (81).

Reporters. See Journalists. Restaurants. For details about the restaurants mentioned in The Dangerous Summer, see Aranjuez; Casa Luis; Choko’s Bar; El Coto; Delicias; Madrid; Marceliano; Pepica; El Rey Noble; Suecia. For personnel associated with restaurants, see also Hotel Keepers; Waiter. Refer also to “The Functions of Place Names,” in the User’s Guide of this volume. El Rey Noble. Full name: Hostal del Rey Noble. Its restaurant was called “Las Pocholas” (Basque for “pretty girls,” after the nine sisters of the Guerendiain Larrayoz family who were noted restaurateurs. Their first establishment, Casa Cuevas, opened in the early 1930s, and in 1938 they set up their four-fork restaurant in the Hostal del Rey Noble. Address: Paseo Sarasate, 6, Pamplona. In 2000, both the hotel and the restaurant closed, and the building now houses a bank office.285 The narrator recalls that in July 1953 he arranged to meet Ordóñez at El Rey Noble (52).

Ritz, Ritz Hotel. Address: Plaza de la Lealtad, 5, 28014 Madrid; next to the Prado Museum. Madrid’s Hotel Ritz stands on land previously occupied by the Tivoli Theater and the Circo Hipódromo; it was designed by C. H. Mewes, the architect responsible for the Paris Ritz. Construction began in 1908 and the hotel was officially opened in 1910, in the presence of Spain’s King Alfonso XIII. From its inauguration to the end of Franco’s dictatorship and for a few years afterwards, the Ritz catered to royalty, aristocrats, and other members of the upper crust. Movie stars, writers, politicians, and other celebrities who might bring a whiff of publicity or the bohemian to the establishment were excluded. A few years after Franco’s death, the five-star Ritz opened its doors more widely. The Paris Ritz. As correspondents in 1940, Ernest and Mary Walsh stayed at the Paris Ritz, then managed by its founder, César Ritz. Their stay was probably engineered by his son, Charles Ritz, who was a friend. In Madrid, however, they stayed at the Palace and Suecia Hotels (qq.v.). Refer to “The Functions of Place Names,” in the User’s Guide of this volume. The narrator accurately situates the Coto restaurant near the Hotel Ritz in Madrid (73).

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RIVALRY AND COOPERATION

Rivalry and Cooperation. Taurine “rivalries” are often partnerships or competitions, the two maestros usually expressing mutual respect and friendship. They occur when two bullfighters, representing different styles, geographical regions, or philosophies, dominate the taurine landscape, usually for several years, so that their names are as thoroughly linked as their fans are thoroughly divided. Ordóñez and Dominguín were two masters, but they were not “rivals” in the same sense that Lagartijo and Frascuelo, Bombita and Machaquito, and Joselito and Belmonte (qq.v. in HDIA) were. At different times in their careers, they were linked with other famous names for a season or two (e.g., Luis Miguel and Manolete, q.v.; refer also to endnote 218), but these series of joint performances, which were not inscribed into literature, are less familiar to the English-speaking world. For more detail, refer to “The Facts of 1959: The Taurine Season,” in the Introduction to this volume; for Hemingway’s own intense rivalry with other writers, see Authors; Boxing; Faulkner; Frank (in HDIA). The narrator insists that “Bullfighting is worthless without rivalry” (64), discusses taurine rivalry in general (64, 141–42, 166), refers obliquely to the rivalry between Dominguín and Manolete (q.v.), and focuses directly on the relationship between Dominguín and Ordóñez (75, 108, 111–12, 114, 147, 152–53, 192, 205). He also refers to his own attitude: he tried to be impartial (111) but recognized his preference for Ordóñez (152). Still, he claims to have “worried” about Dominguín (169–70) and “admired” him (171). He also insists in a graceless sentence that mutual help is the norm in the taurine world (141–42; see also 77, 99) and that the feeling of solidarity extends to friends as well as colleagues (131).

Rivers, Mountains. Hemingway mentions several rivers and mountain ranges, often in connection with the Civil Guard or military operations: see Aisne; Bidassoa [sic]; Ebro; Sierra de la Guadarrama; Spanish Civil War. Rodríguez Sánchez, Manuel (Manolete, el monstruo de Córdoba). Spanish bullfighter, 1917–1947. Investiture as matador de toros, in Seville, 2 July 1939, granted by Manuel Jiménez (Chicuelo) and witnessed by Rafael Vega de los Reyes (Gitanillo de Triana, qq.v. in HDIA); confirmed by Marcial Lalanda (q.v. in HDIA) in Madrid, on 12 October the same year. Manolete was the third bullfighter in his family of that name and nickname. His grandfather had been a banderillero; his father (1883–1923) had been promoted to matador de toros by Machaquito (q.v. in HDIA) and had been a promising fighter, though weakened by chronic illness. Manolete was also related to José Rodríguez (Pepete, 1824–1862), the first bullfighter killed by a Miura (q.v.), and his uncle was José Rodríguez Sánchez

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(Bebe Chico, 1870–1922), a banderillero who lost a leg due to a goring. On his father’s side, then, there was a great deal of sangre torera (taurine blood) but not much luck or health. Manolete was very attached to his mother, Angustias Sánchez Martínez (1880–1980). She married twice, both times to bullfighters. She was widowed of her first husband, Rafael Molina (Lagartijo Chico, a talented nephew of the great Lagartijo, q.v. in HDIA) in 1910, when she was thirty years old. She was thirty-seven when Manolete was born, and forty-two when she was widowed a second time.286 As her only son, Manolete was drawn to bullfighting not only as a filial duty to his late father, but as financial salvation for his impoverished mother and older sisters. In contrast to most taurine stars, who attract attention as novilleros, Manolete was practically unknown at the time of his Madrid debut as novillero in May 1935. At that important event, he did not particularly impress the Madrid public (to whom he was erroneously introduced as Ángel Rodríguez), and the hope for an alternativa receded. To make matters worse, the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War (q.v.) drew him into the army. But he was sufficiently active in bullfighting during the war to warrant the promotion to matador de toros just three months after it ended. He was then, and for the rest of his career, aggressively promoted by José Flores González (Camará). (For a discussion of Camará’s tactics and influence, refer to the section on “Impresarios, Apoderados, and the Rise of los Trusts,” in the Introduction to this volume.) During the lean post-war years, Manolete became Spain’s top-ranking matador. In 1940, his first full season as matador de alternativa, he fought in fifty of the one hundred and fifty-one corridas offered that year; he was ranked second, the first and third positions being occupied by the wellestablished Domingo Ortega and Marcial Lalanda (q.v. in HDIA). Ortega was then thirty-two years old and had been promoted to matador almost a decade earlier; Lalanda, thirty-seven years old, had been promoted in 1921. Manolete, twenty-three years old and only recently promoted, was the first of the post-war greats. His charismatic personality and his calm, impressive style led to fiftyeight corridas in 1941 (ranked third), seventy-two in 1942 (ranked second), seventy-one in 1943 (ranked first), ninety-two in 1944 (ranked first), and seventy-one in 1945 (thirty-three additional corridas had been canceled due to the injury suffered on 29 July; he was ranked second that year). He was similarly successful in Mexico, Peru, Venezuela, and Colombia. Manolete spent most of 1946 in Latin America, returning to Spain for only one performance at the end of the season; his fellow matadors that day were Luis Miguel González Lucas (Dominguín, q.v., ranked first nationwide that

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year) and Antonio Mejías Jiménez (Bienvenida, q.v.). Perhaps because the younger stars were so dashing, or perhaps because of his long absence from the Spanish arena, Manolete was poorly received that afternoon. He shared the bill with Dominguín again on the fateful afternoon in August 1947, in Linares (q.v.), where he was killed by the Miura bull Islero. Manolete’s international success attracted attention, money, and talent to a thoroughly Spanish art at a time when Spain’s repressive political regime drove many of her artists (e.g., Casals, Picasso) into exile. From 1940 until 1945, Manolete was Spain’s leading bullfighter, his success signalling that bullfighting was still a viable profession. In those years the numbers of active matadores de alternativa more than doubled, from nineteen to fiftytwo, and the number of corridas went from 151 to 288. Manolete’s sober, serious, spare style matched the temper of isolated, post-war Spain: he was inflexibly vertical in his approach, his tall, slim figure working in the small territory he staked out for himself.287 Using a limited repertoire of passes, he forced all bulls, whatever their age, weight, or the condition of their horns, to conform to the performance he wished to present to his audience. Like a dictator, he and his manager Camará imposed their will on bull breeders, bullring personnel, bullring impresarios, other bullfighters and, of course, his huge public, which willingly paid the prices he demanded. There were other important bullfighters during those years: veterans like Luis Gómez (el Estudiante), Marcial Lalanda, Pepe Bienvenida, and Domingo Ortega; contemporaries like Juan Belmonte Campoy and Pepe Luis Vázquez; and newcomers like Luis Miguel Dominguín and the Mexican Carlos Arruza. But Manolete was, as Cossío put it, “el eje alrededor del cual gira toda la actividad taurina de España” (the axis about which all of Spain’s taurine activity revolves).288 Taurine critics speak of Manolete’s “enorme personalidad,” his unshakable self-confidence and pride. Díaz Cañabate perceptively writes that “en aquellos años cuarenta de fervor patriótico y de dificultades de todo tipo para que el toreo fuera lo que había sido . . . Manolete suscita paradójicamente con su triste figura una cierta alegría en la fiesta” (in the fervently patriotic 1940s, facing all kinds of obstacles that kept bullfighting from being all that it had once been . . . the sad, sober Manolete paradoxically brought joy to bullfighting).289 Manolete struck a strong responsive chord outside of Spain as well. Expatriate Spaniards as well as the Spanish-speaking Latin Americans who, even after achieving independence, considered Spain la madre patria (the mother country) could attach their nostalgia for things Spanish to Manolete’s attenuated elegance and his characteristically sad face. The circumstances of his early death—he died at the peak of his powers, in the

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performance of his craft, and only a few weeks before his wedding and retirement—solidified his position as hero. The fiftieth anniversary of Manolete’s death was marked by Francisco Narbona’s Manolete: 50 años desde su muerte (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1997), which includes a fine bibliography and filmography. Filiberto Mira’s excellent biography, Vida y tragedia de Manolete (Valencia: Aplausos, D.L., 1984), presents statistics about his injuries and a complete schedule of his performances. Paco Laguna Menor’s four-volume Tauromaquia de Manolete (Córdoba: Gráficas Galán, 1987–1993) offers a pictorial record. Scores of other books and articles discuss Manolete’s life, art, impact, and death. Hemingway and Manolete. By attacking this Spanish icon (see Tricks), Hemingway offended much of the Spanish-speaking world. Unlike his ad hominem attacks on Domingo Ortega, Cayetano Ordóñez, and Manuel Jiménez (Chicuelo) in Death in the Afternoon, and his irresponsible treatment of Dominguín in The Dangerous Summer, his disparagement of Manolete was far more than a taurine faux pas. Manolete had come to represent Spain, and Hemingway’s attack offended all lovers of Spain, regardless of their politics. In The Dangerous Summer, Hemingway remarks that Manolete had been able to perform showy maneuvers because he fought specially breddown bulls or bulls whose horns had been tampered with (46–48). Actually, the complaint that young, underweight bulls and even utreros (between two and three years old) were being fought in corridas de toros dates back to the 1920s, when more than one respected critic railed against “el toro chico,”290 even though the smaller, more agile bull was obviously more suited to the stirringly close work which characterized modern (i.e., post-Belmonte) bullfighting. In addition, the bull-breeding industry, hard hit by the Spanish Civil War, was selling off bulls that had not yet reached the requisite age and weight, in order to save on a year of pasturage. (See Bull, Half-Bull; refer also to the section on “Bulls and Bull Breeding,” in the Introduction to this volume.) Hemingway’s complaint is not unjustified, but the implied obverse, that Manolete’s contemporaries were fighting larger, older bulls was, to say the least, inappropriate. The shaving of the bulls’ horns, which Hemingway also connects directly to Manolete, was also an older, rather widespread phenomenon. It had, however, become more worrisome after the Spanish Civil War. As Cossío delicately puts it, “Años más cómodos para el toreo no creo que los registre la historia taurina en sus anales” (The conditions of the times, i.e., the 1940s and 1950s, were unprecedently accommodating or comfortable for toreo). But, Cossío adds, all the bullfighters of the period enjoyed the

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same favorable conditions and only a few rose to such heights as Manolete. Besides, “Manolete era capaz de enfrentarse con toda clase de toros” (Manolete could handle any kind of bull) and to say that upon occasion he fought shaved or underweight bulls is merely to make a historically accurate but critically irrelevant remark.291 Almost unanimously, contemporary critics agree that regardless of the bulls that were offered him, Manolete gave consistently brave and sober performances, killing with a sure hand and steady nerves. Although he did not use a wide variety of techniques, his performances were artistic, flavored by his strong personality. Did Hemingway See Manolete Perform? Hemingway did not attend corridas when he visited Spain during the Spanish Civil War and, as he says, he was absent from the country “for fourteen years” (TDS, 46)— from November 1939 until 1953. Thus, he missed Manolete’s Spanish career. In 1942, however, Hemingway and Martha Gellhorn spent two weeks in Mexico, and Hemingway saw bullfights for the first time since 1934. But he did not see Manolete, for the simple reason that Manolete did not perform in Mexico that year. In a 1942 newspaper interview, Hemingway remarked that he was unfamiliar with current bullfighters: “A los modernos diestros españoles, Manolete, Pepe Luis Vázquez, el hijo de Belmonte, el nuevo Gallito y otros, no los conozco y ni siquiera tengo informes fidedignos que me permitan formar un juicio acerca de ellos. Desde luego han de valer, donde han podido llegar tan alto” (I’m not familiar with the modern Spanish bullfighters—Manolete, Pepe Luis Vázquez, the son of Belmonte, the new Gallito and others—nor have I had trustworthy reports that would enable me to evaluate them. Of course, they must be good, to have reached such high positions). Asked about the corridas he had seen in Mexico, Hemingway singled out Carlos Arruza for praise. He also praised the Mexican bulls, describing them as small but brave and lively.292 Five years later, though, Hemingway did see Manolete in Mexico, though he does not say so clearly. He merely remarks that “Mary had seen Manolete fight in his last appearance in Mexico” (TDS, 46). Manolete’s last Mexican fight in 1947 was in Mérida, Yucatán, on 9 February 1947, and the mention of Mérida in an unpublished letter dated 19 February 1947 indicates that Hemingway saw this fight: “I flew to Merida . . . to see Manolete. . . . Last chance to see him. He had lousy bulls and was also lousy himself. . . . Took Mary and we had a good time. She enjoyed the fights very much. I didn’t get any kick out of them at all. Without good bulls, big enough to be dangerous, there’s no point to it.”293 The letter is accurate: it was the “last chance to see him” because that Mérida fight turned out to be “his last appearance in Mexico”; six months after it, Manolete

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was dead.294 And Hemingway’s evaluation of that corrida, which marked his first and only exposure to Manolete, is also accurate. The afternoon’s three performers (Manolete, Fermín Rivera, and Gregorio García) struggled with windy weather and difficult bulls. Even under these untoward circumstances, Manolete cut the ear of his first bull, the only trophy awarded on that disappointing afternoon.295 Note: Both Life and Life en español published a photograph of Manolete in their first installments of Hemingway’s account of the 1959 season, but no such photograph appears in the book version.296 Responses to Hemingway’s Remarks. Hemingway’s remarks about Manolete’s half-bulls (46–48, 90–91, 92, 156) and tricks (64, 88, 94, see also 196), aroused the ire of those who admired Manolete—that is, most of the taurine world. Life en español published angry letters to the editor from readers in the United States and Mexico.297 An editorial in Arriba accused Hemingway of not understanding Spain (“El mundo español es diferente a lo que él se imagina”; the Spanish world is different from what he imagines) and Dominguín fulminated that Hemingway was ignorant about bullfighting and about Spain and even about his own craft. Edward Stanton’s criticism was more moderate: “Hemingway had seen Manolete in one corrida . . . This was hardly sufficient evidence on which to base a total comparison between Manolete and Ordóñez.”298 But Hemingway’s admirers sprang to his defense. Ordóñez praised Manolete but defended Hemingway’s opinions, insisting that Hemingway “understood the soul of bullfighting. . . . His remarks about the bullfight made it clear to me that he had a deep and complete knowledge of the essential meaning of bullfighting.” Ordóñez further claimed that Hemingway’s use of the word “tricks” was “a mistranslation” for trucos and explained that “Truco can . . . be a positive term when, for example, it applies to food and drink. I don’t think Hemingway meant to criticize Manolete.” Professor José Luis Castillo Puche wrote that Hemingway “[se ha] profundizado en nuestra fiesta . . . [él] sabe más y mejor de nuestro país que muchos españoles” (has immersed himself in the bullfight . . . he is better informed about our country than many Spaniards).299 Note: We should remember that it was Victoriano de la Serna (q.v. in HDIA) and not Manolete who created the showy manoletina. This muleta pass carries Manolete’s name because he perfected and popularized it (see Tricks). The narrator criticizes Chicuelo II (90–92), Dominguín (156, 187, 196), and even Ordóñez (94, 188) for courting the audience with Manolete-type “tricks.” He mentions that Mary had seen Manolete perform in Mexico and vaguely implies that he had too (46).

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Rolls Royce. Usually hyphenated: Rolls-Royce. Prestigious company famous for its fine cars and airplane engines. Full names of the two British founders: Charles Stewart Rolls and Sir Henry Royce. Rolls was an aviator and car manufacturer (1877–1910) and Royce designed engines and cars. In 1906 they merged their two companies, C. S. Rolls & Co. and Royce, Ltd., to form Rolls-Royce, Ltd. Their first model, the Silver Ghost, was based on Royce’s design for a 40–50 horsepower side-valve engined chassis. In 1914, it was voted the Best Motor Car in the World, and their cars have since won many other awards for excellence. In 1931, they acquired the Bentley Motor Company. Their individualized luxury cars have an international clientele. During World War II, the Rolls-Royce Merlin engine, introduced in 1931, powered fighter planes, and the company’s Meteor engine ran the Centurion tank. During the post-war years, demand for luxury cars fell sharply. In 1971 the company’s jet engine division lost a major contract, and the British government intervened by nationalizing the aerospace division, Rolls-Royce, PLC. The automobile division, renamed Rolls-Royce Motor Cars, Ltd., was forced to go public. In 1980 it was acquired by Vickers PLC, a manufacturer of military equipment, keeping its name even though it had become a wholly owned subsidiary. In 1998, this British status symbol underwent the final indignity when the rights to the RollsRoyce name were acquired by Bavarian Motor Works (BMW), although the company itself (including the Bentley) was bought by Volkswagen. The confusing situation was more or less resolved by an agreement stipulating that, beginning on 1 January 2003, only BMW could name cars “RollsRoyce” and VW could produce Bentleys. Thus, the modern Rolls-Royce Phantom is manufactured by BMW and the modern Bentleys are manufactured by the Volkswagen Group.300 The Gold-Trimmed Rolls Royce. Hemingway may have been thinking of the so-called Gold Car, a Daimler built in 1951 for Sir Bernard Docker, chairman of the BSA-Daimler Group, and his wife Nora. The “resplendent” car “was black . . . above the waistline . . . the side panels below [were] black with tiny gold stars. . . . Each and every part of the car that would normally have been finished in chromium was plated with gold. . . . The Thermos tea-jug was gold plated all over as was also the handle and clip of the ‘Perspex’ sandwich box. . . . In the armrests were gold plated controls for the radio.” The car was “[p]ossibly the most magnificent and expensive Daimler ever to be made” and it was exhibited, photographed, and much talked about in the 1950s.301 But it was not a Rolls. The present Earl of Dudley recalls that his father owned a Rolls-Royce “before the war, and . . . he may also have had a Rolls-Royce after the war,

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but I do not think that it ever had gold trimmings.” The widow of the Earl of Dudley confirms that her husband went to the Pamplona feria in 1953, at which time he owned a Rolls-Royce. The car was “untouched by any gold trimmings” but “might have had a thin yellow line along the top of the doors and perhaps a crest on the doors.” The yellow decorations “would have stood out from the black or dark blue carrosserie.” The Earl of Dudley’s dark-blue, yellow-trimmed Rolls-Royce may have reminded Hemingway of the gold-trimmed Daimler.302 See also Cars. The narrator reports that the Earl of Dudley (q.v.) brought his “gold-trimmed” car to the 1953 bullfights in Pamplona. The fiestas were such a success that the narrator, who originally disapproved of the showy Rolls, eventually came to think of it as “charming” (49).

Roman Catholic. See Luck, Prayer. Romero, Pablo. See Pablo Romero. Romero, Pedro. Spanish bullfighter, 1754–1839. An outstanding matador, Romero attracted royal attention early on and performed for many years at court, where his magnificent performances were much applauded. Romero never suffered a wound and he killed, it is claimed, all his bulls on the first try. Still limber at age seventy-six, he asked to be appointed to the faculty of the newly formed bullfighting school in Seville, where he trained boys and young men for the profession. Romero is one of the masters of all time, legendary for the length and excellence of his career. He propelled his hometown of Ronda (q.v.), la de los toreros machos, into bullfighting history. For a more detailed account of his career and family, see Romero, Pedro in HDIA. For the Romero bicentennial and the medal Hemingway mentions, see Mayor of Ronda. The narrator accompanied Antonio Ordóñez to Ronda, birthplace of Ordóñez as well as of Pedro Romero, where Ordóñez was to receive a dressy parade cape from his fan club. The narrator was surprised and pleased when he was given the Ronda medal, which commemorated the birth of Pedro Romero (112, 203).

Rommel. Full name: Erwin Johannes Eugen Rommel (the Desert Fox). German military leader, 1891–1944; German field marshal in World War II. In World War II Rommel commanded the Seventh Panzer Division, which attacked France. In 1941 he was appointed commander of the Afrika Korps and much of his reputation is due to his constant and extended offensives in Africa. After his defeat at el-Alamein, Rommel was appointed

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RONCESVALLES

to France, to prepare for the threatened Allied invasion. His participation in the 1944 plot against Hitler led to enforced suicide. In Hemingway’s novel Across the River and into the Trees, Colonel Cantwell claims to have met Rommel in World War I (122, 231, 250, 286). The narrative accurately identifies Gianfranco Ivancich (q.v.) as an officer who fought under Rommel in World War II (45).

Roncesvalles. Pass in the western Pyrenees, between Spain and France, near the Spanish town of Burguete. It is traditionally associated with Roland, the hero of the medieval Chanson de Roland and the last of Charlemagne’s men to be killed in Roncesvalles when the Basques ambushed Charlemagne’s retreating army in 778. Roncesvalles was visited by the characters of Hemingway’s The Sun Also Rises (128–29). The narrator mentions the famous pass at Roncesvalles (139).

Ronda. An old, striking city with a dramatic gorge and spectacular views of the surrounding valleys and mountains, Ronda was incorporated into the kingdom of Ferdinand and Isabella on 12 May 1485, an event commemorated by an annual corrida; a second corrida is held every year in September. Ronda’s first bullring (capacity of about six thousand people) was built in the 1780s (1785 is the date most often given), perhaps as a response to the success of Pedro Romero (q.v.). Ronda’s claim that this is Spain’s oldest bullring has been challenged, but it certainly is among Spain’s oldest and most beautiful bullrings. Dating a bullring can be tricky: sometimes the date given marks the moment when the decision to build the bullring was taken, or the moment when construction began, or the date of the bullring’s “first” corrida, which can be either an inaugural corrida in the finished ring, or a corrida held in an almost-but-not-quite finished ring, to mark a special event or even to raise funds to finish the bullring; such a corrida would usually be followed by an inaugural corrida, both of them claiming to be the ring’s first. Madrid’s Las Ventas, for example, held its “first” corrida in 1931 and in 1934. The Ronda bullring’s inaugural corrida, in 1785, featured Pedro Romero and Pepe-Hillo (q.v. in HDIA). Like the bullring of Seville, the Ronda ring is the property of the city’s Real Maestranza de Caballería (maestrantes are usually aristocrats who come together to build, support and run the plaza; refer to the section on Maestranzas in “The Bullring,” in the Introduction). It has been renovated several times, increasing its seating capacity to about eight thousand but without altering its beautiful neoclassic lines.

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The Romero family brought Ronda to taurine prominence in the eighteenth century, and the taurine connection was strengthened by the Ordóñez dynasty in the twentieth century. During the celebration of the Romero bicentennial, obviously an important event for Ronda, frequent reference was made to Goya, who had painted a portrait of Romero (as well, of course, as many other taurine figures, in full dress). There were gorgeous displays of period costumes, taken from Goya’s paintings, as well as parades, literary and musical competitions, and the city’s first corrida goyesca, which was quickly sold out. The cartel included Antonio Mejías (Bienvenida, q.v.), Cayetano Ordóñez (Niño de la Palma, older brother of Antonio Ordóñez, q.v.), and César Girón, with bulls from six different ranches (Miura, Concha y Sierra, Felipe Bartolomé, Pablo Romero, Buendía, and Bohórquez).303 The celebrations were so expensive that the city did not sponsor corridas goyescas in 1955 or 1956. In 1957, however, Antonio Ordóñez used his fame and influence to establish such corridas as an annual taurine event. He himself performed in them almost every year, up to and including the goyesca of 1980, which marked his last performance in his beloved Ronda bullring. Ronda and Literature: Rilke, Joyce, and Hemingway. Ronda was loved by Rainer Maria Rilke (1875–1926), author of The Spanish Trilogy, who lived in the Hotel Reina Victoria from December 1912 to February 1913; his room is now a museum and a statue of Rilke stands in the hotel’s gardens. James Joyce mentioned Ronda in the Molly Bloom monologue: “Ronda with the old windows of the posadas glancing eyes a lattice hid for her lover to kiss the iron and the wineshops half open at night and the castanets and the night we missed the boat at Algeciras” (Ulysses, 768). Hemingway visited Ronda in the 1920s and described the city in Death in the Afternoon (42–43 et passim; see also Ronda in HDIA). In 1959, he visited Ronda at least twice, once in May (see Mayor of Ronda) and again for the corrida goyesca of 10 September, at which Antonio Ordóñez and his companions performed in the nineteenth-century dress depicted by Goya.304 Acknowledging the Ronda-Hemingway connection, the Hemingway Society held its Twelfth International Hemingway Conference in Ronda, in June 2006. The narrator mentions Ordóñez’s native Ronda, connecting it to Pedro Romero (109, 112–13, 203).

Royal, Hotel Royal. Address: 23 Calle Pintor Sorolla, Valencia. The Royal was on the taurine circuit, as were several other Valencian hotels of various price ranges. The hotel no longer exists.

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When Hemingway came to Valencia in 1959, he stayed at the Hotel Victoria (q.v.), which is not a taurine hotel. Refer to “The Functions of Place Names,” in the User’s Guide of this volume. The narrator cannot get a room at the fully booked Hotel Royal, but meets friends at its bar. The air-conditioning is much appreciated in the summer of 1959 (144, 163).

Ruber, Clínica Ruber. Full name: Ruber Centro Clínico. Address: Calle Juan Bravo 49, Madrid. This private clinic was established in 1942 by two partners whose last names, Ruiz and Bergaz, provided the two syllables of its name. Soon after the clinic was founded, Ruiz sold his share to his partner Francisco Bergaz Santos, whose family is still involved in managing and fundraising. Over the years it has expanded considerably, maintaining its excellent reputation and catering to the rich and famous. A sister institution, also private, is the Hospital Ruber Internacional, at Calle La Masó, 38 Mirasierra, 28034 Madrid. It was founded in October 1983.305 Both Ordóñez and Luis Miguel are hospitalized in the Ruber Clinic in Madrid (96, 163, 206).

–S– Salas, the Salas Brothers. See Silvestre Gómez, Enrique; Silvestre Gómez, Manuel. San Jerónimo. See Monasterio de San Jerónimo. Sánchez, Gregorio. Full name: Gregorio Lozano Sánchez. Spanish bullfighter, b. circa 1930. Investiture as matador de toros, 1 April 1956, in Seville, granted by Antonio Bienvenida; confirmed in Madrid 14 May that same season. Unlike most bullfighters, who fight becerros (calves) in their early teens or even earlier, Gregorio Sánchez began his training in 1948, when he was eighteen or, according to Bagüés’s account, twenty-one years old. He did not make his Madrid debut as novillero until 1953, but by 1955 his skillful cape- and swordwork had established him as an important performer. His forty-six novilladas that year indicated that he was ripe for his promotion, which took place on April 1956. Although he was seriously gored on that occasion, he managed to fight sixty-one corridas that season, being ranked

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third for the year, an impressive record which he improved in 1957 and 1958, when he was ranked first nationwide, with seventy-three and eightyseven corridas. Although badly wounded in 1959, 1962, and 1963, Sánchez performed often in all those years: sixty-four corridas in 1959, sixty-two in 1960 (he was ranked third both years; in one corrida in 1960, a solo performance at Madrid’s plaza of Las Ventas, he set a still unsurpassed record for efficiency, playing and killing six bulls in one hour and ten minutes; the performance earned him seven ears306), fifty-three in 1961 (ranked seventh), forty-four in 1962, thirty in 1963. In the mid-1960s the decline in numbers was well underway, although the quality of the performances remained high: sixteen corridas in 1964 (he lost the early part of the season to a hernia operation and was gored in August, losing several other corridas), eleven in 1965, twenty-one in 1966 (including one in which he performed solo, killing seven bulls in one afternoon), eighteen in 1967, twenty-two in 1968, sixteen in 1969, twenty-four in 1970, ten in 1971, and five in 1972 and 1973, at the end of which season he retired. For his farewell performance he again planned a solo afternoon but, as Cossío remarks, the bulls were difficult, a strong wind was blowing, he was in poor condition, the occasion was fraught with emotion, and his performance was “un completo fracaso” (a thorough failure). He became the artistic director of Madrid’s Escuela de Tauromaquia (training institute for bullfighters) in 1985 and, at the time of this writing, still holds that post.307 Gregorio Sánchez is often compared to Domingo Ortega (q.v.), the other great bullfighter from the province of Toledo. Not connected to taurine families, both came late to bullfighting, endured long, difficult apprenticeships, but came to be ranked first nationwide soon after their promotions to matadores de toros. Both were sober, brave, skillful and occasionally sensational; both had long, honorable careers; and both were frequently honored for their work on behalf of benevolent taurine organizations. Hemingway, Ordóñez, and Sánchez. In 1959, with sixty-four corridas, Gregorio Sánchez outranked both Ordóñez and Dominguín, who ended the season with fifty-two and thirty-seven corridas respectively. He performed with Ordóñez on five occasions: on 5 April (Barcelona), on 23 April (Seville), on 21 May (Madrid), on 28 July (Valencia), and on 8 September (Murcia). Hemingway saw Sánchez several times during the season: in the last three corridas mentioned above, when he performed with Ordóñez; in another corrida in Madrid, on 22 May; and in Pamplona, where Sánchez performed on 9 and 10 July. On almost all these afternoons, Sánchez failed to distinguish himself, the only exception being his second bull on 9 July, for which he earned two ears.308

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The narrative mentions Gregorio Sánchez only once, merely noting that he appeared on the same bill with Dominguín and Ordóñez in Valencia, late July 1959, but not describing his performance (148).

Sánchez, Ignacio. Full name: Ignacio Sánchez y Sánchez (d. 1960). Spanish bull breeder in the Salamanca area. His sons were Antonio Sánchez Ortiz de Urbina (d. 1980) and Ignacio Sánchez Ortiz de Urbina (also known as Ignacio Sánchez Sepúlveda). Ignacio Sánchez y Sánchez. From his parents, don Matías Sánchez Cobaleda and doña Juana Sánchez Blanco, Ignacio Sánchez y Sánchez inherited a herd of Trespalacios stock. He kept the Trespalacios colors (green and scarlet) and antigüedad (11 April 1909) of this herd, but presented it under his own name in Madrid on 18 July 1939. Don Ignacio kept these Trespalacios animals separate from his other holdings, which included a Murube herd (acquired from Carmen de Federico, q.v. in HDIA). Sepúlveda de Yeltes. In 1942, Ignacio Sánchez y Sánchez established a new ranch with Contreras stock bought from Juan Sánchez de Terrones (Juan Terrones).309 He owned this ranch with his sons, Ignacio and Antonio; they called the ranch Sepúlveda de Yeltes. In 1958, don Ignacio and his son Antonio sold half of the Sepúlveda de Yeltes stock to the Count of Mayalde, who also specialized in Contreras stock; he and the other son, Ignacio, continued to breed and sell the stock they had retained.310 In 1965, Ignacio sold the ranch to Antonio Sánchez Urbina, who kept the ranch’s name but changed the stock. Today a new generation of breeders, Iñigo and Antonio Sánchez Urbina Chamorro, own two ranches, one called Toros de Sánchez Urbina, established in 1997, to which they gave the brand (shown above) that formerly marked the Sepúlveda de Yeltes bulls (although these new Sánchez Urbina bulls are not Contreras), and the other, older one, still called Sepúlveda de Yeltes but now with a different brand. On July 30 1959, when Ordóñez and Dominguín met in Valencia for their first mano a mano, the bulls came from the original ranch called Sepúlveda de Yeltes, and from the ranch of Baltasar Ibán (q.v.), who also bred Contreras stock, hence Hemingway’s remark that “The lots were even” (154), at least insofar as they were all Contreras stock.311 Ordóñez and the Sánchez Bulls. Altogether, in 1959 Ordóñez fought six bulls from Ignacio Sánchez’s herds, four of them from the Sepúlveda de Yeltes ranch (two in Mont de Marsan on 19 July and two in Valencia on 30 July; these were Contreras bulls, as were those from the Baltasar Ibán ranch—Hemingway admires these bulls), and two (in Barcelona on 29

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June) from another ranch (not Sepúlveda de Yeltes, as Hemingway claims, but also in Salamanca). All told, there were several bull breeders named Ignacio Sánchez. Ignacio Sánchez y Sánchez bred Trespalacios bulls; his son Ignacio Sánchez Ortiz de Urbina (also known as Ignacio Sánchez Sepúlveda) bred Contreras bulls; and Ignacio Sánchez Cobaleda (a distant cousin) bred Vega-Villar bulls. Keeping these families and their bulls straight is, to put it mildly, very complicated.312 The Andalusian bullfighter Ignacio Sánchez Mejías (q.v.) is not related to the Salamancan Sánchez clan of bull breeders. The narrator reports that Ignacio Sánchez and Baltasar Ibán (q.v.) supplied “goodlooking bulls with real horns” for the first mano a mano between Dominguín and Ordóñez, in Valencia, July 1959 (154, 156). Ignacio Sánchez also supplied the bulls for the fight in Barcelona, June 1959, which featured Antonio Mejías (Bienvenida), Dominguín, and Ordóñez (128).

Sánchez Cobaleda. This large Salamanca family has been in the bull-breeding business since the early days of the twentieth century, perhaps earlier: a certain don Juan Cobaleda, probably an ancestor, registered bulls in Madrid in 1864. See also Cobaleda. One branch of this important family of bull breeders is descended from Matías Sánchez Cobaleda, who established his ranch in November 1913 by buying a pedigreed herd traceable to the 1880s, when Jacinto Trespalacios first started buying Veragua and Murube stock (qq.v.). Don Matías married Juana Sánchez Blanco, and when he died in 1928 or 1929 (accounts vary), his holdings were inherited by his widow and their four sons: Ángel, Antonio Luis, Arturo, and Ignacio Sánchez y Sánchez (q.v. above). Ignacio also inherited the Trespalacios brand, colors (green and scarlet), and antigüedad or seniority (11 April 1909). Another important branch of the Sánchez Cobaleda herds can be traced back to 1910, when José Vega established a bull-breeding ranch with Veragua cows and a Santa Coloma bull. In 1914 this herd was acquired by the brothers Francisco and Victorio Villar (qq.v. in HDIA). Early in the 1920s the brothers dissolved their partnership, and Victorio sold his portion to José Encinas Fernández del Campo. A few years later, in 1928, Francisco Villar sold his herd and the rights to his brand (seen here), colors (purple and red), and seniority (5 or 6 July 1924, reports vary) to Arturo Sánchez Cobaleda, who greatly increased and improved it (it had deteriorated under Francisco’s management).

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When don Arturo died in 1942, his heirs kept the herd intact under the name of “Herederos de don Arturo Sánchez Cobaleda” (Heirs of don Arturo) until 1950, when the herd was divided into five equal lots, the new owners being his three sons Manuel, Ignacio, and Jesús Sánchez Cobaleda, and his two daughters, Pilar and María; Manuel inherited the rights to the original brand, colors, and seniority. The portion falling to Jesús had a different brand and colors (black and white), but the same seniority (5 July 1924). Jesús called his ranch Barcial, and the name has persisted through several generations, being now the property of Arturo Cobaleda González. Ordóñez and the Sánchez Cobaleda Bulls. In 1959 Ordóñez killed seven Sánchez Cobaleda bulls. Five of them came from the ranch of Manuel Sánchez Cobaleda: he killed three of them on 22 April, in Seville (q.v.: in addition to his own two, he also killed the bull that had injured Curro Girón that afternoon) and two on 30 August, in Dax. He also fought two bulls bred by Jesús Sánchez Cobaleda (the Barcial ranch), on 30 May, in Aranjuez (q.v.).313 The narrator reports that fine Sánchez Cobaleda bulls were fought in Aranjuez, May 1959, on the afternoon when Ordóñez was gored (88).

Sánchez Mejías, Ignacio. Spanish bullfighter, author, and producer, 1891–1934. Investiture as matador de toros, March 1919, in Barcelona; confirmed more than a year later, in Madrid, April 1920. Sánchez Mejías had a variety of interests: literature, music, theater, sports, and bullfighting. The son of a doctor, he had a hard time convincing his family that he was not suited for medicine. He eventually ran away from home and went to Mexico, where his career as bullfighter got off to a slow start. He worked in Spain as a banderillero, then became a novillero, and early in the 1919 season he finally became a matador de toros, at the relatively late age of twenty-eight. The next year he was Spain’s top-ranked matador de toros, with ninety corridas. At the end of 1922, after forty-three corridas, he retired, but returned to the bullring in June 1924. He had a fine season in 1925 (sixty-one corridas), but in 1926 he accepted fewer contracts in order to write. After three corridas in 1927, he retired for a second time. This longer retirement came to an end in July 1934, with a corrida in Cádiz. On 11 August of that year, he came to the plaza of Manzanares (q.v.) as a substitute for Domingo Ortega (q.v.), who had been injured in a car accident. His fellow performers were Fermín Espinosa (Armillita Chico), Al-

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fredo Corrochano, and the rejoneador Simâo da Veiga (qq.v. in HDIA). After da Veiga’s performance, Sánchez Mejías, as senior matador, began to work his first bull. He was gored a few minutes later, as he worked with the muleta. The time of the injury—“a las cinco de la tarde” (at five in the afternoon)—becomes a refrain in Federico García Lorca’s moving poem, “Llanto por Ignacio Sánchez Mejías.” The injured bullfighter was transferred to Madrid but died on 13 August; the wound had become gangrenous. He was buried in Seville, in the same grave with his brother-in-law, José Gómez Ortega (Joselito, q.v.). For more detail on this multiply talented bullfighter whom Hemingway inexplicably disliked, see Sánchez Mejías in HDIA. Jordan and Pilar discuss Sánchez Mejías’s death in For Whom the Bell Tolls (253–54). The narrator merely mentions that Sánchez Mejías was fatally wounded in Manzanares (68).

Santander. The northern city of Santander has two main annual ferias, celebrated 24–28 July (fiestas of Santiago, or St. James) and 14–17 August. These festive bullfights are held in a century-old bullring, inaugurated on St. James’s feast day, 25 July 1890. The ring seats eleven thousand spectators. Ordóñez in Santander. On 16 August 1959 Ordóñez performed in Santander with Curro Girón (q.v.) and Curro Romero; the bulls were from the ranch of Alipio Pérez Tabernero (q.v. in HDIA). Ordóñez’s work with his first bull was jeered by the spectators and he was fined; he cut both ears from his second bull.314 The narrator mentions but does not describe the Santander corrida (178, 179).

Saviers, Dr. George. Full name: George Bate Saviers. American physician, 1915–1994. Saviers grew up in Idaho, was educated at the University of California at Berkeley, was stationed in Utah and California during World War II, and then attended Cornell University Medical School. After his residency and internship in San Francisco and Denver, he returned to Ketchum, Idaho, in 1953, where he spent most of his professional life. Saviers began his career as a general practitioner in the Sun Valley Hospital, then a sixteen-bed facility in the Sun Valley Lodge, and later worked at the newly built Sun Valley Hospital, now called the Moritz Community Hospital. He is reputed to have delivered 2,200 babies during his thirty-five years of family practice. He and his wife, Patricia Pierce Saviers (q.v. below) had four children. The chronically ill youngest son, Fritz, died in 1967. The Saviers had divorced in 1966.

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Hemingway and Saviers. Saviers and Hemingway met in 1957 and remained friends until Hemingway died. Saviers treated Hemingway during his last years, visiting him almost daily and accompanying him to the Mayo Clinic. According to an obituary, “Saviers called his friendship with Hemingway the most memorable event in his long and productive life.” In 1959, the Saviers went to several bullfights with Mary and Ernest Hemingway. On 25 July 1959, in Valencia, Antonio Ordóñez dedicated his second bull to George Saviers, but that corrida, in which Curro Girón and Jaime Ostos performed with Ordóñez, was edited out of the published version of The Dangerous Summer.315 Dr. Saviers spent part of the summer of 1959 in Spain with the narrator and attended his sixtieth birthday party at La Cónsula (143; see also the photograph following p. 166). Saviers treated the leg wound Ordóñez sustained in the running of the bulls in Pamplona (137).

Saviers, Mrs. Full name: Patricia Pierce Saviers Trott. American architect, b. circa 1922. Patricia Pierce graduated Stanford University in 1945 and studied architecture at the Harvard Graduate School of Design in 1946 and 1947. Hemingway and Saviers. Patricia and her husband, Dr. George Saviers (q.v. above) knew Mary and Ernest Hemingway in Sun Valley, Idaho; they often fished and hunted together. The Saviers joined the Hemingways in Spain, traveling as far north as Navarre and as far south as Málaga. She recalls a wonderful picnic in the Irati forest during which Hemingway told stories, and remembers the shooting gallery at the birthday party in La Cónsula (q.v.), remarking that “Antonio and George needn’t have worried, Papa was a perfect shot.” A few days after the birthday party, in early August, Saviers returned to Sun Valley, where she practiced architecture for another decade, receiving an award from the American Institute of Architects for her design studio there. She and Saviers were divorced in 1966 and in 1969 she moved to Aspen, Colorado, where she still lives and works, spending her summers in Maine. She is now married to Houghton Trott. Patricia Saviers is mentioned twice in the typescript but both references were edited out of the text of The Dangerous Summer.316 In the photograph that follows page 166 of The Dangerous Summer, Mrs. Saviers is the woman on the left. Segorbe. Located on the road between Teruel (q.v.) and Sagunto (just north of Valencia), Segorbe was a battlefield from February 1938, when the Na-

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tionalists retook Teruel, to April 1938, when they broke through to the sea at Sagunto, thus dividing Republican territory in the center of Spain (Castile and Murcia) from the Republican stronghold in the north (Barcelona and most of the rest of Catalonia). The fighting then moved northwards to the Ebro River (q.v.). By the end of 1938, Republican Catalonia was completely isolated from what was left of Republican Spain. Driving south from Zaragoza to Alicante, the narrator recalls the loss of life at Segorbe but describes the town itself as “unharmed” (119–20).

Sepúlveda de Yeltes. See Sánchez, Ignacio. Sevilla. Birthplace, training ground, showcase, and final resting place of scores of famous bullfighters, Seville is a taurine power second in importance only to Madrid, whose primacy Seville fancies it can challenge. Its season or temporada begins with a fight on Easter Sunday and ends in October. Highlights are the tradition-encrusted feria de abril, preceded by a week of festivities, and the shorter September feria de San Miguel, usually only two corridas. Like the Madrid sanisidros, Seville’s April feria has expanded, from eight to ten corridas in the late 1950s to fourteen in 1974. La Maestranza. For such an important taurine center, Seville has a surprisingly small bullring. La Real Maestranza, originally a wooden structure, was built in 1707; even after the renovations of 1733 and 1740, it only seated thirteen thousand people. The present bullring, on the same site, is a touch smaller: it holds about 12,500. This bullring was begun in the 1760s, but construction proceded slowly and with many setbacks. Part of the structure collapsed in 1800, a violent storm blew off much of its higher levels in 1805, and what with one thing and another it was not finished until the 1880s—more than a century after construction began—quite a contrast to Pamplona’s bullring, which was built in less than a year. Sections of La Maestranza have been repaired and restored at various times in the twentieth century, but the seating capacity has not been expanded. In 1983, the King of Spain declared the bullring a national monument.317 La Monumental. A much larger bullring, the Plaza Monumental, was inaugurated in 1918. Sponsored by José Gómez Ortega (Joselito, q.v.), it seated about twenty-three thousand, almost twice as many as the older Maestranza. Almost from the beginning sections of it began to crumble, giving rise to suspicion that its construction had been sabotaged. Declared unsafe, La Monumental was closed in 1921 or 1922 and torn down in 1930. Today, only a small piece of the external wall remains. Considering the many books and pamphlets published about the Maestranza, the

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Monumental is remarkably undocumented: not even a plaque commemorates its short lifespan. La Pañoleta. Seville had another bullring, La Pañoleta (1926–1968), which seated only three thousand spectators. Associated with a local taurine school, it was torn down to make way for the Seville-Huelva highway.318 Hemingway and Seville. During the 1920s and early 1930s, Hemingway returned almost annually to the fairs or ferias of Madrid, Pamplona, and Valencia, but slighted Seville’s. In Death in the Afternoon, he praises several cities (Aranjuez, Madrid, Ronda, and Valencia) but is remarkably reserved about Seville, which suggests he was impervious to her charms, quirks, and history or, perhaps, that he felt unwelcome in that city. In The Dangerous Summer, Hemingway openly attacks Seville, its pride, its mystique, its bullfights (80–83), and even its best hotel, the Alfonso XIII (q.v.), where he stayed. The details reveal the reason. Seville denied him the privileges and adulation that he was, by this time, used to: its taurine hotels (the central one is still the Hotel Colón) did not make room for him during the crowded feria days, and the authorities at the plaza did not give him special privileges. Hemingway details all he was denied: he was not invited to visit the horse corrals, examine the pics, or stand in the callejón.319 Hemingway attributes his absence from these taurine events to concern for his wife’s health, which kept him at her side, but this husbandly solicitude does not ring true, in view of the fact that he dragged her out of bed and into the bullring where she did not want to be, and then, only a few hours later, drove off with Bill Davis, leaving her in Annie’s care. Hemingway considered himself an insider in the bullfight world, Seville denied him that status, and the exclusion rankled. In the typescript, Hemingway lashes out at Seville’s closed society, accusing it of protecting whoever was responsible for the illegal pic-ing. He says that he will not reveal the “truth” about the matter (thus suggesting he knows it), because if he did, he would never be able to return to Seville. Most damningly, he writes that Seville reminds him of his hometown, Oak Park, which he also perceived as a closed, complacent society. Here also Hemingway claimed to know unsavory secrets: in another context he said that he didn’t write about Oak Park because too many people would be hurt if he were to reveal the facts.320 Hemingway’s Complaints about Seville: Undersize Bulls and Illegal Pic-ing. Spanish bullrings and audiences have distinct personalities, and Seville is known to prefer smaller bulls, the so-called toro de Sevilla, instead of the catedrales (bulls as large and imposing as cathedrals) that are admired in Pamplona, Madrid, and Bilbao. Hemingway complains about

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the “small and immature bulls” (82) that made for “a very bad bullfight” in which Ordóñez could not shine. But the size and age of toros de lidia are clearly defined in the taurine code, the animals must pass strict veterinarian inspection, and it is unlikely that an important ring like Seville would countenance animals that were too “small and immature”—neither Seville nor Ordóñez would be keen to risk such scandalous infractions of the law. Hemingway’s complaint may reflect his own taste for larger bulls (refer to “Bulls and Bull Breeding,” in the Introduction to this volume). More likely, it springs out of his desire to glorify Ordóñez and vilify Seville. In any case, the complaint says more about Hemingway than about Ordóñez or Seville: the Clemente Tassara bulls Hemingway saw in Seville were in all likelihood regulation size and age. No account of that corrida that I have seen indicates otherwise. Hemingway writes that the bulls were “poor quality, uncertain in charging . . . for two days small and immature bulls had come out . . . and that was somebody’s fault” (80, 82). Again, this statement needs to be examined. It is not likely that Ordóñez, who in 1959 was a powerful figure in bullfighting, would be repeatedly (“for two days”) victimized or fooled by bull breeders, impresarios, or any other taurine agency. He lodged no complaints against Seville, and there is no indication that Seville was displeased with him. In fact, Seville contracted Ordóñez for the ferias of 1960 and 1961, and Ordóñez signed the contracts. Ordóñez was actually quite proud of his good relations with Andalucía’s most prestigious bullring, boasting in 1962 that he had fought in ten ferias de abril: 1950, 1952, 1953, 1955, 1956, 1957, 1958, 1959, 1960, and 1961. He added that only one other bullfighter, Pepe Luis Vázquez (q.v.), had achieved a similarly high number of contracts for these important events. Ordóñez remarked that “En Sevilla siempre toreo a gusto, porque el sevillano sabe distinguir lo bueno de lo malo” (I enjoy fighting in Seville, because the Sevillian recognizes the difference between what is good and what is bad).321 And Seville, which has been described as “enamoradiza de sus propios toreros” (infatuated with its own toreros),322 responded in kind. Ordóñez was proclaimed a favorite son of Seville. Hemingway also complained that the bulls had been “murdered by the pics” (81). Excessive pic-ing can be the result of the matador’s orders, the picador’s initiative, or an accident. If the bulls were not overly large, as Hemingway says and as is likely in Seville, heavy pic-ing was probably contraindicated, so that if it happened, the most likely explanation is that it was an accident: the bull may have slipped, or the horse stumbled, or the picador may have missed his aim, to name just a few possibilities. Such accidents occur, and the bull can be damaged. The kind of bleeding Hemingway

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describes, though shocking to those unfamiliar with it, is normal for pic-ing, and Hemingway’s statement can be read as an exaggeration. Hemingway’s statements about the size of the pic, the way the pics are inspected, and the abuses in the south of France are all accurate. But it is not likely that a picador in a first-class ring like Seville would behave illegally by replacing the metal ring on the pic with a rubber circle, although in bullfighting, as in any other human endeavor, anything is possible.323 (Hemingway’s complaint about the pic-ing is further undercut by his mislabeling the portion of the pic he complains about: this metal ring is called the arandela and not the redondel, q.v.) Hemingway’s suggestion that his presence in the callejón or patio de caballos would have made any difference in the pic-ing sounds selfaggrandizing but is actually a reflection of the legal situation governing the pics: Article 32 the 1930 Reglamento (taurine code) made provision for public inspection of the pics, at a place at least six meters from the patio de caballos, both before and after the corrida (see TDS, 81–82), and this provision, repeated in Article 86 of the 1962 code, was obviously in effect in 1959. Clearly, Hemingway, Ordóñez, the picadors, or any other interested or suspicious party could have inspected the pics at the place specified by the taurine code. Jealous, watchful eyes are always on the alert about such things, and the fact that there was no inspection after the corrida suggests that there were no doubts or questions about the legality of the pic-ing. In short: Hemingway knows a great deal about all aspects of the bullfight, but even so, his feelings as a human being and his purposes as a fiction writer color his statements. Everything he says should be taken seriously, but not necessarily accepted as fact. Refer to “Result: The Bias of The Dangerous Summer,” in the Introduction to this volume. Ordóñez and Seville. Ordóñez performed in Seville five times in 1959. He opened his season in that city on 29 March, on a bill which also included Manolo Vázquez and Juan García Jiménez (Mondeño, q.v.), whom Ordóñez promoted to full matador de toros (the only other alternativa he granted in 1959 was to Antonio González, also in Seville, on 28 May—see later in this entry). He performed in Seville on three afternoons of the April feria (18, 22, and 23 April), before Hemingway got to Spain. The corrida of 18 April marked Ordóñez’s debut under Dominguín management. On 22 April, after killing his own two bulls, Ordóñez also killed the bull that had injured Curro Girón (q.v.; Girón was the top-ranked matador of 1959) and was awarded two ears for his work with that last bull of the afternoon (the bulls were Sánchez Cobaleda, q.v.). The next day, Ordóñez again gave two good

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performances, though he was caught and tossed by his second bull. He was not gored, but the accident injured his left hand. He went to the infirmary but emerged to kill the bull (from the ranch of Carlos Núñez), which was being held for him. He was awarded an ear.324 Ordóñez returned to Seville on 28 May, sharing the Clemente Tassara bulls with Curro Romero (promoted to matador de toros only two months earlier, in Valencia) and Antonio González, to whom he granted the alternativa. On that day Ordóñez, the senior matador, was not awarded any trophies: he was applauded on his first bull, but his work with the second was received in silence.325 This is the corrida Hemingway did not like. The narrator, his wife Mary, and his friends Bill and Annie Davis came to Seville for the May corrida (80–82).

Shakespeare. English poet and dramatist, 1564–1616, known to everyone and needing no annotation here. For more detail of Hemingway’s references to Shakespeare in his own work, see Shakespeare in HDIA. The narrator compares Dominguín to Hamlet (54) and ascribes the role of Shakespearian Fool to Ordóñez’s friend Charri (q.v.; 119). Sierra de la Demandada. Correct spelling: Demanda. The mountain range called the Sierra de la Demanda runs east-west through the center of the northern province of Burgos. It is the western end of the Iberian Mountains. At its south-eastern end it joins the Sierra de la Guadarrama (q.v.). From a peak of the Sierra de la Demanda, the narrator sees the road that will take him to Burgos (132).

Sierra de la Guadarrama. The Guadarrama mountain range, to the north of Madrid, is the setting for Hemingway’s most extended writing about the Spanish Civil War, For Whom the Bell Tolls. Hemingway was in and around Madrid from March to May 1937, his first exposure to the Civil War. During this time he toured the battlefields of Brihuega, the Jarama River, and the Guadarrama Mountains; endured Franco’s almost daily bombardment of Madrid; and worked with Joris Ivens and John Ferno on the filming of The Spanish Earth. In 1959, the landscapes of the Guadarramas, Teruel, and the Ebro River (qq.v.) recall the war most vividly for him. See also Proverbs. The narrator mentions the mountains of the Guadarrama (54, 99, 120, alluded to, 76).

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Sierra Morena. Like most of Spain’s mountain ranges, the Sierra Morena runs east-west, through the southern provinces of Jaén and Córdoba and into the eastern section of Huelva. See also Despeñaperros. Traveling north from Málaga, the narrator crosses the Sierra Morena (66).

Silvestre Gómez, Enrique (Salitas). Spanish picador, b. 1930. Hemingway incorrectly refers to the Salitas brothers as “Salas,” probably assuming that Salitas is a diminutive of their family name.326 Like his older brother Manuel (q.v.), Enrique trained at the Murube ranch and then worked in the cuadrillas of top-ranked matadors: Rafael Ortega (1953–1955), Antonio Ordóñez (1955–1960), Paco Camino (1961–1973), and others.327 The Excised Material about the Picadors. Although in the manuscript Hemingway indicated where his material about the picadors should be inserted, the book-length version of The Dangerous Summer (1985) contains nothing at all about the scandal involving the picadors, and it is mentioned only briefly in Life and Life en español (1960). The fact is that during the Bilbao fair of August 1959, Ordóñez’s and Miguel (Miguelín) Mateo Salcedo’s picadors were repeatedly convicted of infractions of the Reglamento (taurine code). The infractions had to do with the circles that define or delimit the space within which the picadors perform, and the picadors were first fined and then barred from performance for a period of two months, that is, for the remainder of the taurine season. Because they continued to perform in spite of the ban, they were finally jailed. The second line or circle. As Hemingway explains lucidly in the typescript, the pic-ing, or suerte de varas, underwent an important transformation in 1959. An Article added to the Reglamento that year required that a second circle, whose circumference would fall nine meters from the barrera (the ring’s outer circumference) be drawn on the arena. When the time came for the bull to charge the picador, he would be situated inside this circle, in the central section of the ring (the medios), and the picador had to station himself within the seven meters which separate the barrera and the circumference of the first (older) circle (the tablas). Thus, a minimum distance of two meters (the space between these two circumferences, roughly the tercios) would separate picador and bull, to ensure a long charge.328 In addition to helping the bullfighters place the bull and the horse at the proper distance from each other, the two circles also served to delineate the distances more clearly for the spectator, to make the long charge visible to them. Gregorio Corrochano and other taurine experts approved the introduction of this second circle. Corrochano argued that by drawing the picador

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away from the support offered by the barrera, this second line would require him to manage both the horse and the pic more expertly. This might be difficult at first, he wrote, but in the long run the suerte de varas would be freed from the abuses which then plagued it.329 He concluded that “El uso de las dos rayas devolverá el prestigio al primer tercio y a la lidia” (The two lines will restore the prestige of the first tercio and of the bullfight generally).330 The 1962 Reglamento formalized the steep fines for picadors who overstepped the boundaries: 30 percent of his fees for a first offence, 40 percent for the second, 50 percent for the third, and, in cases of repeated infractions, proscription from further employment. In the typescript of The Dangerous Summer Hemingway claims that the more specific defining of the spaces complicated the work of Ordóñez’s picadors, and caused them to be convicted of illegal behavior during the pic-ing at Bilbao, 18 August 1959. He argues that this ruling was “complicated” because the activity in the ring disturbed the sand and thus could blur the line, and because the line was more clearly visible to the officials who sat high up in the president’s box than it was to the picadors themselves. Hemingway also suggests that officials who are dissatisfied by the tip or bribe delivered by the picadors might unjustly accuse them of infractions. He himself “had seen no infractions of the rules by Antonio’s picadors, except perhaps a technical one [of crossing the white line]. . . . Antonio did not need to have his bulls destroyed [by illegal or excessive pic-ing]. . . . We had no need of illegal picadors.”331 Hemingway’s explanation is defensive and unconvincing, and the pronoun we clearly reveals the partiality that clouded his judgment. Hemingway explains, quite accurately, that the proscription of picadors is financially disastrous both for the picador who is suddenly prevented from working and for the matador who cannot replace him, since good picadors are in scarce supply.332 But he does not mention that by a variety of maneuvers—threatening not to appear themselves, offering bribes, or presenting their picadors under assumed names or without names—Ordóñez and Miguelín managed to have their proscribed picadors perform with them for the next dozen corridas, from 18 August (Bilbao, q.v.) to 10 September (Ronda, q.v.). On 11 September, however, the authorities in Albacete arrested the picadors. Instead of hiring substitutes, Ordóñez defiantly showed up at the packed plaza without any picadors, and Miguelín came with only one. Only Pepe Luis Vázquez, the senior matador, had a complete cuadrilla. His picadors were asked if they would pic for Ordóñez: they refused. Vázquez himself declined the management’s invitation to kill all six bulls himself, and the corrida had to be canceled, to the disgust of the spectators and at great expense to the management. Ordóñez and

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Miguelín were jailed, fined, and debarred from all Spanish rings for the rest of the season.333 Thus the gala event announced for 15 September in Jerez de la Frontera, whose poster is reproduced in the photo spread, did not feature Ordóñez.334 Hemingway did not go to Albacete, probably because he knew what was going to happen, and he never mentions Albacete in The Dangerous Summer, for which reason I cannot make an entry for it. Writing that September, Hemingway explained to Hotchner, who knew that the picadors had been proscribed, that “The actual charge was rebellion, which is serious, and repeated violation of orders that these picadors who had been fined and suspended were used in fights from Bilbao on through Ronda.” Hemingway concedes that the proscribed picadors had indeed performed under assumed names, but that “Antonio knew nothing of this”—an unlikely claim, since Ordóñez obviously knew they were forbidden to perform in August and September, and just as obviously saw and recognized them when they did perform at that time. It is possible, though highly unlikely, that he didn’t see any of the carteles or newspapers that announced his picadors under assumed names, or that nobody mentioned these announcements to him.335 Once again, Hemingway is more faithful to his own conception of Ordóñez than to the facts of the situation. Refer to “Result: The Bias of The Dangerous Summer,” in the Introduction to this volume. The narrator refers to Ordóñez’s picadors by their profession (78, 81–82, 99, 157, 201) and by nickname (93, 157).

Silvestre Gómez, Manuel (Salitas, Manolo Salitas). Spanish picador, 1915–1967. Trained in the Murube ranch where their father worked, Manuel and his brother Enrique (q.v.) began their careers in the early 1940s. Manolo Salitas worked in the cuadrillas of Miguel del Pino (q.v. in HDIA), Pepe Dominguín, Luis Miguel Dominguín, Antonio Ordóñez (qq.v.), and Antonio Borrero (Chamaco). He died from complications resulting from a fall during a corrida in 1967.336 Hemingway does not distinguish between the two Salitas brothers, simply describing them as “two of the best picadors of the modern era that I know.”337 The narrator mentions Ordóñez’s picadors by their profession (78, 81–82, 99, 157, 201) and by professional nickname (93, 157).

Simenon, Georges. Best known of the seventeen pseudonyms used by Georges-Joseph Christian Sim, prolific Belgian-born novelist (1903–1989) who specialized in detective stories, many of them starring Chief Inspector Jules Maigret (maigre means thin or lean) of the Paris police force. Mai-

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gret, who appreciates good food and drink, is as successful at finding excellent restaurants and befriending their personnel (to ensure preferential service) as he is at solving complicated murder cases. Simenon at times plays with the relationship between his creation, Inspector Maigret, and the novels that feature him, even at one point introducing the older Maigret as a character who reads a book which features the younger Maigret. The character remarks upon the inaccuracy of the representation. Hemingway and Simenon. According to Reynolds’s bibliographical listing, Hemingway had twenty-eight Simenon titles in his library. According to Brasch and Sigman’s more comprehensive listing, which also includes the library in Cuba, he had forty-three. These certainly afforded him plenty of opportunity to familiarize himself with the bars, cafes, restaurants, and other establishments frequented by Simenon’s characters.338 Several of Hemingway’s first-person narrators are fond of Simenon. The narrator of A Moveable Feast says that he particularly liked two of Simenon’s early novels, L’ecluse numero 1 (The Lock at Charenton, 1933) and La maison du canal (The House by the Canal, 1933; MF, 27). The narrator of Under Kilimanjaro also reads Simenon, “happily transferring all my problems to Maigret . . . and happy in his sagacity” (111). After a discussion about literature and about inaccurate critical biographies that turn authors into subjects, the narrator identifies the Simenon he is rereading as La maison du canal (116). In Málaga, the narrator visits an establishment that reminds him of a Simenon setting (65).

Simon, Adamo de. Hemingway’s chauffeur. In her memoir, Mary Hemingway provides Adamo’s last name and defines him as a friend of Gianfranco Ivancich. She describes Adamo as “lively as a puppet on strings,” with “fierce black eyes and [a] huge smile.” She confirms Hemingway’s report that he drove the Hemingways’ rented Lancia through France and Spain in the summer and fall of 1953. In May 1954 Adamo joined Hemingway in Venice and drove him to Madrid. Viertel’s and Hotchner’s photographs of Adamo reveal that he is short and dark-haired.339 See also Cars. The narrative reports that Adamo served as Hemingway’s driver during the 1953 visit to Spain. Having achieved his ambition and become a successful “undertaker and funeral director” (45, 49) he was not available to drive the Hemingways in 1956; he recommends Mario Casamassima (q.v.).

Spanish Civil War. After several years of dictatorship and civil unrest, Spain held elections in which the Republicans won overwhelming majorities: the

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second Spanish Republic was established in December 1931. On 18 July 1936, several high-ranking Army officials revolted against the Republic. They were supported by the air force, the church, most of the aristocracy, the monarchists, and other right-wing groups, as well as the fascistic governments of Germany and Italy. During the ensuing Spanish Civil War, the Republicans had help from Russia and the International Brigades. The war ended with the Republican surrender on 28 March 1939. Bullfighting and the Spanish Civil War. The Spanish Civil War reduced the 1936 season to only one hundred and one corridas, fewer than half the number for the preceding year. As the war raged, Spain saw even fewer corridas: sixty-one in 1937 and seventy-three in 1938. Novilladas were also few, all the young men having been called into the army. As Lozano Sevilla put it, “Throughout the Spanish Civil War . . . bull-fighting was all but paralyzed, although several bullfights and festivals took place in General Franco’s zone” (35). After the war, only those bullfighters approved by Franco’s regime were permitted to perform. Under these conditions, bullfighting, like all of Spain’s artistic and economic life, returned only gradually to pre-war levels. For more detail on the effect of the Spanish Civil War on bulls and bullfighting, refer to the sections on “Bulls and Bull Breeders” and “The Bullfighter,” in the Introduction to this volume; see also Mejías Jiménez, Antonio (Bienvenida); Ortega, Domingo; Rodríguez Sánchez, Manuel (Manolete); Vasquez (sic), Pepe Luis. Hemingway and the Spanish Civil War. Between March 1937 and November 1938, Hemingway made four separate trips to Spain. He supported Spain’s Second Republic in his newspaper dispatches, essays, drama, film, speeches, and fund-raising. His passionate commitment to the Republic made him persona non grata in Franco’s Spain, and he did not return to Spain until 1953, when tensions eased (see Inspector; Primo de Rivera, Miguel). Hemingway remarks that he “had been away for fourteen years” (TDS, 46): from the end of 1938 to May 1953. Unlike his other writing about the Civil War, Hemingway’s fiction was not propagandistic. The stories written during the war, and the long novel written soon afterwards, present well-rounded characters and examine their behavior under the extreme stresses of civil war. Hemingway wrote that “in stories about the war I try to show all the different sides of it, taking it slowly and honestly and examining it from many ways. So never think one story represents my viewpoint because it is much too complicated for that.”340 For Whom the Bell Tolls has produced contradictory readings. Because Hemingway’s own sympathies were well known, and because the main characters are Republicans, some critics saw it as a pro-Loyalists docu-

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ment. But because its characters are psychologically realistic, they display weaknesses as well as strengths, which caused other critics to accuse Hemingway of betraying the Republican cause. Some readers have argued that For Whom the Bell Tolls glorifies war, others that it as an anti-war document. Whatever their political take, however, most readers agree that the novel is a masterpiece. Memories of the Spanish Civil War color several passages of The Dangerous Summer: see Alicante; Barcelona; Ebro; Franco; García Lorca, Federico; Guardia Civil; Madrid; Primo de Rivera; Segorbe; Sierra de la Guadarrama; Teruel; Tourists. The narrator remembers the Spanish Civil War (119) and mentions it on several occasions (43, 45, 118–20, 126, 142).

Spectators. Laws governing the conduct of the bullfight and its spectators were first introduced in the seventeenth century. These codes, or Reglamentos, which varied from plaza to plaza, defined the duties of the owners, breeders, performers, and all other personnel officially connected to the bullfight. They also protected the spectators’ rights and defined limits to their behavior. Spectators were forbidden, for example, to interrupt or interfere with the conduct of the bullfight: in 1661, the punishment for entering the arena during a bullfight was two hundred lashes and six years of servitude (see Espontáneo). In 1803, spectators in one province were further forbidden to throw “dogs, cats, orange peels, fruits or anything else” into the ring or at each other. In 1837 another code made it illegal to set fire to a spectator’s clothes, to start a bonfire, or to burn down a bullring. The continued presence of these statutes in subsequent local codes, and their adoption by codifiers in other cities, testifies both to the existence of these behaviors and to the code’s failure to control them. In 1917 a general or national code was drawn up, with jurisdiction over all plazas de toros de primera categoría (first-rank plazas). This was followed by the Reglamento of 1923 (amended in 1924), and superseded by the one of 1930 (the first one to apply to all bullrings regardless of classification or rank). All these codes define the spectators’ rights and obligations.341 Although the president (q.v.) has the last word on the worthiness of the bull and the bullfighter, he may be influenced by spectators who express themselves by clapping, booing, shouting, waving handkerchiefs and, in spite of the Reglamento, throwing hats, shoes, botas (wine containers), cushions, purses, cigars, food, money, programs, and flowers into the ring. See also Tricks; refer to the section on “The Corrida,” in the Introduction to this volume.

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The Narrator as Spectator. The Dangerous Summer is more dramatic, more plot- and action-driven than Death in the Afternoon, which reads like a critique or lecture delivered by a knowledgeable narrator to an audience of potential or inexperienced (probably foreign) spectators. More knowledgeable Spanish spectators are often held up as examples to be followed or, occasionally, scorned. With the notable exception of the Old Lady and an excited audience shouting in unison (in the caption of a photograph, DIA, 318), the spectators in Death in the Afternoon are not dramatized. Instead, their behavior is described, in order to teach the readers to become intelligent spectators themselves. The situation is quite different in The Dangerous Summer, where the narrator himself occupies more or less the same position as the spectator/reader, although he is more closely connected to the principals. In sharp contrast to the narrator of Death in the Afternoon, the narrator of The Dangerous Summer seems less concerned with his own performance as writer or his reputation as author than he is with his role as insider, as the confidant and friend of the protagonist-bullfighter. In other words, the narrator of Death in the Afternoon manipulates the readers to admire him and the art he admires; he himself is the central, authoritative figure of the work (the hero). But the narrator of The Dangerous Summer manipulates his readers to admire Antonio Ordóñez, whom he is clever enough to champion. Although he emphasizes his own importance in the taurine world, the narrator of The Dangerous Summer is still a less aggressive, more outwardlooking narrator than the narrator of Death in the Afternoon. The Spectator/Narrator as Protagonist. It can be argued that the narrator’s identification with Antonio Ordóñez is so intense that the two merge, in which case the narrator occupies the same space as the protagonist/ hero. One might also argue that narrator lives in the expectation that one or both of his protagonists will be killed, thus leaving the narrator at the center of the narrative. But on the whole, the narrator’s glorification of a younger man marks The Dangerous Summer as a more generous book than Death in the Afternoon. It also marks a departure for Hemingway in that it is the only one of Hemingway’s works of nonfiction to present the exploits of a central character who is not the narrator. Refer to the section on “The Importance of The Dangerous Summer,” in the Introduction to this volume; see also Authors; Critics; Narratee; Narrator and Old Lady (in HDIA). The narrator speaks of the taurine public’s presence and of their awareness of and response to illegalities (47, 116) and “tricks” (64, 106, 196). He notes both their negative (149, 159, 193) and positive (79–80, 130, 149, 174, 192,

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201–202, 204) responses to the events in the bullring. Occasionally the spectators disagree with the president, usually by demanding more trophies than the president feels are warranted (78, 89–90, 111, 130, 170). Spectator speaks: 192.

Sports. The narrator mentions several sports, including baseball (q.v.), football (154, 193), shooting (142–43, 151, 199), and swimming (154). The Life version also mentions soccer.342 Stein, Gertrude. American writer and art collector, 1874–1946. After studying medicine at Johns Hopkins University, Gertrude Stein moved to Paris in 1903 and, with her brother Leo and later with her lover Alice B. Toklas, supported the arts. She collected works by Matisse, Picasso (including his portrait of her), Juan Gris, Bonnard, and others. Her literary salon attracted such important writers as Anderson, Fitzgerald, Ford, Pound, Joyce (with whom she quarreled), and Hemingway, whose early work she read and whose mentor she became. She experimented with automatic writing, colloquial dialogue, repetition, and various aspects of grammar, to produce a new, unadorned style. Stein and Toklas liked the bullfights and they suggested to Hemingway that he go to Spain to see them. I for one am very glad the suggestion fell on receptive ears, before their friendship faded. In later years, Stein attacked him in The Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas and he attacked her in For Whom the Bell Tolls (289) and A Moveable Feast (26–30, 109–10, 115–17), although he does recall that they had once been good friends (MF, 13, 115). The narrator recalls that he used to bring Gertrude Stein Spanish cheese when he returned to Paris from vacations in Spain (190).

Suecia, Hotel Suecia. Address: Marqués de Casa Riera, 4, Madrid 28014. The short street takes its name from the Marqués de Casa Riera, whose private property it was.343 The Hotel Suecia, established in 1956, faces what remains of the Marquis de Casa Riera’s gardens. The hotel’s lobby and restaurant, as well as the first four floors of the building, formerly catered to the Swedish and Finnish consulates, the Swedish Chamber of Commerce, and several shipping companies which served Swedish interests in Spain—hence the hotel’s name. The top six floors contained the rooms and suites of the Hotel Suecia. In the mid-1980s, the hotel acquired the first four floors, and today it offers 119 rooms and nine suites. The ground-floor lobby and restaurant

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remain basically unchanged; the restaurant still offers a Swedish buffet. The Suecia was and is a four-star hotel. Hemingway stayed at the recently opened Hotel Suecia in May 1959, where he was interviewed by the taurine weekly Dígame. The silly frontpage interview focused on the fact that his silver flask was full of vodka.344 An incompetent driver delivers the narrator to the Hotel Suecia in Madrid (69).

The Sun Also Rises. Hemingway’s famous 1926 novel, much of which is set in Pamplona, contains several bullfighting scenes. Its young bullfighter is named after the legendary Pedro Romero and based on Antonio’s father, Cayetano Ordóñez (qq.v.). See also Quintana, Juan; Tourists (in this volume); see also The Sun Also Rises (in HDIA). The narrator refers to The Sun Also Rises directly (50, 53, 139) and indirectly (135–36).

–T– Talavera de la Reina (in the province of Toledo). The bullring of Talavera de la Reina was built in the early 1800s and was in a fairly advanced state of disrepair when it was acquired by a corporation specially established to rescue it. The spruced up ring was inaugurated on 29 September 1890. Lacking funds for upkeep, the corporation disbanded and the bullring was sold at public auction in 1912. Among the new owners were the widow and son of a local man named Ortega: they were the bull breeders who supplied the bull Bailaor for the fateful corrida of 16 May 1920 in which José Gómez Ortega (Joselito, q.v.) was fatally gored.345 The widow, the date, and the bullring (called La Caprichosa) have since then been indissolubly connected to this terrible event. The widow’s herd and brand, an O, are extinct. See Ortega, widow of, in HDIA. Other minor bullrings that achieved similarly unwelcome prominence are Manzanares (q.v.), where Ignacio Sánchez Mejías (q.v.) was fatally gored on 11 August 1934 (he died two days later, in Madrid); Linares (q.v.), where Manuel Rodríguez (Manolete, q.v.) was killed on 28 August 1947; and Pozoblanco, where Francisco Rivera (Paquirri) was fatally gored on 26 September 1984 (he died en route to the hospital in Córdoba). These dates and places resonate in the bullfighting world, which is very conscious of its history and rather prone to superstition: dates, breeds, and bullrings associated with fatal injures are approached cautiously. See also Luck, Prayer.

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Although bullfighters risk their lives at every festival and every corrida, small bullrings in small towns are particularly dangerous because they lack staff and facilities for dealing with the kinds of injuries sustained by bullfighters. Bullfighters occasionally bring their favorite doctors to such rings. See also Tamames. Luis Miguel in Talavera. On 16 May 1959, the cartel at this annual corrida featured Luis Miguel, M. de Celis, and Jaime Ostos; the bulls were Antonio Pérez. Hemingway reports that Luis Miguel did well with both his bulls (74). Without making the connection to Joselito, the narrator remarks that Dominguín fought at Talavera de la Reina on 16 May 1959 (74).

Tamames, Dr. and Mrs. Manolo. Full name: Manuel Fermín Tamames Ratero, 1897–1987. Trained in Madrid, Tamames specialized in orthopedics, abdominal surgery, and “traumatología por heridas de asta de toro” (trauma caused by bull’s horns). He was Dominguín’s friend and surgeon; Ordóñez met him through Dominguín. Tamames was associated with the Ruber Clinic (q.v.) and the Covesa Clinic (a sports clinic, established in 1903 and now defunct), both in Madrid. He went to his friends’ corridas if he thought the local bullring’s clinic might be insufficient should the bullfighter be gored. He also went to important corridas in important plazas whose clinics and surgeons were first-class, simply as a private person who enjoyed the bullfight (e.g., the Bilbao corrida where Dominguín was gored and was attended by local doctors). Bullfighters are greatly dependent on the medical profession and express their gratitude in a variety of ways. A statue in the courtyard of the Madrid bullring honors Alexander Fleming, the discoverer of penicillin; a passage near the Valencia bullring is named after Dr. Serra (q.v. in HDIA; see also Penicillin). Each year, gala bullfights featuring top-notch matadors are held in benefit of medical institutions. Ordóñez dedicated a bull to Dr. Tamames on 23 September 1958, at Talavera de la Reina (q.v.); this was probably one of several such gestures of friendship and respect. Ordóñez agrees emphatically with Hemingway’s statement that Tamames was a “great friend.”346 See also Doctors in HDIA. Tamames is the “personal surgeon and great friend” of both Ordóñez and Dominguín (73), tending them when they are gored (96–100, 102, 160–61, 165, 193, 195, 206). Tamames speaks: 59, 98–100, 160–61.

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Teruel. Important battleground during the Spanish Civil War (q.v.). Teruel was in Nationalist hands from the time of the original uprising in July 1936 until the Republicans took it in late December 1937. The Nationalists retook it in February 1938: the fighting lasted six weeks. Hemingway and Teruel. Hemingway witnessed the Republican attempt to take Teruel. He observed the battles from a ridge that was receiving heavy enemy fire. At that point, he wrote, “all I wanted was a spade to make a little mound to get my head under.” Returning to Teruel many years later, Hemingway recalls this wartime feeling of exposure and vulnerability (119). Hemingway filed three dispatches about Teruel: the first analyzes the difficulties of the terrain but concludes that “It is not impossible that the Rebels [Nationalists] may stage a large-scale Teruel offensive” (23 September 1937). The second describes the Republican attack, with the troops fighting “as much against the weather as against the enemy” (19 December 1937). The third details the Republican taking of Teruel and ends by reporting Franco’s threat to retake the town (21 December 1937).347 Within a very few days, Franco made good his threat: the Nationalists brought in reinforcements, attacked on 29 December, ousted the Republicans on 15 February 1938, and then began their successful eastward drive toward the sea. See also Segorbe. The Nationalist victories at various points along the Ebro River (q.v.) in April enabled them to move northwards to Barcelona (q.v.). Franco’s conquest of Barcelona marked the collapse of the Republican forces. Hemingway intended to write a “very long” story about the winter-time fighting in Teruel, “reputedly the coldest town in Spain.” The temperature was well below freezing during most of the fighting, at one time falling to -18ºC, or -2ºF. The story was given a title, “Fatigue,” but was not written.348 In an unpublished section of The Dangerous Summer typescript, Hemingway remarks that “There are few battlefields that you can willingly return to and I wondered how many [Spanish] civil war buffs had ever fought or been wounded. I only knew that Teruel was a place I never had to go to again.”349 Twenty years later, the narrator can still see traces of the long fighting at Teruel (118; mentioned, 114); he mentions the weather of that winter (119).

Toledo. Toledo has a long taurine history, documented as far back as 1434. The city holds important bullfights on Corpus Christi (usually the end of May) and in August. The bullring, which seats about 8,500 spectators, cel-

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ebrated its inaugural corrida in August 1865 or 1866 (accounts differ). Cayetano Sanz (q.v. in HDIA) and Antonio Sánchez (el Tato) were the featured bullfighters, but the audience, aware that the novillero Salvador Sánchez (Frascuelo, q.v. in HDIA) was in the audience, demanded that this already famous young fighter kill the last bull. He complied. Hemingway Misses the Toledo Corrida. The corrida Hemingway mentions took place on 28 May 1959. The cartel included Luis Miguel, Antonio Bienvenida, and Jaime Ostos, with bulls from the ranch of Antonio Pérez. It had rained lightly from noon until three that afternoon; it started to rain again during Antonio Bienvenida’s first bull. Dominguín performed a “faena de maestro” (masterful faena) with the afternoon’s second bull (his first) and was awarded an ear for his second. He had trouble killing both times. Ostos cut both ears of his first bull and was injured by his second. The critic Antonio Díaz Cañabate does not mention the bulls’ horns, but he was impressed that all three bullfighters that afternoon used their steel swords during their work with the muleta, and not the lighter wooden substitute that is used during the muleta work and is traded in for the real sword when the bullfighter is ready to kill.350 For the sham sword, which was popularized by Manolete, refer to “The Corrida”; for the shaving of the horns, refer to “Bulls and Bull Breeding”—both sections in the Introduction to this volume. The narrator regrets not having seen the Toledo bullfight, where, he claims, the bulls’ horns were shaved (85–86).

Toulouse, France. Toulouse constructed a bullring in the 1950s, when Spain became more accessible to international tourism and foreign interest in the bullfight blossomed (see Tourists). The ring was in operation from 1953 to 1976 but has since been torn down. Ordóñez in Toulouse. In 1959 Ordóñez fought once in Toulouse, on 5 July. The bulls were from Antonio Pérez, and his fellow matadors were Manuel Jiménez Díaz (Chicuelo II, q.v.) and Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín). Ordóñez’s work with his first bull was received with silence; he cut both ears of his second.351 The narrator mentions but does not describe the Toulouse corrida (136).

Tourists. After the Spanish Civil War (q.v.), Franco’s government was at odds with much of the international community, an isolation intensified by Spain’s obvious partiality for Germany in spite of its official stance of “non-involvement” during World War II. As the international community realigned itself along Cold War lines, relations between Spain, western

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Europe, and the United States improved somewhat, and tourism to Spain was resumed. For the popularity of bullfighting in the 1940s and 1950s, see Pamplona; Rodríguez Sánchez, Manuel (Manolete); Vázquez, José Luis. For the crowds surrounding matadors and literary lions, see Informants; Followers; Friends; Spectators. The narrator cannot help but notice that many tourists go to the bullfights. Pamplona is crowded with tourists, many of whom have no doubt come there because of The Sun Also Rises (136–38). He also mentions tourists in Málaga (167).

El Trianero. See González Jiménez, Juan. Tricks. The words adorno, desplante, and truco refer to inessential but showy techniques performed by the bullfighter. In determining whether a particular behavior or maneuver is praiseworthy or not, the critic must consider it in the context of the matador’s entire performance with the bull, and of his attitude to that bull and to the public. José Silva Aramburu defines the adorno broadly, to include any technique that adds “belleza o lucimiento” (beauty or splendor) to the bullfight. More precisely, Abad Ojuel writes that the adorno is any inspired or unexpected variant performed with the cape or muleta, while the desplante is an arrogant gesture or challenge the bullfighter makes with his voice or body towards the bull or, tinged with disdain, towards the public. Arrogance generally not being a negative quality in bullfighting, the desplante al toro is generally approved by the audience, though that body often resents the desplante aimed at itself (the desplante al público). Some purists insist that any gesture that implies disrespect for any component of the bullfight or for the enemigo (the opponent, usually the bull but occasionally and ironically, the public) is to be avoided because it lowers the tone of bullfighting. Most, however, defend the desplante as an expression of the matador’s courage and self-confidence. Abad Ojuel defends both the adorno and the desplante: “El adorno es parte esencial de la faena grande por su estética; el desplante complementa la faena dominadora a fuerza de valentía” (Because of its aesthetic value, the adorno is essential to any artistic faena; the desplante complements any faena which is based on courage). Abad Ojuel identifies as “clásicos” or orthodox such desplantes as the touching or grasping of the bull’s horn (most famously performed by Belmonte on a Miura bull), or kneeling, unprotected by cape, muleta, or sword, in front of the bull, with arms akimbo or outstretched.

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The adorno can be abused by the bullfighter who, intent on the public rather than on the bull or the art of bullfighting, bases his performance on the showy rather than on the serious. For such a bullfighter, particularly if he is capable of solid work, Díaz Cañabate has nothing but disdain. He also castigates the public which applauds such vulgar tactics: “El adorno es lo fácil. Si el público lo aplaude, los toreros, que no son tontos, lo realizan” (The adorno is the easy thing. If the public applauds it, the bullfighters, who are not fools, will perform it).352 The truco is generally but not universally considered to be less respectable. It is an “Alarde efectista, pero sin mérito, que emplea el diestro de cara a la galería” (pointless, showy, boastful maneuver, performed by the matador to impress the gallery). Hemingway refers to several such maneuvers (47–48), but does not mention the men who popularized them: Carlos Arruza (the telephone) and Miguel Báez (Litri, throwing away muleta and sword). In 1959, these showy, dangerous maneuvers were performed both by Dominguín and by Ordóñez. Another term, alivio, refers to a safer, helpful short-cut or alternative to a necessary action. One alivio was “el rincón de Ordóñez” (discussed in endnote 222, s.v. the entry for Ordóñez, Antonio), and another, popularized by Manolete, was the sham sword (discussed in “The Corrida,” in the Introduction to this volume). Hemingway seems to use the English word “trick” to encompass a variety of shades of meaning (as alivio, 64; as adorno, 88, 94; see also 196). He rails against Manolete-type “tricks”353 (see Rodríguez Sánchez, Manuel [Manolete].) Disallowing invention, Hemingway decries a wide variety of unusual or unorthodox maneuvers as “tricks” that pollute the purity of toreo. More tolerant of taurine variety, the critic and theorist Gregorio Corrochano (q.v. in HDIA) writes approvingly that “Todos los grandes toreros se han adornado con plumas de toreo” (for this sentence I can provide only a graceless, literal translation: All great bullfighters have adorned themselves with the plumes of toreo). He uses the word adornos to praise a wide range of behaviors, most of which Hemingway would dismiss as “tricks”: “Paquiro parcheaba, Guerrita daba el salto de trascuerno . . . Belmonte se recreaba con el molinete; Manolete se permitió un día mirar al tendido mientras toreaba” (Paquiro [Francisco Montes] stuck ribbons, colored cloths, bits of paper and other patches on the bull; Guerrita [Rafael Guerra] leapt over bulls’ horns . . . Belmonte amused himself with the molinete [spinning so as to wrap the cape around himself, twirling in the direction opposite to the bull’s movement around the bullfighter]; and Manolete indulged himself one day by looking at the gallery while fighting the bull).

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Corrochano defines all these as adornos, a kind of comic relief or lightening of the tension “para desarrugar el entrecejo de un público cargado de emoción” (to smooth the furrowed brow of a public overwhelmed by emotion). Such lighthearted, occasionally spectacular taurine embroideries, or filigranas, also offer an outlet for the bullfighter’s enthusiasm for his craft. As long as they are used sparingly, adornos are not rejected by professional taurine commentators and certainly not by bullfighters who, having chosen to perform for an audience, generally want to please and impress their public. In general, then, bullfight critics and theoreticians seem to feel that excessive or dishonestly showy adornos intended to extract applause have no place in bullfighting,354 but that an honest, powerful faena may be capped with a flourish. Corrochano rejects the concept of “tricks” in general and “cheap tricks” in particular: “La verdad es que no sabemos lo que son trucos, cuando trucos que parecen baratos cuestan tan caros” (The truth is that we don’t know what is or isn’t a trick, since tricks that seem cheap [grabbing the bull’s horn, or fighting the bull while sitting down, as Sánchez Mejías did] can cost a man his life). Abad Ojuel agrees: there is no truco when blood is spilled.355 Antonio Ordóñez, who defends Hemingway’s use of the word “trick,” argues that there are many “trucos buenos” (good tricks) in bullfighting, and that Hemingway rightly rejoiced in them.356 Hemingway’s use of the word “tricks” to mean professional expertise supports Ordóñez’s claim. In The Old Man and the Sea, for example, Santiago says, “I am a strange old man and I know many tricks” (14). In terms of writing, however, the word had negative connotations: see Hemingway’s discussion of “tricks” in Death in the Afternoon, where “one trick or another” is opposed to “the real thing” (2). In The Dangerous Summer, Hemingway and his friends joke that other people provide Hemingway with material or do his writing for him. “Now I know the trick,” Ordóñez says, and the narrator jokes back, “Well, it’s a good trick.”357 The same joke appears in A Moveable Feast, when the Fire-Eater offers to provide Hemingway with exotic stories for him to write up (MF, 158–59). See also Davis, Bill; Identities. The narrator notices disapprovingly that taurine spectators applaud “tricks” (47–48, 51, 88–89, 106, 110–11, 117) and that these are performed by Chicuelo II (91), Dominguín (52, 106, 110–11, 117, 137, 145, 150–51, 156, 178, 187), Manolete (156 et passim), and Ordóñez (88, 89, 94, 179, 184; see also 188).

Trophies. During his performance, the audience can reward a bullfighter with applause, calls for music, shouts of encouragement or approval expressed in words like ¡Olé! or Bien (good, or well done: Bien is typically used in

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Seville’s bullring, whose critical audience is not given to exuberance; Seville’s sparingly offered Bien usually emerges as a slow, soft, deep growl), and standing ovations. After the performance, the audience may wave white handkerchiefs to encourage the president to award one or both ears and, in unusual circumstances, the hoof or even the tail of the bull. A triumphant matador may take one or more slow turns about the ring, during which flowers, cigars, and other objects may be thrown to him. If the applause continues, he takes a bow in the center of the ring, and occasionally he will be carried out the main door of the bullring on the shoulders of enthusiastic admirers.358 In the early years of the twentieth century, before the roads were clogged with cars, a matador was sometimes carried all the way to his hotel. A disapproving audience will sit in stony silence, whistle derisively, or shout insults. Music/Ears. In Madrid, court musicians traditionally played before and after, but not during, taurine events. Music was first heard during a matador’s performance in 1889, when Rafael Guerra (Guerrita, q.v. in HDIA) was so honored. Díaz Cañabate, who succeeded Cossío as the editor of the encyclopedia Los Toros, reviews the history of ears as trophies in his long essay, “Panorama del toreo hasta 1979.” The first ear was granted in 1876 to José Lara (Chicorro), a second-rate fighter whose inspired, exhilarating performance resulted in the unwonted trophy. No more ears were awarded until 1898, when another minor performer, Leandro Sánchez de León (Cacheta), was inappropriately rewarded by the ill-advised president of the bullring. In 1901 four ears were awarded as a joke to a greengrocer turned torero bufo (comic bullfighter), on the occasion of his retirement from the ring. The fact that the current masters of bullfighting in those years, Lagartijo and Frascuelo (qq.v. in HDIA), were not given ears indicates that this trophy did not carry the weight it was to assume later. On 2 October 1910 Vicente Pastor (q.v. in HDIA) was awarded “la primera oreja en toda la historia del toreo serio” (the first ear in the history of serious bullfighting) for his work with Carbonero, a Concha y Sierra bull. The second was awarded to Rafael González Madrid (Machaquito, q.v. in HDIA), on 17 May 1911 in a corrida of Miuras; and the third to Ricardo Torres Reina (Bombita, q.v. in HDIA), on 14 April 1912 for his performance with a Santa Coloma bull.359 This was of course in Madrid, Spain’s premier bullring: unrecorded ears may have been given earlier in the provinces. The first hoof was awarded in 1932, in Valencia, to Fernando Domínguez (1907–1976), while he was still a novillero.360 Hemingway and Trophies. In an unpublished section of the typescript of The Dangerous Summer, Hemingway wrote that in Tudela (q.v.), Ordóñez

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enjoyed a “great triumph” that earned him both ears and the tail. To honor his partner in that great performance, Ordóñez returned one of the ears to the bull.361 It is difficult to understand why such a charming passage was excised from the 1986 book version of The Dangerous Summer. Hemingway hardly mentions trophies in Death in the Afternoon but is very aware of them in The Dangerous Summer. By this time, of course, he had been awarded both the Pulitzer and the Nobel Prize for Literature. Although this later interest in trophies may be read as an expression of the older Hemingway’s own increased interest in public recognition and financial reward, it is more probably a reflection of the inflation that has affected bullfighting as much as it has affected the language of advertising, the grading systems in universities, and most currencies. See also President. Other Prizes. Bullfighters who achieve excellence in their profession or who engage in charitable activities are awarded medals and titles such as the Cruz de Beneficencia or membership in prestigious associations. Taurine excellence is also recognized on a more general scale, most prominently by the Medalla de Oro a Bellas Artes (gold medal in fine arts), a prestigious award to honor individuals and organizations for achievement in publishing, painting, architecture, cinema, music, theater, fashion, sculpture, and since the late 1990s, bullfighting. The awards are announced by the government in December but the ceremony itself, attended by government ministers and the king and queen of Spain, takes place the next year. The first matador to be thus honored was Antonio Ordóñez, in 1997. Subsequently the medal has been given to Francisco Romero López (Curro Romero) and Santiago Martín Sánchez (el Viti), both in 1998, the brothers Pepe Luis Vázquez (q.v.) and Manolo Vázquez (in 1999 and 2003 respectively), Rafael Soto Moreno (Rafael de Paula) and Antonio Chenel (Antoñete), both in 2002, Juan Antonio Ruiz Román (Espartaco) and Ángel Luis Mejías Jiménez (Ángel Luis Bienvenida) in 2004, and Francisco Camino Sánchez (Paco Camino) in 2005. The rejoneador and bull breeder Álvaro Domecq y Díez has also been honored with a Medalla de Oro a Bellas Artes, as was Salvador Távora, who had been a bullfighter in his youth, although never attaining the final rank of matador de toros; he was awarded the medal for his work in the theater. The narrator documents the trophies awarded to the bullfighters (for Dominguín, 74, 75, 86, 117, 128, 137, 146, 156, 171, 174, 178, 185; for Ordóñez, 95, 116, 123, 130, 133, 147, 149, 162, 170, 172, 176, 179, 184, 186, 188, 198; for Ostos, 78, 198–99. Spectators demand trophies (89–90, 110–11, 117), and these are sometimes denied by the president (90).

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Tudela (Navarre). Tudela, which has held bullfights since the mid-1500s, built its first bullring in the eighteenth century. It was renovated in 1895 and largely rebuilt in 1933. It seats about eight thousand people. On 26 July 1959, Dominguín, Ordóñez, and Ostos (qq.v.) fought Martínez Elizondo bulls in Tudela’s fiesta of Santa Ana. As senior matador, Dominguín was the first performer. His capework drew applause, but the muleta- and swordwork were weak and he was whistled at, a mark of derision. In his second bull he gave very few passes, was again weak with muleta and sword, was booed and had pillows and bottles thrown at him; one bottle hit him on the head. Ordóñez was clearly the star of the afternoon: he cut the ear of his first bull, got both ears and the tail of his second, and was carried out of the ring by the spectators. Ostos’s performances were unimpressive from beginning to end.362 The fight at Tudela is described in an unpublished section of the typescript, as the narrator reports what “the boys told me about Tudela,” including the details about Ordóñez’s many trophies and of the bottle thrown at Dominguín, which Hemingway claims caught him “low down on the neck,” and not on the head. The third bullfighter, Jaime Ostos, “had been conspicuously brave”—a mixed compliment.363 The narrator mentions but does not describe the Tudela corrida (148).

–V– Valcargado. This was the name not only of Antonio Ordóñez’s ranch, but also of the ranch in Medina Sidonia acquired by Álvaro Domecq y Díez in 1954. The Domecqs changed the name to Torre Estrella (later Torrestrella) after a ruined castle on the property. Under this new name, the descendants of Álvaro Domecq still produce fine bulls.364 It is probably a coincidence that Ordóñez’s ranch shares the name with the nearby Domecq property. Over the years Ordóñez has owned other ranches, including El Judío (Carmona, Seville) and Los Tinahones (Constantina, Seville). See Ordóñez, Antonio, especially the section “Ordóñez’s Career as Bull Breeder.” Ordóñez bought Valcargado in 1957 and was still paying for the property in 1959 (104).

Valdepeñas. See Drinks. Valencia. Professional nickname of the Roger family. The founder of this bullfighting dynasty, José Roger Durán (1867–1924), was called Valencia

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because he was born in that city, though he grew up in Madrid. His sons, the matadors José Roger Serrano (Valencia, Pepe Valencia, 1894–1971) and Victoriano Roger Serrano (Valencia II, 1898–1936, qq.v. in HDIA), kept the nickname though both were born in Madrid. José Roger Martín (Valencia III, 1922–1978) was the son of Pepe Valencia. Victoriano Cuevas Roger (Victoriano Valencia, q.v.) is the grandson, nephew, and cousin of these bullfighters. Valencia. Some authorities report that primitive versions of the bullfight were held in Valencia as early as 1085; other authorities cite the more probable date of 1612 as the first formally documented instance of bullfighting. The city is proud of its long taurine tradition, as evidenced by the fact that it boasts Spain’s oldest taurine museum.365 Valencia hosts two important annual taurine events, the fallas (15 to 19 March), and the feria in honor of Santiago (San Jaime, St. James, 20–30 July). Valencia’s first bullrings were portable, easily dismantled structures. In the seventeenth century the city built its first permanent wooden bullring. In 1625 the profits from its bullfights were assigned to the local hospital, a practice that continued in spite of the demands of the port and of the city hall, powerful institutions eager for a share of the sizable income realized from bullfighting. In 1802 the hospital erected a new, more solid wooden bullring; this was destroyed in 1808, during the Napoleonic Wars, and Valencia again had to rely on makeshift structures. In 1850, Melchor Ordóñez (no relation of the bullfighting Ordóñezes) was elected governor of Valencia. A great aficionado, he compiled Valencia’s taurine legal code (modeled on the code he had established for Málaga and a forerunner of the modern Reglamento) and decreed the construction of a permanent bullring. A benefit bullfight raised sufficient funds, but revolution and cholera dissipated the money. In 1857 or 1858, the city again raised funds, and the masonry bullring was completed in 1859 or 1860 (accounts differ). At that time it stood thirty meters outside the city walls; when Hemingway first went to Valencia in the 1920s, the city had grown to surround it. It seats almost seventeen thousand spectators and its corrals, chapel, infirmary, offices, courtyard for horses, and other facilities are well designed and well equipped. Hemingway liked Valencia’s July feria, which he attended quite regularly during the 1920s as well as in 1931, his last bullfight season before the publication of Death in the Afternoon in 1932. The Valencia feria of 1959. In 1959, the Valencia feria offered daily corridas from Friday, 24 July, to Thursday, 30 July, the last one celebrating the

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plaza’s centennial. The Dangerous Summer includes a description of the feria’s first corrida, which featured Antonio Mejías (Bienvenida), Luis Miguel Dominguín, and Jaime Ostos (qq.v.); the bulls, from the ranch of José Luis de Pablo Romero (q.v.), were disappointing. Bienvenida’s second bull broke one of his legs during the pic-ing—a fact Hemingway neglects to mention—and therefore had to be killed quickly, without any muleta work. The fifth one lost a hoof, and the sixth one had such weak legs that a Samuel Flores (q.v.) bull was brought in as a substitute. Luis Miguel and Ostos cut both ears off their second bulls, and were carried out on shoulders. This is one of the very few corridas described in The Dangerous Summer that did not feature Ordóñez. Ordóñez performed in four corridas of Valencia’s July 1959 feria: on 25, 27, 28, and 30 July. On Saturday, 25 July, the second day of the feria, generally good bulls from María Teresa Oliveira’s ranch were fought by Ordóñez, Curro Girón, and Jaime Ostos (qq.v). Ordóñez’s work with his first bull was greeted with silence; he was awarded the ear of his second bull. Both Girón and Ostos cut an ear of their first bulls. Ostos was actually awarded both ears of his first bull, but in a gallant gesture, he threw away one of them when it became clear that some spectators felt he hadn’t deserved both. The feria’s third event (on 26 July) featured eight bulls, fought by Julio Aparicio, Chicuelo II, Gregorio Sánchez (qq.v.), and Curro Romero. No ears were cut, although the public demanded one for Chicuelo II. (Encouraged by their applause, he took a second tour of the ring). On Monday, 27 July, fighting Palha bulls with Chicuelo II and Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín), Ordóñez got no trophies, but the other two matadors were awarded one ear each, for their work with their first bulls. The bulls were, on the whole, dull; the corrida was interrupted twice by espontáneos (q.v.). The next day, 28 July, the fifth corrida of the feria, the bulls were from the ranch of Samuel Flores (q.v.). Ordóñez’s companions were Dominguín and Gregorio Sánchez. Luis Miguel’s bulls were difficult, he did the best he could, and the public applauded warmly. Only the second and third bulls gave a good show; Ordóñez and Sánchez took advantage of their possibilities. Ordóñez was awarded both ears of his first bull but was whistled at derisively for his work with his second; Sánchez extracted a good faena from his first, but killed him poorly and lost the expected ear. The legs of the sixth bull buckled during the tercio de banderillas and he had to be dispatched quickly: no faena was possible. The corrida of 29 July featured bulls from the ranch of the brothers Fernando and Graciliano Pérez Tabernero (q.v. in HDIA), in Salamanca. The

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bullfighters were Julio Aparicio, Curro Girón, and Miguel Mateo Salcedo (Miguelín). Aparicio did well with both his bulls, but his deficient swordwork cost him the ear of his first bull; he did gain that trophy with his second bull. Girón was awarded two ears for his work with his first bull. Miguelín drew two poor bulls, with which, the reviewer says, he did the best he could.366 The 30th of July, a corrida extraordinaria (i.e., not part of the regular subscription series) in honor of the plaza’s centennial, was the first mano a mano between the two brothers-in-law: each man fought two bulls from Sepúlveda de Yeltes and one from Baltasar Ibán (qq.v). Luis Miguel was gored by his third bull; Ordóñez cut an ear of his first (in spite of a low sword thrust); was whistled at for his second, which was manso (tame, cowardly, or spiritless) and was killed with an even worse sword thrust); and cut both ears of his third: he made a triumphant tour of the ring. Because Dominguín was injured, Ordóñez also killed the fifth bull of that corrida—a big, black, very strong beast—for a total of four bulls. He was carried out of the plaza by the spectators. Dominguín cut no ears on that wind-plagued afternoon.367 Several of the corridas held in Valencia are described (144–63). The coastal city is mentioned often (43, 52, 53, 121, 123, 124, 143, 167, 187, 193; see also Pepica).

Valencia, Victoriano. See Cuevas Roger, Victoriano. Valparaíso. See Monasterio de San Jerónimo. Vasquez, Pepe Luis. Correct spelling: Vázquez. Full name: José Luis Vázquez Garcés. Spanish bullfighter, b. 1922. Investiture as matador de toros, 15 August 1940, in Seville; confirmed in Madrid, 20 October of that same year. Although Spain claimed neutrality during World War II, the guest of honor at the confirmation of Vázquez’s alternativa was Heinrich Himmler (1900–1945), then the head of Hitler’s secret police. The corrida was rained out after only three bulls. Pepe Luis began studying bulls and bullfighting at age fourteen, when he became his father’s assistant in the Seville slaughterhouse. Mataderos have produced many bullfighters (see El Niño del Matadero in HDIA), and bullfight fever duly infected the Vázquez offspring. Four younger brothers followed Pepe Luis into the bullring: Manuel (Manolo, 1930–2005) and Antonio (b. 1933) were matadores de toros; Juan and Rafael were matadores de novillos.368

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In the late 1930s, Pepe Luis appeared in a few local novilladas. Although the Civil War had emptied most of the bullrings, he achieved fame as a novillero—unlike the slightly older Manolete (q.v.), with whom he occasionally appeared in novilladas but whose work was not particularly admired until after his alternativa. In 1939, Pepe Luis performed in fiftyseven novilladas; he was promoted the following season and was one of the important figures who drew the post-war public back into the bullrings. In his first two full seasons as matador de toros, Pepe Luis was the topranked matador in Spain, with sixty-eight corridas in 1941 (when only one hundred and fifty-one such events were offered) and eighty-three in 1942. The top position was soon taken over by Manolete, the Mexican Carlos Arruza, Luis Miguel Dominguín, and other stars, but Pepe Luis ranked high among Spain’s top matadors throughout the 1940s, in spite of several serious injuries which required prolonged absences from the ring. He performed in fifty-four corridas in 1943 (all of them before 25 July, when a horrible goring in the face ended his season), thirty-six in 1944 (badly injured in June), forty-six in 1945, fifty-six in 1946 (ranked second, after Dominguín; Manolete was absent from Spain for this season), forty-six in 1947 (ranked third), forty-seven in 1948 (gored at the height of the season, in July—and again in September), and thirty-seven in 1949. The physical, economic, and psychological stress of this decade caused Pepe Luis to reduce his appearances sharply in the early 1950s: nine corridas in 1950, thirty in 1951, one in 1952, and the farewell corrida of 1953. In 1959 he returned to bullfighting, performing in nineteen corridas and being awarded the bull’s ears in several rings, including that of Madrid. He was much feted that year as one of the great stylists of post-war toreo. During the 1940s, Pepe Luis’s work with the cape and muleta, often described as lyrical and “típico sevillano” (typically Sevillian, i.e., graceful and flowing), offered a sharp contrast to Manolete’s insistent, unvarying vertical strength, which forced all bulls to conform to the faena he programmed for them. Manolete was tall, somber, and fairly predictable; Pepe Luis was short, lively, and unpredictable: his large repertoire of techniques enabled him to adjust his style and pace to the individual bull he faced. His performances were considered more interesting than Manolete’s and he attracted a great following even among foreigners, who responded to his grace. Possessed of “una inteligencia de las más claras que haya habido en cabeza de torero” (a level-headed intelligence of the highest caliber), Pepe Luis was not tempted by showy, dangerous, or inappropriate maneuvers. But whereas Manolete excelled in all three tercios of the bullfight, Pepe Luis was a weak swordsman.

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Although they were only ten years older than Ordóñez, Pepe Luis Vázquez, Antonio Bienvenida (both born 1922), and even Dominguín (born 1926) were a different generation of bullfighters. Promoted to matador de toros in the early 1940s, they had helped rebuild the Spanish bullfight in the difficult post-war years, reviving regional and national pride and showing that regional rivalries could coexist in the bullring after the Civil War as they had before. Spain honored Pepe Luis Vázquez by awarding him the Medalla de Oro a las Bellas Artes (Gold Medal of Fine Arts) in 2003 (see also Trophies) and Seville erected a statue of him across the Paseo de Colón, facing the entrance of the Maestranza bullring. Hemingway’s contract with Life enjoined him to focus on Dominguín and Ordóñez, at the expense of the other sixty-two matadores de toros who were active that season. This causes The Dangerous Summer to lack the broad outlook and historical perspective present in Death in the Afternoon, and distorts both the 1959 taurine season and the records of the two main figures. Ordóñez and Vázquez. When Vázquez emerged from retirement in 1959, he performed with Ordóñez on five occasions: 1 May (Barcelona; the third bullfighter was Manolo Vázquez), on 3 May (Jerez de la Frontera; the third matador was Diego Puerta), on 26 May (Córdoba, q.v.), on 27 June (Zaragoza, q.v.), and on 9 September (Murcia, with Curro Girón). Ordóñez also performed in four corridas with José Luis’s brother Manuel.369 In his narrative, Hemingway mentions only the Córdoba and Zaragoza performances. Hemingway and Vázquez. Although he was in Madrid, Hemingway skipped the corrida of 18 May, in which Vázquez earned an ear for his second bull and was carried triumphantly out of the ring, as were his coperformers: Antonio Bienvenida, who killed his second bull recibiendo and cut two ears; and Julio Aparicio, who dedicated his second bull to Vázquez and Bienvenida and also got an ear. Although Hemingway did not see this corrida, he read the glowing reviews.370 Hemingway saw Vázquez perform the next day, 19 May, a rainy day on which all the bullfighters performed badly with their first bulls. The corrida was, as Hemingway says, canceled after the third bull (TDS, 76) because the arena was too muddy for further work.371 Hemingway probably saw Vázquez again in Pamplona, where he performed on 9 July 1959 and enjoyed critical approval, especially for his capework.372 Pepe Luis Vázquez was not noted for consistency: he had good and bad afternoons. In 1959, he had—and Hemingway knew he had—several triumphs, which Hemingway disregards in his dismissive treatment of this figura. It is also unfortunate that Hemingway disregards the historical di-

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mension that Pepe Luis brought to the corridas of that season, an important factor in an art as old, complex, and tradition-bound as bullfighting. The narrator saw Pepe Luis Vázquez in Córdoba, when he was the senior matador on a bill with Ordóñez and Ostos. He “had been an excellent bullfighter with a very delicate style” but, the narrator claims, his comeback was not successful (77). The narrator also saw Pepe Luis one month later, when he was the senior matador with Dominguín and Ordóñez in Zaragoza (q.v.); he does not describe Vázquez’s performance on that afternoon.

Vejar. Correct spelling: Vejer. Full name of the town: Vejer de la Frontera, in the province of Cádiz. In Hemingway’s day, this was a beautiful small town. Since then, urban and suburban growth have greatly altered it. The narrator admires Vejar [sic] (107).

Vera de Bidasoa. See Bidassoa. Victoria, Hotel Reina Victoria. Address: Calle Barcas 4, Valencia. Established in 1913, the Reina Victoria is a four-star hotel in the old city of Valencia, an easy walk to the city hall, the train station, and the bullring.373 It was named after Victoria Eugenia (1887–1969, q.v. in HDIA), a granddaughter of England’s Queen Victoria who ascended the Spanish throne when she married Alfonso XIII on 31 May 1906. The Guía taurina, 1966 lists seven Valencian hotels where matadors frequently stay; the Victoria is not among them (refer to “The Functions of Place Names,” in the User’s Guide of this volume). In 1923, Hemingway stayed in a similarly named hotel in Ronda (q.v. in HDIA). Because the Hotel Royal is fully booked, the narrator stays at the “fine, old, dark cool Victoria” in Valencia (144).

Villa Paz. In addition to their large ranch, Villa Paz, the Dominguín family owned two other ranches, La Companza and La Virgen; an apartment in Madrid’s Calle Príncipe, 35; another home called El Arcón, in Sotogrande, Cádiz; the Madrid bullring at Vista Alegre; and several other commercial properties in Spain and South America. La Companza, their first large home, was acquired by Luis Miguel’s father; Luis Miguel himself bought Villa Paz and La Virgen. Villa Paz was a “vast red brick royal mansion, divided into two courtyards . . . isolated in fenceless, stream-crossed wheatlands from the ValenciaMadrid highway near Saelices.” During the Spanish Civil War, it housed an

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American hospital: “Its 100 American folding cots were lined up in the four former royal granaries. Four doctors and twelve nurses, unpaid, tended the wounded in this House of Peace amid efficiency and cleanliness unrivaled in Spain.”374 Ordóñez and the narrator visit Dominguín at Villa Paz (52, 53, 168).

Vinaroz. See Ebro River. Volkswagen. The tall Rupert Belville seems to have been addicted to small cars. In 1954 he drove Mary Hemingway from corrida to corrida “in his rattling little car.” His driving made her nervous.375 See also Cars. The narrator mentions Bellville’s Volkswagen (63) which is driven by Mary Hemingway and Annie Davis (76, 82) while the men ride in another car (the Ford or the Lancia, qq.v.).

–W– Waiter. Hemingway remembers the waiter and restaurant owner who served him well (85; see also Bartender; Hotel Keepers). Waiter speaks: 85.

Weather. Both in Death in the Afternoon (1932) and “A Matter of Wind” (1959), Hemingway defines the wind as the bullfighter’s “worst” or “greatest enemy,” but many such “enemies” have been identified by bullfighters and writers: the bull, the audience, women, poverty, money, pride, and ambition, to name just a few.376 The levante (105), so named because it blows from the place where “el sol se levanta” (the sun rises), is an eastern wind. The “small wind” that comes off the Guadarrama Mountains is the subject of a proverb, which Hemingway quotes (76; see Proverbs, in this volume; see Proverbs; Weather in HDIA). The narrator frequently mentions the heat (191, 195), the rain (76, 83, 85, 135, 127–29, 177, 178, 194–95), and the wind (64, 76, 105, 127, 141, 142, 146, 147, 154–59), all of which affect the performance of the bullfighter and the comfort of the spectators.

Wellington, Hotel Wellington. Address, Calle Velázquez, 8, 28001 Madrid. Established in 1952, the Wellington was and is a five-star hotel, the property of the bull-breeding family of Baltasar Ibán (q.v.). In the 1950s and 1960s it was “un hotel taurino,” where many bullfighters, including Or-

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dóñez and Dominguín, dressed before the corrida (refer to “The Functions of Place Names,” in the User’s Guide of this volume). The hotel was named for Arthur Wellesley, first Duke of Wellington (1769–1852), to commemorate his services to Spain. From 1809 to 1813, as Commander of British forces, Wellington helped Spain repulse the French during the Peninsular War. Wellington’s defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo, Belgium, in 1815, led to Napoleon’s exile to the island of St. Helena, where he died. In gratitude, Spain gave Wellington lands and a hereditary title, the Duque of Ciudad Rodrigo.377 Ordóñez stays at the Hotel Wellington (69, 70, 73).

West Point. The United States Military Academy at West Point was established in 1802, although its military history goes back to January 1778, when West Point, on the west bank of the Hudson River in Orange County, New York, was first fortified. George Washington made his headquarters at West Point for some time, and later suggested that a national military school be built there. In March 1802, President Jefferson signed an act establishing the military academy, which formally opened on 4 July of that year. The prestigious Academy has graduated many famous military leaders who served with distinction in all of the United States’ wars. In the Civil War, West Point graduates led Union forces (e.g., Ulysses S. Grant and William T. Sherman) as well as Confederate forces (Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson). Dwight D. Eisenhower and Douglas MacArthur, the supreme allied commanders in Europe and Asia in World War II, were West Point graduates; so was Hemingway’s friend, Buck Lanham (q.v.). For other educational institutions, see the entries for Sandhurst and Yale, in HDIA. The narrator compares the tension between Dominguín and Ordóñez to wartime meetings between “two generals who hated each other ever since West Point” (108).

Wind. See Weather. Women and Girls. Although the men are usually called by their proper names, Hemingway frequently uses generic nouns such as “girls,” “our women,” or “prisoners” to refer to the few women who appear in The Dangerous Summer. Mary Hemingway was so offended by Hemingway’s ill treatment of her during the summer of 1959 that she not only left Spain before him, she

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went away intending to live apart from him.378 Hemingway had also ignored his hostess, the self-effacing Annie Davis, reserving all his admiration for Carmen Ordóñez for her “feminine” qualities: beauty, uncomplaining silence, and availability in time of need. He often referred to these women, who ranged in age from thirty to fifty, as “girls.” Nadine DeVost is the most recent of several critics who have noticed that “Hemingway’s use of the nouns ‘woman,’ ‘wife,’ and, especially, ‘girl’ . . . [is] important and purposeful, a necessary link between technique and theme.”379 See also Women and Girls in HDIA. Mary Hemingway and Annie Davis are called “girl” (82, 144) and “wife” (43). Carmen Ordóñez is defined as daughter (52, 97), sister (52, 53, 55, 97, 108), and most frequently as a wife (60, 70, 97, 101, 103–104, 146) who tenderly cares for her injured husband (97, 99, 164–65). She and Mary are “our women” (108). Women are discussed (103), excluded from social events (108, 135–36), and taken prisoner (137–38). An unnamed woman sits near the narrator at a bullfight (204).

World War I. See Aisne River; West Point. World War II. See West Point. Writers, Writing. See Authors in this volume, and see Authors in HDIA.

–Y– Yoldi, Hotel Yoldi. Address: 11 Avenida San Ignacio, Pamplona. Built in 1929 and originally called Hotel Pirineos, the hotel was acquired in 1935 by the Yoldi family, who renamed it. Quite understandably, bullfighters tend to patronize the same hotel over the years: it simplifies travel arrangements, gives a sense of familiarity, and results in preferential rates for themselves and their entourage (see Hotel Keepers). The Yoldi was Antonio Ordóñez’s hotel of choice in Pamplona.380 The narrator reports that in 1953 Ordóñez stayed at the Hotel Yoldi (51).

–Z– Zaragoza. Zaragoza opens its season in April with the fiestas de primavera (spring fair) and closes it in October with the important week-long fiestas

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del Pilar (see also Grand Hotel). Its bullring was built and inaugurated in 1764, the construction requiring only seventy days, probably record time, under the patronage of Ramón de Pignatelli; it is sometimes called el coso de Pignatelli (the Plaza de Pignatelli). The entrance gate is the only thing that remains of the original structure, which has been repaired and remodeled many times, most thoroughly in 1895, when it was enlarged to hold about ten thousand spectators, and again in 1917, when the seating capacity was increased to thirteen thousand. The bull pens, infirmary, and offices were improved and modernized during these remodelings, but the basic plan remains that of 1764, with its attendant discomforts: narrow passageways, steeply raked seating, and pillars which obstruct vision. Fire damaged but did not destroy the ring in 1962. Recent remodelings include the addition of a cover, to protect performers and spectators from inclement weather. The plaza now seats 14,300 persons.381 Ordóñez in Zaragoza, 1956 and 1959. In October 1956, Ernest and Mary Hemingway, Peter Buckley, Rupert Belville (q.v.), A. E. Hotchner (q.v.), the Maharajah of Cooch Behar, Dr. Manuel Tamames (q.v.), the taurine photographer Esteban Chapresto, and several others gathered for the Zaragoza fiesta, which always features important matadors. They saw César Girón, Joselito Huerta, Jaime Ostos, Miguel Báez (Litri), and Antonio Ordóñez. In 1959 Ordóñez performed only once in Zaragoza, on 27 June, when he was the youngest matador on a bill that included Pepe Luis Vázquez and Dominguín (qq.v.), a meeting of three great matadors that was dubbed, with typical taurine understatement, “la corrida del siglo” (the bullfight of the century). It marked the first joint Spanish appearance of Ordóñez and Dominguín since October 1952 (Dominguín had performed in Spanish rings in 1957 and 1958, but not with Ordóñez). The bulls, from the ranch of Ricardo Arellano (Arellano-Gamero Cívico), were weak, cowardly, and prone to mishaps: the first bull broke a leg and the fifth lost his hooves. Vázquez had the first and third bulls, both weak, and could do little with them. Luis Miguel was awarded a tour of the ring for his work with his first bull, but his second (the one that lost its hooves) was so useless that he asked to buy the substitute bull. Ordóñez cut the ear from his first bull but had less success with his second: the spectators watched in disapproving silence. Dominguín, however, cut two ears and a tail that afternoon, from the substitute bull. Hemingway accurately notes that the bulls were weak—Corrochano reports signs of the contagious hoof and mouth disease in all of them—and that Dominguín’s were blatantly defective, though the president refused to recall them, as the crowd demanded. Corrochano writes that buying the sobrero

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(substitute) after one has fought a full corrida is an expensive and risky initiative, but “si está justificada alguna vez, fué ésta, para calmar ánimos y acaso evitar un conflicto” (if ever [this practice] is justified, it was on this occasion, to calm the public and prevent a riot). Dominguín humorously dedicated this last bull to Domingo Ortega, Antonio Márquez, and Alfredo Corrochano (qq.v. in HDIA), who were sitting together: “Brindo por tres viejas glorias del toreo que van a envejecer viéndome torear, porque yo voy a tardar mucho en irme del ruedo” (I dedicate this bull to three old glories of toreo who are going to grow old watching me fight, because I don’t intend to retire from the ring anytime soon). The three honorees applauded Dominguín’s work “con cariño, entusiasmo y . . . nostalgia” (with affection, enthusiasm and . . . nostalgia). Of Ordóñez’s work with his first bull, Gregorio Corrochano wrote that “con el capote torea como los ángeles . . . tiene elegancia” (with the cape, he is heavenly . . . elegant). He approved Ordóñez’s muleta-work, which elicited from the weak bull the maximum he was capable of, but he noted that, once again, the sword was inserted off-center. Corrochano remarks that when this had first happened, it was said that Ordóñez’s hand had slipped slightly, but since it has happened so often, it can no longer be considered an accident (see Tricks). Corrochano agrees with Hemingway’s report that Ordóñez’s second bull was dangerously erratic: “le hizo unas cosas feas y Ordóñez abrevió; a cosas feas, estocadas feas” (the bull did ugly things and Ordóñez cut his work short; for ugly things, an ugly sword thrust). This was Ordóñez’s first bullfight after the goring in Aranjuez, on 30 May, and Corrochano saw traces of that goring in Ordóñez’s work with the second bull. With his penchant for extended simile, Corrochano used culinary imagery throughout his review, ending it with the remark that the “main ingredient” of this much-advertised corrida (i.e., the rivalry, q.v.) was absent. Like Corrochano, Hemingway doesn’t even mention the senior matador, Pepe Luis Vázquez, in his review.382 The narrator saw Ordóñez perform in Zaragoza in September 1956 (56, 59) and in June 1959 (114–17). Zaragoza is mentioned a few more times (118, 122, 132).

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In the interest of saving space, short references are used in this Notes section. Complete bibliographical details are provided in the list of Works Consulted. In the notes, as in the text, references to entries in this volume are indicated by q.v. and qq.v. or the italicized see or see also. The companion to this volume, Hemingway’s Death in the Afternoon: The Complete Annotations, is abbreviated HDIA, and references to it are presented in roman type instead of italics: see Barcelona in HDIA; see also Haba, Antonio de la, in HDIA. Other abbreviations: DIA stands for Hemingway’s Death in the Afternoon, TDS stands for Hemingway’s The Dangerous Summer, and JFK stands for the Ernest Hemingway Collection, which is housed at the John F. Kennedy Library, Columbia Point, Boston, Massachusetts. USER’S GUIDE 1. Titles and dates were provided by Doc Deliver, February 2001. 2. This work of collating and noting errors was begun by John Albert DeFazio (unpublished dissertation, University of Virginia, 1992). 3. To readers who find Spanish names confusing, I would like to remark that this is still the simplest way of finding an individual bullfighter in a reference work. In this respect, the Cossío encyclopedia, Los toros, is the easiest for beginners to use: it alphabetizes the entries first according to the bullfighter’s patronymic and then according to his first name, relying on the mother’s name only when several bullfighters have the same name. But Ventura Bagüés (don Ventura) requires the users of his excellent Historia de los matadores de toros to know more than the alphabet or the occasional mother: he presents the bullfighters chronologically, so that one must know their birth dates. And in his Index, he lists many of them only by nickname (no indication at all of family names), sometimes offering only initials or family relationship to distinguish between individuals who share the same nickname: e.g., Chicuelo (abuelo, grandfather), Chicuelo (padre, father), Chicuelo (nieto, grandson). The indispensable Toros y toreros en . . . uses yet another system: it arranges its annual reviews of individual bullfighters according to their seniority, with separate listings for matadores de alternativa and novilleros, so that one must know not only the rank of a particular bullfighter in any particular year, but the day and month he achieved that 265

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rank. Yet other reference books, especially those dealing with bull breeders, arrange their entries by geographical area, so that the seeker cannot find what she is seeking unless she already knows where it is. Let us be grateful for Spanish patronymics, alphabetically arranged. 4. Hemingway knew that Life en español would publish a translation of the threepart version of The Dangerous Summer and that it would appear in Spain (as well as other Spanish-speaking countries). 5. Hemingway understood that taurine addresses carry symbolic weight. In The Sun Also Rises, he used the taurine Hotel Montoya in several scenes, first to show that Jake Barnes is an insider, and later, when the hotel owner snubs him, to show that Jake has violated a moral norm and is therefore no longer welcome at the hotel. 6. Guía taurina, 1966, 291–95. Such guide books or professional directories, called consultores, were part of Hemingway’s library. They listed, among other things, ranches, bull breeders, managers, bullfighters of all types and ranks, taurine newspapers and journals, taurine clubs in the various cities, taurine tailors, airlines, butchers, car rental agencies, organizations that transport cattle, and so on. They may also contain glossaries, the text of the current Reglamentos, short biographies, a history of the bullfight, photographs, poems, and so on. They are usually quite thick. 7. See, for example, Alfonso XIII; Sevilla; Yoldi.

INTRODUCTION 1. JFK, Item 39, unnumbered p. 3. Hemingway’s refrain, “in the old days,” refers to the early and mid-1920s, his old days, when he first became enamored of the bullfight. 2. The two most glaring misjudgments in Death in the Afternoon—the attacks on Manolo Bienvenida and Domingo Ortega—stem from the same cause. In 1931, Hemingway’s last season before the publication of Death in the Afternoon, these two fighters were poised to take the bullfight beyond the norms Hemingway was committed to. For Hemingway, the future is bleak territory, and he refuses to speak well of it and its harbingers—hence his rejection of the emergent “new Messiahs.” The Dangerous Summer is more obviously flawed: Hemingway’s attack on two established and undisputed maestros, Dominguín and Manolete, permeates the entire book. This attack can only be regretted, not justified. 3. Chapter 20 of DIA originally began with an elegy for two peninsulas (Italy and Upper Michigan) which, for Hemingway, had been despoiled, and his fear that Spain would suffer the same fate. 4. Statistics for 1941 were taken from Uriarte, Toros y toreros en 1943 y 1944, 13, 197–98; for 1950 and 1960 from El Ruedo, 14 December 1950 and 1 December 1960; for 1990 from Aplausos, 5 November 1990. In 1949 and 1950 the number of corridas was uncharacteristically low, due to the popularity of the novilleros Julio Aparicio and Miguel Báez (Litri). When they became matadores de toros, the number of annual corridas returned to the two hundreds, remaining at that level until they broke into the

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three hundreds in 1957. Figures vary from year to year, as matadors retire, emerge from retirement, and so on, but since the 1950s the numbers have increased sharply. Corridas are not distributed evenly among matadors: the top-ranked figures fight forty, fifty, sixty and more corridas a season. Most bullfighters have far fewer contracts, and a bullfighter remains on the active list even if he fights only once or twice a season. 5. The pleito de los mexicanos, or the Mexican boycott, was a protectionist measure, to keep the Mexican competition out of Spain. The president of the bullfighters’ union, Marcial Lalanda, complained that the Mexicans were taking over the profession, and it is true that Mexicans of the caliber of Fermín Espinosa (Armillita Chico, q.v. in HDIA), Lorenzo Garza, and Luis Castro (el Soldado) came to Spain in sizable numbers and enjoyed notable successes: in 1935 Armillita had fought sixty-four corridas, tying for first place nationwide with Manolo Bienvenida; he was contracted for eighty in 1936. Many of the bullfighters who came to Spain to validate their alternativas and make a name for themselves brought their own cuadrillas. Since the number of corridas is limited, the Mexicans’ success deprived Spaniards of opportunities to perform. When the Spanish bullfighters complained about the competition, the Republic established guidelines for the employment of foreigners, but the Spanish fighters refused to fight even with Mexicans who had satisfied all legal requirements: they would refuse to sign contracts if the cartel included a Mexican, or call in sick on the day of the corrida. In May 1936 Armillita made a dignified pronouncement, explaining that he and his colleagues were leaving Spain but that they felt no anger or resentment against the country, its government, or even the bullfighters who had refused to appear with the Mexicans. He expressed the hope that the impasse would be resolved soon and in a friendly manner. The Mexicans left Spain in May 1936 (Padilla, “El boicot a los toreros mexicanos en España,” in his Historia de la plaza El Toreo, 151–53). In July, the Spanish Civil War erupted. Eight years later, in 1944, Spain found itself with very few bullfighters, and these few could not make ends meet without the profitable Mexican winter season. And so Spain moved to end the boycott. The original conciliatory overture was signed by Manuel Rodríguez (Manolete), Juan Belmonte, Joaquín Rodríguez (Cagancho), Manuel Jiménez (Chicuelo), and others. To salve national pride, the Mexicans insisted that a Mexican fight in Spain before a Spaniard be allowed to appear in Mexico; Marcial Lalanda agreed to the condition, and Carlos Arruza performed in Madrid on 18 July 1944 (Padilla, “Se soluciona el conflicto taurino hispano-mexicano,” in his Historia de la plaza El Toreo, 368–70). 6. Not to be outdone by Málaga and Madrid (which modified and adopted the Málaga code in 1852), Seville issued its own code in 1858. These early codes had limited, local authority; different rules obtained in different bullrings. The 1917 Reglamento was the first to apply nationwide, but it was restricted to first-class plazas. Needless to say, the national Reglamento was the product of much negotiation and political accommodation. Attempting to strengthen central government and national unity, the 1923 Reglamento addressed all plazas. But that very expansiveness caused

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it to be rejected. The revised edition, issued early in 1924, returned more or less to the 1917 parameters. Note: When I speak of the 1923 Reglamento I mean its revised form, which went into effect in 1924. The 1923 Reglamento required all bullrings to abide by the articles governing the pics and the infirmaries but allowed second- and third-class bullrings to disregard other strictures if these contradicted local custom or usage. The politically motivated restriction of its authority to first-rank plazas was a formality: in fact, both the 1917 and the 1923 Reglamentos carried great authority in all bullrings. For an excellent study of the social, financial, and political interests that shaped the taurine code in the twentieth century, see chapter 5 of Fernández’s Reglamentación de las corridas de toros. The life spans of the Reglamentos reveal their strength: the Reglamentos of 1930 and of 1962 each lasted three decades, though royal orders and codicils modified them periodically, until a new edition became imperative and a royal order authorized a new code. To its shame, the Reglamento of 1992 had to be replaced only four years later. 7. Hemingway to Perkins, qtd. in Trogdon, “Hemingway and Scribner,” 204, and The Lousy Racket, 106. 8. DIA, 473, s.v. Reglamento; see also Trogdon, “Hemingway and Scribner,” 220–21. The 1930 Reglamento was the first to be translated into English; the translation, prepared by Anthony Brand, appears in Conrad’s Encyclopedia of Bullfighting, 257–69. 9. The date of Hemingway’s first corrida is 27 May 1923 (Mandel, “The Birth of Hemingway’s Afición,” 134). 10. Artículo 85 of the 1917 Reglamento; Artículo 86 of the 1923 Reglamento; Artículo 94 of the 1930 Reglamento; Artículo 116 of the 1962 Reglamento; Artículo 82 of the 1992 Reglamento; and Artículo 80 of the 1996 Reglamento. 11. Fulton, Bullfighting, 4. 12. Unsuccessful specimens of both sexes (desechos de tienta y cerrado) are usually killed for meat, although if the animal’s deficiency is minor, it may be sold for breeding or for a bullfight. In the latter case, the animal’s condition as desecho de tienta y defectuoso (discarded and defective) must be publicly announced. 13. Artículo 2 of the 1930 Reglamento required the bull breeder to provide a signed affidavit stating not only that his novillos or toros had achieved the requisite weight and age, but also that they had never been fought. 14. The full-grown toro is also known as a cuatreño (a four-year-old) or a cinqueño (a five-year-old). See Cossío (1995), “Vocabulario taurino autorizado,” I: 343–88, 413; Nieto Manjón, Diccionario ilustrado de términos taurinos; and Sánchez de Neira, El toreo: Gran diccionario taurómaco. 15. As soon as they are killed, bulls are sent to the bullring’s desolladero or abattoir to be stripped of skin, horns, organs, and fat. The weight of the bones and flesh is considered a more accurate indication of the bull’s age and strength because extra fat and water can cause younger bulls to weigh in as full-grown toros. The minimum flesh-and-bones weight of a fighting bull (en canal) is 258 kilograms.

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16. The post mortem was one of the important innovations of the 1917 Reglamento (Artículo 19). But see Fernández, who finds a precedent for this ruling in the 1896 Reglamento for the plaza of Seville, which specifies a post mortem examination of the teeth and a fine for the bull breeder who failed to meet the minimum age requirement (qtd. in Fernández, Reglamentación, 119 n. 227). Artículos 74, 121, and 122 of the 1962 Reglamento clarify that the post mortem examination will rely on the dental development to determine the animal’s age (for corridas, novilladas, and becerradas, respectively). 17. Knowing who the bullfighters were and which other ganaderías were supplying bulls, the bull breeder knew when his animals would enter the ring and who would fight them. He could then decide which of his animals he would provide for that bullfighter. If he provided all the bulls for a particular corrida, as was customary in those days, he had that much more control, both for good (matching the bull to the bullfighter who could play it most effectively) and for ill (dumping difficult bulls on bullfighters of less renown or skill). Bull breeders could thus affect the bullfighter’s reputation and the course of his career. 18. The sorteo is defined in Artículo 30 of the 1923 Reglamento and in Artículo 36 of the 1930 Reglamento. 19. Ortiz Blasco and Sotomayor, Tauromaquia A–Z I: 622, my italics. 20. The Villar bulls that Sánchez Cobaleda bought in 1928 carried the old Villar colors, purple and red, and their antigüedad, or seniority, was 5 July 1924. The new Villar animals, not having been fought in the Madrid ring, lacked antigüedad. The fraud was described in 1929 (“Compuesto y sin ganadería,” El eco taurino, 14 January 1929, 3) and probably ceased soon after. Later records do not indicate that this new Villar herd, carrying the new green and crimson divisa, supplied bulls or novillos in 1929, 1930, or 1931 (Toros y toreros en 1929, 175; Toros y toreros en 1930, 207; Toros y toreros en 1931, 191). In the 1930s, the Gamero Cívico family sold their prestigious herd and its antigüedad, but continued to deal in bulls. The family’s name and reputation enabled them to demand high prices for their new herds, even though these lacked the famous pedigree and antigüedad. For more detail, see Gamero Cívico in this volume. 21. “Los tratantes,” Unión de criadores de toros de lidia (1978), 109–13. For other events that worked against the bull breeder, see the discussion concerning the boycott against the Miuras (el pleito de los Miura, under the entry for Miura in HDIA) and the challenge to the Veragua family, which drove them out of bull breeding and which Hemingway commented upon (see the entry for Veragua in HDIA). 22. I am grateful to Eduardo Gismera and to Miguel Ángel García, of the UCTL, who gave me a great deal of information as well as several of the organization’s publications. In addition, Miguel Ángel took a long list of my questions to don Manuel García-Aleas Carrasco, whose family (called simply Aleas in the quoted definition) owned Spain’s most senior bull-breeding ranch from its inception until 1983, when the herd and its antigüedad (5 May 1788) were sold to its current owner. Don Manuel, an authority on taurine genealogy and breeding, served as national secretary of the UCTL from 1946 to 1985. Although aged and ill, he generously answered my

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questions (interviews, Madrid, 20–24 August 1997). Most helpful of all in these technical matters was taurine expert Anthony Brand (interviews and correspondence, 1998–2002). For rival organizations that tried unsuccessfully to challenge the UCTL’s hegemony, see the entry for Ortega, widow of, in HDIA. 23. Hemingway, “Bull Fighting Is Not a Sport,” 343; JFK, Item 39, Folder 60, p. 1. 24. Minimum weights are defined in Artículo 20 of the 1917 Reglamento, Artículo 23 of the 1923 Reglamento, and Vera’s glosses to Artículos 26 and 27, in his Reglamento taurino comentado, 33, 37. 25. See the entry for Diano in HDIA: this long-lived seed bull, who died in 1919 at the age of twenty, fathered the smaller, more agile bull needed for the new kind of toreo defined by José Gómez Ortega (Joselito) and Belmonte. More than six hundred of Diano’s direct descendants achieved adulthood. 26. Uno al Sesgo, “Los toros en 1926,” Toros y toreros en 1926, 45, 49. The criticism occurs twice: on p. 45 the Villar bulls are defined as three-year-olds (i.e., novillos, not yet toros de lidia), and on p. 49 they are dismissed as becerros (even younger, not yet novillos and certainly not fit to be fought). Uno al Sesgo repeats his complaint in 1927, when too many underage and underweight bulls were fought. He explains that both bullfighters and bull breeders prefer to send younger animals to the bullring, the former because they are livelier and enable a showy faena, the latter because selling them earlier saves the breeder an expensive year of pasturage. Uno al Sesgo claims that in 1927, as in the previous year, even utreros were fought (Toros y toreros en 1927, 48). While this critic is willing to bend the rules occasionally if the result is a beautiful, lively performance, he objects to making the undersized bull the norm. 27. Cossío (1995) I: 746; Artículo 27 of the 1930 Reglamento. 28. There were also 170 novilladas in 1938, 432 in 1939, and 488 in 1940 (Gutiérrez Alarcón, Los toros de la guerra, 103). 29. Gutiérrez Alarcón, Los toros de la guerra, 107–108, 119. 30. Gutiérrez Alarcón, Los toros de la guerra, 121. Gutiérrez Alarcón’s statistics occasionally vary slightly from the table of “Los toros en el siglo XX,” reprinted in Puente Carbajo, El taurino gráfico, 1976, n. p. 31. Exact numbers appear in “Los toros en el siglo XX,” reprinted in Puente Carbajo, El taurino gráfico, 1976, n. p. 32. The 1943 codicil also established the ages of bulls: novillos that were fought in novilladas without picadors had to be younger than four years old; those fought in novilladas picadas (with mounted picadors) had to be between three and six years old; and bulls fought in corridas de toros had to be between four and seven years old; the overlapping was reduced but not eliminated in the 1962 Reglamento. The 1943 weights were inscribed into Artículo 75 of the 1962 Reglamento; the same weights apply in the 1992 Reglamento. See Gutiérrez Alarcón, Los toros de la guerra, 119; Abella, Historia II: 153; Walter Johnston, Brave Employment, 621–22, 624; Díaz Cañabate, “La primera reglamentación nacional (1930)” and “El reglamento vigente (1962),” in Cossío (1943–97) V: 513–22. We must not forget that although age and weight determine the bull’s fitness for the bullfight, other characteristics and vocabularies also define the toro de lidia or fighting bull: color, horns, condition of eyes and

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legs, body build or structure, bravery, ownership, place of origin, genealogy, and so forth. 33. On 26 July 1863, a bull was rejected at the bullring of El Puerto de Santa María on the suspicion that its horns had been shaved (Fernández, Reglamentación, 53). See also “El afeitado de los toros,” Cossío (1995) I: 267–69; and Walter Johnston, Brave Employment, 358–59. Johnston claims that shaving was practiced from the early years of the twentieth century, and perhaps even in the nineteenth; Sureda Molina agrees that horns were occasionally shaved in the nineteenth century. But sawed-off horns did not become the norm until much later, with the advent of Miguel Báez Espuny (Litri, b. 1930): “Con este torero—1948—empieza el reinado del seudo toro . . . con los pitones cortados” (In 1948 this bullfighter ushered in the era of the pseudo-bull . . . with his shortened horns; El toreo contemporáneo, 180). Cossío says, very gently, that in this respect Litri “ha sido un torero muy representativo del tiempo en que actúa” (has been representative of his time) and remarks upon “el mimo con que fueron administradas sus actuaciones desde que comienza su carrera taurina . . . la clase de ganado que lidia el novillero le permite todo género de pruebas con riesgo muy reducido” (the coddling he has enjoyed from the beginning of his career . . . the kind of animal this novillero fights permits him to attempt all kinds of stunts with minimal danger; Cossío [1995] II: 291–92). 34. De la Riestra Sanz, La fiesta de los toros, 22–23; McCormick and Sevilla Mascareñas, The Complete Aficionado, 42–43. 35. Sureda Molina writes that one of the worst offenders was Miguel Báez Espuny (Litri), and that the matter hit the headlines when Litri changed managers and his former manager, Emilio Fernández, included in his final bill a charge for arranging the afeitado of several bulls (El toreo contemporáneo, 180–81). In November 1951, word got out that a corrida of Conde de la Corte was languishing in the corrals of Barcelona’s Monumental bullring: the Count had insisted on keeping his animals’ horns intact, and Balañá, the impresario of that bullring, could not get any bullfighters to fight them. In April 1952, headlines reported that the Conde de la Corte was also keeping another corrida of his bulls in Las Ventas’s pens, again refusing the afeitado demanded by matadors of the day. The unshaved Barcelona bulls were finally fought on 25 May 1952, by Julio Aparicio, who had been accused of fighting many shaved bulls and wanted to turn over a new leaf; and two younger men, Manuel Carmona (from Seville) and Isidro Marín (from Tudela, Navarra), who were eager for publicity to advance their careers. In June Domingo Ortega also went public, indicating that he regularly sold shaved bulls because this is what the market demanded. Antonio Bienvenida (q.v.), who was then president of the Toreros’ Benevolent Society, announced with great fanfare that the prestigious Corrida de la Beneficencia would feature unshaved bulls from the ranch of the Conde de la Corte. On 12 October 1952, the unshaved bulls were fought by Antonio Bienvenida, the Mexican Juan Silveti, and Manuel Carmona: all three were carried out of the bullring on the shoulders of their appreciative public. Late in November 1952, Antonio Bienvenida admitted that at various points during his career (though not on 12 October 1952) he had fought shaved bulls; he pledged not to do so again. A few days later, he granted ABC an interview, and the newspaper took up the

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cause, as did the radio critic Curro Meloja. On 10 February 1953, the appropriate governmental bodies issued an edict making the afeitado illegal (qtd. in Sureda Molina, El toreo contemporáneo, 183–85). Macnab offers a very readable account of the scandal in The Bulls of Iberia (236–46). Macnab dedicates his book to Antonio Bienvenida, “who restored honour to the bullfight . . . who resuscitated the fiesta when at the point of death and gave it new and imperishable glories.” Once again, my thanks to Anthony Brand for supplying and verifying details about important taurine milestones (fax, 30 August 1998; personal interview, August 2000). 36. The statistics are from Abella, Historia III: 345, 348–49, 354–55. 37. Cossío (1995), “El afeitado de los toros,” I: 267–70; Abella, Historia III: 345, 348–49, 354–55. The fined bull breeder was Gabriel Rojas, for three doctored bulls fought in El Puerto de Santa María, 14 August 1994. 38. My thanks to Andrew Moore for the update on the afeitado (e-mails and attachments, 18 and 20 April 2006). 39. Díaz Cañabate, “Panorama del toreo hasta 1979,” in Cossío (1943–97) V: 64. See also “Degeneración del toro de lidia: menor edad y menor peso,” Abella, Historia II: 150–55. 40. Qtd. in Cossío (1943–97) V: 64; the sentiment is repeated by Gutiérrez Alarcón, Los toros de la guerra, 109. 41. Cossío (1943–97) IV: 688. 42. Cau explains that shaving even one or two centimeters off the tip of horn does not make the horn less dangerous but it does affect the bull’s sense of distance, making him less accurate (Las orejas, 52–62). Most taurine scholars reject the contention that the tip of a shaved horn is sensitive and that the bull refrains from attack in order to protect it. 43. There was still some overlap, in that a president who deemed the bull insufficiently pic-ed could order banderillas de castigo, as if these can make up for the deficiencies of the preceding act. They can’t; they only acknowledge the failure. 44. Although the word peones means, literally, “unskilled” or “day laborers,” banderilleros are skilled professionals. 45. For more details on the power of managers, see “Impresarios, Apoderados, and the Rise of los Trusts,” in the Introduction of this volume. 46. The ban against child performers appears in Artículo 96 of the 1917 Reglamento and Artículo 100 of the 1923 Reglamento. The same articles prevent women from performing. 47. In 1940, Luis Miguel’s father, Domingo Dominguín, obtained permission from Madrid’s Director General de Seguridad for his fifteen-year-old son to perform in local becerradas. Since other cities would not allow such exceptions to the Reglamento, Domingo Dominguín took his sons to Latin America late in 1940. Luis Miguel celebrated his sixteenth birthday in December 1941; the family returned to Spain in the spring of 1942 (Abella, Luis Miguel Dominguín, 89, 93–94). 48. For more detail, see Espontáneo. 49. James Michener writes that “precedence among matadors is determined by when the man first fought as a full matador in Madrid” (“Introduction” to The Dan-

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gerous Summer, 18). This definition of seniority or precedence is accurate only in Madrid. In all other bullrings, it is the promotion to matador de toros, the alternativa itself, that determines seniority, regardless of where it is taken. In the 1920s, foreign alternativas were not recognized in Spain, but all Spanish alternativas transformed a matador de novillos into a matador de toros and thus determined his seniority. Today, Mexican and French alternativas, like the one taken by Cristina Sánchez in Nîmes in May 1996, are valid in Spain. Having clarified that, I must remark that all rules have their exceptions. On the rare occasions when two matadores de toros who took their alternativas on the same day appear on the same cartel, precedence would, as Michener says, go to the man with the earlier appearance in Madrid. The Madrid confirmación de alternativa would, for example, have been the determining factor when Chicuelo and Juan Luis de la Rosa performed together. They were both promoted on 28 September 1919, but Rosa’s alternativa was confirmed on 24 May 1920 and Chicuelo’s on 18 June 1920. Fulton identifies another occasion when the Madrid confirmation would determine seniority: if only one of the three bullfighters has had his alternativa confirmed in Madrid, he would be considered the senior fighter on the bill (Bullfighting, 73). 50. Proper procedure for the alternativa was not written into the taurine code until 1930 (Artículo 99 of the 1930 Reglamento). The next Reglamento (1962) kept the same wording (in Artículo 119) but dropped the articles that had dealt with the alternativas of banderilleros and picadors; these two ceremonies were rarely performed even then. 51. The matador de novillos’ qualifications are spelled out in Artículo 5 of the 1992 Reglamento. 52. The perennial problem of when a matador de novillos is ready to become a matador de toros was addressed by taurine expert Alberto Vera (Areva) in his 1949 gloss on the taurine code then in force, the Reglamento of 1930. Areva claimed that at the time he was writing, promotions were awarded too liberally and prematurely, and recommended “un brillante aprendizaje novilleril, por lo menos de tres o cuatro temporadas” (a brilliant apprenticeship as a novillero, lasting at least three or four seasons; Vera, Reglamento taurino comentado, the gloss on Artículo 101 of the 1930 Reglamento). 53. See, for example, the entry for Mejías, Manuel (Manuel Mejías Rapela, known as Manolo Bienvenida and el Papa Negro) in HDIA. Hemingway, for whom initiation carried almost mystical significance, argued that a bullfighter’s first serious wound (initiation by blood) revealed his courage and afición (passion for the bulls); for further discussion on this topic, see the entries for Ordóñez, Cayetano (Niño de la Palma) and Mejías, Manolo (Manuel Mejías Jiménez, also known as Bienvenida, son of el Papa Negro); all in HDIA. 54. Gómez Santos, Mi ruedo ibérico, 201. 55. Absences and retirements are so common that Toros y toreros en . . . regularly listed “Los que no han toreado” (those who have not fought). The list includes those who have not been able to find employment, as well as those who have stayed away by choice.

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56. See, among others, Barrera, Vicente; Belmonte, Juan; Fuentes, Antonio; Gómez Ortega, Rafael Gómez; Márquez, Antonio; Ortega, Domingo (all in HDIA); see Aparicio, Julio; Dominguín, Luis Miguel; Jiménez, Manuel (Chicuelo II); Mejías, Antonio (Bienvenida); Ordóñez, Antonio; Ostos, Jaime; Vázquez, José Luis (in this volume). Belmonte, for example, abandoned bullfighting in 1911, announced his retirement at the end of the 1914 season (but didn’t retire); stayed away from the Spanish plazas the whole seasons of 1918, 1922, 1923, and 1924 (he occasionally performed in festivales or as rejoneador, but not in corridas de toros); reappeared in 1925, retired again in 1927, and returned to the bullrings in 1934. These breaks inspired the charge that Belmonte had only a weak afición, a most peculiar complaint to be lodged against a figura who was so intensely involved with the bulls for all of his long life, both as matador and as bull breeder. 57. The pleito de los mexicanos is discussed in endnote 5, above. 58. For matadores de toros who died of non-taurine causes, I consulted “Matadores de toros fallecidos trágicamente sin vestir el traje de luces,” Aplausos, 7 November 1983. The statistics include Latin American as well as Spanish matadores de toros. They do not include deaths from illness or old age, listing only unusual or accidental demises. The list is updated periodically: the Aplausos issue of 18 November 1985 records sixty such deaths between 1837 and 1985; in the same time period, forty-six matadors were killed in the bullring (“Matadores de toros fallecidos trágicamente sin vestir el traje de luces,” p. 85; “Nombres de toros que causaron la muerte a espadas de alternativa,” p. 87). 59. The first-class bullrings are listed in Artículo 109 of the 1923 Reglamento, which was binding for these but not for second- or third-rank plazas. 60. 1923 Reglamento, as summarized in Cossío (1943–97) V: 512–14; Artículo 16 of the 1930 Reglamento; Artículo 22 of the 1962 Reglamento; Artículo 24, Items 1–4 of the 1992 Reglamento. Today all of Barcelona’s corridas take place in the Plaza Monumental. 61. “Real Maestranza de Caballería de Zaragoza,” http://www.rmcz.com/ (22 August 2006); “La Real Maestranza de Granada se financiaba en el siglo XVIII con dos festejos taurinos, según un libro editado por UGR,” http://prensa.ugr.es/prensa/campus/ (22 August 2006). 62. Life, 5 September 1960, 97; qtd. in DeFazio, “The HemHotch Letters,” 1357. The size of the bullring was not legislated until the 1962 Reglamento specified that the diameter of the arena of all bullrings, regardless of ranking, must be between forty-five and sixty meters (Artículo 9). Artículo 19 of the 1992 Reglamento also specifies this size for all permanent plazas. 63. For more details on el pleito de los Miura, see the entry for Miura in HDIA. 64. Although the Juan Pedro Domecq bulls were undistinguished, the bullfighters worked well: Romero was awarded the ear of his second bull and Ponce cut an ear from each of his two bulls. 65. The bullfighters were, in order of antigüedad or seniority: Diego Mazquiarán (Fortuna), Marcial Lalanda, Nicanor Villalta, Fausto Barajas, Luis Fuentes Bejarano, Vicente Barrera, Fermín Espinosa (Armillita), and Manuel Mejías (Bienvenida). They

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fought bulls bred by Juan Pedro Domecq, Julián Fernández, Manuel García (formerly Aleas), the widow of Concha y Sierra, Graciliano Pérez Tabernero, the sons of Andrés Coquilla, the Count de la Corte, and Indalecio García. Toros y toreros en 1931 adds that Juan Manuel Puente supplied two sobreros (substitute bulls) for this corrida; they replaced the bulls of Manuel García and the Count de la Corte, which had been disqualified (Toros y toreros en 1931, 173, 347; see also Cossío (1943–97), “Las plazas de toros,” I: 519). Thus, only seven ganaderías were represented. 66. Hemingway wrote Guy Hickok on 16 June 1931 that he and Pauline were already in Madrid and would stay there until the twenty-second, when they were going to the Sierra de Gredos for a few days (letter in private collection). He was, therefore, in Madrid on 17 June 1931, the day of Las Ventas’s inaugural bullfight. In Death in the Afternoon, he mentions seeing three of these bullfighters at a corrida (70). These three did not perform together on any other afternoon, suggesting that the corrida the narrator and the Old Lady saw was the inaugural of Las Ventas. On 26 and 29 June 1931, Hemingway was still writing from Madrid: “Plenty of bull fights but they haven’t been very good” (Selected Letters, 343). 67. La Monumental, in Mexico City, has the largest capacity: it seats between forty-six thousand and fifty thousand spectators. The Plaza de Acho, Lima, Peru, boasts the largest arena, slightly more than sixty meters in diameter; it seats about thirteen thousand. Las Ventas seats about twenty-three thousand and has a diameter of about sixty meters. 68. Cossío (1943–97), “Las plazas de toros,” I: 512–24; Cossío (1995) I: 633–38; Pinto Maeso, Plazas de toros de España, 64–65, 70–71; Toros y toreros en 1931, 347. The Guía taurina, 1966 variously claims that the ring seats 24,900 (51) and 22,900 (72). In addition to the bullrings of the city of Madrid, the province of Madrid has forty-seven other bullrings of various sizes: the one in La Cabrera seats only eight hundred, while the Aranjuez ring (q.v.), the largest one in the province outside of Madrid proper, seats almost ten thousand. 69. The Corrida de Beneficencia benefits the Montepío de la Asociación Benéfica de Auxilios Mutuos de Toreros, a charitable organization founded by Ricardo Torres Reina (Bombita, q.v. in HDIA), to finance medical treatment for bullfighters, provide pensions for their dependents, and so on. The organization is also known by shorter names: Asociación Benéfica de Toreros or, more simply, el Montepío. Pamplona’s sanfermines help support the Casa de Misericordia, which subsidizes hospitalization and health care for the needy. 70. The capea is mentioned in For Whom the Bell Tolls and is the metaphorical model for the slaughter of the fascists organized by Pablo in that novel. A corrida nocturna is the decisive event in the short story “The Undefeated.” Toreo bufo or comic bullfighting was more popular in Hemingway’s day than today; it is discussed in Death in the Afternoon (see Mojigangas and related entries in HDIA). 71. Macnab identifies the introduction of the peto in 1928, the redefinition of the toro de lidia in the 1930 Reglamento, and the Spanish Civil War as the three turning points of twentieth-century bullfighting (The Bulls of Iberia, xi), but this is an oversimplification. He neglects, for example, the redefinition of the first tercio, the redesign

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of the pic-ing, the shift from sword to muleta, the concentration of power that affects carteles all over Spain, the role of the media, and other important changes that redefined the corrida in that century. 72. Artículo 40 of the 1930 Reglamento. 73. Artículos 49 and 98 of the 1917 Reglamento; Artículo 48 of the 1923 Reglamento. 74. The ring would have been drawn on the morning of the day of the bullfight; see Artículo 34 of the 1923 Reglamento. 75. The prohibition appears in Artículo 40 of the 1930 Reglamento. 76. Formerly, three picadors were in the ring. Today, the bull usually enters an empty ring, as the off-duty bullfighters are standing behind the barrera (circumferential fence around the arena), the on-duty team is behind the burladeros (wooden shields), and the picadors wait in the patio de caballos (courtyard for horses). Occasionally a matador will position himself in front of the closed toril (gate through which the bull enters the ring), often on his knees, to greet the bull with spectacular capework. Luis Miguel Dominguín was famous for his larga cambiada de rodillas, a dangerous opening ploy sure to impress the audience. 77. Artículo 50 of the 1917 Reglamento defines the positions the picadors are to assume before the bull enters the ring; they were marked with white paint on the barrera. Artículo 56 requires the picadors to remain in the ring for the entire tercio de varas, and Artículo 57 enjoins them to stay in position and not ride away to evade the bull’s charge. 78. Artículo 64 of the 1917 Reglamento and Artículos 79 and 81 of the 1923 Reglamento forbid the use of the cape to attract the bull when he first enters the ring: “No podrá echarse el capote al toro antes de que haya concluído de recibir el puyazo en toda regla, a no ser en caso de peligro” (except in emergencies, the cape can not be deployed until the bull has received the pic as mandated); see also Cossío (1995) I: 145–46. The prohibition indicates that the cape was being used early in the corrida, before and between pic-ing; it is no surprise to see that this prohibition does not appear in the 1930 Reglamento. 79. “Bull Fighting a Tragedy,” Toronto Star, 20 October 1923. 80. In the 1923 Reglamento, ten articles dealt with the horses (19–24 and 74–77), two with the pic and the puya, or barb (32–33), one with the line drawn on the ring to mark out the picador’s territory (40), and ten with the picadors themselves (64–73)— a total of twenty-three. 81. In the 1962 Reglamento, one article dealt with the circle marked on the arena (81), four dealt with the horses (83–84 and 97–98), one with the horses’ equipment (85), three with the barbs (86–87 and 121), and seven with the picadors (90–96)—a total of sixteen. 82. The number of horses is specified in Artículo 13 in Melchor Ordóñez’s 1847 document; in Artículo 13 of the 1917 Reglamento; in Artículos 16 and 67 of the 1923 Reglamento; in Artículos 19 and 74 of the 1930 Reglamento; in Artículo 83 of the 1962 Reglamento; and in Artículo 62, section 4 of the 1992 Reglamento.

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83. The 1923 and 1930 Reglamentos continued to demand the arandela (Artículos 27 and 32, respectively). The 1962 Reglamento was the first to incorporate the cruceta (Artículo 86), which continues to be mandated in subsequent Reglamentos (Artículo 66 of the 1992 Reglamento and Artículo 64 of the 1996 Reglamento). 84. Artículo 34 of the 1923 Reglamento. Individual bullrings had experimented with circles earlier. On 11 October 1908, the Seville ring decided to clarify matters by making the distance visible: a circle was drawn, in green sawdust, on the arena. A few days later, on 16 October 1908, a circle was drawn in Zaragoza, in red, for the picador Zurito (q.v. in HDIA). 85. The picador’s spaces are defined in Artículo 53 of 1917 Reglamento, Artículo 34 of the 1923 Reglamento, and Artículo 40 of the 1930 Reglamento. 86. Corrochano, “De la necesidad de picar los toros,” in his Teoría de las corridas de toros, 81. 87. Corrochano, Teoria de las corridas de toros, 82. 88. The lines are defined in Artículo 81 of the 1962 Reglamento and in Artículo 64, section 2 of the 1992 Reglamento. 89. Both Artículo 53 of the 1923 Reglamento and Artículo 61 of the 1930 Reglamento specify that the president may ask for banderillas de fuego for bulls that had received fewer than the required four pics, but they were seldom called for. More frequently, an extra pair of regular banderillas was placed in an insufficiently pic-ed bull, and a black ribbon was attached to his horns after he was killed, as a rebuke to the bull breeder for producing an insufficiently brave bull (bravery is revealed by the bull’s willingness to charge and attack an object such as, for example, a picador or his mount). 90. The banderillas de fuego were outlawed in Spain in 1950, to be replaced by banderillas de castigo, whose use is defined in Artículo 67 of the 1962 Reglamento, Artículo 77 of the 1992 Reglamento, and Artículo 75 of the 1996 Reglamento. 91. In Portugal, the banderillas used in rejoneo are called farpas. 92. In the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, when selective bull breeding was in its infancy, bulls tended to be rougher and less predictable. This factor, combined with the less concentrated pic-ing, made it extremely difficult to dominate, let alone kill, the bull. Mounted bullfighters, who were at some distance from the bull, faced even greater difficulties. The distasteful media luna (scythe-shaped blade at the end of a long pole, used to hamstring the bull) and the perros de presa (hunting dogs who worried and tired the bull by making him jump and toss his head) were measures of last resort, to weaken a bull until it could be killed with the sword. The dogs and the media luna survived well into the nineteenth century but had disappeared from the bullring by the time Hemingway arrived. 93. Artículo 12 specifies that there should be sufficient banderillas comunes (regular, single-barbed banderillas) and banderillas de fuego (double-barbed banderillas with explosives at the tip, to be used on insufficiently pic-ed bulls), as well as two medias lunas (for bulls that cannot be pic-ed and therefore need to be hobbled somehow so they can be removed from the ring). Artículo 14 regulates the use of the banderillas de

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fuego. Artículo 2 merely mentions the banderilleros in passing, when it decrees that all performers need to be properly dressed. 94. Artículo 103 of the 1917 Reglamento calls for banderillas de fuego for bulls who have not received four regulation pics; Artículo 74 of the 1923 Reglamento empowers the president to call for these banderillas. 95. Qtd. in García Ramos and Narbona, Ignacio Sánchez Mejías, 178. 96. The banderillas de fuego were forbidden by a royal decree dated 15 June 1928. Instead, the manso (cowardly bull who refuses to charge) was required to receive four pairs of regular banderillas, with the added embarrassment of a black linen hood or bow on the horns when he was dragged out of the ring, as public censure for the bull breeder who produced him. Artículo 28 of the 1923 Reglamento and Artículo 34 of the 1930 Reglamento both required the bullring to provide five pairs of regular banderillas, and four de fuego, for each bull to be fought in a corrida. 97. In collecting illustrations for Death in the Afternoon, Hemingway acquired several pictures of banderillas de fuego, which testify to his interest in this suerte (archived in Audiovisual Department, JFK). His definition in the Glossary of Death in the Afternoon is slightly misleading in that he says these banderillas “are placed in bulls which have not charged the picadors” (DIA, h: 416, s.v. Banderillas de fuego). More precisely, banderillas de fuego were prescribed for bulls that were insufficiently pic-ed. They may have charged the picadors, but then veered off, backed away, or refused to charge again. 98. The 1962 Reglamento required that five pairs of regular banderillas and four de castigo be available on the premises for each bull to be fought (Artículo 88). The 1992 Reglamento required four pairs of regular and only two of black banderillas per bull (Artículo 64, Item 3). 99. The 1917 Reglamento has a separate section entitled “De los picadores” (Artículos 50–61) and another one for defining the duties, “De los espadas, banderilleros y peones” (Artículos 62–88), which defines the work of all the other performers (including some remarks about the picadors). Subsequent Reglamentos separate the performers more precisely, with separate sections entitled “De los peones,” “De los banderilleros,” and “De los espadas.” Artículo 73 of the 1923 Reglamento defines the position of the matador at the time his banderilleros are placing the sticks. 100. Artículo 81 of the 1930 Reglamento, Artículo 101 of the 1962 Reglamento, Artículo 78 of the 1992 Reglamento. 101. Hemingway claims four pairs are usual (DIA, 97). Several factors affect the number: the matador’s wishes, the tradition at the plaza, the quality of the bull, and so on. 102. Artículo 78 of the 1992 Reglamento. The ruling was repeated in Artículo 76 of the 1996 Reglamento. 103. Cossío (1995), “La muleta,” I: 770–71. 104. Ryan, El tercio de muerte, 33. 105. De la Riestra Sanz writes, “La decadencia de la última suerte comenzó en la época de Joselito y Belmonte; entonces se empezó a dar mayor importancia a la muleta, bastándole al espada coger cualquier tranquillo que terminara con el toro

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para triunfar y ganar orejas” (The decadence of the sword began in the time of Joselito and Belmonte; then the muleta began to attract more attention, and the matador could dispatch the bull any which way and still garner kudos and ears; La fiesta de los toros, 47). 106. Walter Johnston, Brave Employment, 160. 107. Artículos 69 and 84 of the 1917 Reglamento limit the banderillero to three minutes for placing each pair of sticks; this generally disregarded time limit was dropped in subsequent Reglamentos. 108. The timing of the avisos, or warnings, is regulated by Artículo 75 of the 1917 Reglamento, Artículo 87 of the 1923 Reglamento, Artículo 95 of the 1930 Reglamento, Artículo 117 of the 1962 Reglamento, Artículo 83 of the 1992 Reglamento, and Artículo 81 of the 1996 Reglamento. 109. The 1996 Reglamento repeats the 1992 ruling on this point, so that, unfortunately, faenas tend to be rushed. It is to be hoped that the next Reglamento will remedy the situation. 110. Artículo 115 of the 1962 Reglamento. 111. Artículo 68 of the 1962 Reglamento. Artículo 84 of the 1992 Reglamento and Artículo 82 of the 1996 Reglamento also mandate a minimum of two ears, but omit the ruling about the three hundred meters. 112. In Seville, the main portal is called la puerta del Príncipe (the Prince’s door) and three ears are required. 113. All of them listed and defined in the second volume of Feiner’s comprehensive Los protagonistas de la fiesta. 114. Díaz Cañabate, “Un nuevo personaje taurino: el apoderado,” in Cossío (1943–97) IV: 997–1000. Published in 1961, this essay attacks apoderados for the abuses that Hemingway had documented earlier. As early as the 1920s and 1930s, Uno al Sesgo had repeatedly called for the separation of powers between bullfighters, bull breeders, and bullring impresarios, objecting when an organization representing one or the other of these groups attempted to colonize another. But the three groups are not discrete: many successful bullfighters invested in pedigreed stock and became bull breeders; bull-breeding families often produced bullfighters; retired or unsuccessful bullfighters were attracted to management positions in the taurine world; and local plazas were often controlled by the neighborhood’s most powerful figure, often a successful bull breeder or bullfighter. The situation invites corruption. 115. Cossío (1995), “Flores González (José), Camará,” II: 439, III: 286–87, and V: 921; Silva Aramburu, “El caso Camará,” in his Enciclopedia taurina, 273; Mira, Vida y tragedia de Manolete, 68. Antigüedad accuses Camará and Manolete of using their power to exclude Luis Miguel Dominguín, the up-and-coming challenger, “en cuantas ferias podían, que eran casi todas” (from as many ferias as they could, that is, almost all of them; Y el nombre se hizo renombre, 139–40). Antigüedad also argues that Andrés Gago, Carlos Arruza’s manager, exercised similar power in Mexico, to the detriment of Spaniards like Pepe Luis Vázquez and Dominguín. Between them, says Antigüedad, Camará and Gago controlled the most important taurine events on both sides of the Atlantic, promoting their clients and excluding their rivals. He attributes

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Dominguín’s absence from Mexican rings to prejudice (138–48). Antigüedad, a Mexican, is clearly pro-Dominguín, anti-Camará, and anti-Gago. Even if colored by his dominguismo, his remarks on taurine politics of the 1940s are interesting. Like any boycott, the exclusion of foreign bullfighters, which plagued Mexican-Spanish taurine relations in Gaona’s day as in Arruza’s, is inimical to art. 116. Ordóñez spoke about his first managers in the interview “Antonio Ordóñez Cuenta su Vida,” El Pueblo, 9 and 10 July 1959, p. 13. Oag writes that Ordóñez was poorly managed until Domingo González Mateos became his manager on 28 June 1951, the day of Ordóñez’s alternativa (Antonio Ordóñez, 102–103). Sureda Molina lists Ordóñez’s subsequent managers, until 1962 (Conversaciones con Antonio Ordóñez, 23). 117. Viertel, “Luis Miguel Dominguín,” 128. 118. Abella, Historia II: 237, 249; Cossío (1943–97) VI: 200; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 119. For Ordóñez and Dominguín’s ten joint performances in 1959, see Barcelona; Bilbao; Puerto de Santa María; Tudela; Valencia; Zaragoza; for the four mano a manos, see Bayonne; Ciudad Real; Málaga; Valencia. 120. Their first joint appearance occurred on 8 July 1951, in Barcelona, just a few days after Ordóñez’s promotion to matador de toros (the third bullfighter was Manolo González); that season they were on the same bill for seventeen of Ordóñez’s thirtyone Spanish corridas and three of the five he fought in France. In 1952, they were in the ring together for twenty-eight of Ordóñez’s fifty-nine Spanish corridas, for five of the ten fought in France (including one mano a mano), and for ten South American events: a total of forty-three joint appearances. 121. Abad Ojuel, Estirpe y tauromaquia, 188. 122. Cuando suena el clarín, 26–29. 123. Cuando suena el clarín, 155. 124. Dominguín’s famous remark is qtd. by Corrochano, Cuando suena el clarín, 25. 125. Qtd. in Botsford, Dominguín, 201. 126. Botsford, Dominguín, 200–201. 127. He also suffered serious burns (Reynolds, Final Years, 272). 128. Reynolds writes of Hemingway in 1959: “For ten years he had been taking weekly doses of Oreton-M, a synthetic testosterone . . . the effects of long-term Oreton usage were not established. Nor was it known what effects Oreton might have when taken with drugs like Serpasil (to relieve anxiety, tension, and insomnia), Doriden (to tranquilize), Ritalin (to stimulate the central nervous system), Eucanil, Seconal (to get to sleep), massive doses of vitamins A and B, and other drugs for an alcoholdamaged liver” (Final Years, 321–22). To this list, Cardoni adds “mannitol hexanitrate . . . for angina . . . though there is no evidence that Hemingway was diagnosed with angina” (22). Cardoni argues that the use of Serpasil (reserpine) was also counterindicated, since it “can cause clinical depression [and] in some cases profound depressions” and was therefore not suited for Hemingway, “a person with genetic loading for major depression” (22–23). In 1961 Hemingway was given electroconvulsive therapy,

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which “eventually worsened the psychosis and likely ‘activated’ Hemingway to the point of suicide” (23). 129. For a discussion of bullfighters in this novel, see Mandel, “A Reader’s Guide to Pilar’s Bullfighters.” 130. Svoboda, “Review of The Dangerous Summer,” 49–50. 131. DeFazio, Dear Papa, 273, 285. 132. DeFazio, Dear Papa, 283. 133. DeFazio, Dear Papa, 287. 134. DeFazio, Dear Papa, 294. 135. Letter from Hemingway to his wife, qtd. in Burwell, 183. 136. The Life publication of The Dangerous Summer aroused the ire of those who admired Manolete—that is, most of the taurine world. Life en español published angry letters to the editor from readers in the United States and Mexico. One, from Barnaby Conrad, conceded that in lesser hands the manoletina could be vulgar, and enclosed a photo of Manolete showing that he did it with dignity and emotion (“Cartas a la redacción,” Life en español, 28 November 1960, 9). For weeks, Dominguín’s statements about Hemingway—that he was ignorant about bullfighting, about Spain, about Spanish, and even about his own craft—were headlined on front pages and quoted in editorials. Hemingway’s admirers sprang to his defense. Ordóñez praised Manolete but defended Hemingway’s right to his opinions. He remarked that Hemingway’s use of the word “tricks” was “a mistranslation” for trucos and explained that “Truco can . . . be a positive term when, for example, it applies to food and drink. I don’t think Hemingway meant to criticize Manolete” (“Hemingway and I,” Diario de Málaga, special number, n.d. [probably 1961]). Professor José Luis Castillo Puche wrote that Hemingway “[se ha] profundizado en nuestra fiesta . . . [él] sabe más y mejor de nuestro país que muchos españoles” (has immersed himself in the bullfight . . . he is better informed about our country than many Spaniards; “Hemingway, los toros y los toreros,” Mundo hispánico, February 1960). 137. DeFazio, Dear Papa, 311–17. 138. Cossío IV: 488. 139. Corrochano, Cuando suena el clarín, 9–22. 140. Abad Ojuel, Estirpe y tauromaquia, 170–94. 141. Penas Ibáñez, “A Creative Spiral,” unpublished paper (2006). 142. “Block para cálculos,” p. 11 (dated 31 March 1960, JFK). Similarly, the typescript of The Dangerous Summer does not recant or amend Death in the Afternoon’s harsh treatment of Cayetano Ordóñez, Antonio’s father, who had made a comeback in the seasons 1932–1935. By the time Cayetano resigned his alternativa in 1942, he had been a true figura del toreo for well over a decade. 143. Among Antonio Bienvenida’s feats is his record in the bullring: from his alternativa in 1942 until his retirement in 1966, he never missed a season. In 1959, Pepe Luis Vázquez, who had been inactive for most of the 1950s, returned to bullfighting. He performed in nineteen corridas and was awarded the bull’s ears in several rings, including that of Madrid. He was much feted that year, as one of the great stylists of post-war toreo.

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144. Unpublished typescript, qtd. by DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1328. 145. Qtd. in DeFazio, Dear Papa, 312 and 313. 146. Penas Ibáñez, “‘Very Sad but Very Fine’: Imagist Interpretation,” 147–50 and 157–59. In another context, I also argue for the strong presence of America in Hemingway’s life and work; see Mandel, “Configuring There as Here.” 147. DeFazio also collated the three versions of The Dangerous Summer—the typescript, the Life magazine version (1960), and the book form (1985)—and indicated where the cuts were made. The Appendix in his Dear Papa (pp. 311–317) gives the word count of Hotchner’s suggested cuts, Hemingway’s responses, and Life’s and Scribner’s decisions about the typescript.

ANNOTATIONS TO THE DANGEROUS SUMMER 1. Jacques A. Hamburger, director general of the Hotel Alfonso XIII, Seville, provided information about the hotel and a five-page list, single-spaced, of celebrities who have visited the hotel from 1939 to the present. No one is listed for 1959; Orson Welles is the sole celebrity recorded for 1960 (letter and enclosures, 5 March 1996). 2. Pinto Maeso, “Algeciras,” Plazas de toros, 36–37; Cossío (1943–97) I: 478; Cossío (1995) I: 598. The new plaza has a much larger capacity, 12,500 spectators. Its inaugural corrida featured Miguel Mateo (Miguelín), Francisco Rivera (Paquirri, the son-in-law of Antonio Ordóñez), and Ángel Teruel (Cossío [1943–97], “Nuevas plazas de toros,” V: 422). The review of the bullfight was published in Sur, 16 June 1959, p. 13, col. 5. A few days earlier, Dominguín had been similarly spectacular in the feria of Plasencia. 3. “Club taurino Antonio Ordóñez de Alicante,” Dígame, 16 June 1959, p. 9, col. 6; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Schedules. See also Pinto Maeso, “Alicante,” Plazas de toros, 18–19; Cossío (1995) I: 598. 4. In using tch as in “hatch” to spell Ignacio’s nickname “Nacho,” Hemingway gives the American sound equivalent of the Spanish consonant ch. Similarly, by spelling “Yoni” as “Joni,” Hemingway gives the American equivalent sound (j as in “jump”) for the way the y is pronounced at the beginning of a word in Spanish (e.g., yegua). 5. Identification provided by Antonio Ordóñez, personal interview, 11 October 1995, Ronda, Spain. Nacho Angulo is among the seguidores (followers) mentioned in Marino Gómez-Santos’s interview, “Antonio Ordóñez Cuenta su Vida,” El Pueblo, 6–11 July 1959; JFK, Periodicals). He came with the Ordóñezes to visit the Hemingways in Cuba and Ketchum, November 1959 (DeFazio, Dear Papa, 273). 6. Julio Aparicio’s father, Julio Aparicio Nieto (1907–1973), was a banderillero who worked for novilleros. On 15 September 1931, he was badly gored in the right thigh and never worked in the ring again: he became a hairdresser and, eventually, a taurine manager (apoderado). He gained wealth and respectability as his son’s manager (Cossío [1943–97], “Aparicio Nieto [Julio],” III: 47 and V: 627). 7. Aparicio was ranked seventh in 1958 (of sixty-nine active matadors), ninth in 1959 (of sixty-four), twelfth in 1960 (of eighty), and fifteenth in 1961 (of seventy-

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eight). Each year’s list of active matadores de toros includes many individuals with only a few performances to their credit: they may be newly promoted matadors who have spent most of the season as novilleros or, more likely, unsuccessful matadors; it’s a difficult profession. In 1961, for example, only thirty-one matadors performed in more than ten corridas, although there were seventy-eight active matadors that year. 8. Cossío (1943–97), “Aparicio Martínez (Julio),” IV: 357–58 and V: 626–27; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 296–97; Cossío (1995) II: 274–75; Abella, “Julio Aparicio: todo coraje,” Historia II: 231–35. Numbers of annual corridas and annual rankings are taken from “Apéndice 3: Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991 (Corridas toreadas en España, Portugal y Francia)” (Abella, Historia III: 394–98); and from the annual “Cuadro Estadístico de las corridas toreadas en España, Francia y Portugal durante la temporada” (Dígame, 10 November 1959, 8 November 1960, and 7 November 1961). For Julio Aparicio Loreto, I consulted Abella, Historia III: 203–206; Aparicio’s and Ordóñez’s joint appearances are recorded in “Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959” (JFK, Bullfight Materials). Díaz Cañabate’s review of the corrida of 14 May 1959, “Salimos de viaje,” is reprinted in his Historia de tres temporadas I: 240–42. 9. Pinto Maeso, “Aranjuez,” Plaza de toros 64–65; Cossío (1943–97) I: 480–81; Cossío (1995) I: 601; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; “Grave cogida de Antonio Ordóñez en Aranjuez,” Sur, 31 May 1959, p. 8, col. 3; Ernest Hemingway, “A Matter of Wind” and Mary Hemingway, “Holiday for a Wounded Torero,” both in Sports Illustrated, 17 August 1959; and Corrochano, “Una tarde en Aranjuez me acordé de Antonio Fuentes,” rpt. in his Cuando suena el clarín, 119–24. In this review, Corrochano wrote: “La elegancia de Antonio Ordóñez con el capote es como la continuación de la elegancia del capote de Antonio Fuentes, después del ritmo que imprimió al toreo Juan Belmonte” (Antonio Ordóñez’s elegant capework recalls the elegance of Antonio Fuentes’s cape, following the rhythm imposed upon bullfighting by Juan Belmonte). Corrochano does not mention the other two bullfighters who performed that afternoon: he enthuses over Ordóñez (“¡Magnífico!”) but despises the “adorno vulgar” with which he closed his heretofore excellent faena. Corrochano fancifully characterizes the horn wound as a well-deserved “spanking” administered by the bull as punishment for the disrespectful adorno. Díaz Cañabate, who also admires Ordóñez enormously, recalls this faena as the most impressive he ever saw in his long career as taurine critic (“Antonio Ordóñez y el clasicismo,” in Cossío (1943–97) V: 172–78; the picture of Princess Soraya of Iran, to whom the bull was dedicated, is on p. 176). See also endnote 216. 10. The comparison between the Aranjuez restaurant and the Sisley painting comes at the end of the description of Tajo River: “The river was green, narrow and deep. Trees grew along its banks and weeds swung in the current and there were no customers for the open launches that carried holiday makers upstream to the old royal gardens. Aranjuez was quiet in the early chilly spring and the restaurant was like a painting by Sisley . . .” (Life, 5 September 1960, 94; qtd. in DeFazio, 1311). In Life en español, the descriptions of the restaurant are shorter and the reference to Sisley is included (31 October 1960, unnumbered pp. 47, 62). It was edited out of

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the book version. Anthony Brand correctly identified the restaurant as El Rana Verde, thus enabling me to find it; I interviewed its owners, José Tomás and Joaquín Cot Díaz Heredero, in March 1999, and had e-mails from Jorge Cot Minguela (Joaquín’s son) in March 2006. The Web sites of both El Rana Verde and the Salones Delicias are very attractive and show the river. 11. Pinto Maeso, “Barcelona,” Plazas de toros, 28–31; Cossío (1995) I: 598. The Guía taurina, 1966 writes variously that the Monumental seats 24,376 (51) and 26,026 (57). 12. Details of the corrida are from El Ruedo (6 August 1959). Ordóñez’s appearances and trophies are detailed in Ordóñez’s official summary of the 1959 season, JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; Dominguín’s trophies are reported in John Blashill’s “Report from Valencia” (42–43). 13. “Bullfighting a Tragedy,” 341. 14. “A Matter of Wind,” 43. 15. Mary Hemingway, “Holiday for a Wounded Torero,” 46. 16. Life, 19 September 1960, 74; qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1495. 17. Life en español, 28 November 1960, 68. 18. “Bayonne,” Cossío (1995) I: 606; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; Corrochano review in Blanco y negro, rpt. in his Cuando suena el clarín, 171. 19. Baker, A Life Story, 779–80. Meyers spells the name “Belleville” and adds that Rupert “had been a brave pilot on the Fascist side in the Civil War, had an expert knowledge of Spain, was an alcoholic and later died—while drunk—by impaling himself on a post” (Hemingway, 499). Mary Hemingway spells the name Bellville, does not identify his affiliation during the Spanish Civil War, and writes that “he joined the peacetime R.A.F., earned its highest marks as pilot and in World War II served as a test pilot in the unglamorous job of taking up plane after plane as they came off the assembly lines somewhere in the north country” of England. Even when sober, she says, “He drives like a maniac” (How It Was, 396). 20. Hotchner, Papa Hemingway, 131, 134; Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 395–96; personal interview with Ordóñez, 11 October 1995, Ronda, Spain. 21. For Belville’s attendance at corridas, see Baker, A Life Story, 512, 523–24, 535; and Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 439, 467, 473. 22. Cossío (1943–97), “Benítez Cubero (don José),” IV: 223–24; Vera, Orígenes e historial, 34–35; Unión de criadores de toros de lidia (1995), 184; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 23. “Bilbao,” in “Plazas de toros de todo el planeta taurino,” Cossío I: 489–91; Cossío (1995) I: 607; Pinto Maeso, Plazas de toros, 106–109. Bilbao also had a smaller plaza, dating from 1909 and named Indauchu or Indaucho (the Basque spelling is Indautxu); it seated 8,500 and was used for only three corridas a year: on 29 June, 15 August, and 13 September; the corridas generales were always held in Vista Alegre. The Indautxu bullring no longer exists. 24. Santainés Cirés’s statistical report indicates that Ordóñez’s colleagues on 18 August 1959 were Miguelín and Mondeño (“Estadísticas”). Ordóñez’s own bullfight

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schedule names Curro Girón (JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959). In fact, Miguelín, born in 1939 and promoted to matador de toros in 1958 (by Luis Miguel Dominguín), appeared often with Ordóñez in 1959; he was a rising young star whom everyone wanted to see, a tremendista (given to showy, risky maneuvers) who provided an interesting contrast to Ordóñez’s elegant classicism. Miguelín had been contracted for about one hundred corridas in 1959 but fought fiftythree, having to cancel the others when he broke his arm (or ankle, accounts differ). He had an uneven, stormy career. His best years were the late 1960s and early 1970s, a period dominated by Manuel Benítez (el Cordobés), who was also a showy populist performer. On one of his great afternoons, 18 May 1968, Miguelín cut six ears from the three bulls he fought at the Corrida de la Prensa, in Madrid. A fall from a horse in 1973 pretty much ended his career; he retired in 1979, attempted suicide in 1988, and died in July 2003 after a long illness (see Cossío [1995], “Mateo Salcedo [Miguel],” II: 583–84; and “El torero de mayo del 1968,” 6 Toros 6, issue 474, pp. 10–13). It is odd that Hemingway, who saw Miguelín so often in 1959, doesn’t mention him—for which reason there is no entry on him in this book. 25. His fellow matadors were César Girón and Rafael Gutiérrez Chacartegui (Rafael Chacarte); see Santainés Cirés, “Estadísticas.” 26. Corrochano, “Luis Miguel ha traído la tranquilidad a la empresa de Bilbao” and “Pocas veces ocurre lo inesperado,” reviews of the corridas of 19 and 21 August 1959, published in Blanco y negro; rpt. in Cuando suena el clarín, 171–78. Corrochano’s remarks about the elder Dominguín appear in the opening sentences of his reviews. 27. Abella, Luis Miguel Dominguín, 342–43. 28. Díaz Cañabate, “La primera reglamentación nacional (1930)” and “El reglamento vigente (1962),” both in Cossío (1943–97) V: 513–22. In addition to age and weight, other characteristics can be used to describe the toro de lidia or fighting bull: color, horns, condition of eyes and legs, body build or structure, bravery, ownership, place of origin, genealogy, and so forth. 29. Pinto Maeso, “Burgos,” Plazas de toros, 30–31; Cossío (1943–97), “Las plazas de toros,” I: 491–92. Burgos’s new plaza was inaugurated on 28 June 1967, by Jaime Ostos, Manuel Benítez (el Cordobés), and José Manuel Inchausti (Tinín); see Cossío (1943–97), “Nuevas plazas de toros,” V: 427; and Cossío (1995) I: 609. For Ordóñez’s appearances in Burgos, see JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; “Gran faena de Ordóñez en su segundo, al que cortó las dos orejas,” La voz de Castilla, 1 July 1959, 7; “Tercera corrida de la feria de Burgos,” Arriba, 1 July 1959, 20. 30. Information about the Hotel Carlton, Bilbao, was supplied by its director, Julio Egaña (letter and enclosures, 4 March 1996); Cau, Las orejas, 137. 31. Viertel, Dangerous Friends, 224–25, 369. 32. Interviews with the owners, July 1998 and June 2000; the new owners were not available when I visited again in July 2006. 33. Qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1343. 34. Baker, A Life Story, 535–36; Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 437.

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35. Hotchner, Papa Hemingway, 224. 36. Iribarren and Ollaquindia, “Choco,” Vocabulario navarro; Iribarren, Hemingway y los sanfermines, 150. 37. The exact site is in dispute. The Anales del Instituto general y técnico de Valencia (1916) argues that the battle took place twelve or thirteen kilometers north of Las Navas de Tolosa, between the towns of Santa Elena and Miranda del Rey. Later texts place the battle closer to Las Navas. See “Batalla de las Navas de Tolosa,” Enciclopedia universal XVII: 1299–1302. See also “Alfonso VIII,” Enciclopedia universal IV: 590–91; and “Sancho VII,” Enciclopedia universal LIII: 1249. 38. For the taurine meaning of chulo, see Nieto Manjón, Diccionario ilustrado de términos taurinos; Cossío (1943–97) I: 228–29; and Cossío (1995), “Vocabulario taurino autorizado,” I: 356. When in the ring, chulos are dressed like bullfighters to distinguish them from other bullring servants like the monosabios, who work with the horses and assist mounted bullfighters (i.e., picadors and rejoneadores). For the slang meaning of chulo, see Diccionario manual e ilustrado de la lengua española (Madrid, Espasa-Calpe, 1950) and the Nuevo pequeño Larousse ilustrado (Paris: Librería Larousse, 1957). 39. According to Pinto Maeso, Ciudad Real’s bullring seats eleven thousand (Pinto Maeso, “Ciudad Real,” Plazas de toros, 40–41); Cossío puts the number at under eight thousand (Cossío [1943–97] I: 498; Cossío [1995] I: 615). For Ordóñez’s appearance in Ciudad Real, see JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; “En Ciudad Real, Luis Miguel, orejeado, y Antonio Ordóñez cortó cinco orejas, dos rabos y una pata” (Dígame, 18 August 1959, p. 8, col. 5). 40. Cossío (1943–97), “Cobaleda, don Juan,” I: 266; Cossío (1943–97), “Cobaleda Sánchez, don Juan,” IV: 208; Cossío (1943–97), “Cobaleda, herederos de don Juan,” V: 210; Vera, Orígenes e historial, 283–85; Cossío (1943–97), “Gomendio, doña María Cruz,” IV: 243 and Vera, Orígenes e historial, 202–204; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. In the schedule, the bulls are called Gomendio, not Cobaleda. Don Luis Jorge Ortigao Costa acquired the herd from María Cruz Gomendio, moved them to Portugal, and changed their brand and antigüedad to 29 August 1971 (Unión de criadores de toros de lidia [1997], 401). 41. At the Col de Velate there is a hotel and restaurant, famous for its fresh trout and its homemade cuajada (curd, a refreshing, tangy dessert, often sweetened with honey or sugar). 42. Cairis, “Constitution,” in his Cruise Ships of the World; and in Emmons, American Passenger Ships; Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 462. 43. “La Cónsula,” Málaga (Colección Nueva Andalucía), Volume IV: Medio Ambiente (Granada: Editorial Andalucía de ediciones ANEL, SA, 1984), 1406–1408. The hotel school’s glossy brochure states that the finca was established in 1806. Another publication, Málaga en sus jardines (Málaga: Estudios Gráficos y de Imagen, S.L., 1992) dates the house c. 1814 and speculates that the later date on the gate (1856) probably reflects a major redesigning of the gardens or a change of ownership (8, 23–27). Meyers writes, probably inaccurately, that the house was built in 1835 (Hemingway, 528).

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44. Gathorne-Hardy, Gerald Brenan, 410–11. Meyers claims that Davis bought La Cónsula in 1951 and that he “completely restored it and lived there until 1973” (Hemingway, 528). The 1952 purchase date is confirmed by Bill and Annie’s daughter, Nena Davis, who adds that the house was sold to Spain’s King Juan Carlos in 1975 or 1976, and that the king donated it to the Málaga municipality, who turned it into a hotel school in 1993 (letter to author, 25 January 1999). Her brother, Teo Davis, adds that at one point after the Davises sold it, it was owned by one of Málaga’s leading mercantile families, named Heredia (e-mail, 25 October 2006). In 1995, the archivist at the Archivos Municipales de Málaga told me that the documents concerning these transactions were still confidential and will not be released to the public for a few more years. 45. Interviews with Rafael de la Fuente Milanés, Director-Gerente, and Ildefonso Denia, Professor Maitre d’Hotel, Finca La Cónsula, Churriana, on 11 October 1995; and with Ana María Vera Delgado, Directora, Archivo Histórico Municipal de Málaga, Alameda Principal, 23, Málaga, on 12 October 1995. The house and gardens of La Cónsula are described in two photographic essays: “La Cónsula,” under Málaga, in the four-volume Colección Nuestra Andalucía, Vol. IV: Medio Ambiente (Granada: Editorial Andalucía de ediciones ANEL, S.A., 1984), 1406–1408; and “La Cónsula,” Málaga en sus jardines (Málaga: Estudios Gráficos y de Imagen, S.L., 1992), 8–9, 23–28. 46. The history of Córdoba’s early plazas de toros is detailed in José Luis Sánchez Garrido’s Córdoba, cuna del toreo, 11 n. 1. 47. Additional information about Córdoba’s plazas was taken from Pinto Maeso, “Córdoba,” Plazas de toros, 44–45; Cossío (1943–97), “Las plazas de toros,” I: 498–99; Cossío (1995), “Córdoba,” I: 616. 48. In 1999, Córdoba’s feria de mayo offered “10 extraordinarios espectáculos taurinos,” from 22 to 30 May; and in 2002 there were “9 sensacionales festejos taurinos,” from 25 May to 3 June. The length of the feria varies according to when May 25 falls, which determines whether one or two weekends are included. 49. JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; “Ordóñez y Ostos triunfaron en la segunda de feria, en Córdoba,” Sur, 27 May 1959, p. 5, cols. 1–2; “Las corridas de Nuestra Señora de la Salud, en Córdoba,” El Ruedo, 28 May 1959. 50. Cossío (1943–97), “Córdoba Ramírez (Jesús),” IV: 418. 51. Abella gives conflicting figures. In “Apéndice 3: Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991 (Corridas toreadas en España, Portugal y Francia),” he reports that Córdoba performed in ten corridas in 1954 (Abella, Historia III: 390–91). But in his write-up of this bullfighter, he reports fourteen corridas for 1954 (Abella, Historia III: 261), the same number which Cossío reports (Cossío [1943–97] IV: 418). 52. Cossío (1943–97), “Córdoba Ramírez (Jesús),” IV: 418; Cossío (1995) II: 387; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 289; Abella, Historia III: 260–62. Bagüés considers him a good but not outstanding matador; Abella, who may be holding him to a different standard, writes that he was “uno de los toreros mexicanos que con mayor elegancia y clase han interpretado el toreo” (one of the more elegant and classy Mexican bullfighters). For the information that Córdoba is the technical advisor to Mex-

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ico City’s bullring, I am indebted to Anthony Brand. For the Pamplona 1953 schedules, see Iribarren, Hemingway y los sanfermines, 130 n. 2; and Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 326–31. 53. The Guía taurina, 1966 spells the name as Hemingway does: Palace. Elsewhere, the name is sometimes misspelled Palas (a phonetic spelling, since the final e is not silent in Spanish). 54. Historical information about the city and the hotel was provided by its deputy manager, José Moraño, and by a long-time employee, Francisco (Paco) Sánchez González, in personal interviews, 3 August 2003. Its Web site identifies the hotel as a Tryp Hotel. 55. Construction had begun in 1884; the building was not finished until 1893. 56. My thanks to Ana Corral, Librarian of the Madrid Stock Exchange, who found references to the Exchange’s restaurants in the published and unpublished work of José Antonio Torrente Fortuño, a former president of the Exchange; Ms. Corral took me on a tour of the premises, July 1998. Torrente Fortuño’s most specific references to these restaurants appear in his Historia de la Bolsa de Madrid I: 249–50 and in his unpublished Contar, recordar III: 1290–91. 57. The Hotel Ambos Mundos, at 153 Obispo Street, Havana, offered “comfortable accommodations at reasonable rates . . . Beautiful roof-garden, restaurant and bar . . . [and] Excellent Food.” It advertised itself as “‘the hotel with atmosphere’, where Ernest Hemingway wrote A Farewell to Arms” (full-page advertisement, The Paris Review, Spring 1958, unnumbered page 151). A Farewell to Arms was written in 1928 and published in 1929. Hemingway described the views from his northeast room in the hotel (now a museum) in “Marlin off the Morro: A Cuban Letter” (Esquire, Autumn 1933). 58. Cossío (1943–97), “Cuevas Roger (Victoriano), Valencia,” IV: 423–24 and V: 835–36; Cossío (1995) II: 398–99; “Victoriano Valencia, el torero de las grandes faenas,” Abella, Historia II: 454–55; see also Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 341–42. Numbers of annual corridas and annual rankings are taken from “Apéndice 3: Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991 (Corridas toreadas en España, Portugal y Francia),” Abella, Historia III: 395–413; for the dates of Valencia’s and Ordóñez’s joint appearances, see JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. For Díaz Cañabate’s reviews of Valencia’s performances during the fiesta of San Isidro, Madrid, 1959, see “Salimos de viaje (14 de mayo de 1959),” “Tarde aguada, sin lluvia (16 de mayo de 1959),” and “El recuerdo de los toros de Veragua (22 de mayo de 1959),” all three of which are reprinted in his Historia de tres temporadas (I: 240–42, 246–48, and 262–65). 59. Fernanda Nena Davis, unpublished typescript, Spitting Out the Silver Spoon, i–iii. 60. Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 470; Gathorne-Hardy, Gerald Brenan, 410; Fisher, Cyril Connolly, 309. 61. Gathorne-Hardy, Gerald Brenan, 410. 62. Hotchner, Papa Hemingway, 209; Meyers, Hemingway, 527; Fisher, Cyril Connolly, 309; Gathorne-Hardy, Gerald Brenan, 410; Nena Davis, letter to author and enclosures (25 January 1999).

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63. Gathorne-Hardy, Gerald Brenan, 410. 64. Gathorne-Hardy, Gerald Brenan, 410–11. 65. Skelton, Tears Before Bedtime, 153. Barbara Skelton was Connolly’s second wife. 66. Deirdre Levi, letter to author, 12 February 1995; Hotchner, Papa Hemingway, 210, 214. 67. Burwell reports that Martha Gellhorn married Bill Davis, though the marriage was short-lived (Hemingway, 197 n. 22). I have not found any other references to such a marriage. 68. Baker, A Life Story, 372, 544; see also Hemingway, Selected Letters, 895–96. 69. Gathorne-Hardy, Gerald Brenan, 411. Deirdre Levi confirms: “He had a forceful social ambition. . . . Bill totally idolized Hemingway . . . if H was coming to Spain, Everything stopped, all friends were locked out, and life was totally devoted to H. and his every whim. . . . We were all very shocked when a mutual friend, who had lent the D’s her extremely nice house . . . was refused entry at the gate because of ‘Ernest’” (letter to author, 12 February 1995). 70. Hotchner, Papa Hemingway, 210. 71. Life, 12 September 1960, 66. 72. Davis’s nickname “Negro” is explained in Life, 12 September 1960, 66; and in Life en español, 14 November 1960, 73; the nickname does not appear in the book version of The Dangerous Summer (1985). In his letters of October and November 1959, Hemingway addressed Bill Davis as “Negro” and “Dear Negro”; he called Annie Davis “Miss Annie” and “Ma chere et Belle Annie” (Bruccoli, Hemingway at Auction, 121–23). 73. For interesting studies of the significance of color and of crossing color boundaries, see Toni Morrison’s Playing in the Dark, especially her chapter “The Kindness of Sharks,” which examines To Have and Have Not; and Carl Eby’s “‘Come Back to the Beach Ag’in, David Honey!’,” which looks at the tanning episodes in The Garden of Eden. Amy Lovell Strong’s “Screaming Through Silence” examines race as a cultural construct. 74. The children are named in Life, 5 September 1960, 88. My thanks to both Nena and Teo Davis for generously sharing their pasts with me. 75. Villalta’s exploit was reported by Hernández Ramírez, Historia de la plaza de toros, 402. Pepe Dominguín, who witnessed this corrida, writes, “siete toros muertos de siete estocadas” (seven bulls killed by seven sword thrusts; Rojo y oro, 76–77), which means that Villalta killed each one on the first try. But Dominguín’s account, vivid as it is, contains an error: he says it was the Corrida de Beneficencia of 1931, but at that time the junior matador of the afternoon, Antonio García, had not yet been promoted to full matador. The correct date is 1933. For Mariano Montes’s eight bulls, see Cossío (1943–97), “Montes Mora (Mariano),” III: 636. 76. Vera, “Domecq Díez (don Juan Pedro),” in his Orígenes e historial, 54–57. Álvaro Domecq reports that his father acquired the herd in 1929–1930 from someone named Lozano, who had bought the Veraguas from the Duke only one year earlier (El toro bravo, 69).

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77. JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; Santainés Cirés, “Estadísticas.” Corrochano’s review of the Domecq corrida in Jerez (3 May 1959) is reprinted in Corrochano, Cuando suena el clarín, 115–17. The bulls were excellent and Ordóñez invited the bull breeder to circle the ring with him. The other bullfighters on this afternoon were Pepe Luis Vázquez and Diego Puerta. 78. Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 107. 79. Life, 5 September 1960, 88. 80. Life, 5 September 1960, 92; qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1306; Life en español, 31 October 1960, 56. 81. “Dudley, 3rd Earl of,” Who Was Who, 1961–1970; Dudley Obituary, New York Times, 27 December 1969, p. 23, col. 1. The Earl of Dudley’s son, the fourth Earl of Dudley, confirms that his father was in Pamplona for the fiesta of 1953 and may have been there in 1959 as well. He writes that “My father . . . did know Ernest Hemingway, although I doubt whether he knew him well enough to have been described as a friend. He was more of a friend of my father’s younger brother, Edward Ward . . . But I know that Eddie, as he was known, did visit Pamplona with Hemingway, although it is perfectly possible that my father also met him at the Fiesta in 1959” (letter to author, 8 August 1991). Other friends who enjoyed the Pamplona feria with the Hemingways were Rupert Belville, Gianfranco Ivancich, Juanito Quintana (qq.v.), Peter Viertel, Bob and Kathy Parrish, Tommy Shevlin and Durie (Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 327–28, 330; “Hemingway’s Spain,” 102). 82. Throughout, I rely on William Watson’s fine editing of “Hemingway’s Civil War Dispatches.” Dispatches 19–25 detail the fighting along the Ebro (68–84). 83. Selected Letters, 466–67. 84. First published in Ken 1.4 (May 1938): 36; included in The Short Stories of Ernest Hemingway (1938). 85. For the bullring at El Escorial, see Cossío (1995) I: 620. 86. Although the national Reglamento of 1930 was revised over the years, the rules governing the espontáneos remained basically unchanged. 87. Díaz Cañabate, “Reglamentación,” s.v. “La ley de 1917” and “La primera reglamentación nacional (1930),” in Cossío (1943–97) V: 509–10, 517; spectators and espontáneos are dealt with in Artículos 58 and 59 of the 1930 Reglamento. This 1930 Reglamento was not revised until 1962, but the rulings for the espontáneo did not change much: see Artículo 63 of the 1962 Reglamento. 88. Cossío (1943–97), “Benjumea Durán (Pedro),” V: 686–88. Anthony Brand, who witnessed Benjumea’s illegal entry into the Seville ring, brought the event to my attention. 89. The 1992 Reglamento, which replaced the 1962 version, addresses the issue of the espontáneo in Artículo 35, sections 1 and 5. The 1992 Reglamento is reproduced in Cossío (1995) I: 713–43; for this particular point, see 729. The 1996 Reglamento repeats the wording of its predecessor, in Artículo 34, Items 1 and 5. 90. Hemingway kept a copy of the 1923 issue of the Madrid journal which carried the essay “Contra los espontáneos” (El toreo, 30 July 1923, p. 4; JFK, Bullfight Materials). Hemingway’s full report of the espontáneo who interfered with Dominguín’s bull is quoted in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1337.

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91. Cossío (1943–97), “Ferrer, José,” V: 917. The members of Ordóñez’s cuadrilla are named in the summary of his 1959 season (JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959), where the picadors are listed under their professional nickname, Salas; Manuel is listed first, indicating that he is the senior picador. Ordóñez supplied their last names, Silvestre Gómez (personal interview, October 1995, Ronda). 92. Vera, “Flores (don Samuel), ‘Samuel Hermanos’,” Orígenes e historial, 187–89; Cossío (1943–97), “Samuel Hermanos,” I: 290. Melquiades Flores died in 1931 (Toros y toreros en 1931, 354). 93. In their 1996 book, Samuel Flores, Sánchez Robles and Gutiérrez focus on the current owner of the herd, also named Samuel Flores. In addition to breeding prize-winning bulls, he is a bullfighter, an avid hunter, and fisherman. 94. JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 95. Ordóñez’s followers were identified in a six-part interview, “Antonio Ordóñez Cuenta su Vida,” conducted by Marino Gómez-Santos for the newspaper El Pueblo, 6–11 July 1959 (JFK, Periodicals). For Hemingway’s followers, see Mary Hemingway’s How It Was, 595, 597. 96. Sánchez de Neira, El toreo, 12–14. 97. Mary Hemingway mentions the pink Ford several times (How It Was, 462, 463, 473, 475); Hotchner, Papa Hemingway, 206–207. 98. Cossío (1943–97), “Foxá Torroba, Agustín de (Conde Foxá y Marqués de Armendáriz),” VI: 929–30; “Foxá, escritor de teatro,” Dígame, 7 July 1959, 16; “Ha muerto Agustín de Foxá,” La voz de Castilla, 1 July 1959, 1. Cossío gives the birth date as 1906. 99. JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 100. Abella, Dominguín, 208, 212. 101. “Carmen Polo de Franco, Widow of Spanish Dictator, Dead at 87,” New York Times, 7 February 1988, 44; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 102. My thanks to the Library of Congress, Washington, DC, for identifying the picture and supplying a photocopy. 103. Iribarren, Hemingway y los sanfermines, 136; Viertel, Dangerous Friends, 183–84; Parrish, “Papa Knew Best . . . Sometimes” (September 1985). Although the Viertel and Parrish accounts were published long after the facts, they agree with each other about 1953. 104. Of the 1953 trip to Pamplona, Viertel wrote that “Papa, like most selfdeclared leaders, was not displeased with the increase in the size of his command, and we set off in caravan the following morning for the Spanish border. There was no unusual delay on the Spanish side of the bridge across the Bidasoa” (Dangerous Friends, 182–84; see also Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 325). In September 1956, the Parrishes and Hemingways met again at the Chantaco, to drive together to Logroño; Viertel, who had planned to join them, telephoned excuses. Relations between Viertel and Hemingway were uncomfortable: Viertel had been involved in the ill-fated filming of The Old Man and the Sea; he suspected that his wife and Hemingway had had an affair; and finally, his current project, the screenplay for

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The Sun Also Rises, did not have Hemingway’s full approval. The two men were further estranged by Viertel’s admiration for Luis Miguel Dominguín (Viertel, Dangerous Friends, 310–11; Parrish, “Papa Knew Best . . . Sometimes”). 105. For Parladé’s bankruptcy (and other interesting anecdotes), see Díaz Cañabate, La fábula de Domingo Ortega, 241–42; for the justification of the multiple claims to Parladé blood and for the miraculous Contreras cows, see Mira, El toro bravo, 158, 172. Of the herds Hemingway mentions in DIA and TDS, Conde de la Corte, Félix Gómez, Miura, Pérez Tabernero, Sotomayor, and Villamarta (qq.v.) were all enriched by cross-breeding with Parladé; and Baltasar Ibán and Arellano-Gamero Cívico herds by Contreras blood. Mira, who has a more global view, lists four branches for Murube-Ibarra-Parladé and four for the Murube-Contreras as well. All are Vistahermosa. 106. “Gamero Cívico (sres. Hijos de),” Toros y toreros en 1924, 48–49. See also Vera, “Ortega (don Domingo),” in his Orígenes e historial, 236–38; Cossío (1943–97), IV: 260–61. 107. Mira, El toro bravo, 161–63. Mira writes that the Gamero Cívico heirs continued to buy, breed, and sell bulls which they called “Gamero Cívico” or “Torre Abad” (the name of the ranch) even after they had divested themselves of their property, including animals, brand, and antigüedad. They continued this practice for four generations of bulls, from 1925 to 1941. The fraud did not go unnoticed: Rafael el Gallo, Gregorio Corrochano, and Domingo Ortega were but a few of the prominent personalities who remarked upon it (qtd. in Santainés Cirés, Domingo Ortega, 174). Their sales to American ranches and rings brought them strong reprimands from the Unión de Criadores de Toros de Lidia (Mira, El toro bravo, 163). In 1935, the Blanco family, who were not serious ganaderos, sold their lot of Gamero Cívicos, acquired in 1925, to Domingo Ortega and to Clemente Tassara; the Clairac lot was eventually sold to the Duke of Pinohermoso. The Domingo Ortega herd was subsequently sold to Domingo Hernández (Garcigrande) in 1986, and more recently to Fernando Domecq Morenés, who calls the herd “Toros de Parladé” (Cossío XII: 187). The Gamero Cívico family had also sold stock to Juan Belmonte and to Juan Guardiola Soto. Thus through repeated sales, the Gamero Cívico bulls became Ortegas, Tassaras, Pinohermosos, Belmontes, and so on—all descendants and offshoots of the same Vistahermosa-Parladé trunk. 108. Vera, “Arellano y Gamero-Cívico (don Ricardo),” in his Orígenes e historial, 276; see also Vera, 389, 393, 396, 402; Mira, El toro bravo, 161–63. As usual, it was taurine historian Anthony Brand who spotted the confusion and helped me unravel the strands and strains. 109. Cossío (1943–97), “Gaona y Jiménez (Rodolfo),” III: 313–15 and V: 948; Silva Aramburu, Enciclopedia taurina, 270–71; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 134–35. 110. When reports of the numbers vary, I use the number most sources agree on. Usually the numbers indicate those corridas that were fought in Spain, France, and Portugal; South American corridas are listed separately. Sometimes festivals (in which novillos, not toros, are killed) are included in these counts. In 1959, for exam-

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ple, Ordóñez fought fifty-two corridas in Spain, Portugal, and France; one in Ecuador, three in Peru, and four in Colombia. He also performed in five festivals (JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; and Santainés Cirés’s listings for 1959, in his “Estadísticas.” 111. Cau, Las orejas, 42–43. 112. Cossío (1943–97), “García Giménez (Juan), Mondeño,” IV: 466–67 and V: 970–71; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 348–49. Bagüés offers the more usual spelling, Jiménez; Cossío (1995) mistakenly gives the date of confirmation as 17 May 1959 (II: 456); the correct date is 17 May 1960. The numbers of annual corridas and the annual rankings are taken from these sources and from “Apéndice 3: Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991 (Corridas toreadas en España, Portugal y Francia),” Abella, Historia III: 394–409; and from the annual “Cuadro estadístico de las corridas toreadas en España, Francia y Portugal durante la temporada,” Dígame, 10 November 1959, 8 November 1960, and 7 November 1961. For Mondeño’s and Ordóñez’s joint appearances, see JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; for a review of the corrida at El Puerto de Santa María, see “Gran triunfo de Luis Miguel,” Dígame, 14 July 1959, p. 9, cols. 3–4; and El Ruedo, 16 July. For the Málaga carteles, see El Ruedo, 23 July 1959. 113. Gibson, Assassination, 83, 120–21, 161–64, 169. The information about the memorial park appears in the “Afterword to the Penguin Edition” (1983), 211–15. The Rosales home, where García Lorca spent his last days, is now a hotel, the Reina Cristina (Granada); pictures of the house are available on the hotel’s Web site. 114. The Spanish y sounds like the English j, hence Hemingway’s misspelling of the nickname as Joni. For more on Hemingway’s “English” spelling of Spanish sounds, see endnote 4. 115. Cossío (1943–97), “García Torres (Bonifacio), Yoni,” IV: 462 and V: 960; Cossío (1995) II: 462–63; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 273. 116. César Antonio Girón (1933–1971) was the top-ranked bullfighter in 1954 (with fifty-four corridas) and 1956 (with sixty-eight corridas). He was ranked among the top five matadors for four consecutive seasons (1953–1956). For a picture of the gate of Maracay’s modern bullring, which is named after him, see Cossío (1943–97), VI: 689. 117. Abella, “Un Girón menor: Curro,” in his Historia II: 315. Most critics remark that Curro was a crowd-pleaser (he often addressed the spectators directly) and that, although obviously gifted and possessed of a fine repertoire, he was not as impressive as his older brother César. 118. Cossío (1943–97), “Girón Díaz (Francisco), Curro Girón,” IV: 473–74 and V: 998–99; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 330–31. Numbers of annual corridas and annual rankings are taken from these sources and from “Apéndice 3: Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991 (Corridas toreadas en España, Portugal y Francia),” in Abella, Historia III: 392–424; and from the annual “Cuadro Estadístico de las corridas toreadas en España, Francia y Portugal durante la temporada,” in Dígame, 10 November 1959, 8 November 1960, and 7 November 1961. For Curro Girón’s and Ordóñez’s joint appearances, see JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959.

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119. Díaz Cañabate’s ABC reviews of Curro Girón’s Madrid performances are “Estamos muy contentos (15 de mayo de 1959)” and “El recuerdo de los toros de Veragua (22 de mayo de 1959),” rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas I: 243–45 and 262–65. The Pamplona reviews are “Una siesta, malograda tontamente (Pamplona, 7 de julio de 1959),” “La fresa del bosque (Pamplona, 9 de julio de 1959),” and “Miuras apacibles (Pamplona, 11 de julio de 1959),” rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas II: 36–39, 42–45, and 48–50. 120. Reynolds, The Final Years, 42. 121. Walker, “God Is My Co-Pilot,” Film and Video Guide, 302. 122. Cossío (1943–97), “Gómez Ortega (José), Gallito,” III: 364–79 and IV: 959–63; Silva Aramburu, Enciclopedia taurina, 266–70; Martínez Salvatierra, Los toros, 193–94; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 146–47; Tapia, Historia del toreo I: 370–79. 123. The identification of Juan Luis was provided by Antonio Ordóñez, personal interview, 11 October 1995, Ronda, Spain; discussion of “too much” was facilitated by DeFazio’s collation of the typescript, magazine, and book versions of The Dangerous Summer. 124. The identification was provided by Antonio Ordóñez (personal interview, 11 October 1995, Ronda, Spain). To Hemingway’s description, Ordóñez adds that Gongoiti was short and rich enough never to have to work. He often traveled the bullfight circuit with his friend Javier Silva Azlor (Chipi, died in 1993), a wealthy landowner with large holdings in Navarre. Chipi, who never married, was the younger brother of a duke. The first meeting between el Charri and Ordóñez was recounted in a long interview conducted by Marino Gómez-Santos, which appeared in six fullpage daily installments (El Pueblo, 6–11 July 1959; JFK, Periodicals). 125. Cossío (1943–97), “González Jiménez (Juan), el Trianero,” IV: 486 and V: 1030; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 340; Abella Historia II: 492–93; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. The Madrid corridas of 16 and 17 May were enlivened only by the performance, on the seventeenth, of Rafael Ortega, whose first bull responded well and enabled him to draw rave reviews. See Díaz Cañabate’s reviews for ABC, “Tarde aguada, sin lluvia (16 de mayo de 1959),” “La alegría de morir (17 de mayo de 1959),” rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas I: 246–48, 249–51. For the Madrid corrida of 18 May, which Hemingway skipped, see the entry for Mejías Jiménez, Antonio (Antonio Bienvenida). 126. El Trianero was identified by Anthony Brand, 31 July 2002. 127. Abella, “Domingo, el utópico bohemio,” Dominguín, 103–24 et passim; Cossío (1943–97), “González Lucas (Domingo), Dominguín,” IV: 482 and V: 1020; Olano, “Domingo Dominguín: la estocada,” Dinastías, 43–66; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 254. 128. Abella, Dominguín, 130–32. 129. Olano reports that Pepe Dominguín suffered from a liver ailment that caused him to perform unimpressively on the important day of his alternativa and prevented him from fighting more frequently in his first three years as matador de toros (1944–1946; Olano, Dinastías, 79). The numbers of corridas in 1947 are variously re-

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ported as twenty-five (“Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991,” in Abella, Historia III: 385) and twenty-eight (Abella, Historia II: 205; Cossío (1943–97) IV: 484; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 264). For 1948, Bagüés gives the number as fifty-four. The reports differ for some other years as well, but only by one corrida. 130. His first wife, Dolly Lummis Rennie, died in childbirth, and the baby, Bárbara, died shortly after. The older daughter, Verónica, died of tuberculosis (Mi gente, 213, 242). Subsequently Pepe married María Rosa Salgado (in 1953) and María José Suárez Macía (in 1965). Like his brothers, and like most bullfighters, he had a number of well-publicized affairs. 131. Cossío (1943–97), “González Lucas (José), Dominguín,” IV: 484–85; Abella, Dominguín, 124–30; Olano, Dinastías, 67–82; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 263–64; Abella, Historia II: 204–205. Olano provides his full name, José Alejandro: he was named for both his grandfathers. Cossío and Olano give his birth date as 1921; Abella and Bagüés opt for 1922; all agree he was born 19 March. 132. Abella, “La búsqueda del amor,” in his Dominguín, 37–73 et passim. 133. Abella writes that the family spent the last few months of 1936 and most of 1937 in Mexico and in Portugal, returning to Spain in 1938 (Dominguín, 88–89). Viertel, however, writes that the Dominguín family did not return to Spain until the Civil War was over, in 1939 (“Luis Miguel Dominguín,” 126). 134. Cossío (1943–97) IV: 490. 135. Cossío (1943–97) IV: 488. 136. Cossío (1943–97), “González Lucas (Luis Miguel), Dominguín,” IV: 487–90 and V: 1032–36 (Cossío gives his birthday as 10 December 1925 but corrects the date to 1926 in the 1995 edition); Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 264–65; Abella, “Luis Miguel Dominguín: el ‘mandón’ del posmanoletismo,” Historia II 156–67; “Luis Miguel se propone a torear 77 corridas,” Dígame (23 June 1959), p. 4, col. 6. Dominguín is the subject of several full-length biographies, including Carlos Abella’s Luis Miguel Dominguín (1995) and Alfredo Portolés’s Luis Miguel Dominguín: Anécdota, arte y triunfo del extraordinario torero madrileño (1948). He is also discussed at length in other books (e.g., Olano’s Dinastías and Pepe Dominguín’s Mi gente). See also obituaries: “En la muerte de Luis Miguel Dominguín: Un fallo cardíaco acabó con la vida de un mito,” ABC, 9 May 1996; “El mundo del toro acompañó a Luis Miguel Dominguín en su último paseíllo,” ABC, 10 May 1996; “Dominguin,” The Times, 10 May 1996; The New York Times obituary emphasizes the connection with Hemingway and mentions Dominguín’s friendships with Picasso and Franco (10 May 1966). In addition to the Villa Paz ranch, near Saelices, in the province of Cuenca, which Hemingway visited, Dominguín also owned La Virgen, in the Sierra Morena, near Andújar, in the province of Jaén. For details about his herds and ranches, I consulted Cossío (1943–97) IV: 243–44 and Vera, Orígenes e historial, 207. 137. Dominguín’s son, Pepe Dominguín, reports a telling anecdote: just before Ortega’s alternativa, Dominguín met with various impresarios and offered them Ortega’s services at twelve thousand pesetas (the going rate was between seven and nine thousand), on condition that they sign him up on the spot. After the alternativa, he

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warned them, the price would be eighteen thousand, because Ortega’s performance, he predicted, would make him the talk of the town. Fourteen impresarios took the bait, and the many more who chose to wait until after the corrida paid dearly for their caution (Rojo y oro, 141–42). 138. In addition to his two daughters (Gracia and Carmen) and three bullfighting sons (Domingo, José, and Luis Miguel), Domingo González Mateos fathered an illegitimate son (born c. 1950) who became a lawyer (Abella, Dominguín, 97). 139. The relationship between father and son is central to Viertel’s fictionalized account of Luis Miguel Dominguín’s 1958 season, Love Lies Bleeding. In that novel, the son is badly gored at the very moment his father dies. Hemingway suggests that the first anniversary of the father’s death was a factor in the goring Luis Miguel suffered a year later (TDS, 195; see also TDS, 189, 199–200). 140. Cossío (1943–97) III: 391–93 and IV: 482; Abella, Dominguín, 75–98 et passim; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 158; Olano, Dinastías, 23–42. 141. Pinto Maeso, “Granada,” Plazas de toros, 52–53; Cossío (1995) I: 623. 142. “Luis Miguel corta orejas en Granada,” Sur, 31 May 1959, p. 8, cols. 4–5. The carteles for the Granada corridas of 30 and 31 May are taken from “Relación de las corridas de toros celebradas hasta el día 31 de julio de 1959,” El Ruedo (6 August 1959). 143. Guía taurina (1966), 295. 144. After several cloudy days, rain fell heavily in Madrid on 19 May: the first three bulls were fought in the downpour, but the second half of the corrida was canceled. This is probably the day on which Mary caught cold. The next day’s corrida was also canceled because of rain, but on the 21st the sun came out (Corrochano, Historia de tres temporadas I: 255–59). 145. DeFazio, Dear Papa, 295. 146. DeFazio treats these issues fully in two chapters of his unpublished dissertation: “Chapter II: The Friendship between A. E. Hotchner and Ernest Hemingway” and “Chapter III: The Business Relationship of Hemingway and Hotchner” (“HemHotch Letters,” 20–147). Much of this material is available in his “Introduction” to Dear Papa (1–12) and in Hotchner’s “Preface” (ix–xvii) to that book. 147. Throughout I rely on DeFazio’s careful collation of the typescript, the English-language Life serialization, and the Scribner’s book, included in his unpublished dissertation, “The HemHotch Letters.” DeFazio’s collation did not consider the somewhat different version published in Life en español. The Hemingway-Hotchner correspondence, published in DeFazio’s Dear Papa, corroborates DeFazio’s claims about Hotchner’s Papa Hemingway and about Hotchner’s involvement in the Life and, indirectly, the Scribner’s versions of The Dangerous Summer. For Alberti’s foray into the bullring, I consulted Montesinos, Poesía taurina contemporánea, 24; and García-Ramos and Narbona, Ignacio Sánchez Mejías, 136, 326. Montesinos incorrectly dates Alberti’s foray into the Pontevedra ring as June 1927, but the Pontevedra bullfight took place on 3 July (Toros y toreros en 1927, 152). For Dominguín’s good friend, the Count of Teba, see Abella, Dominguín, 347. The Teba incident, absent from The Dangerous Summer, is mentioned in both the

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Spanish- and English-language Life versions, which variously identify the Count of Teba as a nephew and a cousin of the Duke of Alba (DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1525; and the third installment of “El verano sangriento,” Life en español, 28 November 1960, 69). 148. Cossío (1943–97), “Ibán Valdés (don Baltasar),” IV: 248–49; Vera, Orígenes e historial, 214–15; “Ibán Valdés (Herederos de don Baltasar),” Unión de criadores de toros de lidia (1995), 114; and Unión de criadores de toros de lidia (1997), 158. 149. JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 150. Life, 19 September 1990, 78; see, for example, Hotchner’s letter to Hemingway, 8 August 1960, which he signed “Antonio” (DeFazio, Dear Papa, 298). 151. Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 435. 152. LaPrade, “The Reception of Hemingway in Spain,” 48–49. LaPrade quotes Dominguín’s characterization of Hemingway “as the Nobel Prize winner of the Marshall Plan” (43). 153. Penas Ibáñez, “A Creative Spiral.” 154. Baker, A Life Story, 488–89; Mellow, A Life without Consequences, 553–56; Lynn, Hemingway, 537; Meyers, Hemingway, 446–52; Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 278–85; the quoted material is from p. 278. An American obituary identifies her second husband as the Baron Rex Biaggini. 155. Baker, A Life Story, 478, 509, 511, 547; Mellow, A Life without Consequences, 555–56. 156. Pinto Maeso, “Jerez de la Frontera,” Plazas de toros, 36–37; Cossío (1995) I: 628. 157. Díaz Cañabate, “Toros en Jerez, y Jerez sin toros (1 de mayo de 1959),” rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas I: 233–35. 158. JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; “Agasajo a Ordóñez en Jerez,” Dígame, 30 June 1959, p. 6, col. 5; Díaz Cañabate, “La gracia toreadora (3 de mayo de 1959),” rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas I: 236–39; Corrochano, “Evadido de Sevilla, llega a Jerez,” review of Jerez corrida for Blanco y negro; rpt. in his Cuando suena el clarín, 115–17. 159. In the 1970s the organization renamed itself the Jesuit Seminary and Mission Bureau. In the 1980s, “Revenue plummeted when [New Orleans’] Central Business District office market soured” and in 1995 the Jesuits sold the building to a developer who intended to convert it into a luxury 215-suite hotel. An endowment established with the proceeds of the sale would support needy students of the Jesuit High School. My thanks to Joan G. Caldwell, Head, Louisiana Collection, Tulane University Libraries, New Orleans (letters to author and enclosures, 26 December 1996 and 24 January 1997); and the Reverend Thomas H. Clancy, Director, The Jesuits, New Orleans, LA (letters to author and enclosures, 7 and 22 January 1997). 160. For the translation of the dollar, 1959–1995, I used the “Composite Commodity Price Index” chart, in Derks, The Value of a Dollar. To translate Derks’s 1989 values into 1995 terms, I multiplied by 150/124 (CPI for 1995/CPI for 1989). This yielded the unlikely amount of $1,670.00, in 1995 terms. Using the tables in http:// www.cjr.org/tools/inflation/index, I found that $150.00 in 1959 were worth $980.00

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in 2005 terms. Marino Gómez Santos’s fulsome interview, “Nuestro amigo, Ernest Hemingway: ‘El viejo y el mar’ me salió bien porque tuve mucha suerte,” is dated 26 July 1959. 161. Reverend Thomas H. Clancy, Director, The Jesuits, New Orleans, LA (letters to author and enclosures, 7 and 22 January 1997). 162. Baker, A Life Story, 198. 163. The indulgences were granted “By virtue of Briefs and Rescripts of the Sovereign Pontiffs, Gregory XVI and Pius IX.” Hemingway saved the booklet explaining the various kinds of indulgences (JFK, Other Materials: Church Papers). Reynolds indicates that Hemingway went by himself to visit his parents; Pauline had stayed behind in Piggott and “joined him [in Chicago] about Oct. 30. She was not with him in Oak Park,” from 17 to 22 October (Reynolds, Homecoming, 255 n. 15). On the problem of being Catholic, see Reynolds, Homecoming, 198. 164. Cossío (1943–97), “Jiménez Díaz (Manuel), Chicuelo II,” IV: 516–17 and V: 1106; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 316; Abella, Historia II: 282–84. Abella and Bagüés both point out that although his name was Manuel Jiménez, he was unrelated to the original Chicuelo (q.v. in HDIA) and had no right to call himself Chicuelo II. Numbers of annual corridas and annual rankings are taken from “Apéndice 3: Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991 (Corridas toreadas en España, Portugal y Francia),” in Abella, Historia III: 394–98; and from the annual “Cuadro Estadístico de las corridas toreadas en España, Francia y Portugal durante la temporada,” Dígame, 10 November 1959, 8 November 1960, and 7 November 1961. For Chicuelo II’s and Ordóñez’s joint appearances, see JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 165. Baker, A Life Story, 511, 524, 535–36, 549; Mary Hemingway also mentions the old Lancia (How It Was, 324, 325), the new Lancia (472), and the accident (475); DeFazio quotes Hemingway’s typescript description of the new car (“HemHotch Letters,” 1517); in a letter to Hotchner, Hemingway reported that “We have a Salmon Pink English Ford with Gebralter [sic] license plates” (Dear Papa, 258). Hotchner incorrectly reports that in July 1959 “Gianfranco Ivancich . . . arrived from Venice with his wife driving Ernest’s new Barrata [sic] Lancia which had been bought of his Italian royalties” (241, 251–52): the driver was Casamassima; the nickname “La Barata.” 166. My thanks to Andrew Cliffe, representative of the Lancia company in the United Kingdom (e-mail, 24 May 1999). 167. According to Hotchner, soon after the Bilbao feria in which Dominguín was gored, “Bill had fallen asleep at the wheel, the Lancia had left the road at high speed, ripped up several cement roadmarkers, careened across a ditch and a field, but had not turned over; nor did any of them [Davis, Valerie Danby-Smith, and Hemingway] have so much as a scratch” (Hotchner, Papa Hemingway, 251, 252). Referring to this accident, Hemingway insisted in 1960 “that Bill Davis had tried to kill him by wrecking the Lancia in 1959, and was now trying again” (Baker, A Life Story, 554). The false accusation reveals how far Hemingway’s mental illness had advanced; he committed suicide in July 1961. 168. Annie Davis to George Saviers, 29 August [1959].

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169. “Maj. Gen. Charles Lanham Dies; A Soldier Model for Hemingway,” Obituary, New York Times, 22 July 1978. Meyers, who reports that Lanham was not as dashing as Hemingway claimed, finds Gregory Hemingway’s characterization of him “as a nebbish” more accurate (Hemingway, 401). 170. “Liberté,” in Watson, Flagships of the Line; and in Cairis, Cruise Ships of the World. 171. Pinto Maeso, “Linares,” Plazas de toros, 60–61; Cossío (1943–97), “Las plazas de toros,” I: 510. 172. Domecq reports that bull breeders often order the destruction of a cow whose offspring has killed a man: it is “un gesto emocional” (an emotional gesture). In this tradition, Miura ordered that the mother of Islero, variously known as Isla and Islera, be put to death (Domecq, El toro bravo, 216); Sotomayor also mentions the detail (Miura, 308). 173. Camará had decided to change the bulls, so that Islero, originally destined for the senior bullfighter, Rafael Vega de los Reyes (Gitanillo de Triana), would be fought by Manolete. Such changes are possible if all the matadors agree to them. Rafael had agreed, and Camará duly asked Domingo, Luis Miguel’s father and manager, to approve the swap; Domingo also agreed (Pepe Dominguín, Mi gente, 203–204). 174. The senior bullfighter was Rafael Vega de los Reyes (Gitanillo de Triana), who had officiated as witness at Manolete’s alternativa. 175. The “facts” are variously reported: El Ruedo claims that Dominguín was awarded one ear; K-Hito that he was granted one ear but that his men cut both as well as the tail; Luis Miguel Dominguín himself states that he cut both ears (the first two reports are qtd. in Mira, Manolete, 439, 443; the last is in Dominguín, Mi gente, 205). 176. “Linares, 28 de agosto de 1947: el último testigo,” qtd. in Abella, Dominguín, 32. 177. Botsford, Dominguín, 214–15. 178. Pinto Maeso, “Logroño,” Plazas de toros, 82–83; Cossío (1995) I: 632. The Logroño fiesta always draws fine bullfighters: in 1956, César Girón was Spain’s topranked matador de toros; Ordóñez was ranked second, and Joselito Huerta was fifth (Abella, Historia III: 392–93). For the identity of the Hemingways’ traveling companions, I consulted Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 437–38; Iribarren, Hemingway y los sanfermines, 141–43; and Baker, A Life Story, 535. 179. “López de Carrizosa,” Enciclopedia universal XXXI: 140. 180. Details about the Cordoban branch of the family were supplied by Henri Perrin, their representative in Córdoba (interviews, 27 June and 2 August 2003), and by Pepe Dominguín (interview, 23 July 1998, Madrid). 181. Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 157, 187. My thanks to Anthony Brand for finding this reference; as far as we can determine, no other biographer of Hemingway mentions his friendship with Peps Mérito, who, with his wealth, Cuban wife, and many international connections, may have helped fund, organize, or run the Crook Factory. 182. Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 305.

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183. Santiago’s contradictory responses to luck confirm Gerry Brenner’s claim that this character is complex and admits a variety of coherent readings, thus assuring the novel the status of masterwork or masterpiece (Brenner, The Old Man and the Sea: Story of a Common Man). 184. Dispatches 6–11 (9 April–9 May 1937), 15 (30 September 1937), and 30 (10 May 1938); I follow Watson’s texts and dates (“Hemingway’s Civil War Dispatches,” 23–43, 54–56, 90–92). 185. Although the Madrid friends did not make it into the book version, they are mentioned, though not named, in Life (5 September 1960; qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1306) and in Life en español (31 October 1960: 56). 186. Corrochano, “Faena de príncipe,” rpt. in his Cuando suena el clarín, 125–27. Of Ordóñez’s work with his first bull on 14 May 1959, Antonio Díaz Cañabate, the taurine critic of ABC, wrote that “No es una gran faena. Es una faena muy buena. Armoniosa. Pausada. Elegante. Fina. Sí.” (It is not a great faena. It is a very good faena. Harmonious. Stately. Elegant. Fine. Yes.) The same critic castigates Ordóñez for his work with the second bull: “Ha hecho mal” (He has done badly; Díaz Cañabate, “Salimos de viaje (14 de mayo de 1959),” rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas I: 240–42); JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 187. Díaz Cañabate, “Tarde aguada, sin lluvia (16 de mayo de 1959),” rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas I: 246–48. According to the typescript of The Dangerous Summer, Ordóñez dedicated the bull to Hemingway “For the friendship that unites us.” Ordóñez wanted to kill him recibiendo but the bull “lost his juice” and would not charge; Ordóñez had to advance to kill him (volapié); the bull lurched suddenly and “the sword went in low and to the side” (qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1320). 188. Díaz Cañabate, “Al fin salió el sol (21 de mayo de 1959),” rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas I: 259–62; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 189. All the reviews were reprinted in Díaz Cañabate’s Historia de tres temporadas I: 241–68. 190. Pinto Maeso, “Málaga,” Plazas de toros, 72–73; Cossío (1943–97), “Las plazas de toros,” I: 526–27. 191. Corrochano, review of the Málaga corrida, “Confirmación de Joselito y Belmonte,” first published in Blanco y Negro; rpt. in Cuando suena el clarín, 163–69. 192. Ordóñez spoke about his first managers in the interview, “Antonio Ordóñez Cuenta su Vida,” El Pueblo, 9 and 10 July 1959, p. 13. Oag writes that Ordóñez was poorly managed until Domingo González Mateos became his manager, on 28 June 1951, the day of Ordóñez’s alternativa (Oag, Antonio Ordóñez, 102–103). Sureda Molina lists Ordóñez’s subsequent managers, until 1962 (Conversaciones, 23). 193. Abella, Historia II: 237, 249; Cossío (1943–97) VI: 200; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 194. Pinto Maeso, “Manzanares,” Plazas de toros, 41–43; Cossío (1995) I: 638. 195. City officials had also suggested that the building be turned into a center for senior citizens or into a Museo Hemingway. “Casa Marceliano: del mito al escombro,” Diario de Noticias, 27 April 1997: 42; “El servicio de Atención al Ciudadano

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será instalado en Casa Marceliano,” Diario de Noticias, 21 January 1998: 16. My thanks to María Luisa Nieto Moneo, of Pamplona (letter and enclosures, 25 November 1998). Gabriel Rodríguez Pazos informed me of its current status (e-mail, 15 October 2003). Iribarren repeatedly identifies Matías Anoz as the owner of “Casa Marceliano” and explains that Anoz gave Hemingway the recipe for one of his specialties, a casserole of codfish, crab, tomatoes, garlic, and spices called ajoarriero or bacalao de Pamplona, which was frequently served in Hemingway’s Cuban home, the Finca Vigía (Hemingway y los sanfermines, 15, 98, 155, and 205; the recipe appears on p. 98). 196. My thanks to Anthony Brand, who recognized Hemingway’s error and supplied the hotel’s correct name; and to Jesús María González, Director of the Hotel Reina Cristina, who sent historical details and brochures (letter and enclosures, 12 September 1998). 197. Viertel, Dangerous Friends, 369. 198. “Martínez Bordiú, Cristóbal, Marqués de Villaverde,” Diccionario de autoridades médicas, 319–20. My thanks to Ana Rovira, Librarian, Ilustre Colegio Oficial de Médicos de Madrid. 199. Obituary, “Carmen Polo de Franco, Widow of Spanish Dictator, Dead at 87,” New York Times, 7 February 1988, p. 44, cols. 1–3. 200. The objects conservator at the JFK examined the medal and reported that it is not gold (e-mail from Diana Wakimoto, Ernest Hemingway Intern, 17 November 2006). The Casa de Cultura, which was in charge of most of the bicentennial celebrations, issues medals commemorating Pedro Romero in connection with the corridas goyescas (corridas in which bullfighters wear trajes de luces like those current in Goya’s day and which appear in Goya’s work). Antonio Lasanta Gutiérrez, who was in charge of cultural activities at the Casa de Cultura, Ronda, when I interviewed him in 1995, generously donated a Ronda medal, of the type worn by the women who wear Goya-style costumes for Ronda’s September corridas goyescas, to the Hemingway Collection. The medal shows Pedro Romero on one side and bears the inscription “Dama Goyesca” and the date, 1995, on the other. It has a green and white striped ribbon. In addition to the May 1959 visit, Hemingway also visited Ronda in September of that year, for the corrida goyesca: that visit is not mentioned in The Dangerous Summer, which ends with the events of August. Hemingway and Mary were in Madrid for the San Isidro fiesta, May 1954, but there is no record that he visited Ronda in the year of the Romero bicentennial. It is possible that he did visit Ronda in 1956, when Ordóñez held a corrida to benefit the city’s old age home. See also the entry for Ronda in HDIA. 201. Cossío (1943–97), “Mejías Jiménez (Antonio), Bienvenida,” IV: 575–79 and VI: 84–87; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 251–52; Abella, “Antonio Bienvenida: treinta años de maestría,” Historia II: 180–94. Numbers of annual corridas and annual rankings are taken from these sources and from “Apéndice 3: Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991 (Corridas toreadas en España, Portugal y Francia),” in Abella, Historia III: 382–419. The statistics differ slightly; Mira’s compilation, which

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counts French, Portuguese, South American, as well as Spanish corridas, is often higher (“Apéndice 2” of his Antonio Bienvenida, 317–50). For Bienvenida’s and Ordóñez’s joint appearances, see JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 202. Qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1381. 203. Díaz Cañabate, “Tres toreros de verdad (Madrid, 18 de mayo de 1959)” and “Tarde fresca y alegre (10 de agosto de 1959),” reviews for ABC; rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas I: 252–55 and II: 57–59. 204. “Principales Hoteles de España Frecuentados por Taurinos,” Guía Taurina, 1966, 293. 205. Vera, “Miura Fernández (don Eduardo),” Orígenes e historial, 101–103; Unión de criadores de toros de lidia (1995), 233; “Miura, señores hijos de don Eduardo,” Cossío (1943–97) I: 283–84. 206. “San Jerónimo, la joya medieval que logró sobrevivir su historia,” ABC (10 June 2002), 56–57. Additional information about the family and the estate was supplied by Henri Perrin, administrator and curator of the estate, and by his wife, a historian (personal interviews, 27 June and 2 August 2003). 207. Cossío (1995), “Mont-de-Marsan,” I: 642; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 208. Cossío (1943–97), “Montes (Francisco), Paquiro,” III: 627–35; Silva Aramburu, Enciclopedia taurina, 242; Martínez Salvatierra, Los toros, 190–91. 209. The phrase appears in the first chapter of Montes’s Tauromaquia completa (11), which Hemingway owned (Reynolds, Hemingway’s Reading, 161). Hemingway coined his famous phrase, “grace under pressure,” in 1926 (Selected Letters, 200). 210. Cossío (1943–97), “Moraleda Molina (Miguel), Miguelillo,” VI: 127; Nieto Manjón, “Mozo de espadas o mozo de estoques,” Diccionario ilustrado, 294. 211. Sureda Molina, Conversaciones, 23. 212. Cossío (1995), “Nîmes,” I: 645; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 213. Cairis, “Normandie,” in Cruise Ships of the World, 77. 214. When Dominguín bought a bull-breeding ranch, he used the number one as his brand. According to Pepe Dominguín, Luis Miguel was not serious about breeding, never owning more than fifty or sixty cows (interview, 23 July 1998, Madrid). 215. Hemingway notes that Ordóñez did not escape injury, coming to the 1959 season after “eleven bad wounds” (TDS, 64): twelve if one counts the serious goring he suffered in Barcelona, on 3 August 1950, as a novillero. As a matador de toros, he was badly injured almost every year before 1959 (see endnote 219 for later injuries): 1952, 18 June, gored in Madrid; 1953, 21 April, in Seville; 21 September, in Valladolid; 1955, 13 March, gored by a Miura bull in Castellón (first corrida of the season); 1956, 21 June, gored in the thigh, in Madrid; 1957, February, gored in the thigh, in Venezuela; 1958, five bad injuries, the most serious in San Sebastián, on 14 August. 216. A similar event occurred in San Sebastián, on 14 August 1958, at a corrida attended by Franco and his wife, to whom all three matadors dedicated their first bulls.

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Ordóñez’s second bull, which he had dedicated to the beautiful Iranian princess Soraya (formerly empress of Iran), gored him in the back of the left thigh but Ordóñez refused to leave the ring until he had killed the bull perfectly, saluted the lady he was rumored to be in love with, and received the ear that was awarded him. Antonio Díaz Cañabate’s review of this dramatic, romantic event contains more exclamation marks than words (“Un torero genial, con un toro de genio,” review for ABC, rpt. in Historia de tres temporadas I: 108–11). Another commentator, Antonio del Moral, wrote that “No creo que hayan existido muchos que hayan cuajado tantos toros estando tan gravemente heridos como Ordóñez” (I don’t think that there have been many bullfighters who have successfully finished their work when injured as badly as Ordóñez [Diario 16, 2 July 1991; qtd. in Abella, Historia II: 252]). Another gored bullfighter who managed to finish his faena and then kill his bull honorably was Manolete, at the 1946 Gran Corrida Extraordinaria de la Beneficencia, the annual gala benefit in support of the Madrid hospital for bullfighters; Manolete’s achievement is praised by Corrochano, Cuando suena el clarín, 193–94. 217. Cossío (1943–97) IV: 611. 218. For a review of Ordóñez’s and Dominguín’s joint appearances, only four of which were mano a mano, see the entry for Manager. During the course of his career, Ordóñez performed mano a mano with many other matadors, not just with Dominguín: Rafael Ortega (28 June 1953), César Girón (1 August 1954 and 17 August 1956), Chicuelo II (29 August 1954), Antonio Bienvenida (21 June 1956, 11 September 1965, 25 August 1966, 10 September 1966), Litri (3 August 1956), Julio Aparicio (25 August 1957, 23 May 1958, 11 September 1960, 22 April 1962), Solanito (6 October 1957), A. Vázquez (14 October 1962), Miguelín (21 July 1968), and Miguel Márquez (13 July 1970). Ordóñez performed mano a mano most often with Paco Camino: on 28 July 1960, 26 June 1962, 4 August 1962, 24 June 1969; three times in 1970 (29 June, 11 July, and 27 August), and four times in 1971 (26 and 29 June, 3 and 14 July). Paco Camino (b. 1940) was a novillero in 1959 and was promoted to matador de toros in 1960, becoming Spain’s top-ranked matador of that year, a position he achieved again in 1963 and 1966. Ordóñez’s last mano a mano was with his famous son-in-law, Francisco Rivera (Paquirri, 1948–1984), on 9 September 1980 (a corrida goyesca in Ronda). 219. Ordóñez’s serious injuries in the 1960s and 1970s (those rated as pronóstico reservado or pronóstico grave): 1960, 24 August, head injury, with concussion, in Bilbao; 30 October, gored in the groin, in Perú; 1961, 5 August, gored in the groin, in Málaga; 25 September, right wrist, in Barcelona; 8 December, at a festival, in Málaga; 1962, 29 April, right thigh, in Tijuana, Mexico; 14 September, right thigh, in Salamanca; 1966, 10 April, in Málaga; 1971, 25 May, neck and wrist, in Madrid. 220. The 1960s and early 1970s marked the heyday of Manuel Benítez (el Cordobés), described by fans and detractors as bullfighting’s version of the Rolling Stones. Psychedelic, charismatic, and highly unorthodox, Benítez was the top-ranked bullfighter of 1965, 1967, 1970, and 1971, performing in a record-breaking 111, 109, and 121 corridas in the first three of those years. When Ordóñez came out of retirement in

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1965 with the famous phrase “Vengo a torear” (I have come to fight bulls), the defenders of classical bullfighting hoped he would confront this new populist showman and “save” bullfighting. In an interview on French television, Ordóñez said he was quite willing to perform with Benítez. But although Ordóñez performed with most of the young stars of the 1960s, engaging several of then in mano a mano competition (see endnote 218), he never shared a bill with el Cordobés. 221. “D. Antonio Ordóñez recibe la Legión de Honor Francesa,” Toro bravo 4 (1995): 28; Cossío (1943–97) XII: 870. 222. Ordóñez availed himself of this quick, efficient, but unorthodox method of administering “the final blessing” so often that Antonio Díaz Cañabate, the ABC’s influential taurine critic, dubbed this slightly off-center area “el rincón de Ordóñez” (Ordóñez’s corner), a derisory phrase that was quickly attached to his expensive home and extensive properties. In the 1960s, Díaz Cañabate regretted his remark—“Ahora me arrepiento de ello . . . Fue en mí injusto” (Now I regret it … it was unfair of me)— and praised Ordóñez for good-humoredly informing him that he was calling a newly purchased property “el rincón de Ordóñez” (Díaz Cañabate, “Antonio Ordóñez y el clasicismo,” in Cossío [1943–97] V: 174). Corrochano also remarked upon this sword thrust, warning Ordóñez against a maneuver that was beneath a great bullfighter’s dignity even if it pleased the crowd. When Ordóñez killed well, Corrochano rejoiced and encouraged him not to revert to the bad habit: “yo, que tanto le he marcado las estocadas bajas, después de magníficas faenas, digo que la ejecución de la suerte perdida de matar fué inmejorable. Antonio Ordóñez, príncipe de los toreros, que no se te vuelva a caer la estocada” (I, who have so often decried the low sword thrust, say that [today] the death stroke couldn’t have been better. Ordóñez, prince among bullfighters, do not, ever again, permit your sword to strike below the prescribed point” (“Evadido de Sevilla, llega a Jerez” and “Faena de príncipe,” reviews of the corridas of 3 and 14 May 1959 [Jerez and Madrid], rpt. in his Cuando suena el clarín; the references to the swordwork appear on pp. 117 and 126). Corrochano claims—mistakenly, I think—that Hemingway praises this sword-stroke: he cites the clause, “he’s learned how to miss the bone” (spoken by Juanito Quintana, TDS, 63) in evidence, but obviously the clause admits other readings, and besides, it is attributed to Quintana, not to Hemingway. Díaz Cañabate remarks that after Ordóñez introduced it, this sword thrust became popular with other bullfighters as well (Cossío [1943–97] V: 176). Abad Ojuel offers a fairly extensive treatment of this “trick” or alivio in “La suerte de matar,” in his Estirpe y tauromaquia, 331–42): Abad Ojuel blames the public for applauding Ordóñez’s off-center sword thrusts and the management for overlooking such breaches. While not denying the undesirability of this maneuver, Abad Ojuel insists on Ordóñez’s expertise in killing, including his performance of the suerte de recibir, which had fallen into disuse and which he revived, much to Hemingway’s admiration. Abad Ojuel claims, however, that, lacking living teachers, Ordóñez performed the maneuver only imperfectly and thus failed to return it to the repertoire of contemporary bullfighters. For another performer who killed recibiendo, see the entry Mejías Jiménez, Antonio (Bienvenida). 223. Bagüés, “Antonio Ordóñez Araujo,” Historia de los matadores, 200.

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224. A notable exception is the 1959 corrida in Mont de Marsan (q.v.), when he pleased the public by placing his own banderillas. 225. Abad Ojuel, Estirpe y tauromaquia, 231, 331–42, and especially 340: “no había aprendido a recibir, por falta de maestros . . . si su hazaña . . . hubiese tenido el relieve que merecía . . . quizás hubieramos recuperado de la mano de este gran torero la valerosa suerte casi perdida” (he never learned to recibir, because there was no one to teach him . . . if his achievement in this area . . . had received the attention it deserved . . . perhaps this great bullfighter would have succeeded in reviving this almost lost art). Corrochano also discusses this method of killing in “Atención a la suerte de recibir,” in his Cuando suena el clarín, 137–40. 226. Corrochano, “La estatua a la verónica,” in his Cuando suena el clarín, 134. 227. For Cossío’s evaluation of Ordóñez, see Cossío (1943–97) VI: 204. For the facts of Ordóñez’s career, see Cossío (1943–97) “Ordóñez Araujo (Antonio),” IV: 610–11, VI: 200–204, and XI: 829–30; and the “Estadísticas de las corridas y novilladas toreadas por Antonio Ordóñez en España, Portugal, Francia, México, Colombia, Venezuela, Perú, Ecuador, Argelia, Marruecos y Estados Unidos (1949–1962 y 1965–1981),” compiled by Antonio Santainés Cirés and presented as an appendix to Abad Ojuel’s Estirpe y tauromaquia, 352–417; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; “La sublimación estilística: Antonio Ordóñez,” Abella, Historia II: 235–53; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 299–300; and “Apéndice 3: Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991,” in Abella, Historia III: 338–414. 228. Enciclopedia universal, Suplemento 1979–1980: 1104. 229. For details of those corridas and of the meetings, see Iribarren, Hemingway y los sanfermines, 130 n. 2; Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 329–31. 230. Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 475–76; Santainés Cirés’s reports of the 1959 statistics, in his “Estadísticas”; and JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 231. DeFazio points out that Hemingway’s sentence, “I could tell he was great,” could also be read with the emphasis on the first word, as Hemingway rejoices that he can still, after such a long absence, evaluate taurine performance (note to author, March 1998). Whether directed at himself or at Ordóñez, the praise is superfluous. 232. Cossío (1943–97), “González de Ordóñez, doña Carmen,” V: 244; Vera, Orígenes e historial, 82–83. 233. For Cayetano’s long and interesting career, I consulted Cossío (1943–97), “Ordóñez y Aguilera (Cayetano), Niño de la Palma,” III: 684–89, IV: 611–14, and VI: 204; Silva Aramburu, Enciclopedia taurina, 280; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 187; the annual Toros y toreros en . . . for the years 1924–1931; Olano, Dinastías, 239–68; Abad Ojuel, Estirpe y tauromaquia, 15–128. 234. Since Hemingway mentions four of these brothers in The Dangerous Summer, I provide biographical entries for them in this book. Hemingway does not mention Alfonso, born in Seville in 1938, who was a matador de novillos. After his disastrous Madrid debut as novillero, Alfonso became a subalterno, working in the cuadrillas of Paco Muñoz (1962), José Fuentes (1963–1964), his brother Antonio (1965–1971), his nephew-in-law Francisco Rivera (Paquirri, 1971–1976), and Curro

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Romero (1977). A rotund dandy, he affected extravagant bullfighting suits (trajes de luces, which are adorned with gold embroidery for matadores de toros and matadores de novillos and with silver for others, hence the phrase hombres de plata, or “men of silver,” to denote banderilleros). See Cossío (1932–97), “Ordóñez Araujo (Alfonso),” IV: 609–10 and VI: 199; Abella, Historia II: 333. 235. Life en español, 31 October 1960, 60. 236. Cossío (1943–97), “Ordóñez Araujo (Cayetano), Niño de la Palma,” IV: 611–14 and VI: 204–205; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 276; Abella, Historia II: 213; Olano, “Cayetano Ordóñez: el otro “Niño de la Palma,” in his Dinastías, 269–71. Olano incorrectly reports fifty-two corridas for 1953 (271). 237. Olano, Dinastías, 271, my italics. Abella also connects the decline of Cayetano’s career with the rise of Antonio’s (Historia II: 213). Taurine dynasties are not exempt from the complicated and often damaging passions of family dynamics. 238. Information obtained in interviews with Ramón Flores Morales, 10 October 1995; and with Antonio Ordóñez, 11 October 1995; both interviews conducted in Ronda, Spain. 239. Cossío (1943–97), “Ordóñez Araujo (Juan),” IV: 615 and VI: 206; Abella, Historia II: 333; Olano, Dinastías, 272–73. 240. Cossío (1943–97), “Ordóñez Araujo (José),” IV: 614–15; Olano, Dinastías, 320–22; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 320; Abella, Historia II: 333. 241. Details of Ortega’s post-war career are from Abella, “Domingo Ortega, el paleto de Borox,” Historia II: 47–50; “Apéndice 2: Los diestros que más torearon en España y Francia a lo largo del siglo XX” and “Apéndice 3: Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991 (Corridas toreadas en España, Portugal y Francia),” in Abella, Historia III: 378–91. For details of Ortega’s earlier career, see the entry for Ortega, Domingo in HDIA. 242. “Block para cálculos,” p. 11, dated 31 March 1960 (JFK). 243. Cossío (1943–97), “Ostos Carmona (Jaime),” IV: 626–27, VI: 222–24, and XI: 838; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 332; Abella, “La hombría: Jaime Ostos,” Historia II: 293–97. Annual rankings and the numbers of annual corridas are taken from these sources and from “Apéndice 3: Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991 (Corridas toreadas en España, Portugal y Francia),” in Abella, Historia III: 392–430. For Ostos’s and Ordóñez’s joint appearances, see JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. In his review of the 21 August 1959 corrida (Bilbao), Corrochano wrote that “Ostos ha tenido una de sus mejores tardes de torero” (Ostos has had one of his best taurine afternoons), his faena with his first bull possibly being “la . . . más pura” (the purest) of his career. Corrochano was not displeased with his swordwork, as Hemingway was. On his second bull, the last one of the afternoon, Ostos exposed himself to terrific danger but escaped being gored. Applauding fans made Ostos and Ordóñez circle the ring repeatedly (Corrochano’s review of the 21 August 1959 corrida, “Pocas veces ocurre lo inesperado,” published in Blanco y negro; rpt. in his Cuando suena el clarín, 177). 244. Cau, Las orejas, 60. 245. Cossío (1995), “Oviedo (Asturias),” in “Plazas de toros de todo el planeta taurino,” I: 647; “Relación de las corridas de toros celebradas hasta el día 31 de julio

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de 1959” and “Relación de las corridas de toros celebradas a partir del día 1 de agosto de 1959,” El Ruedo (6 August 1959 and 3 December 1959). 246. Cossío (1943–97), “Pablo Romero, don José Luis y don Felipe de,” I: 286; Vera, “Pablo-Romero, S.A. (señores hijos de),” Orígenes e historial, 124–26; “PabloRomero (ganadería de),” Unión de criadores de toros de lidia (1995), 250; and Unión de criadores de toros de lidia (1997), 295. 247. The Pablo Romeros “Parecían toros. Y todo quedó en la apariencia” (They looked like bulls. But it was a mirage); Díaz Cañabate, “Tarde aguada, sin lluvia (16 de mayo de 1959),” rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas I: 246–48. 248. Carmen Castro, Public Relations Manager of the Palace Hotel, Madrid, supplied information about the hotel. Today, the hotel’s attractions include gardens, boutiques, restaurants, conference rooms, and bars, including the Salón Hemingway and the Salón Mata-Hari. Castro confirms that “Hemingway was in Madrid several times and stayed at the Palace Hotel” and drank “his dry martinis at the Palace Bar where . . . he met . . . his Spanish friends” (letter to author and enclosures, 16 December 1995). The Palacio Villahermosa now houses the fine Thyssen-Bornemisza Art Collection. 249. Cossío (1943–97), “Pereira Palha, don José,” I: 305; Cossío (1943–97), “Palha (don Francisco y don Carlos Van-Zeller),” IV: 293; Vera, Orígenes e historial, 127–28; “Palha (Sres. Palha.),” Unión de criadores de toros de lidia (1997), 402. 250. Pinto Maeso, “Palma de Mallorca,” Plazas de toros, 28–29; Cossío (1995) I: 648; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 251. Earlier bullfights were held in the central plaza (today called Plaza del Castillo). This was done in many Spanish cities: they simply erected wooden barriers to separate the spectators from the action. 252. Iribarren, Hemingway y los sanfermines, 147. 253. Ordóñez performed in Pamplona for the first time in 1952 and for the last in 1971, the year he retired. He did not fight there in 1955 (because of military service), in 1956 (because of injury), in 1959, 1963, or 1964 (he was retired those two years), or in 1969. 254. Pinto Maeso, “Pamplona,” Plazas de toros, 76–77; Cossío (1943–97), “Las plazas de toros,” I: 533, 536. For Ordóñez’s performances in Pamplona, see Santainés Cirés, “Estadísticas”; Iribarren, Hemingway y los sanfermines, 150. 255. For the long passage in which Hemingway repeatedly refers to himself as Papa, see his letter to Fitzgerald, c. 24 November 1926 (Selected Letters, 232–33). 256. Spilka quotes Marcelline in his Hemingway’s Quarrel with Androgyny, 92. Hemingway first uses the nickname in a letter dated 7 August 1918 (Villard and James, Hemingway in Love and War, 175). Hemingway’s sister Madelaine Hemingway Miller devotes a chapter to “Teen-age Fun—and Nicknames,” but does not mention Papa as a nickname for Ernest. 257. Leicester Hemingway was two years old when Hemingway left home to go to work on the Kansas City Star and only four or five when Ernest married Hadley; his memories must be sketchy. His remarks about Ernest’s assumption of age and authority appear in My Brother, Ernest Hemingway, 36, 117, 170. Burwell’s apt phrase comes from her Hemingway: The Postwar Years and the Posthumous Novels, 17.

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258. Scholes’s and Comley’s analysis of “Papa” appears in their “Responsible Extravagance”; the quoted material is from p. 8. 259. Ordóñez repeatedly expressed his admiration for Hemingway, in interviews with the media and with the author. Hotchner’s admiration of Hemingway appears in his often inaccurate book, Papa Hemingway, and in Dear Papa, edited by Al DeFazio. 260. Fuentes identifies Hemingway’s Cuban chauffeur as Juan Pastor and considers him the historical prototype for Pedro, the fictional chauffeur in Islands in the Stream (Hemingway Rediscovered, 128, 138). Elsewhere, Fuentes mistakenly refers to this fictional chauffeur as “Juan” (Hemingway in Cuba, 76). 261. Mandell and Sande, “Antimicrobial Agents,” 1126. 262. Garrod and O’Grady, Antibiotic and Chemotherapy, 7. 263. Serra Juan, Taurotraumatología, 107–11; the quote is from 109. Jennifer Bell and Anthony Brand supplied dates and other information about penicillin (faxes, 11 October 1999). 264. “The Dangerous Summer,” Life, 5 September 1960, 91. The typescript for The Dangerous Summer also reports a conversation with Juan Belmonte about the use of penicillin to cure and, hopefully, eradicate hoof and mouth disease in cattle (qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1323). 265. Qtd. in Gómez Santos, Mi ruedo ibérico, 201. 266. Qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1461. 267. The founder of La Pepica has long since died, as have her children, born in the late 1800s. Juanita Balleguer, whom Craig Boreth associates with La Pepica (The Hemingway Cookbook, 107), may be a manager or a cook in the restaurant, but she is not its founder. Note: Just as Pepe is the traditional nickname for José, Pepa, Pepita, or Pepica are traditional for Josefa. 268. In 1964, the city of Valencia put up a tile plaque on a nearby building, honoring another woman, Marcelina Aparicio López, who established her merendero (kiosk) in 1888. La Pepica was established the next year. 269. Information about La Pepica was supplied by the current owner during two personal interviews, October 1995. 270. DeFazio, Dear Papa, 265. 271. Dominguín spoke with his biographer about his friendship with Picasso; see Abella, Dominguín, 147–66. 272. “Pilar, Nuestra Señora del,” The Catholic Encyclopedia XII: 83; Reynolds, The 1930s, 169; Kert, The Hemingway Women, 184. 273. The relevant sections are Artículos 43–49 of the 1917 Reglamento; Chapter II (Artículos 52–55) of the 1923 Reglamento; and Artículos 60–63 of the 1930 Reglamento (Artículo 90 enjoins the matadors to dedicate their first bulls to the Presidencia). The president’s power remained absolute in subsequent codes: see chapter 4 of the 1962 Reglamento (especially Artículos 65–69); Artículo 112 of the same Reglamento defines the honor due the president on the part of the matadors. Artículo 42, section 4 of the 1992 Reglamento repeats that the president’s advisors may offer their opinions only when asked to do so, and that the president need not heed them in delivering his judgments.

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274. Hotchner identifies the “prisoners” as “Teddy Jo Paulson of Williston, North Dakota . . . and her roommate Mary Schoonmaker . . . they both taught mathematics” (Papa Hemingway, 235–37). In El verano sangriento, Parte II, Schoonmaker is defined as an economist who works in New York, and Paulson as a math teacher from Illinois (Life en español, 14 November 1960, 76). Ordóñez recalls that Teddy taught philosophy at the University of Michigan and was therefore nicknamed “teacher,” that her husband returned to the U.S.A. after the Pamplona fiesta, and that she traveled with Schoonmaker, Hemingway, and Ordóñez for the rest of July and most of August (personal interview with Antonio Ordóñez, 11 October 1995, Ronda, Spain). Mary Hemingway confirms that the two young women attended Hemingway’s birthday party at La Cónsula, 21 July 1959 (How It Was, 472). For photographs of the two young women, see Life en español (14 November 1960), 76 (Schoonmaker with Hemingway and Hotchner in Pamplona) and 78 (Paulson and Hemingway in the pool at La Cónsula). Pepe Dominguín also recalls the incident, but he calls them Alicia and Paz (Rojo y oro, 60). 275. Personal interview with Antonio Ordóñez, 11 October 1995, Ronda, Spain; Hotchner letters, August and September 1959, in DeFazio, Dear Papa, 259, 262; Valerie Hemingway, Running with the Bulls, 31. 276. The longer form of the proverb is Item 63.741 in Martínez Kleiser’s Refranero general, 731; Vergara Martín, who quotes the shorter version, adds that the remark is attributed to King Carlos V (Refranero geográfico español, 78). The 1911 reference appears in Penfield, Spanish Sketches, 66; the more recent translation and warning appear in the 1980 Blue Guide: Spain, the Mainland, 4th ed., 241. The words sutil and candil are defined in the Diccionario de la lengua española (1970) and the Gran diccionario de la lengua española (1996). 277. Qtd. by Santainés Cirés, Domingo Ortega, 112. 278. El Pueblo’s reporter is named in Life, 5 September 1960, 100; and in Life en español, 31 October 1960, 62. Hemingway saved copies of the Ordóñez interviews (JFK) but not of the one of himself, dated 26 July 1959. 279. Pinto Maeso, “El Puerto de Santa María,” Plazas de toros, 36–37; Cossío (1943–97), “Las plazas de toros,” I: 537–39. For details of Ordóñez’s and Dominguín’s performances in that bullring, I consulted JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; “Gran triunfo de Luis Miguel,” Dígame, 14 July 1959, p. 9, cols. 3–4; El Ruedo’s coverage of this corrida appears in the issue of 16 July 1959. Blashill reports on the trophies awarded to Dominguín in his “Report from Valencia: Ordóñez vs. Dominguín,” p. 42. 280. Baker, A Life Story, 524. 281. Viertel, Dangerous Friends, 184. 282. “The Dangerous Summer,” Life, 5 September 1960, 91. 283. Iribarren, Hemingway y los sanfermines, 39–40, 63, 95–96, 137–38, 147–50; DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1298; Life, 5 September 1960, 91; Life en español, 3 October 1960, 55. Hotchner writes that “Ernest was loyal” to his “old comrade-inarms . . . and sent him a monthly stipend, as he did to several other of his old Spanish friends” (129, repeated on 211). I have not been able to corroborate Hotchner’s report about Hemingway’s generosity, but it is not uncharacteristic.

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In a letter dated 1980, Edward Stanton wrote that Quintana died in San Sebastián “about three years ago” (Baker Collection, Box 11, Folder 17, Manuscripts Division, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Libraries), but the fact is Quintana died in Pamplona on 27 January 1974 (“A mediodía del domingo falleció en ‘su’ Meca el fino y castizo pamplonés Juanito Quintana,” Diario de Navarra, 29 January 1974, p. 8). My thanks to José Gabriel Rodríguez Pazos, who supplied cuttings from two local newspapers, El pensamiento navarro (about Quintana’s transferral to Pamplona, 23 January 1974) and Diario de Navarra (death notice and obituary, 29 January 1974). 284. Anthony Brand spotted Hemingway’s mistake and supplied the correct terms (interview, July 1998). The arandela is round; the cruceta, which replaced it in the 1962 Reglamento and which serves the same purpose, is cross-shaped. Artículo 32 of the 1930 Reglamento specified that the arandela be six centimeters in diameter and two millimeters thick. Today’s cruceta is thirteen centimeters in diameter, including the diameter of the pole, and eight millimeters thick (Artículo 66, Item 1 of the 1992 Reglamento; and diagram, Cossío [1995] I: 744). 285. Iribarren, Hemingway y los sanfermines, 14–15; Gabriel Rodríguez Pazos, email communication, 15 October 2003 and 15 March 2006; http://www.diariodenavarra.es (27 June 2006). 286. A well-documented discussion of Manolete’s ancestors is offered by Mira, Manolete, 18–26. 287. Lozano Sevilla wrote that Manolete “performed closer to the bull than anyone had yet dared . . . did away altogether with the distinctions between what was known as the matador’s terrain and that of the bull, a process already initiated by the revolutionary Juan Belmonte” (All About Bullfighting, 37). 288. Cossío (1943–97) IV: 685. 289. Díaz Cañabate, in Cossío (1943–97) V: 55. 290. See, for example, Uno al Sesgo, “Los toros en 1926,” Toros y toreros en 1926, 45–49. 291. The quotes are taken from Cossío (1943–97) IV: 995, 688–89. For a fuller discussion of weight and shaving during those years, refer to the section on “Bulls and Bull Breeding,” in the Introduction to this volume. Manolete’s career is detailed in Cossío (1943–97), “Rodríguez Sánchez (Manuel), Manolete,” IV: 684–89; Cossío (1943–97), “Manolete,” IV: 992–1004; Tapia, Historia del toreo I: 456–64; Abella, “Manuel Rodríguez Manolete: el monstruo de Córdoba,” Historia II: 89–98; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 240–41; Corrochano, “Apéndice al toreo de Manolete,” in his Cuando suena el clarín, 181–98. Numbers of annual corridas and annual rankings are taken from these sources and from “Apéndice 1: Número de corridas de toros celebradas en España a lo largo del siglo XX” and “Apéndice 3: Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991 (Corridas toreadas en España, Portugal y Francia),” in Abella, Historia III: 376–77 and 380–86. Mira’s statistics are slightly higher for two years: he lists seventy-four corridas for 1943 and seventy-three for 1945 (the additional one was fought in Mexico). In 1946, which Manolete spent mostly in Latin America, he fought forty-seven corridas, and in 1947, he fought twenty-eight, including the fatal one at Linares (Mira, Manolete, 659).

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292. Hemingway was interviewed on Saturday, 28 March 1942, by the Mexican weekly taurine newspaper El Redondel, which was published Sunday, 29 March 1942. The article reports that Hemingway was in the company of Sidney Franklin (q.v. in HDIA), about whom he made flattering remarks, and an unidentified American aficionado, probably Bill Davis (q.v.), at whose house he was staying (Baker, A Life Story, 372). Hemingway’s references—to the fine products of the Xajay bullbreeding ranch, and to the work of Silverio Pérez and Carlos Arruza—indicate that he saw the novillada of Thursday, 19 March (the Xajay novillos earned their breeders a turn about the ring) and the mano a mano between Silverio and Arruza on 22 March (both men were awarded ears and a tail; the bulls were Piedras Negras, two of which were replaced, with one bull from the Carlos Cuevas ranch and another from La Laguna). Arruza also performed on Sunday, 29 March (the day after the interview), with Pepe Ortiz and Alfonso Ramírez Alonso (Calesero); the bulls were Xajay. Both the performers and the bulls would have attracted Hemingway, who said he wanted to see this corrida. The events of 19, 22, and 29 March are described in Padilla, Historia de la plaza El Toreo, 296–98. My thanks to Anthony Brand for supplying this material, especially the difficult-to-track-down Hemingway interview in Mexico. 293. Unpublished letter to Buck Lanham (Princeton University Library), cited in Stanton, Hemingway and Spain, 198, 233. 294. Manolete’s Mexican corridas are listed in Mira, Manolete, 639–43. 295. The corrida was reviewed in “Por España y América,” El Ruedo, 13 February 1947. 296. The photographs of Manolete appear in Life, 5 September 1960, 97; and in Life en español, 31 October 1960, 61. 297. “Cartas a la redacción,” Life en español, 28 November 1960, 9. One such letter, penned by Barnaby Conrad, admitted that in lesser hands the manoletina could be vulgar; it was accompanied by a photo of Manolete showing that he did it with dignity and emotion. In his generally negative review of The Dangerous Summer, Conrad wrote that “Hemingway knew his bullfighting, but the true aficionado will take umbrage at the author’s gratuitous and repeated swipes at Manolete. Not that Manolete was inviolate and above criticism, but no others of his detractors would apply the expression ‘cheap tricks’ to his performances” (The Book Review, Los Angeles Times, 4). 298. Dominguín announced that The Old Man and the Sea was mere reporting and that For Whom the Bell Tolls was a poor novel (“Hemingway no es Novelista, Afirma Luis Miguel en Bogotá,” “‘Hemingway no es Novelista . . . Apenas Podría Ser un Buen Periodista’, Dice Luis Miguel,” El Espectador [JFK, Other Materials: Bullfight Clippings]); Stanton, Hemingway and Spain, 198. 299. Ordóñez, “Hemingway and I,” Diario de Málaga, special number, n.d. (probably 1961), n.p. (JFK, Other Materials: Bullfight Clippings). Ordóñez is quoted by Meyers, Hemingway, 521; Castillo Puche, “Hemingway, los toros y los toreros,” Mundo hispánico, February 1960, n.p. 300. Rolls was the first aviator to fly across the British Channel and back, nonstop, a feat he performed in 1910. He was also the first British pilot to die in a flying

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accident. Information about the Rolls-Royce company was supplied by D. Preston, Public Relations Officer, Rolls-Royce Motor Cars, Ltd., Crewe, Cheshire (letter to author, 13 March 1991). Rolls-Royce first joined with BMW in 1994, in a deal to produce luxury cars jointly (“BMW of Germany Will Buy Rolls Royce,” New York Times, 31 March 1998, D1, D8). Volkswagen can use the Rolls-Royce name for two years, after which it reverts to BMW. 301. The publicity surrounding the car also involved Lady Docker, a flamboyant, twice-widowed “barmaid who made the big time” and had inherited two fortunes before she married Docker in 1949. Sir Bernard Docker attempted to appoint his brother-in-law to the board of BSA-Daimler and to have the company pay some of his wife’s bills. In 1956, he was removed from the chairmanship of BSA-Daimler. Annice Collett, Librarian of the National Motor Museum Beaulieu, supplied information about Sir Bernard Docker and his Gold Car (letter and enclosures, 27 July 1993). 302. My thanks to Peter Baines, of the Rolls-Royce Enthusiasts’ Club, The Hunt House, High Street, Paulerspury, Northamptonshire, who was very helpful in tracking down the car Hemingway mentions. He placed an advertisement in the Rolls-Royce Enthusiasts’ Club Bulletin (July/August 1991), in answer to which Robert Vickers answered that “the Earl of Dudley is listed as the first owner of a Silver Wraith, ELW 26, delivered [to him] in March 1956”; the car did not, however, sport gold trim. Both the Earl of Dudley’s widow (his second wife, whom he divorced in 1960) and his son, the fourth Earl of Dudley, generously supplied information about the Earl of Dudley’s “gold-trimmed” Rolls-Royce (letters to author, 8 August 1991 and 4 July 1996). Gold-plated Rolls-Royces also appear in an unpublished piece, “The Great Black Horse,” which mentions the Marqués del Mérito (q.v.) and remarks that “at [his] wedding the ushers had all been given gold plated Rolls Royce convertibles instead of cuff links” (JFK, Manuscripts, Item 435a, p. 4). Apparently a companion piece to Hemingway’s two published fables (“The Good Lion” and “The Faithful Bull,” published in Holiday, March 1951), “The Great Black Horse” seems to have been written in the same period (early 1950). Hemingway mentions “The Great Black Horse” in a letter to Hotchner, 8 March 1950. On 4 July 1950 he told Hotchner he didn’t want the fable to be published (DeFazio, Dear Papa, 80). 303. All the bullfighters performed well, but the afternoon’s star was Cayetano Ordóñez, who was awarded both ears and the tail of both his bulls: the Concha y Sierra and the Buendía specimens (contemporary review, reproduced in Feria y fiestas de Pedro Romero, a booklet published by Ronda’s city hall in 2004, to celebrate the 250th anniversary of the birth of Pedro Romero). 304. Cossío (1943–97), “Las plazas de toros,” I: 542. According to Mary Hemingway, her husband saw Ordóñez perform on several occasions after the corrida of 21 August 1959 (Bilbao) that closes The Dangerous Summer, including the corrida goyesca in Ronda, 10 September 1959 (Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 475). For details about Ordóñez’s 1959 performances, I consulted Santainés Cirés, “Estadísticas”; and JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 305. Information about the Clínica Ruber was obtained during an interview with María Teresa de Vega Sánchez, Public Relations and Admissions, Ruber Centro

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Clínico, Madrid, September 1994; the distinction between the two institutions was clarified by Matias Valles Rodríguez by e-mail, 25 October 2006. 306. “Hitos de Las Ventas: La encerrona récord de Gregorio Sánchez,” El Ruedo (4 July 2006): 54–55. 307. Cossío (1943–97) V: 1159; “La Entrevista: Gregorio Sánchez,” Aplausos (20 November 2000): four unnumbered pages. In this interview, Sánchez reports that he fought seventy-two corridas in 1957: perhaps he is not counting the alternativa. 308. Cossío (1943–97), “Lozano Sánchez (Gregorio), Gregorio Sánchez,” IV: 534–36 and V: 1158–59; Bagüés, “Gregorio Sánchez,” Historia de los matadores, 328–29; Abella, “El sabor castellano de Gregorio Sánchez,” Historia II: 287–93. Numbers of annual corridas and annual rankings are taken from these sources and from “Apéndice 3: Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991 (Corridas toreadas en España, Portugal y Francia),” in Abella, Historia III: 392–417. Sánchez’s and Ordóñez’s joint appearances are detailed in Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959 (JFK). Bagüés gives Sánchez’s birth date as 1927; Cossío (1943–97) reports the date as 1930 in Volume IV and as 1927 in Volume V; Cossío (1995) reverts to the 1930 date (II: 554). Díaz Cañabate reviewed the Madrid and Pamplona corridas for ABC: “Al fin salió el sol (21 de mayo de 1959)” and “El recuerdo de los Veragua (22 de mayo de 1959),” rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas I: 259–65; and “La fresa del bosque (Pamplona, 9 de julio de 1959)” and “Broncas a golpe del bombo (Pamplona, 19 de julio de 1959),” rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas II: 42–47. 309. Uriarte, Toros y toreros en 1943 y 1944, 187. 310. Ignacio Sánchez sold half his Sepúlveda de Yeltes stock to the Count of Mayalde. As of 1997 it was still registered in Mayalde’s name, although the actual owner was his widow, doña Casilda de Bustos y Figueroa (Unión de criadores de toros de lidia [1997], 177). 311. For that mano a mano in Valencia, the required backup fighter (sobresaliente) was Juan de la Cruz. 312. Cossío (1943–97), “Sánchez y Sánchez, don Ignacio,” I: 291–92; Vera, Orígenes e historial, 333–35; Cossío (1943–97), “Sepúlveda de Yeltes,” IV: 275; Vera, Orígenes e historial, 336–37; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. Surrounded by books and genealogies, Anthony Brand clarified the various Sánchez herds for me (interview, August 2000). 313. JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; Cossío (1943–97), “Sánchez Cobaleda, don Arturo,” I: 292, 320; Vera, “‘Barcial’ (señores herederos de Jesús Cobaleda),” Orígenes e historial, 279–80; Cossío (1943–97), “Sánchez Cobaleda (don Manuel),” IV: 216; Vera, Orígenes e historial, 328. 314. Pinto Maeso, “Santander,” Plazas de toros, 86–87; Cossío (1995) I: 659–60; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. 315. Obituary, George Saviers, Wood River Valley News, 29 June 1994; “Friend of Hemingway, Country Doctor George Saviers Passes Away,” Idaho Mountain Express, 29 June 1994. Peter Hays, Pierre J. Saviers, and Alex A. Cardoni also supplied information about Dr. Saviers in e-mails and letters, August 1996–January 1997. DeFazio compared the typescript and book versions of The Dangerous Summer.

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316. DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1456, 1488; letter of Patricia P. Trott to author, 27 May 1997. 317. Pinto Maeso, “Sevilla,” Plazas de toros, 90–91; Cossío (1995) I: 661–62; “Historia de las Plazas,” Toro bravo 3 (1995): 13–16. The Guía taurina, 1966 variously reports that La Maestranza seats 12,500 (81) and 15,000 (51). The lower number is more accurate. 318. ABC devotes several glowing pages to La Maestranza, a paragraph and several photographs to the Plaza Monumental, and a short history of La Pañoleta (“Sevilla, ayer y hoy,” 454–61). 319. He is similarly miffed at Bilbao, which also refused to bend the rules for him, and childishly accuses the Bilbao police of “sadism”: “they took pleasure in making us walk all the way around the ring” (TDS, 191). 320. The material about the secrets of Seville and “Chicago in the old days” is quoted in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1343–44. “Chicago” is a code word for the nearby suburb of Oak Park, and Oak Park represents Hemingway’s family. John Sanford has speculated that the family “secrets” included illegitimacy and possible incest (“The Mysterious Ancestor”). 321. Qtd. in Sureda Molina, Conversaciones, 37–38. 322. Santainés Cirés, Domingo Ortega, 112. 323. In his 1949 gloss of Artículo 33 of the 1930 Reglamento (still in force in 1959), Vera hints that the rubber arandela and other abuses were committed by picadors “en íntima complicidad con algún encargado de la empresa” (in intimate complicity with an employee of the impresario), although mostly in second- and thirdrank plazas (Reglamento taurino comentado, 3rd ed., p. 51). 324. JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. Corrochano writes that Ordóñez showed up on April 23 with a bandaged right hand, and then injured the left hand as well (“La incógnita de la Maestranza,” rpt. in his Cuando suena el clarín, 111–14). But Díaz Cañabate, reviewing the same corrida, doesn’t mention any problem with the right hand (“A toro ‘esaborío’, torero con gracia,” Historia de tres temporadas I: 224–26). Díaz Cañabate’s review is much more flattering to Ordóñez than Corrochano’s. 325. JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. The more generous review in the daily Sur describes Ordóñez as having been “valiente” (brave) that day, “escuchando ovación en su primero. En su segundo escuchó palmas” (he was rewarded with enthusiastic applause [standing ovation] after his first bull, and with applause after his second). Curro Romero reaped the same minimal rewards and Antonio González, who was promoted that day, was even less admired (Sur, 28 May 1959, p. 5, col. 1). 326. The only Salas brothers I have been able to find are Asencio Salas Gutiérrez, born 1915, a picador who worked for the matador Diego Puerta in the 1960s and retired in the early 1970s; and his younger brother Antonio Salas Gutiérrez, born 1926, who began his career as picador in 1957 and worked for the matador Antonio Cobos in 1958 and 1959. They did not work for Ordóñez in 1959. 327. Cossío (1943–97), “Silvestre Gómez (Enrique), Salitas,” VI: 490–91 and XI: 972. Ordóñez supplied the names of his picadors in an interview, October 1995, Ronda.

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328. If the bull repeatedly refuses to charge, he may be positioned in the space between the two lines; the picador, however, must stay within the tablas, behind the first line. 329. Corrochano, “De la necesidad de picar los toros,” in his Teoría de las corridas de toros, 81–83. 330. Corrochano, Teoria de las corridas de toros, 82. 331. Qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1547. 332. Hemingway’s long dissertation on the new ruling that affected the picadors (qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1547–55) returns repeatedly to the money question. Hemingway claims he discussed it with Juanito Quintana at La Cónsula, in a passage that was deleted from the book version but is qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1299. It is to be hoped that this picador-subplot will be restored to future editions of The Dangerous Summer: it offers insight into the political and technical complications of the bullfight, it indicates that Hemingway did in fact understand a great deal of what was going on, and it shows more clearly Hemingway’s flagrant and often tortuous attempts to deify Ordóñez who was, needless to say, humanly flawed. 333. Life en español, 28 November 1960, 79. Because of the ban, Ordóñez did not perform in Spain after the Ronda corrida of 10 September. On 20 and 27 September he performed in France. The New York Times reported that “on August 19 [the correct date is August 18] at Bilbao [Ordóñez’s] picadors punished the bulls in a manner forbidden by the rules and were suspended. Ordóñez backed his men, using his enormous prestige to force organizers to accept them anyway. . . . For three weeks he got away with this. But on Sept. 11 at Albacete . . . the picadors were refused. Ordóñez defiantly turned up at the ring without picadors and the fight had to be canceled. Ordóñez was thrown in jail, where he languished for twenty-four hours. He was suspended from Spanish rings for a month . . . and fined 25,000 pesetas ($420). Ordóñez need only apologize publicly and accept other picadors to be reinstated in Spain, but he won’t.” Abad Ojuel notes that, in order to avoid the scandal that threatened to taint “his” bullfighter, Hemingway bypassed Albacete, going from Ronda to Salamanca for the next scheduled bullfight which, after the Albacete confrontation, had to be canceled (Estirpe y tauromaquia, 176–77). Ordóñez and Hemingway met again in Madrid. In the manuscript, Hemingway refers to the problem with the picadors and the new regulations several times, arguing that the picadors had performed properly in Bilbao (JFK, Item 354a-12, pp. 562–63), that Ordóñez did not know they had been presented under different names in subsequent corridas (JFK, Item 354a-17, p. 828), and that it had been assumed that, like other uncomfortable taurine rules (e.g., see entry for Espontáneo), the new ruling, which forbade picadors from performing after three infractions, could have been quietly adjusted, modified, evaded, or negotiated without serious consequences (JFK, Item 354a-14, p. 665). Hemingway insists that Ordóñez did nothing wrong (e.g., JFK, Item 354a-12, p. 570) and promises to set the record straight in his published reports of that summer’s events (JFK, Item 354a-17, p. 832). He wrote the explanation, but it was not published. The typescript mentions “the gathering storm at Bilbao” and elsewhere Hemingway reminds himself to “Put in the trouble about the

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picadors” (JFK, “Block para cálculos,” p. 10); for the unpublished sections about the picadors, see DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1547–55. 334. My thanks to Manuel Durán, who consulted El Ruedo of 17 and 24 September 1959 to clarify for me the absence of the Jerez corrida from all the statistical sources I consulted (e-mail, 30 October 2006). 335. Hemingway to Hotchner, in DeFazio, Dear Papa, 266. Hemingway identifies the picadors as “the two Cerebes brothers” but their name is Silvestre. 336. Cossío (1943–97), “Silvestre Gómez (Manuel), Salitas,” IV: 719 and VI: 491. 337. Hemingway typescript, qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1553. 338. Reynolds, Hemingway’s Reading, 182–84; Brasch and Sigman, Hemingway’s Library, 340–42. 339. Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 324, 340, 396; Baker, A Life Story, 524. Photographs of Adamo appear in Viertel’s Dangerous Friends and in Hotchner’s Papa Hemingway. 340. Selected Letters, 480. 341. Cossío (1995), “Reglamentos” and “Capítulo II: De los espectadores y de sus derechos y obligaciones,” I: 707–12, 728–30. 342. Life, 19 September 1960, 74; qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1495. 343. The Marqués’s palace has been subdivided into offices. His daughter, Fabiola, married the King of Belgium. 344. Vicente Medina, at the front desk of the Hotel Suecia, offered details about the hotel’s history (personal interview, Madrid, 19 August 1997); Anuarios BaillyBaillière (1959), 237; Dígame, 26 May 1959, p. 1, cols. 4–5; p. 2, col. 3. 345. Pinto Maeso, “Talavera de la Reina,” Plazas de toros, 100–101; Cossío (1995) I: 663; Serrano Labrador’s title page gives the name of the ring. 346. “Tamames Ratero, Fermín,” Diccionario de autoridades médicas, 519–20; the quoted material is from p. 520. My thanks to the helpful librarians at the Ilustre Colegio Oficial de Médicos de Madrid, and to Antonio Ordóñez (personal interview, 11 October 1995, Ronda, Spain). The “brindis” is published in the last pages of a book of photographs, Antonio Ordóñez: Temporada 1958 (Editorial Jerez Gráfico, 1958) which was part of Hemingway’s library (JFK). 347. Hemingway’s Dispatches 14, 17, and 18 (Watson, “Hemingway’s Civil War Dispatches,” 51–54, 59–68). The quoted material is from pp. 64, 61. 348. Selected Letters, 479; Baker, A Life Story, 322, 339. 349. Qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1411. In The Torrents of Spring, Hemingway also insists that noncombatants should not write about war because “Literature has too strong an effect on people’s minds” (57). Hemingway frequently claimed that inexperienced civilians who romanticize or otherwise misrepresent war pave the way for more war. 350. Pinto Maeso, “Toledo,” Plazas de toros, 96–97; Cossío (1995) I: 666; “Relación de corridas de toros celebradas hasta el día 31 de julio de 1959,” El Ruedo (6 August 1959); Díaz Cañabate, “Corrida bajo un paraguas (28 de mayo de 1959),” rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas II: 7–10. 351. Cossío (1995), “Toulouse,” I: 667; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. For the popularity of bullfighting in the late 1940s and 1950s,

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see the entries for Pamplona; Rodríguez Sánchez, Manuel (Manolete); Tourists; and Vázquez, José Luis. 352. Díaz Cañabate, “Estamos muy contentos (15 de mayo de 1959),” Historia de tres temporadas I: 243. In this review, Díaz Cañabate particularly praises Curro Girón for having given a serious performance. In earlier and later reviews, Díaz Cañabate castigates Girón for his abuse of the adorno. 353. Hemingway may have preferred toreo de al frente (facing the bull) while Manolete practiced toreo al perfil (in profile). In any case, Hemingway despises Manolete, whom he saw only once, just as passionately as he admires Joselito, whom he never saw (because Joselito died before Hemingway became interested in the bullfight). 354. Díaz Cañabate castigates the public’s weakness for “lo frívolo y lo fácil” (the frivolous and the easy) but does not disdain or attack adornos. Like Hemingway, he praises Ordóñez as a classic bullfighter in a time of cheap showmanship (“Antonio Ordóñez y el clasicismo,” in Cossío [1943–97] V: 172–78; see especially 177–78). 355. Silva Aramburu, “Adorno,” in Enciclopedia taurina, 328; a similar definition is given by Nieto Manjón in Diccionario ilustrado de términos taurinos, 30. The matter is also discussed by Corrochano in “Toreo de adorno,” in his ¿Qué es torear?, 231–33; Cossío (1995) “Desplante,” I: 362; Abad Ojuel, “Desplantes,” in his Estirpe y tauromaquia, 327–31. The last quotes are from Corrochano, Cuando suena el clarín, 19; and Abad Ojuel, Estirpe y tauromaquia, 223. In Cuando suena el clarín, Corrochano defends Manolete from Hemingway’s attack and analyzes (and praises) both Dominguín and Antonio Ordóñez. Corrochano carefully points out several of Hemingway’s exaggerations and misperceptions, particularly his focus on money and on death, which he claims Hemingway projects on to the Spanish bullfighters although they are actually his own, very American, obsessions: the bullfighters themselves were more concerned with the bull, their art, and their position in taurine history. At times, however, Corrochano misreads Hemingway: for example, he accuses Hemingway of ignorantly praising Ordóñez for inserting the sword off-center and a bit low (the bajonazo), and of suggesting that Ordóñez had invented the bajonazo and that it is an admirable sword stroke (Cuando suena el clarín, 19–20); Corrochano bases his argument on Juanito Quintana’s remarks (TDS, 63). But in The Dangerous Summer, Hemingway recognized that the bajonazo is an alivio, and not a particularly praiseworthy one (TDS, 204; see also my entry for Ordóñez, Antonio). It is a great compliment to Hemingway that Corrochano, the dean of Spain’s taurine critics and a fine theorist of toreo, should accord him a detailed analysis of his taurine remarks. And it is a mark of Corrochano’s sensitivity that he should remark that reading a Spanish translation of Hemingway’s work, and responding to it in Spanish, does the American author an injustice: “El libro está escrito por un norteamericano, en inglés, y para espectadores de habla inglesa, y desde este punto de vista hay que considerarle” (The book [The Dangerous Summer] was written by a North American, in English, for English-speaking spectators, and it must be evaluated from this point of view). He identifies but accepts as inevitable its “errores de técnica y de concepto . . . lo extraño sería que no los hubiera” (mistakes about techniques and concepts . . . it would be peculiar if no such errors appeared; p. 24). As an American,

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Hemingway was necessarily an outsider, and the assumed pose of insider, while effective for Hemingway’s primary, English-speaking audience, does not convince Corrochano. Corrochano also refutes Hemingway’s assertions about the financial basis of the rivalry (both Ordóñez and Dominguín denied it) and explains that the so-called rivalry was planned by the elder Dominguín on his deathbed as a way to reestablish family solidarity (see entries for Manager; Rivalry; and the section entitled “The Facts of 1959: The Taurine Season,” in the Introduction). 356. Author’s interview with Antonio Ordóñez, 11 October 1995, Ronda. 357. Life, 12 September 1960, 66. 358. Today, enthusiasm has been replaced by formula and money: if he has cut two ears (or three, in Seville), the bullfighter gets carried out on shoulders, often by paid or bribed “admirers.” 359. Cossío (1943–97) V: 93–96. Vera reports that Pastor’s historic trophy was awarded in 1909 (Orígenes e historial, 43) and Macnab repeats that date (The Bulls of Iberia, 129). Díaz Cañabate’s corrected date—1910—is confirmed in Cossío (1995) II: 651. 360. “Fernando Domínguez fué el primero que cortó una pata por una faena,” El Ruedo, 17 January 1946. After the publication of Death in the Afternoon, Hemingway saw Domínguez perform: he was “very good with the muleta but . . . without personality and . . . a pitiful killer” (“The Friend of Spain,” rpt. By-Line, 150). Seville gave its first ears to José Gómez Ortega on 30 September 1915, when he killed six bulls in a triumphant solo performance. 361. Qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1460. 362. Pinto Maeso, “Tudela,” Plazas de toros, 78–79; Cossío (1995) I: 668; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959; “Cornigramas,” Dígame, 28 July 1959, p. 9, col. 2. John Blashill erroneously reports that “Ordóñez cut four ears” (“Report from Valencia,” 42). 363. Hemingway’s description of the Tudela fight is qtd. in DeFazio, “HemHotch Letters,” 1459–60. 364. Vera, “Torre Estrella (don Álvaro Domecq),” in his Orígenes e historial, 150–51; “Torrestrella (Ganadería de),” Unión de criadores de toros de lidia (1997), 318. 365. Valencia’s taurine collection was first displayed in a room within the bullring, opened to the public on 25 July 1929 (St. James’s feast day); Toros y toreros en 1929, 294. The museum is now housed in a handsome building near the bullring. One of its most moving exhibits is the suit Manuel Granero wore on the day he was killed; it was donated by Granero’s father. 366. The entire Valencia feria was reviewed in El Ruedo, 30 July 1959. 367. Pinto Maeso, “Valencia,” Plazas de toros, 102–103; Cossío I: 558–62. At about the time when the present bullring was built, the long and colorful history of Valencia’s earlier bullrings was summarized in a small book, Memoria sobre la plaza de Valencia (1861). Ordóñez’s bullfights in Valencia are detailed in Cossío (1943–97), “Ordóñez Araujo (Antonio),” VI: 200; JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959;

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“Anuncio de carteles para la plaza de toros de Valencia,” El Ruedo, 9 and 16 July 1959. All the corridas of the feria were reviewed in El Ruedo of 30 July 1959; see also “En el centenario de la plaza de Valencia: La primera corrida mano a mano Luis MiguelAntonio Ordóñez,” El Ruedo, 6 August 1959; and Blashill’s “Report from Valencia” (42–43), which reports on the corrida extraordinaria (the mano a mano) that followed the feria. Blashill writes that he was standing next to Hemingway, and that both of them were “delirious” because of the excellence of Ordóñez’s faena with his last bull: “‘I told you he’s the greatest,’ shouted Hemingway. ‘He’s probably the greatest bullfighter the world has ever seen. He’s the greatest I’ve ever seen.’” 368. Pepe Luis’s son, José Luis Vázquez Silva (Pepe Luis, b. 1957), also a matador de toros, had a much less impressive career than his father. 369. Cossío (1943–97), “Vázquez Garcés (José Luis),” IV: 740–43; Abella, “Pepe Luis Vázquez: dios rubio de San Bernardo,” Historia II: 98–103; Bagüés, Historia de los matadores, 243–44. Numbers of annual corridas and annual rankings are taken from these sources and from “Apéndice 3: Escalafón de matadores de toros entre 1940 y 1991 (Corridas toreadas en España, Portugal y Francia),” in Abella, Historia III: 380–96. For Vázquez’s and Ordóñez’s joint appearances, see JFK, Bullfight Materials: Ordóñez Bullfight Schedules, 1959. Bagüés and Abella report Vázquez’s birth date as 1921; it is more generally thought to be 1922. 370. The collection of clippings in the Hemingway Collection, JFK, contains many reviews of corridas for 1959, including those he didn’t see. For the corrida of 18 May 1959, see Díaz Cañabate, “Los toreros de verdad: Pepe Luis, Antonio Bienvenida y Julio Aparicio,” review for ABC; rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas I: 252–55. Hemingway did not see the corrida of 3 May 1959, in Jerez de la Frontera (q.v.), where Vázquez did not do well. In their reviews of this corrida, Corrochano ignored Vázquez and Díaz Cañabate expressed his disappointment in him. 371. Díaz Cañabate, “La lluvia y los toros,” review for ABC, rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas, 255–57. 372. Díaz Cañabate, “La fresa del bosque,” review for ABC, rpt. in his Historia de tres temporadas II: 42–45. Vázquez performed with Gregorio Sánchez and Curro Girón; the bulls were Domecq. 373. Modernized and completely remodeled, most recently in 1989, the Hotel Reina Victoria still exists at the same address. 374. Wyden, The Passionate War, 300. 375. Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 395–97. 376. Hemingway defined the wind as the enemy in 1932 (Death in the Afternoon, h: 411, s.v. Aire) and in 1959 (“A Matter of Wind,” 43). At the end of Blasco Ibáñez’s Sangre y arena, the banderillero, filled with pity for the dead bull and the dead bullfighter, damns the audience as “la fiera: la verdadera, la única” (the true, the only beast; Blasco Ibáñez, 409). Elsewhere in that book, the ambition of talented younger men is defined as a deadly threat to the older, already successful person (230, 302). 377. The Peninsular Wars are the subject of Goya’s famous large oil paintings, The Second of May 1808 and The Third of May, and the series entitled Disasters of War.

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Goya’s portrait of the first Duke of Wellington (oil on wood, 64 cm x 52 cm) hangs in London’s National Gallery. A Goya drawing of Wellington (bust and shoulders) is in the British Museum. The Wellington Hotel’s small lobby displays a signed portrait of the Duke and Duchess of Wellington y Ciudad Rodrigo, inscribed and installed when they visited the hotel shortly after its founding. A portrait of that duke’s father is kept in the hotel’s offices. The personnel at the front desk of the Hotel Wellington supplied information about its history (personal interview, 17 August 1997). The fivestar hotel has conference rooms, restaurants, bars, swimming pool, hairdressers, gym, sauna, and other amenities. 378. She agreed to fulfill her duties as hostess, preparing the houses in Cuba and Ketchum to receive Antonio, Carmen, and their friend Ignacio Angulo, who were coming to visit in November 1959. But she was planning to leave Hemingway (see DeFazio, Dear Papa, 273–74; and Burwell, Hemingway: The Postwar Years, 158–59 et passim). 379. DeVost, “Hemingway’s Girls,” 46. Nadine DeVost concludes that in writing and revising his stories and novels, Hemingway distinguished carefully among generic nouns like “woman,” “wife,” and “girl,” and that in Hemingway’s fiction, these words “are never casual and have everything to do with revealing the dilemma in which these women find themselves” (56). The same seems to be true for his “nonfiction.” 380. Fermín Aristu, of the Hotel Yoldi, Pamplona, provided information about the hotel and Ordóñez’s preference for it (letter to author, 13 January 1997). 381. Pinto Maeso, “Zaragoza,” Plazas de toros, 110–11; Cossío I: 567; “Incendio en la plaza,” El Ruedo, 6 September 1962, unnumbered page 5; Cossío (1995), “Zaragoza,” I: 675–76. 382. For the 1956 fiesta del Pilar, see Iribarren, Hemingway y los sanfermines, 142–43; Baker, A Life Story, 535; Mary Hemingway, How It Was, 439; and Hotchner, Papa Hemingway, 169–75. Both the Ordóñez Bullfight Schedule for 1959 (JFK) and Corrochano (Cuando suena el clarín, 158) identify the bulls as provenant from the Arellano ranch; El Ruedo calls them Arellano Gamero Cívicos. Santainés Cirés misidentifies them as Benítez Cuberos (in his “Estadísticas”); Corrochano’s simile appears in the title and in the conclusion of his review, “La corrida de Zaragoza o ‘papas en alcauciles’,” first published in Blanco y negro, rpt. in his Cuando suena el clarín, 157–61. Blashill, who mentions this Zaragoza corrida in his “Report from Valencia,” also omits the name of Pepe Luis Vázquez, the senior matador (42–43). Details about Vázquez’s performance are available in the lead story of El Ruedo, 3 July 1959.

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Note: Because Ernest Hemingway, Mary Hemingway, Luis Miguel Dominguín, Antonio Ordóñez, Annie Davis, Bill Davis, and the narrator of The Dangerous Summer are mentioned so often, I have not indexed every single occurrence of these items. Paintings, novels, and other works of art are indexed individually, not under the names of their creators. Because the illustrations and their captions appear on unnumbered pages, that material is not indexed. Abad Ojuel, Antonio, 6, 69, 187, 248; on adorno, 249–50 ABC (newspaper), 82, 108, 133–34, 166–67; on afeitado (shaving of horns), 17, 271–72. See also Díaz Cañabate, Antonio; Corrochano, Gregorio Abril y Olivera, Graciela Julia, 163 Across the River and into the Trees (Hemingway), 112, 153, 155, 222; critical reception of, 2; and luck, 164; mentioned, 160, 184. See also Cantwell, Richard Adamo. See Simon, Adamo de adorno. See tricks afeitado. See bull, horns of aficionados, xviii, 18, 52, 123, 150, 207, 254; Belville as, 89; Hemingway as, 71, 116, 135. See also followers; toreristas; toristas aficionado práctico, 23–24, 33 Africa, 1, 77–78, 152, 155 “African Journal” (Hemingway), 73, 85 Agrarian reform, 3, 15 Agüero, Martín, 25 Aguilar (hotel), xxiv Aguilar, Jorge (el Ranchero), 31, 188 Agustín (saint), 83, 161

Aisne River, Marne River (France), 78–79 Alcalde y Merino, Bernardo (Licenciado de Falces), 46 Alameda, Pepe (critic), 187 Albacete, 37, 122, 237–38 Alberti, Rafael, 149–50 alcoholism, 62, 89, 110, 117, 148 Alegre y Puchades, Luis, 152–53 Alfonso VIII (king), 98–99, 114 Alfonso XII (king), 171 Alfonso XIII (king), 79, 146, 259; mentioned, 198, 213 Alfonso XIII (hotel), 97, 232 Algeciras, 64, 79–80, 223; bullfights in, 143, 198; hotel in, 171–72 Alhaga, Martín, 99, 114 Alhambra, 80 Alicante, xxiii, 80–81, 116, 231; bullfight in, 196; hotel in, 95; in Spanish Civil War, 86, 208; mentioned, 153, 205 Almería, 116, 196 alternativa (taurine doctorate), 24–26, 114, 180; validation of, 35. See also the names of individual matadors Álvarez Pruaño, Manuel (el Andaluz), 4, 121

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Ambos Mundos (hotel), 107 American Civil War, 261 American Institute of Architects (AIA), 230 Amorós, Pepe, 25 Ana (saint), 253 Anderson, Sherwood, 243 Anglo-Italian Pact, 118 Angulo, Ignacio (Natcho), 81, 123 Anoz Navaz, Marceliano, 170 antigüedad (seniority), 11–13, 35 Antigüedad, Alfredo R., 145 Antón, Francisco (Pacorro), 72 Antón Marín, Francisco, 80–81 Antonio. See Ordóñez Araujo, Antonio Antonio Bienvenida: Historia de un torero (Mira), 175 Antonioni, Michelangelo, 140 Antoñete. See Chenel, Antonio Aparicio, Julio, 71, 81–82; in 1953, 106, 189; in 1959, 58, 255, 256, 258; grants alternativa, 82, 185; performs with Dominguín, 199; performs with Ordóñez, 166, 189; performs in Madrid, 166, 175; mentioned, 115 apoderado. See manager Aragón, 82. See Christian kings Aranjuez, 82–85, 186; bullring of, 32, 275n68; and espontáneo, 121; Hemingway visits, 34, 232; hotels, restaurants in, 43, 150; Ordóñez performs in, 158, 196, 228; Ordóñez wounded in, 146, 186, 210, 264 El Arcón (ranch), 140 Arellano y Gamero Cívico, Ricardo, 128, 263 Arriba (newspaper), 219 Arjona, Francisco (Cúchares), 11, 50, 60 Arles (France), 82, 124, 205 Armillita Chico. See Espinosa, Fermín Arroyo Delgado, José (Joselito), 23 Arruza, Carlos, 3, 30, 249; in 1940s, 3–4, 216, 218, 257; as banderillero, 48; death of, 30; manager of, 55–56

Asociación de Matadores, Rejoneadores y Apoderados, x, 139 authors, authorship, 66–68, 85, 188, 111–12, 151–52. See also the names of individual authors The Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas (Stein), 243 Bach, Johann Sebastian, xvi, 85 Bacon, Francis, 76, 124 Báez, Manuel (Litri), 25–26 Báez Espuny, Miguel (Litri), 4, 18, 25–26, 81, 271nn33 and 35; in 1950s, 18, 81, 249, 266–67; cuadrilla of, 121; performs with Ordóñez, 180, 263; and tricks, 249. See also tremendismo Bailaor (bull), 135, 244 Bagüés, Ventura (don Ventura), 187, 224 Baker, Carlos, 147, 159 Balañá, Pedro, 53–54, 144–45, 271n35 banderilleros, 21–22. See also the names of individual banderilleros Barajas, Fausto, 30, 274n65 La Barata, 85, 159. See also cars Barcelona, 85–86 Barcial, 83, 176, 228 Bardem, Luis, 140 Barnes, Jake (fictional character), 164, 266n5 Barral, Joaquín, 188 Barrera, Vicente, 25, 274n65 Barroso, Carlos, 196 bartender, 87 Bartolomé, Felipe, 223 baseball, 87–88 Bautista, Isidro, 170 Bavarian Motor Works (BMW), 220. See also cars Bayonne (France), 88, 124; Dominguín injured in, 92, 143, 150, 169; Ordóñez performs in, 88, 124, 175, 186, 196

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Beaufort, Sir Francis, 88 Beca Belmonte, Juan Carlos, 191 Belenguer Soler, Enrique (Blanquet), 31, 124 Belgium, 78 Belmonte, Juan, 15, 26, 36, 59–60, 88–89, 274n56; as banderillero, 48; cuadrilla of, 121; grants alternativa, 190; innovations of, 94; manager of, 54; muleta work of, 50; Ordóñez compared to, 83; performs adorno, desplante, 248, 249; partnership, rivalry with Joselito, 89, 214; tauromaquia of, 111; mentioned, 162 Belmonte, José (Pepe), 57, 170 Belmonte Campoy, Juan, 216 Belville, Rupert, 89–90, 96, 260, 263 Benítez, Manuel (el Cordobés), 24, 104, 120 Benítez Cubero, 90, 183, 211 Benjumea, Pedro, 120 Berenguet, Enrique (Blanquet), 31, 124 Bergamín, José, 188 Bergaz Santos, Francisco, 224 Bernabé (saint), 162 Bernadó, Joaquín, 58, 72, 166, 167 Bidasoa, 90–91 Bienvenida, Bienvenida dynasty, 91; Hemingway’s treatment of, 70–71, 175–76, 266n2 Bienvenida, Ángel Luis. See Mejías Jiménez, Ángel Luis Bienvenida, Antonio. See Mejías Jiménez, Antonio Bienvenida, Pepe. See Mejías Jiménez, José Bienvenida, Manolo. See Mejías Jiménez, Manuel; Mejías Luján, Manuel Bilbao, 88, 92–93, 126, 186, 232 Blanco, Ernesto, 128, 195 Blanco, Manuel, 128, 195 Blanco, Raimundo, 170 Blood Wedding (García Lorca), 130

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Bogotá (Colombia), 93. See also Colombia Bohórquez, 223 bolsa (Madrid stock exchange), 106–7 Bombita. See Torres, Emilio; Torres Reina, Ricardo Bonaparte, 114 Boni and Liveright, 67 Bonnard, Pierre, 243 Borrero Moreno, Antonio (Chamaco), 18, 87, 162, 199–200, 238 Bosé, Lucía, 140, 206 Bosé, Miguel, 140 Bourne, Catherine (fictional character), 147, 198 Bourne, David (fictional character), 198 boycott, 29, 35, 54–56, 174, 180; of Mexicans, 4, 105–6, 129, 267n5; of Miuras, 35, 177; of women, 29, 272–73n49 Brand, Anthony, x, xii, 268n8, 269–70n22, 271–72n35, 283–84n10 and subsequent endnotes: 52, 88, 108, 126, 181, 196, 263, 284, 292, and 312 Brasch, James Daniel, 239 Brenan, Gerald, 110 Britain, 118 Buckley, Peter, 123, 263 Buenacara (bull), 173 Buendía, 223 Buick Electra Playhouse, 66 bull, half-bull, 4, 14, 8–20, 93–94, 217, 219, 232–33; horns of, 63; pardon of (indulto), 11, 38, 208; shaving of (afeitado), 16–18, 80, 143, 174, 197, 217, 271–72. See also antigüedad bullfight, academies or schools of, 22, 24, 30, 121, 221, 225, 232; president of, 207–8, 241. See also corridas; Spanish Civil War, and bullfighting bullfighter, 20–31. See also alternativa bullfighting, 7–8, 10–11, 37–53; in 1959, 58–61; toreo de salón, 22. See

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also corridas; Spanish Civil War, and bullfighting “Bullfighting: Sport and Industry” (Hemingway), 63 bullrings, 31–36, 222, 231–32; dating of, 32–33, 222; music in, 250, 251; portable, 34, 120, 155, 162, 254. See also the entries for individual cities The Bulls of Iberia (Michener), 174 Bumby (John Hadley Nicanor Hemingway), 201 Buñuel, Luis, 138, 140 Burgos, 94 El burlador de Sevilla (Tirso de Molina), 117 Burnham, Frederick Russell, 66 Burrows, Larry, 205 Burwell, Rose Marie, 202 Byron, George Gordon (Lord Byron), 117 Cabo Blanco (Peru), 185 Cabrera Ordóñez, Julián, 191 Cáceres, Pepe, 72 Cafarena, Ángel, 188 Cafés. See restaurants El Callejón (restaurant), 94–95 Calvache, Antonio, 29 Camará. See Flores Cubero, José; Flores González, José Camino Sánchez, Francisco (Paco Camino), 236, 252 Campanas (wine), 117. See also drinks Campo Álvarez, Domingo del, 116 Cañabate. See Díaz Cañabate, Antonio Canales, Alfonso, 188 Canorea, Diodoro, 54 Canorea, Eduardo, 54 Cantwell, Richard (fictional character), 126, 160, 164 “The Capital of the World” (Hemingway), 63 La Caprichosa, 244 Carasucia y otros cuentos (Pepe Dominguín), 139

Carbonero (bull), 251 Carlton Hotel (Alicante), 95 Carlton Hotel (Bilbao), 95–96 Carmen (movie), 188 Carnera, Primo, 79 Carmona, Antonio (el Gordito), 46, 60 Carreras, 182 Carrillo de Mendoza Morales, Francisco, 172 Carriquiri, 101 cars, 96. See also La Barata; Bavarian Motor Works; Ford; Chevrolet; Lancia; Land Rover; Rolls Royce; Volkswagen Casa Luis (restaurant), 96–97 Casals, Pablo, 216 Casamassima, Mario, 96, 97, 117, 159 Castillo Puche, José Luis, 123, 219 Castro, Fidel, 62 Catholic kings, 33, 80, 99, 179. See also Christian Kings; kings; queens Cau, Jean, 19, 96; on Mondeño, 130; on Ostos, 142, 196–97 Celestino III (pope), 98–99 Celis, Marco de, 72, 245 censorship. See Franco, Francisco; Spain, and censorship Cervecería Alemana (Madrid), xxiv Chamaco (Antonio Borrero Moreno), 18, 87, 162, 199–200, 238 Chapresto, Esteban, 263 Charles V (king), 80 El Charri (Gabriel Gongoiti), 23, 135–36 Chastel de la Howardie, Henri de, 163, 179 Chenel, Antonio (Antoñete), 27, 28, 252 Chevrolet, 96, 98. See also cars Chicago Daily News (newspaper), 159 Chicuelo. See Jiménez, Manuel Chicuelo II. See Jiménez Díaz, Manuel Choice People (Hotchner), 149 Choko’s Bar, 98 Chopera, 54

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Christian kings, xxi–xxii, 98–99. See also kings; queens chulo, 100–101 Churriana (Málaga), 103, 110 Ciudad Real, 101, 129 Civil Guard. See Spanish Civil Guard “A Clean, Well Lighted Place” (Hemingway), 164–65 Cobaleda, 101–2, 189, 227 Cobo, José Luis, 191 Cocteau, Jean, 205 Col de Velate, 102 Collier’s (magazine), 159 Colombia, xx, 72, 93; Dominguín performs in, 57, 59, 93, 140, 144; Manolete performs in, 215; Ordóñez performs in, 57, 59, 186, 292–93n110 Colón (hotel), 79, 232 Colt’s Patent Firearms, 160 Comley, Nancy R., 202 La Companza, 259 Concha y Sierra, 146, 199, 251 Conde de la Corte, 17, 199 Conferencia de Algeciras, 171 Connolly, Cyril, 109, 110 Constitution (ship), 102–3, 184 La Cónsula, xv, 103–4, 109, 110, 111, 113; and birthday party, 148, 180, 230; visitors to, 81; mentioned, 114, 169, 212 Contreras, 128, 151, 226, 227 Cooch-Behar, Maharajah of, 263 Cook, Lawrence, 148 Córdoba (city), 99, 104–5, 131, 163, 178; bullfight in, 122, 164, 196, 258; and death of Paquirri, 30, 244; hotel in, 106, 150; Manolete born in, 55, 214; mentioned, 148, 236 Córdoba, Jesús, 105–6, 126 Córdoba Palace (hotel), 106 Corpus Christi, 246 corridas, 4, 10–11, 37–38; changes in, 38–53; despedidas (farewell

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performances), 28–29, 37; despedidas of individual bullfighters, 16, 196, 225, 257; festivales, 23–24, 37, 130, 156, 175; goyescas, 57, 59, 82, 173, 187, 192–93, 223; numbers of, xx–xxi, 3, 16. See also mano a mano; Spanish Civil War Corrochano, Alfredo, 228–29, 263 Corrochano, Gregorio, 18, 50, 60–61, 69, 168, 249–50, 263–64; on adorno, 249–50; pic-ing, 44–45; on Dominguín, 93; on Hemingway, 317–18n355; on Manolete, 317n355; on Ordóñez, 83, 156, 166, 187–88; on second circle, 236–37 Corte, Conde de la, 115, 271n35 Cortés, Manuel, 28, 203–4 Cossío y Martínez de Fortún, José María de (Cossío), 18, 199 et passim; on Dominguín, 69, 142; on espontáneo, 120; on managers, 56; on Manolete, 19, 217–18, 216; on Ordóñez, 186, 188; on Sánchez, 225 El Coto (restaurant), xxiii–xxv, 106–7 Covesa Clinic, 245 crowd. See spectators Cruz de Beneficencia, 252 Cruz Gomendio, María, 102 Cuba, 95, 107–8, 124, 149, 154, 155, 163–64, 202; bullfights in, 144; Hemingway lives in, 149, 239; honors Hemingway, 2; and The Old Man and the Sea, 185; and To Have and Have Not, 108. See also Finca Vigía Cubero, José (el Yiyo), 23 Cúchares. See Arjona, Francisco Cuevas Roger, Victoriano (Valencia), 58, 108–9, 167, 254; performs with Ordóñez, 82, 108, 136, 166 da Veiga, Simâo, 31, 229 da Vinci, Leonardo, 161 Daily Express (newspaper), 159

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Danby-Smith, Valerie (Mrs. Gregory Hemingway), 123, 209 The Dangerous American (Hotchner), 149 The Dangerous Summer (Hemingway), 63–76, 148, 192, 201, 250; material absent from Scribner book version of, 65, 71–73, 87–88, 111–12, 113, 121, 151, 165–67, 212, 219, 230, 236–38, 243, 251–52, 264, 283n10, 296n147, 301n200; serial publication in Life and Life en español, xiii, 66; See also El verano sangriento Davis, Anne Bakewell Rogers (Annie), 79, 109–110, 160; buys La Cónsula, 103; mentioned, 96 et passim Davis, Nathan William Morris (Bill), 74, 79, 110–113, 150; buys La Cónsula, 103; car of, 96; mentioned 124, 137, 212 et passim Davis, Nena, 113 Davis, Teo, 113 Dax (France), 82, 124, 133, 196, 228 de Falla, Manuel, 130 de Federico, Carmen, 36, 127, 188, 266 de Foxá, Agustín, 76, 124 de la Haba, Antonio, 25, 26 de la Rosa, Juan Luis, 272–73n49 de la Serna, Victoriano, 25, 219 Dear Papa, Dear Hotch (DeFazio), 149 Death in the Afternoon (Hemingway), 1, 63, 74, 91, 113, 135, 148, 204, 217, 260; and Cayetano Ordóñez, 192; cross-cultural elements of, 72; editing of, 67–68; glossary of, 67; and literary figures, 77; and Miuras, 178; and Old Lady, 73, and Pamplona, 201; and Prado, 207; quoted, 181; and Ronda, 223; treatment of spectators, 24, 242; and tricks, 250; mentioned, 83, 198, 232, 254 Death and the Sun (Lewine), 142, 192

DeFazio, Albert J., x, 72–73, 149 et passim Delgado, José (Pepe-Hillo), 111, 222 Delicias (hotel and restaurant), 84, 113 Despeñaperros, xxii, 113–14, 210 desplante. See tricks DeVost, Nadine, 262 Diario 16 (newspaper), 139 Díaz Cañabate, Antonio, 18, 108–9, 166–67, 249; on espontáneos, 120; on Girón, 133–34; on Manolete, 216; on Pablo Romero bulls, 198; on Parladé bulls, 127–28; on sham sword, 247; and trophies, 251 Diego, Gerardo, 188 Dígame (weekly), 244 director de lidia. See matador Diván del Tamarit (Lorca), 131 Docker, Bernard, 220 Docker, Nora, 220 Dols Abellán, José María (José María Manzanares), 35 Domecq, 90, 115–16, 186; mentioned, 146, 200 Domecq y Díez, Álvaro, 252, 253 Domingo, Dominguito Dominguín. See González Lucas, Domingo Domínguez, Fernando, 251 Dominguín, 116. See also the different generations of the family (González Bosé; González Lucas; González Mateos) Dominguín, su arte y sus éxitos (Pagés), 145 Dominguín, Dominguín family, 116 Dominguín, Domingo. See González Lucas, Domingo; González Mateos, Domingo Dominguín, Luis Miguel. See González Lucas, Luis Miguel Dominguín, Pepe. See González Lucas, José don Juan (Juan Tenorio, fictional character), 117

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Dos Passos, John, 67, 201 drinks, 117; excessive consumption of, 62, 89, 110, 148 drivers, 117. See also Casamassima, Mario; Davis, Nathan William Morris (Bill); Simon, Adamo de Druids, 118 Dudley, Earl of (William Humble Eric Ward), 118, 220–21 Los duendes de Andalucía (movie), 109 Duque, Aquilino, 188 Duras, Marguerite, 140 Duyos, Rafael, 188 dynasties: of bullfighters (Bienvenida, 91; Dominguín, 116; Ordóñez, 191–92; Rivera, 187, 191; Valencia, 253–54); of impresarios (Balañá, Canorea), 53–54; of managers (Camará, Dominguín), 55–56, 116 Ebro River, xxiii, 79, 85, 118–19 Echevarría, Eduardo, 123 Ecuador, xx; and Dominguín family, 138, 139; and Ordóñez family, 186, 191, 194 Eisenhower, Dwight David (Ike), 200, 261 Encinas Fernández del Campo, José, 227 El Escorial, 119 escuela de tauromaquia. See bullfight, academies or taurine schools of Espartaco (Juan Antonio Ruiz Román), 23, 135, 252 Espinosa, Fermín (Armillita Chico), 25, 27, 267n5, 274n65; in 1920s, 146; in 1934, 228–29; manager of, 144 espontáneo, 24, 26, 119–21; punishment for, 241; in Valencia, 255 Espoz y Mina, Count of, 101 Esquire (magazine), 108, 159, 288n57 Ethiopia, 118 European Recovery Plan (Marshall Plan), 3, 4, 125

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Falange. See Spanish Civil War “The Faithful Bull” (Hemingway), 155 Falla, Manuel de, 130 Fandila, David, 191–92 A Farewell to Arms (Hemingway), xxii, 67, 153, 157, 288n57 Federico, Carmen de, 36, 127, 188, 266 Fellini, Federico, 140 Ferdinand (king), 80, 82, 98–99, 179, 222 Ferdinand VI (king), 34 Fermín (saint), 200 Fernández, Atanasio, 166, 188–89 Fernández, Bernabé, 167, 167 Fernández Aguayo, Pepito, 29 Fernando (saint), 83 Ferno, John, 235 Ferrer, Francisco, 30 Ferrer, José (Josele), 121–22 festivales. See corridas fictional characters. See the names of individual characters (Barnes, Jake; Bourne, Catherine; Bourne, David; Cantwell, Richard; Hamlet; Hudson, Thomas; Joaquin; Jordan, Robert; Maigret, Jules; Maria; Montoya, Juanito; Pilar; Romero, Pedro; Santiago; Tenorio, Juan [don Juan]) Fiesta del cante hondo (García Lorca and Manuel de Falla), 130 The Fifth Column (Hemingway), 63, 66 Finca Vigía (Cuba), 107, 195, 207; visitors to, 154, 155, 164. See also Cuba Fisher, Clive, 110 Fitzgerald, F. Scott, 67, 243 Fleming, Alexander, 28, 203, 245 Fleming, Robert E., 78 Flores, Samuel, 122–23, 128, 180, 255 Flores Cubero, José (Camará, son), 56, 170 Flores González, José (Camará, father), 55–56, 162, 169, 215, 216

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followers, friends, 123–24, 126–27, 263. See also aficionados For Whom the Bell Tolls (Hemingway), 63, 112, 117, 135, 147, 164, 229, 240–41; and Gertrude Stein, 243; setting of, 235. See also Joaquín; Jordan, Robert; María; Pilar Ford, 124. See also cars Ford, Ford Madox, 243 Fornos (café), xxiv, 107 fortune, 124 Fortune (magazine), 159 Foxá, Agustín de, 76, 124 France, 78, 124–25; bullfights in, 205–6, 234; and Morocco, 171; and Peninsular War, 261; and World War I, 78–79; and World War II, 126, 161. See also the names of individual cities (Arles; Bayonne; Dax; Mont de Marsan; Nîmes; Toulouse); Aisne River; frenchman Franco, Carmen Polo de, 126, 171, 172, 179 Franco, Francisco, xxii, 2–3, 70, 86, 89, 125–26, 143, 213; and bullfights, 70, 195; and censorship, 4, 86, 126, 153–54; and Civil Guard, 147; death of, 172; dictatorship of, 131, 200, 216; friends of, 137–38, 143, 163; and World War II, 2, 125, 171, 247, 256. See also Spanish Civil War, and Republicans exiled because of Franco Polo, Carmen, 172 Franco’s son-in-law (Cristóbal Martínez Bordiú), 172 Franklin, Sidney, 72, 85 Frascuelo. See Sánchez, Salvador Freg, Luis, 27 French Legion of Honor, 187 frenchman, 126 “The Friend of Spain” (Hemingway), 63 friends, 123–24, 126–27, 263 Fuentes, Antonio, 83, 203

Fuentes Bejarano, Luis, 274n65 Fulton, John, 29, 272–73n49 Gago, Andrés, 55–56 Galache, 155 Gamero Cívico, 127–29, 195 Gaona, Rodolfo, 29, 35, 60, 129; as banderillero, 48 Garci-Grande, 201 García, Antonio (Maravilla), 115 García, Bonifacio (Yoni), 121, 132 García, Gregorio, 219 García, Juan (Mondeño). See García Jiménez, Juan García, Manuel (Maera), 48 García Jiménez, Juan (Mondeño), 129–30; performs with Dominguín and/or Ordóñez, 79, 211, 234 García-Chávarri, Miguel, 138 García Lorca, Federico, 76, 130–32, 229 García Torres, Bonifacio (Yoni), 121, 132 The Garden of Eden (Hemingway), 147, 198. See also Bourne, Catherine; Bourne, David Gardner, Ava, 143 Gellhorn, Martha (Mrs. Ernest Hemingway), 107, 111, 218 the Generalissimo. See Franco, Francisco Gente que pasa (Foxá), 124 Gibson, Ian, 131 Gijón (café), xxiv girls. See prisoners; women and girls Girón Díaz, César, 72, 92, 133, 263; in 1956, 162 Girón Díaz, Francisco (Curro Girón), 132–34; in 1954, 223; in 1959, 58, 228, 256; death of, 31; performs in Madrid, 166, 167; performs in Pamplona, 200; performs with Dominguín, 197; performs with Ordóñez, 133, 162, 180, 199, 229,

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230, 234, 255, 258; mentioned, 142, 186 Girón Díaz, Efraín (Freddy), 133 Girón Díaz, Rafael, 133 Girón Lozano, Marco Antonio, 133 God Is My Co-Pilot, 134 Gómez, Dámaso, 139 Gómez, Luis (el Estudiante), 3, 216 Gómez Ortega, José (Joselito), 27, 28, 30, 83, 134–35; as banderillero, 48, 49; death of, 27, 28, 30, 60, 244–45, 317n353; grants alternativa, 55, 144; muleta work of, 50; partnership, rivalry with Belmonte, 89, 214; and Logroño, 162; and Seville, 134, 229, 231–32; as standard, 190; mentioned, 139 Gómez Ortega, Rafael (el Gallo), 27 Gómez Santos, Merino, 210 Gómez Trenor, Juan Luis, 135 Goncourt Prize, 197 Gongoiti, Gabriel (el Charri), 123, 135–36 González, Antonio, 72, 234, 235 González, Manuel, 4 González, Rafael (Machaquito), 28–29, 35, 104 González Bosé, Lucia (daughter), 140 González Bosé, Miguel (son, Miguel Bosé), 140 González Bosé, Paola (daughter), 140 González Jiménez, Juan (el Trianero), 136–37, 166, 183 González Lucas, Carmen (Carmina Dominguín, sister), xix, 188, 189 González Lucas, Domingo (Domingo Dominguín, brother), 116, 137–38; as manager, 57, 169–70 González Lucas, Gracia (Pochola, sister), 138 González Lucas, José Alejandro (Pepe Dominguín, brother), 31, 116, 138–39; as author, 145; cuadrilla of, 238; as manager, 169–70

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González Lucas, Lucía Bosé de (wife), 140, 206 González Lucas, Luis Miguel (Dominguín), 3, 58–59, 93, 115, 116, 140–43; in 1940s, 216; in 1950s, 93; in 1959, xxi, 58, 79–80, 85–86, 92–93, 101, 199, 122–23, 124–25, 146, 225; in 1970, 175; angered by Hemingway, 61, 67, 219; awards, fame of, 79–80, 125, 142, 184; as banderillero, 48; as bullbreeder, 141, 184; compared to Belmonte, Joselito, 135; cuadrilla of, 182, 238; early career of, 23, 25, 93; death of, 31; and espontáneo, 121; friends of, 125, 205–6; grants alternativa, 284–85n24; injuries of, 88, 92–93, 245; managers of, 56–57, 137; and Manolete, 161–62, 215–16; performs with Ordóñez, 58–59; in 1959 mano a manos (see Bayonne; Ciudad Real; Málaga; Valencia); properties, cars of, 96, 189, 259–60; retirement of, 93; and tricks, adornos, desplantes, 249, 276n76; mentioned, 150, 257 et passim González Lucas, Rosario Primo de Rivera Urquijo (wife), 140, 208 González Madrid, Rafael (Machaquito), 214, 251 González Mateos, Domingo (Dominguín, father), 143–45; as manager, 144–45, 168–69; mentioned, 116, 137 González Mateos, Gracia Lucas Lorente de (mother), 145 González Vera, 170 “The Good Lion” (Hemingway), 155 Goya, Francisco, 73, 82, 207, 223 goyescas. See corridas Granada, 145–46 Grand Hotel, 146–47 Granero, Manuel, 25–26, 28, 139 Grant, Ulysses S., 261

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Grau de Valencia, 204–5 “The Great Black Horse” (Hemingway), 155 el Greco (Kyriakos Theotokopoulos), 207 Green Hills of Africa (Hemingway), 73, 74, 78, 202 Gris, Juan, 243 Guadalquivir River, 96 Guadarrama, 209–10, 235 Guardia Civil. See Spanish Civil Guard Guardiola, Salvador, 183 Guerra Bejarano, Rafael (Guerrita), 11, 28–29, 59–60, 104; and adorno, 249; hears music, 251; tauromaquia of, 111 Guggenheim, Peggy, 110 Haba, Antonio de la (Zurito), 25, 26 half-bull. See bull, half-bull Hamlet (fictional character), 147. See also Shakespeare Hemingway Collection (JFK), 6 Hemingway, Carol (Mrs. John Gardner, sister), 201 Hemingway, Clarence Edmonds (father), 157, 202 Hemingway, Ernest Miller, 1–7, 62–63 et passim; accidents, illnesses, wounds of, 1, 2, 62, 78; alcoholism of, 148; awarded prizes, 2–3, 62, 147, 173, 185, 252; biases of: 68–70; biases against Bienvenidas, 70–71, 175–76, 266n2; biases against Domingo Ortega, 70–71, 145, 195, 217, 266n2; biases against Dominguíns, 57, 61, 67, 72, 87, 89, 143, 219; biases against managers, 54–57, 68, 170; biases against Manolete, 19, 67, 71, 189, 249, 266n2; biases against Seville, xxiv, 232–34; biases pro Antonio Ordónez, 68–70, 170, 182, 186, 238 et passim; biases pro Cayetano Ordóñez, 64; birthday party of, 110, 160, 180; cars

of, 159–60; and Cuba, 62, 100, 107, 148, 164; first corrida of, 63; gives charity, 156–57; as journalist, 119, 159 (see also Spanish Civil War Dispatches); meets Ordóñez, 126; in Mexico, 218–19; offends Dominguín, 87, 89, 143; published works of (see the names of individual titles: Across the River and into the Trees, “African Journal,” “Bullfighting: Sport and Industry,” “The Capital of the World,” “A Clean, Well-Lighted Place,” The Dangerous Summer, Death in the Afternoon, “The Faithful Bull,” A Farewell to Arms, The Fifth Column, For Whom the Bell Tolls, “The Friend of Spain,” The Garden of Eden, The Good Lion, Green Hills of Africa, In Our Time, Islands in the Stream, “A Matter of Wind,” Men without Women, “The Mother of a Queen,” A Moveable Feast, “Now I Lay Me,” “Old Man at the Bridge,” The Old Man and the Sea, “On the Quai at Smyrna,” “The Short Happy Life of Francis Macomber,” “The Snows of Kilimanjaro,” Spanish Civil War dispatches, The Spanish Earth, The Sun Also Rises, To Have and Have Not, The Torrents of Spring, True at First Light, “The Undefeated,” Under Kilimanjaro; “Up in Michigan”); relationship with Ordóñez, 4–5, 156–57; relationships with women (Annie Davis, 262; Carmen Ordóñez, 262; Gertrude Stein, 243; Mary Hemingway, 62, 65–66, 73–74, 261–62); and Spanish Civil War, 119, 159, 165–66, 200, 218, 240–41, 246; as subject of book, 139; unfinished, unpublished works of, 91, 312; unwritten work of, 246. See also narrator

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Hemingway, Hadley Richardson (wife, later Mrs. Paul Mowrer), 73, 201, 206 Hemingway, John Hadley Nicanor (Bumby, son), 201 Hemingway, Leicester (brother), 201, 202 Hemingway, Madelaine (sister, Mrs. Kenneth Mainland), 201 Hemingway, Marcelline (sister, Mrs. Sterling Sanford), 201 Hemingway, Martha Gellhorn (wife), 107, 111, 218 Hemingway, Mary Welsh (wife), 148, 159; accidents, illnesses of, 106, 148, 232; Cuban home of, 107, 164; in The Dangerous Summer, 65; nicknames of, 73, 209; organizes birthday party, 104, 110; relationship with Ernest, 62, 65–66, 73, 74, 154, 261–62; relationship with Hotchner, 149; travels of, 77, 78, 89, 96, 97, 152, 154; as writer, 77, 84, 87, 112, 159, 213; mentioned, 89, 96, 118, 148, 152, 239 et passim Hemingway, Patrick (son), 157 Hemingway, Pauline Pfeiffer (wife), 157; in Africa, 77, 152; in Cuba, 107; death of, 2, 62; in literary works, 65, 78; nicknames of, 73, 206; and pregnancy, 157 Hemingway, Ursula (sister, Mrs. Jasper Jepson), 201 Hemingway, Valerie Danby-Smith (Mrs. Gregory Hemingway, daughter-inlaw), 123, 209 Hemingway Hero (Hotchner), 149 The Hemingway Review (journal), 148 Himmler, Heinrich, 256 Henderson, Alexander, 171 Holiday (magazine), 155 “Holiday for a Wounded Torero” (Mary Hemingway), 159 horns. See bull, horns of

• 355

Hotchner, A. E., 66, 68, 72, 74, 87, 111, 123, 149–50, 152, 202, 263; as baseball player, 88; dresses as bullfighter, 101; nickname of, 203; as writer, 110; mentioned, 124, 238, 239 hotel keepers, 150 hotels, xxi–xxv. See also the names of individual establishments (Aguilar [Madrid]; Alfonso XIII [Sevilla]; Ambos Mundos [Havana]; Carlton Hotel [Alicante]; Carlton Hotel [Bilbao]; Colón [Sevilla]; Córdoba Palace [Córdoba]; Delicias [Aranjuez]; Grand Hotel [Zaragoza]; Miramar [Málaga]; Palace [Córdoba]; Palace [Madrid]; Reina Cristina [Algeciras]; Reina Victoria [Ronda]; El Rey Noble [Pamplona]; Ritz [Madrid]; Royal [Valencia]; Suecia [Madrid]; Victoria [Valencia]; Wellington [Madrid]; Yoldi [Pamplona]) The House of Bernarda Alba (García Lorca), 130 How It Was (Mary Hemingway), 148, 202, 239 Hudson, Thomas (fictional character), 183–84 Huerta, Joselito, 72, 162, 263 Hürgenwald, 160. See also World War II Ibán, Baltasar, 151, 226–27, 256, 260 Ibarra, Eduardo, 127 Idaho, 62, 65–66, 229, 230 identities, 151–52 Ile de France (ship), 152 impresarios (promoters), 152–53 In Our Time (Hemingway), 67 indulto. See bull informants, 153 Inglés (café), 107 Innocent III (pope), 99 Iñigo. See López de Carrizosa, Iñigo

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inspector, 153–54 International Brigades, 85–86, 119. See also Spanish Civil War Irati (river), 118, 148, 154, 230 Isabella (queen), 80, 82, 98–99, 179 Isidro (saint), 36, 154, 166. See also Madrid Islands in the Stream (Hemingway), 152, 164, 206; and Cuba, 108. See also Hudson, Thomas Islero (bull), 161, 216 Italy, 118 Ivancich, Adriana, 154–55 Ivancich, Gianfranco, 97, 127, 154–55, 159, 239 Ivens, Joris, 63, 235 Jackson, Thomas Jonathan (Stonewall), 261 Jalón, César (Clarito), 187 James (Santiago, saint), 206, 229 Janeiro, Jesús (Jesulín de Ubrique), 23 Jardón, José María, 57, 170 Jefferson, Thomas, 261 Jerez de la Frontera, 116, 155–56, 163 Jerónimo, Monasterio de San Jerónimo, 163, 178–79 Jesuits, Jesuit Seminary Fund, 84, 156–57 Jesulín de Ubrique (Jesús Janeiro), 23 Jiménez, Manuel (Chicuelo), 25, 27, 272–73n49; in Death in the Afternoon, 217; grants alternativa, 214; muleta work of, 50; mentioned, xix, 146 Jiménez Díaz, Manuel (Chicuelo II), 18, 31, 158; in 1959, 58, 255; nickname of, xix; performs with Dominguín, 146; performs with Ordóñez, 83, 79, 137, 158, 180, 183, 247, 255 Jiménez Martos, Luis, 188 Joaquín (fictional character), 164 Joni (Bonifacio García Torres), 132 Jordan, Robert (fictional character), 117, 229

José (saint), 86 Joselito. See Gómez Ortega, José Josephs, Allen, 142 journalists, 158–59 Joyce, James, 223, 243 Juan. See Ordóñez, Juan (bullfighter); Pastor, Juan (chauffeur); Tenorio, Juan (don Juan, fictional character) Juan Carlos (king), 125, 166 Juan Luis (Juan Luis Gómez Trenor), 135 El Judío, 253 El Juli (Julián López), 23 Kansas City (Missouri), 201 Kansas City Star (newspaper), 159 Ketchum (Idaho), 229 Key West (Florida), 65 kings, xxi–xxv. See also the names of individual monarchs (Alfonso VIII [Castile]; Alfonso XII [Spain]; Alfonso XIII [Spain]; Charles V [Spain]; Ferdinand [Aragón]; Ferdinand VI [Spain]; Juan Carlos [Spain]; Mahmed ben Yacub [Morocco]; Mohammed V [Granada]; Mohammed VII [Granada]; Peter II [Aragón and Cataluña]; Philip II [Spain]; Philip IV [Spain]; Sancho VII [Navarre]; Yosuf I); queens Lagartijo. See Molina Sánchez, Rafael Lagartijo Chico (Rafael Molina), 215 Laguna Menor, Paco, 216 Lalanda, Marcial, 16, 29, 36, 83, 274n65; in the 1920s, 3; in the 1930s, 36; in the 1940s, 215, 216; confirms alternativa, 214; as manager, administrator, 56, 170, 267n5; and Manolete, 214; retirement of, 16, 29 Lalanda, Pablo, 83 Lamamié de Clairac, Rafael, 128

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Lancia, 85, 96, 97, 159–60, 239. See also cars Land-Rover, 96. See also cars Lang, Will, 205 Lanham, Charles Trueman (Buck), 160, 261 Lara, José (Chicorro), 251 The Last Supper (Leonardo), 161 Lausín, Braulio (Gitanillo de Ricla), 83 Lawrence (saint), 219 League of Nations, 2 Lee, Robert E., 261 Leininger, J. B., 156 León, Juan, 50 Leonardo da Vinci, 161 Lewine, Edward, 142, 192 Lewis, Robert W., 78 Liberté (ship), 152, 161 Liceaga, David, 25 Life (magazine), xiii, 61, 64–68, 77, 87–88, 149, 151, 165, 184, 243, 258; Mary works for, 159; and photographs and photographers, 114, 126, 205, 219; mentioned, 65, 71, 95, 117, 138, 212, 236. See also The Dangerous Summer Life en español (magazine), xiii, 66, 67, 86, 138; and photographs, 84, 88, 192, 219; mentioned, 95, 111, 117, 153, 236. See also The Dangerous Summer; El verano sangriento Linares, 30, 116, 161–62, 216; and death of Manolete, 178, 244 Litri (Manuel Báez), 25–26 Litri. See Báez Espuny, Miguel Llanto por Ignacio Sánchez Mejías (García Lorca), 130 Logroño, 89, 162, 211, 291n104 Look (magazine), 159 López, Julián (el Juli), 23 López de Carrizosa, Iñigo, 163 López de Carrizosa y Martel, José (Peps Merito), 163–64

• 357

López de Carrizosa y Patiño, Victoria Elena, 163, 179 López Pelegrín, Santos (Abenamar), 181 Lorca (Federico García Lorca), 76, 130–32, 229 Love Lies Bleeding (Viertel), 142 Lozano Sevilla, Manuel, 3 Lucan, Marcus Annaeus, 124 Luce, Henry, 159 luck, prayer, 164–65 Luis Miguel. See González Lucas, Luis Miguel Luján, Nestor, 187 Luna, Enrique, 49 MacArthur, Douglas, 261 Machaquito (Rafael González Madrid), 214, 251 MacLeish, Archibald, 201 MacNab, Angus, 174 Macy, Rowland Hussey, 164 Macy’s, 165 Madrid, 165–67; bullrings of, 4, 32, 33, 34–36, 175, 204, 222, 245; feria of (sanisidros), 36, 106, 139, 167; hospitals of, 224; hotels of (see the names of individual hotels [Aguilar; Palace; Ritz; Suecia; Wellington]); newspapers of (see ABC, Diario 16, El Pueblo); patron saint of (Isidro), 154; proverbs about, 209–10; restaurants, cafés of (see the names of individual establishments [El Callejón; El Coto; Fornos; Gijón; Inglés; Ritz; Suecia]); in Spanish Civil War, 86, 235; stock exchange of, 106–7; as subject of book, 124, 139; taurine academies of, 225; and taurine events, 24, 25; taste in bulls, 14, 19, 232 Madrid, de Corte a Cheka (Foxá), 124 Maera (Manuel García), 48 maestranzas, 32–33, 222

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magazines, 159. See also the names of individual magazines (Collier’s, Esquire, Fortune, Life, Life en español, Look, New Republic, PM, Reader’s Digest, Saturday Review, Time) The Magic Flute (Mozart), 202 Mahmed ben Yacub (king), 99 Maigret, Jules (fictional character), 238–39 La Maison du Canal (Simenon), 239 Málaga, 116, 167–69, 186 et passim Mallorca (Palma de Mallorca), 133, 143, 168, 199–200 man, 126, 176 manager, xxiii, 17–18, 23, 29, 54–57, 169–70, 174. See also the names of individual managers (Belmonte, Pepe; Blanco, Raimundo; González Vera; Flores Cubero, José [Camará]; Flores González, José [Camará]; Gago, Andrés; González Lucas, Domingo [Dominguín]; González Mateo, Domingo [Dominguín]; Jardón, José María; Lalanda, Marcial; Sánchez Mejías, José Ignacio mano a mano: 37, 60, 214; between Dominguín and Ordóñez, 56–57, 59, 61; between Dominguín and Ordóñez in 1959, 186 (see also Bayonne; Ciudad Real; Málaga; Valencia); between Ordóñez and Aparicio, 82; between Ordóñez and Francisco Rivera (Paquirri), 187; between Ordóñez and others, 303n218; between Rivera Ordóñez brothers, 192. See also rivalry Manolete. See Rodríguez Sánchez, Manuel Manolete: 50 años desde su muerte (Narbona), 217 Mantle, Mickey, 84, 87 Manzanares, 30, 170, 228, 244

Marceliano, Casa Marceliano (restaurant), 170–71 Maria (fictional character), 117 María Cristina (queen), xxi, 171. See also Reina Cristina Marín, Isidro, 106 Marne River (France), 78–79 Marqués, Josefina (Pepica), 204 Marquet, Georges, 198 Márquez, Antonio, 199, 263 Marquis del Mérito (José López de Carrizosa y Martel), 163–64 Marshall Plan (European Recovery Plan), 3, 4, 125 Martín Aguilar, Manuel (Carriles), 31 Martín-Caro, Francisco (Curro Caro), 182 Martín Caro, Juan (Chiquito de la Audiencia), 182 Martín Sánchez, Santiago (el Viti), 252 Martín Vázquez, Pepín, 3–4 Martínez, Manolo, 25 Martínez, Pedro (Pedrés), 18, 106, 189 Martínez Bordiú, Cristóbal (Marquis of Villaverde), 172 Martínez Elizondo, 199, 253 matador de toros, xxi, 24–31, 114–15. See also alternativa; nicknames; names of individual matadors Mateo (saint), 162 Mateo Salcedo, Miguel (Miguelín), 284–85n24; in 1959, 58, 200; death of, 31, 71; performs with Dominguín, 79, 199; performs with Ordóñez, 92, 94, 247, 255; and the proscribed picadors, 236–38 Matisse, Henri, 243 “A Matter of Wind” (Hemingway), 77, 83, 159, 260, 283n9, 319n376 mayor of Ronda, 172–73 Mazquiarán, Diego (Fortuna), 274n65 Mazzantini, Luis, 11 Medalla de Oro a las Bellas Artes, 187, 252

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Medici, Counts of, 179 Medina Azahara, 178 medio toro. See bull, half-bull Mejías Jiménez, Ángel Luis, 91, 174, 252 Mejías Jiménez, Antonio (Bienvenida), 91, 173–76, 216, 258; in 1959, 58; childhood, early career of, 23, 26; death of, 31; exposes afeitado, 17, 174, 271n35; and Franco, 125; grants alternativas, 108, 138, 195, 224; Hemingway’s treatment of, 70–71, 175–76; kills recibiendo, 167, 176; manager of, 139; nickname of, xix, 91; performs in Madrid, 166–67, 175; performs in Ronda, 223; performs with Dominguín, 142, 198, 247, 255; performs with Dominguín and Ordóñez, 86–87, 227; performs with Manolete, 215–16; performs with Ordóñez, 88, 303n218; performs with other bullfighters, 133, 166 Mejías Jiménez, Carmen, 91 Mejías Jiménez, Carmen Pilar, 91 Mejías Jiménez, José (Pepe Bienvenida), 4, 27, 91, 174; in the 1940s, 3, 216; death of, 31; early career of, 23, 25; grants alternativa, 173 Mejías Jiménez, Juan, 91 Mejías Jiménez, Manuel (Manolo Bienvenida), 91, 115, 266n2, 267n5, 274n65; early career of, 25 Mejías Jiménez, Rafael, 91 Mejías Luján, Manuel (Bienvenida), 91 Mejías Rapela, José, 91 Mejías Rapela, Manuel, 91 men and boys, 176 Men without Women (Hemingway), 63 Mercedes, 96. See also cars Mérito, Peps (Marquis del Mérito), 163–64 Mewes, C. H., 213

• 359

Mexican boycott. See boycott Mexico and the bullfight, xx, 148, 218, 228; Bienvenida family performs in, 174; and Bill Davis, 111; Dominguín family performs in, 140–44; Ordóñez family performs in, 185, 193; Manolete performs in, 215, 218–19; and Sánchez Mejías, 228. See also the names of individual Mexican bullfighters (Arruza, Carlos; Córdoba, Jesús; Gaona, Rodolfo; Huerta, Joselito; Saucedo, Héctor; Torres, Ricardo) Mi gente (Pepe Dominguín), 139, 145 Michener, James A., 67, 149 Miguel (saint), 231 Miguelillo (Miguel Moraleda Molina), 182 Miguelín. See Mateo Salcedo, Miguel Mira, Filiberto, 128, 175, 216 Miramar (hotel), 177 Miura, 161, 177–78, 251; reputation as killers, 214; in Ronda, 223; mentioned, 199, 200. See also boycott Miura, Juan, 177 Miura Fernández, Eduardo, 177 Miura Hontoria, Antonio, 177 Miura Hontoria, Eduardo, 177 Miura Martínez, Antonio, 177 Miura Martínez, Eduardo, 177 Mohammed V (king), 80 Mohammed VII (king), 80 Molina, Rafael (Lagartijo Chico), 215 Molina Sánchez, Rafael (Lagartijo), 27, 104, 251; and partnership, rivalry with Frascuelo, 60, 197, 214; mentioned, 215 Mona Lisa (Leonardo), 161 Monas, Dmitri, 154 Monasterio de San Jerónimo, 163, 178–79 Mondeño. See García Jiménez, Juan Monks, Noel, 148

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Mons (Belgium), 78, 118. See also World War I Mont de Marsan (France), 180; Ordóñéz performs in, 122, 124, 133, 158, 196, 226 Montes, Francisco (Paquiro), 111, 180–81, 219 Montes Mora, Mariano, 115 Montoya, Juan (fictional character), 182, 212, 266n5 Moraleda Molina, Miguel (Miguelillo), 182 Morante, José Antonio (Morante de la Puebla), 23 Moreau, Jeanne, 140 Morocco, 3, 125, 171 “The Mother of a Queen” (Hemingway), 63 A Moveable Feast (Hemingway), 62, 65, 66, 73, 74, 84, 239; and Gertrude Stein, 243; and luck, 164, 250; mentioned, 206 Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, 117, 202 mozo de estoques (sword handler), 182 Muñoz, Emilio, 23 Murcia: Ordóñez performs in, 82, 122, 133, 151, 189, 225, 258; in Spanish history, 99, 231 Murube, 127, 226, 227 Murube, José, 188 music. See bullrings, music in Mussolini, Benito, 118 NANA (North American Newspaper Alliance), 63, 159 Napoleon, 261 Narbona, Francisco, 217 narrator, xxi, xxiii–xxv, 73–78 et passim. See also spectators Navarre: and Irati River, 118, 148, 154, 230; restaurants, hotels in, 170–71, 213, 262. See also Christian kings; Pamplona; Tudela Las Navas de Tolosa, xxii, 99, 114. See also Christian kings

“Negro,” 111–12. See also nicknames The New Republic (magazine), 159 New York, 103, 110, 144, 165, 171, 261 The New York Times Book Review (magazine), 184 newspapers, 159. See also the names of individual newspapers (ABC; Chicago Daily News; Diario 16; Kansas City Star; El Pueblo; Toronto Star) nicknames, xix, 308n267; of Bienvenida family members, 91; of Bill Davis, 111–12; of car, 85, 96, 159, 160; of Dominguín, 116, 184; of Hemingway family members, 73, 201–2, 206, 209; of Hotchner, 149, 203; of Valencia family members, 253–54; of others, 135–36, 209 Nîmes (France), 57, 124, 183, 205; and Cristina Sánchez, 272–73n49; Ordóñez performs in, 90, 136–37, 158 Nobel Prize (Hemingway), 3, 62, 147, 173, 185, 252 North American Newspaper Alliance (NANA), 63, 159 Normandie (ship), 183–84 novillero, 22–24 “Now I Lay Me” (Hemingway), 164–65 Nuestra Señora de la Salud, 105 Number One, Número Uno, 184 Núñez, Carlos, 183, 235 nurses, 184 Oak Park (Illinois), 1, 157, 202, 232 The Old Man and the Sea (Hemingway), 67, 148, 155, 164, 184–85; critical reception of, 2; and Cuba, 108; in Spain, 153; publication in Life, 64; and tricks, 250. See also Santiago “Old Man at the Bridge” (Hemingway), 119 “On the Quai at Smyrna” (Hemingway), 119

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Ordóñez, Melchor, 6, 7, 14, 254 Ordóñez Aguilera, Cayetano (Niño de la Palma, father), 64, 190–92; in Hemingway’s work: 4–5, 217; resigns alternativa, 21 Ordóñez Aguilera, Consuelo Araujo de (mother), 193 Ordóñez Araujo, Alfonso (brother), 191, 305–6n234 Ordóñez Araujo, Ana (Anita, sister), 191 Ordóñez Araujo, Antonio, 185–89; in 1950s, 81, 133, 141; in 1959, 58, 122, 189, 199, 225, 228, 258, 292–93n110; in 1962, 92; awards of, 252; as banderillero, 48, 180; as baseball player, 87–88; as bullbreeder, 185–86, 188; capework of, 4; compared to Belmonte, Joselito, 83, 89, 135; cuadrilla of, 121, 132, 156, 182, 194, 236, 237–38; death of, 31; and espontáneo, 121; fame, admirers of, 136–38; grants, witnesses alternativas, 72, 108, 129, 136, 166, 191, 194, 234, 235; as hero, 63, 242; managers of, 56–67, 137, 139, 145, 170, 182, 186; performs mano a mano (with Dominguín, 58–59; with others, 82, 187, 303n218); performs in France, 88, 124–25, 183, 186; performs in Spain (Alicante, 80–81; Aranjuez, 83–84; Barcelona, 86–87; Bilbao, 92; Burgos, 94; Córdoba, 105; Jerez de la Frontera, 156; Linares, 162; Logroño, 162; Madrid, 166–67; Ronda [including goyescas], 57, 59, 82, 187, 223; Seville, 79, 233–35; Valencia, 254–56); performs “tricks,” 249, 304n222; properties, cars of, 96, 253; relationship with Hemingway, 126, 156, 166, 219, 250; mentioned, 191 Ordóñez Araujo, Carmen González Lucas de (Carmina Dominguín, wife), xix, 188, 189

• 361

Ordóñez Araujo, Cayetano (Niño de la Palma, brother), 191, 192–93, 223 Ordóñez Araujo, Juan (Juan de la Palma, brother), 121, 191, 193–94 Ordóñez Araujo, José (Pepe, brother), 191, 193, 194 Ordóñez González, Belén (daughter), 191 Ordóñez González, Carmen Cayetana (Carmina, daughter), 191 Las orejas y el rabo (Cau), 142, 196–97 Organization of European Economic Cooperation (OEEC), 3, 125 Ortas, Miguel, 18 Ortega, Domingo, 3, 17, 27, 59–60, 70–71, 115, 194–95; in 1930s, 228; in 1940s, 215, 216; as bullbreeder, 128; death of, 31; grants alternativa, 93, 140; and Gregorio Sánchez, 225; managers of, 55, 57, 137, 144; in movie, 174–75; name of, xviii; performs with Dominguín, 206; mentioned, 141, 263. See also Hemingway, Ernest; Domingo Ortega Ortega, Rafael, 71, 155, 166, 167; cuadrilla of, 236 Orts Ramos, Tomás (Uno al Sesgo), 50 Ortuño, Emilio (Jumillano), 106 Osborne, 88 Ostos, Jaime, 71, 165, 195–97; in 1956, 263; in 1959, 58, 142; grants alternativa, 196; performs with Dominguín, 146, 175, 176, 196, 198, 245, 247, 255; performs with Dominguín and Ordóñez, 92, 199, 253; performs with Ordóñez, 58, 79, 80–81, 83, 87, 88, 92, 94, 105, 106, 134, 162, 175, 180, 196–97, 230, 255; subject of book, 96, 142; and trophies, 252 Oviedo (Asturias), 197 Pablo Romero, 166, 197–98, 223; mentioned, 136, 199, 200, 255

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Pablo Romero, Felipe, 197 Pablo Romero, José Luis de, 255 Pablo Romero y Arloitia, Felipe, 197 Pablo Romero y Arloitia, José Luis, 197 Pagés, Eduardo, 54, 145 Palace (Córdoba Palace, hotel), 106 Palace Hotel (Madrid), 198 Palha, 92, 109, 115, 126, 198–99, 255 Palma de Mallorca, 133, 143, 168, 199–200 Pamplona, 2, 200–201, 231; and Bill Davis, 111; bullring of, 231; feria of (sanfermines), 38, 98, 106, 118, 134, 209, 211, 212, 221, 225, 258; hotels, restaurants of, 98, 170–71, 182, 211, 213; Ordóñez performs in or visits, 187, 188, 189, 192, 198, 230; prefers large bulls, 14, 19, 232; in Spanish Civil War, 211; and The Sun Also Rises, 244, 248; mentioned, 17, 89, 90, 91, 102, 116, 127, 130, 159, 232, 262 Papa, 201–2. See also nicknames Papa Hemingway (Hotchner), 149, 202 Parladé, 99, 102, 127–28, 195 Parladé, Fernando, 127–28 Parra, Agustín (Parrita), 3 Parrish, Katherine, 127 Parrish, Robert, 127 Partido de Resina, 198. See also Pablo Romero Pastor, Juan, 202–3 Pastor, Vicente, 251 Patiño family, 163 Paula, Rafael de (Rafael Santo Moreno), 252 Paulson, Teddy Jo (Prisne), 123, 209 Pecas, El Pecas (The Freckles). See Hotchner, A. E. pedestrian, 203 Pedro (Peter, saint), 94, 205 Pemán, José María, 188 Penas, Beatriz, 70, 72, 154 Penicillin, 203–4, 212

Pepe-Hillo (José Delgado), 111, 222 Pepica, La Pepica (restaurant), 204–5 Peralta, 200 Peralta, Ángel, 72, 80 Pereira. See Palha Pereira Palha, Antonio José, 198 Pereira Palha Blanco, José, 198–99 Pérez, Antonio, 167, 245, 247 Pérez Angoso, 197 Pérez de San Fernando, Antonio, 17 Pérez Tabernero, Alipio, 229 Pérez Tabernero, Fernando, 255 Pérez Tabernero, Graciliano, 255 Perkins, Maxwell, 67–68; death of, 2, 62; mentioned, 119, 201 Peru, xx, 185; bullfighters born, perform in, 27, 144, 158, 186, 215; bullring of, 275n67 Pétain, Henri Philippe, 78 peto, 41–42 Peter (Pedro, saint), 94, 205 Peter II (king), 98–99 Pfeiffer, Pauline. See Hemingway, Pauline Pfeiffer Philip II (king), 83, 119, 179 Philip IV (king), 179 Philoctetes (Sophocles), 202 Photographers, 205 pic-ing, 38–46; in Seville, 233–34 picador, 20–21, 236–38, 277n84 Picasso, Pablo, 205–6, 216, 243; friendships of, 125, 139, 140; name of, xviii Pietsch, Michael, 67, 68, 149 Pignatelli, Ramón de, 263 Pilar (boat), 206–7 Pilar (fictional character), 117, 206, 229 Pilar. See Hemingway, Pauline Pfeiffer, nickname of Pilar (saint), 206, 262–63 Pino, Miguel del, 238 Pinohermoso, 166 place names, xv, xxi–xxv, 79, 106, 107, 232

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pleito de los mexicanos, de los Miura. See boycott PM (magazine), 159 Las Pocholas (restaurant), 213 Poema del cante jondo (García Lorca), 130 El poeta en Nueva York (García Lorca), 131 police. See inspector; Spanish Civil Guard Pollock, Jackson, 110 Ponce, Enrique, 35 Ponce, Rafael, 72 Pontevedra, Inés de, 178 portable bullrings. See bullrings Portugal, xx, 89, 105, 140; and Bienvenida, 174; and bullbreeding, 198–99; and Dominguín family, 144 Posada, Juan, 188–89 Pound, Ezra, 243 Pozoblanco, 30, 244 Prado, 198, 207, 213 prayer, 156–57 president. See bullfight, president of Prieto de la Cal, 193 Primo de Rivera, Fernando, 208 Primo de Rivera, José Antonio, 140, 172, 208 Primo de Rivera, Miguel, 1, 7, 90, 140, 207, 208–9 Primo de Rivera Urquijo, Miguel, 208–9 Primo de Rivera Urquijo, Rosario (Mrs. Luis Miguel Dominguín), 140, 208 prisoners, 209 promoters. See impresarios proverbs, 209–10 public. See spectators El Pueblo (newspaper), 96, 210 Puerta, Diego, 23, 200, 201; in typescript, 71; performs with Ordóñez, 156, 258 El Puerto de Santa María (Cádiz), 210–11

• 363

Pulitzer Prize (Hemingway), 2, 147, 173, 185, 252 pundonor, 115 queens. See the names of individual monarchs (Isabella [Castille]; María Cristina [Spain]; Victoria [England] Victoria Eugenia [Spain]). See also kings Quentin (saint), 219 Queipo de Llano, Gonzalo, 132 Quinn, Anthony, 185 Quintana, Juan, 64, 211–12; introduces Hemingway and Ordóñez, 126; mentioned, 123, 178 Rafael de Paula (Rafael Santo Moreno), 252 Ramos, Feliciano (Chano), 191, 193 El Rana Verde (restaurant), 84, 113 Reader’s Digest (magazine), 212 Recondo, José María, 72 redondel, 39, 212–13, 234 Redondo, José (el Chiclanero), 60 reglamento, xx, 6–8, 10, 14–15 et passim; on afeitado, 17; on espontáneo, 119–21; on president, 207–8; on spectators, 241 Reina Cristina (hotel), xv, 80, 150, 171–72 Reina Victoria (hotel), 223 rejoneador, 20 reporters. See journalists Republicans. See Spanish Civil War restaurants, cafés, xxi–xxv, 87, 213, 260. See also the names of individual establishments (El Callejón [Madrid]; Casa Luis [Seville]; Choko [Pamplona]; El Coto [Madrid]; Delicias [Aranjuez]; Fornos [Madrid]; Gijón [Madrid]; Inglés [Madrid]; Marceliano [Pamplona]; La Pepica [Valencia]; Las Pocholas [Pamplona]; El Rana Verde

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[Aranjuez]; Ritz [Madrid]; Suecia [Madrid]; Suizo [Madrid]) Rex, Count Rudolf von, 154 El Rey Noble (hotel), 213 Reynolds, Michael S., 147–48, 239 Rico, Paquita, 194 Rilke, Rainer Maria, 223 Rincón, César, 142 Ritual and Sacrifice in the Corrida (Josephs), 142 Ritz (hotel), xxiv, 107, 150, 213; mentioned 106, 198 Ritz, Charles, 213 rivalry, 59–61, 69, 131, 214 Rivera, Fermín, 219 Rivera, Francisco. See Rivera Ordóñez, Francisco Rivera, Francisco (Paquirri). See Rivera Pérez, Francisco Rivera Ordóñez, Cayetano, 188, 191, 192 Rivera Ordóñez, Francisco, 30, 187, 188, 191–92; subject of a biography, 142 Rivera Pérez, Francisco (Paquirri), 187, 191; death of, 30, 244 Rivers, Mountains, 214. See also Aisne; Bidasoa; Ebro; Irati; Sierra de la Guadarrama; Spanish Civil War Rodríguez, Félix, 199 Rodríguez, Joaquín (Cagancho), 29, 36; grants alternativa, 81; manager of, 55, 144; mentioned, 132, 146, 267n5 Rodríguez, José (Pepete), 177, 214 Rodríguez Sánchez, José (Bebe Chico), 214–15 Rodríguez Sánchez, Manuel (Manolete), 59–60, 70–71, 214–19; as banderillero, 48; birthplace of, 104, 163; death of, 27, 28, 30, 161–62, 178, 244; and Dominguín, 140, 161, 214; and Franco, 125; Hemingway’s criticism of, 19, 67, 71, 189, 249, 266n2; importance of, 3, 59–60,

70–71, 104, 140–41, 190; manager of, 55–56, 162, 169–70; and sham sword, 52, 249; style of, 4, 81, 219, 257; and “tricks,” 19, 70, 52, 249, 317n353; mentioned, 60, 163, 184, 190 Roger Durán, José (Valencia), 253–54 Roger Serrano, José (Pepe Valencia), 254 Roger Serrano, Victoriano (Valencia II), 254 Rojo y oro (Pepe Dominguín), 139 Rolls, Charles Stewart, 220 Rolls Royce, 220–21. See also cars Roman Catholic Church, xxi, 98–99, 140; and Hemingway, 164; and Spain, xxi, 33. See also Christian kings; prayer “Romance de la Guardia Civil” (García Lorca), 130–31 Romancero gitano (García Lorca), 130 Romano Flores, Samuel, 122 Romero, Curro. See Romero López, Francisco Romero, Pablo. See Pablo Romero Romero, Pedro: long career of, 27; and Ronda, 173, 190, 192–93, 221, 222–23 Romero, Pedro (fictional character), 5, 192, 244 Romero López, Francisco (Curro Romero), 27, 29, 35; in 1959, 58, 167, 255; awarded medal, 252; performs with Dominguín, 146; performs with Ordóñez, 229, 235 Rommel, Erwin Johannes Eugen, 155, 221–22 Roncesvalles, 222 Ronda, 33, 172–73, 221, 222–23; Antonio Ordóñez performs in, 116, 187, 189, 237; and corridas goyescas, 57, 59, 82, 187, 301n200, 303n218; Hemingway praises, 232; and Ordóñez family, 190–92; and Pedro

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Romero, 173, 190, 192–93, 221, 222–23; mentioned, 171, 238, 259 Rosa, Juan Luis de la, 272–73n49 Rosales, Luis, 131–32 Der Rosenkavalier (Strauss), 202 Royal (hotel), 150, 223–24 Royce, Henry, 220 Roz, Juan, 103 Ruber Clínic, 146, 212, 224, 245 Ruiz Alonso, Ramón, 131 Ruiz Román, Juan Antonio (Espartaco), 23, 135, 252 saints, xxi. See also the names of individual saints (Agustín; Ana; Bernabé; Fermín; Fernando; Isidro; James; José; Lawrence; Mateo; Miguel; Pedro (Peter); Pilar; Quentin; Santiago (James) Sainz, Julián (Saleri II), 162 Salas, the Salas Brothers. See Silvestre Gómez, Enrique; Silvestre Gómez, Manuel Samuel Hermanos. See Flores, Samuel Sánchez, Antonio (el Tato), 60, 247 Sánchez, Cristina, 29, 272–73n49 Sánchez, Gregorio, 224–26; in 1959, 58, 175, 200; performs with Dominguín, 146; performs with Dominguín and Ordóñez, 255; performs with Ordóñez, 167 Sánchez, Ignacio. See Sánchez Sánchez, Ignacio Sánchez, Ramón, 179 Sánchez, Salvador (Frascuelo), 27, 197, 247, 251; and rivalry, 60, 214 Sánchez Blanco, Juana, 226, 227 Sánchez Cobaleda, 166, 199, 227–28, 234 Sánchez Cobaleda, Arturo, 12. See also Cobaleda Sánchez Cobaleda, Ignacio, 227, 228 Sánchez Cobaleda, Jesús, 228 Sánchez Cobaleda, Manuel, 228

• 365

Sánchez Cobaleda, María, 228 Sánchez Cobaleda, Matías, 102, 226, 227 Sánchez Cobaleda, Pilar, 228 Sánchez de León, Leandro (Cacheta), 251 Sánchez Martínez, Angustias, 215 Sánchez Mejías, Ignacio, 29, 76, 228–29; as banderillero, 47; cuadrilla of, 150; death of, 30, 170, 228, 244; family of, 22, 72; and literature, 29, 76, 130; manager of, 144; name of, xviii; performs adornos, 250; mentioned, 227 Sánchez Mejías, José Ignacio, 72 Sánchez de Neira, 123 Sánchez Ortiz de Urbina, Antonio, 226 Sánchez Ortiz de Urbina, Ignacio, 226, 227 Sánchez Sánchez, Ángel, 227 Sánchez Sánchez, Antonio Luis, 227 Sánchez Sánchez, Arturo, 227 Sánchez Sánchez, Ignacio, 151, 180, 226–27 Sánchez Sepúlveda, Ignacio (Ignacio Sánchez Ortiz de Urbina), 226, 227 Sánchez de Terrones, Juan, 226 Sánchez Urbina, Antonio, 226 Sánchez Urbina Chamorro, Iñigo, 226 Sancho VII (king), 98–99 Sanjosé, Agustín Alonso, 31 Santa Coloma, 122, 227, 251 Santander, 229 Santiago (fictional character), 164, 250 Santiago (James, saint), 254 Santo Moreno, Rafael (Rafael de Paula), 252 Sanz, Cayetano, 60, 247 The Saturday Review (magazine), 159 Saucedo, Héctor, 31 Saviers, Fritz, 229 Saviers, George, 123, 229–30 Saviers, Patricia (Mrs. Houghton Trott), 123, 230

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Scholes, Robert, 202 Schoonmaker, Mary (Mary Dos), 123, 209 Score, Herb, 84, 87. See also baseball Scribner, Charles, 2, 62 Scribner’s, 64, 65, 66; and Hemingway’s texts, 67–68, 71–72, 78, 149, 251–52 Second Republic. See Spain, Second Republic of Segorbe, 230–31 Seguidores (followers), 123–24 Segura, Luis, 31, 71; in 1959, 58, 133, 166, 167, 200, 201; manager of, 139; performs with Ordóñez, 183 seniority of bull. See antigüedad seniority of matador. See alternativa Sepúlveda de Yeltes, 180, 226–27, 256. See also Sánchez Sánchez, Ignacio Serna, Victoriano de la, 25, 219 Serra, Francisco (Paco), 28, 203, 245 Seville, 79, 231–35; bullbreeding in, 127, 177, 197; bullfights in (1959), 72, 82, 90, 130, 133, 225, 228; bullrings of, 14, 33, 251; espontáneo in, 120; Hemingway’s bias against, xxiv, 232–34; history of, 99, 117; hotels, restaurants of, 79, 96–97, 150; and Ordóñez family, 190–93, 253; in Spanish Civil War, 132; taurine academy in, 221; mentioned, 129, 132, 134, 148, 213, 214, 222, 224, 229, 256 Shakespeare, William, 76, 235 sham sword, 4, 51–52, 247, 249 Shaw, George Bernard, 117 Sherman, William T., 261 “The Short Happy Life of Francis Macomber” (Hemingway), 78 Siegfried Line, 160 Sierra de la Demanda, 235 Sierra de la Guadarrama, 235 Sierra Morena, xxii, 99, 113, 114, 236 Sigman, Joseph, 239

Silva Aramburu, José, 248 Silvestre Gómez, Enrique (Salitas), 121, 236–38 Silvestre Gómez, Manuel (Salitas, Manolo Salitas), 121, 238 Simenon, Georges, 76, 238–39 Simon, Adamo de, 96, 117, 127, 159, 239 Sisley, Alfred, 84 “The Snows of Kilimanjaro” (Hemingway), 78 Solano, Ramón (Solanito), 200 Sophocles, 202 Spain: and censorship, xxiii, 4, 86, 91, 126, 153–54; under Franco, 62–63; and García Lorca, 131; and Morocco, 3, 171; and reconquista, 99; Second Republic of, 2, 15, 36, 239–40; in World War II, 2, 125, 171, 247, 256. See also Agrarian Reform; Spanish Civil War Spanish Civil Guard, 90, 147, 206, 214 Spanish Civil War, 2, 63, 85–86, 96, 165–66, 239–41; absence from The Dangerous Summer, xxiii, 72 (see also The Dangerous Summer, material absent from book version of); and bullbreeding, 122, 151; and bullfighting, 3–4, 18–20, 29, 94, 140, 141, 151, 174, 194, 217, 240, 258; and bullrings, 35; and Civil Guard, 147; and Hemingway, 159, 200, 218; and hospitals, 259–60; and individual bullfighters, 144, 190, 215, 216, 217; and International Brigades, 85–86, 119; and Pamplona, 211; and Picasso, 205; Republican defeats during, 80, 85–86, 118–19, 197, 230–31, 246; Republicans exiled because of, 63, 206; and Spanish Falange, 140, 172, 208; victims of, 131. See also Franco, Francisco; Spain; Spanish Civil War dispatches

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Spanish Civil War dispatches (Hemingway), 159, 165–66, 246 Spanish Communist Party, 137–38 The Spanish Earth (Ivens and Hemingway), 63, 208–9, 235 Spanish Falange, 140, 172, 208 Spanish Foreign Legion, 125 The Spanish Trilogy (Rilke), 223 spectators, 241–43 Spilka, Mark, 201 sports, 87–88, 243 Sports Illustrated (magazine), 77, 78, 159, 283n9 Stanton, Edward, 219 statistics, xx–xxi, 6, 27, 58–59, 282–83n7, 292n110 statues: of bullfighters, 175, 187, 191, 175, 204, 258; of doctors, 28, 204, 245 Stein, Gertrude, 76, 243 Stein, Leo, 243 Stone, Irving, 152 Stone, Jean, 152 Strauss, Richard, 202 Suárez, Luis (Magritas), 48 Suecia (hotel), xxiv, 243–44 Suizo (café), 107 The Sun Also Rises (Hemingway), 63, 64, 135, 148, 182, 244; and Cayetano Ordóñez, 192; and censorship, 153; editing of, 67; and Miuras, 178; and prayer, 164; screenplay of, 127; mentioned, 212, 198, 200, 222, 248. See also Barnes, Jake; Montoya, Juan Sun Valley (Idaho), 229 superstition, 30, 124, 131, 164, 244 Tajo (river), 84, 113 Talavera de la Reina, 30, 143, 244–45 Tamames, Manuel (Manolo), 184, 245, 263 Tarde de toros (movie), 174–75 Tassara, Clemente, 166, 233, 235

• 367

Taurine schools, 24, 120–21, 232 Tauromaquia completa (Montes), 181 Tauromaquia de Manolete (Laguna Menor), 217 Távora, Salvador, 252 Teba, Count of, 150 Terrones, Juan, 226 Teruel, xxiii, 246 Thompson, William 171 Thyssen-Bornemisza, 198 Tiebas, Cándido, 31 Time (magazine), 159 Los Tinahones, 253 Tirso de Molina (Gabriel Téllez), 117 To Have and Have Not (Hemingway), 108, 112, 153, 164; critical reception of, 2 Toklas, Alice B., 243 Toledo, 99, 143, 225, 244, 246–47; Dominguín performs in, 176 Tomás, Mariano, 123 toreo de salón, 22 toreristas, 19, 81, 123, 136. See also aficionados toristas, 19, 81 El toro, la muerte, y el agua (Foxá), 124 Toronto Daily Star (newspaper), 159 Toronto Star Weekly, 159 Toros en Las Ventas (Pepe Dominguín), 139 Toros de Parladé, 195 La torre bianca (Ivancich), 154 Torre Estrella, Torrestrella, 253 The Torrents of Spring (Hemingway), 153 Torres, Emilio (Bombita), 11 Torres, Enrique, 25–26 Torres Cabrera, Condes de, 163, 179 Torres Reina, Ricardo (Bombita), 28–29, 30, 35, 251, 275n69; and rivalry, 214; tauromaquia of, 111 Toulouse (France), 124, 158, 247 Tourists, 83, 199, 200, 247–48 Tracy, Spencer, 185

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tremendismo, 4, 18, 19, 81–82, 285n24 Trespalacios, 102, 226, 227 El Trianero (Juan González Jiménez), 136–37, 166, 183 tricks, 133–34, 248–50 trophies, 38, 208, 250–52. See also Hemingway, Ernest, awards of; Nobel Prize; Pulitzer Prize Trott, Houghton, 230 True at First Light (Hemingway), 73, 78 Tudela (Navarre), 101, 253; Dominguín and/or Ordóñez perform in, 143, 196, 199, 250–51 UCTL (Unión de Criadores de Toros de Lidia), 10, 12, 14 “The Undefeated” (Hemingway), 63, 153 Under Kilimanjaro (Hemingway), 73, 74, 78, 239 Unión de Criadores de Toros de Lidia (UCTL), 10, 12, 14 United Nations, 80 University of Salamanca, 108 Uno al Sesgo (Tomás Orts Ramos), 50 “Up in Michigan” (Hemingway), 67 Upper Peninsula (Michigan), 1, 202 Urmeneta, Miguel Javier, 200 Urquijo de Federico, Carlos, 188 Valcargado, 188, 253 Valdepeñas (wine), 117 Valdés, Ángel (el Maestro), 27 Valencia (bullfighter), 253–54. See also Cuevas Roger, Victoriano; dynasties Valencia (city), 135, 151, 152–53, 186, 226–27, 254–56; doctors in, 28, 203, 245; Dominguín performs in, 143, 147, 168, 176, 198, 205; hotels, restaurants of, 150, 259, 204–5, 223–24; language of, xxii; maestranza of, 33; mano a mano in, 151, 186, 226–27; Ordóñez performs in, 122–23, 133–34, 158, 196, 199,

225–26, 230, 235; in Spanish Civil War, 86, 118–19, 230; mentioned, 16, 92, 130, 135, 158, 190, 211, 232, 251 Valera, Rafael, 72 Valle de los Caídos, 172 Valparaíso, Marqués de, 163–64 Van-Zeller Palha, Carlos, 199 Van-Zeller Palha, Francisco, 199 Vasco de Sousa, 178 Vázquez Garcés, Antonio, 256 Vázquez Garcés, José Luis (Pepe Luis Vázquez), 3, 70–71, 252, 256–59; in the 1940s, 216; in 1959, 166, 167, 175, 176, 200, 233, 237; performs with Dominguín and Ordóñez, 263; performs with Ordóñez, 105, 106, 156, 167; mentioned, 140, 264 Vázquez Garcés, Juan, 256 Vázquez Garcés, Manuel (Manolo Vázquez), 71, 167, 252, 256; in 1959, 200; performs with Ordóñez, 234, 258 Vázquez Garcés, Rafael, 256 Vega, José, 122, 227 Vega de los Reyes, Rafael (Gitanillo de Triana), 60, 125, 132; performs with Dominguín, 161; performs with Manolete, 214 Vega-Villar, 227 Veiga, Simâo da, 31, 229 Vejer de la Frontera (Cádiz), 259 Velázquez, Diego, 207 Vélez Nieto, Francisco, 188 Venezuela: matadors born in, 71–72, 132–33, 173; matadors perform in, xx, 144, 185, 215 Venice (Italy), 154 Vera, Enrique, 174–75 Vera de Bidasoa. See Bidasoa Veragua, 115–16, 197, 199, 227 El verano sangriento (Hemingway), xiii, 66, 67, 138, 192, 296–97n147, 309n274

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Victoria (queen), 259 Victoria (hotel), 258 Victoria Eugenia (queen), 259 Vida y tragedia de Manolete (Mira), 217 Viertel, Peter, 127, 142, 171, 211, 239 Viertel, Virginia (Jigee), 127 Villa Paz, 189, 259–60 Villahermosa, 198 Villalta, Nicanor, 3, 27, 114–15, 199; mentioned, 28, 204, 274n65 Villamarta, 146, 155 Villamarta, Marquis of, 122 Villanueva, Juan de, 207 Villar, Francisco, 12, 15, 102, 227 Villar, Victorio, 102, 227 Villaverde, Marquis of, 172 Vinaroz, 118–19 La Virgen, 140 Viridiana (Buñuel), 138 Vistalegre, 35 Vistahermosa, 115, 122, 128, 177–78 Volkswagen, 260. See also cars waiter, 87, 97, 260 Wallace, DeWitt, 212 Ward, Eric, 118 Washington, George, 261 Waterloo (Belgium), 261 weather, wind, 209–10, 260 Welles, Orson, 139, 188

• 369

Wellesley, Arthur (Duke of Wellington), 260–61 Wellington (hotel), xxiv, 260–61 Welsh, Mary. See Hemingway, Mary Welsh West Point, 160, 261 Wheeler Shipyards, 206 White Tower, Inc., 154 wind, 209–10, 260 women and girls, 261–62 World War I, 78–79. See also West Point World War II, 2, 171, 220–22; and Africa, 155; casualties of, 160; and penicillin, 203; and France, 126, 161; and Spain, 2, 125, 171, 247, 256; mentioned, 134, 161, 261. See also West Point writers, writing. See authors Xerox Corporation, 160 Y el nombre se hizo renombre (Antigüedad), 145 Yoldi (hotel), 262 Yosuf I (king), 80 Zaragoza, 262–64 Zarraluqui, Luis, 138 Zorrilla Moral, José, 117

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About the Author

Miriam B. Mandel taught at Douglass College (State University of New Jersey) and Clemson University (South Carolina) before moving with her family to Israel in 1979, where she became a senior lecturer in the Department of English and American Literatures of Tel Aviv University. Mandel has translated critical essays on the fiction of Ramón del Valle-Inclán and published articles on Jane Austen, Joseph Conrad, F. Scott Fitzgerald, A. E. Housman, and Katherine Mansfield. She has read papers before learned societies in Australia, Canada, Cuba, France, Italy, Spain, and the United States. The research for her first book, Reading Hemingway: The Facts in the Fictions (Scarecrow Press, 1995, reissued 2001) was supported by the United States–Israel Education Fund (USIEF-TAU) and the John F. Kennedy Library Foundation. Her next two books, Hemingway’s Death in the Afternoon: The Complete Annotations (Scarecrow Press, 2002) and its companion volume, Hemingway’s The Dangerous Summer: The Complete Annotations, were supported by a second grant from the John F. Kennedy Library Foundation and a generous three-year grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities. She has edited A Companion to Hemingway’s Death in the Afternoon (Camden House, 2004) and worked with Anthony Brand and Nancy Bredendick on the translation of Death in the Afternoon (Muerte en la tarde, Espasa-Calpe, 2005). She lives in Ra’anana, Israel.

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Hemingway's The Dangerous Summer: The Complete Annotations

The Zohar: Annotations to the Ashlag Commentary

The Zohar: Annotations to the Ashlag Commentary

Complete Works Robert Browning 5: With Variant Readings And Annotations

The Dangerous Lord Darrington

The Dangerous Rescue

The Dangerous Dimension

The Dangerous Duke

The Dangerous Gentelmen

The Dangerous Viscount

The Dangerous Dimension

The Dangerous Mr. Ryder

The Dangerous Rescue

The Dangerous Rescue

The Dangerous Jacob Wilde

The Dangerous Territory

The Dangerous Rescue

Dangerous Possession: The Claiming

The Dangerous Mr Ryder

the dangerous rescue

The Dangerous Viscount

The Dangerous Rescue

The Dangerous Lord

The Dangerous Journey

The Dangerous Lord Darrington

The Dangerous Hour

Dangerous Possession: The Claiming

The Dangerous Protector

The Dangerous Lord

The Dangerous Jacob Wilde

The Dangerous Rescue

Hemingway's The Dangerous Summer: The Complete Annotations

The Zohar: Annotations to the Ashlag Commentary

The Zohar: Annotations to the Ashlag Commentary

Complete Works Robert Browning 5: With Variant Readings And Annotations

The Dangerous Lord Darrington

The Dangerous Rescue

The Dangerous Dimension

The Dangerous Duke

The Dangerous Gentelmen

The Dangerous Viscount

The Dangerous Dimension

The Dangerous Mr. Ryder

The Dangerous Rescue

The Dangerous Rescue

The Dangerous Jacob Wilde

The Dangerous Territory

The Dangerous Rescue

Dangerous Possession: The Claiming

The Dangerous Mr Ryder

the dangerous rescue

The Dangerous Viscount

The Dangerous Rescue

The Dangerous Lord

The Dangerous Journey

The Dangerous Lord Darrington

The Dangerous Hour

Dangerous Possession: The Claiming

The Dangerous Protector

The Dangerous Lord

The Dangerous Jacob Wilde

The Dangerous Rescue

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