HarperCollins Bible Dictionary

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BIBLE DICTIONARY PAUL I. ACHTEMEIER General Editor, With the Society of Biblical Literature

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"[This is] a magnificent Bible dictionary . . . a mine of information for the beginning Biblical student, the seasoned scholar, and the layperson." —Biblical Archaeology Review

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The HarperCollins Bible Dictionary, Revised Edition, is the most complete, up-to-date, and accessible guide for the study of the Bible available today. With more than 3,700 lively, informative, and easy-to-use entries, this essential reference book provides all the information you need to fully understand the Bible. Whether you're a member of the clergy or a student of Scripture, you'll find all the important names, places, and subjects that make Bible study come to life. From Aaron to Zurishaddai, here are all the people, events, and ideas of biblical times— whether it's the ages of the patriarchs, judges, kings, and prophets or the world of the New Testament and the early church. Other significant topics include the Dead Sea Scrolls, the Nag Hammadi Library, the archaeology of the biblical world, and the history of the English Bible, as well as new sections on African-Americans and the Bible, feminist interpretations of Scripture, and a completely updated pronunciation guide. More than a quarter of the articles in this book are new or totally revised from the first edition of the Bible Dictionary. Each of the 193 contributors to The HarperCollins Bible Dictionary—Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish affiliates of the Society of Biblical Literature-—is a leading authority in his or her field. Each entry presents the nonsectarian, consensus view of those most knowledgeable in the area. (continued on back flap)

(continued from front flap)

Filled with explanations of biblical beliefs and language and insights into the culture and customs of the people who lived in biblical times, The HarperCollins Bible Dictionary will help anyone interested in Scripture more fully appreciate the meaning and message of the Bible. PAUL J. ACHTEMEIER, Th.D., is Professor of Biblical Interpretation at Union Theological Seminary in Richmond, Virginia. A widely respected authority on the Bible, he is the author or coauthor of fourteen books, former editor of the quarterly Interpretation, and New Testament editor of the Interpretation Biblical Commentary Series. Professor Achtemeier has also been chief executive officer and president of the Society of Biblical Literature and president of the Catholic Biblical Association. The Editorial Board of the revised edition of The HarperCollins Bible Dictionary includes associate editors Roger S. Boraas, Ph.D., Professor Emeritus of Religion, Uppsala College; Michael Fishbane, Ph.D., Nathan Cummings Professor of Jewish Studies, University of Chicago Divinity School; Pheme Perkins, Ph.D., Professor of Theology (New Testament), Boston College; and William O. Walker, Jr., Ph.D., Professor of Religion, Trinity University. The Society of Biblical Literature is a seventhousand-member international group of experts on the Bible and related fields.

Jacket design: Laura Beers Front cover photograph: Torah Ark Doors, Cracow, Poland. Seventeenth century. © Z. Radovan, Jerusalem

THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES (The Masoretic Text, MT)

The Law

The Prophets

The Writings

Genesis Exodus Leviticus Numbers Deuteronomy

Former Prophets Joshua Judges Samuel Kings Latter Prophets Isaiah Jeremiah Ezekiel The Twelve: Hosea Joel Amos Obadiah Jonah Micah Nahum Habakkuk Zephaniah Haggai Zechariah Malachi

Psalms Job Proverbs Ruth Song of Songs Ecclesiastes Lamentations Esther Daniel Ezra-Nehemiah Chronicles

THE SEPTUAGINT

(LXX)

(The Greek Version of the Hebrew Scriptures)

Law and History

Poetic and Prophetic Books

Genesis Exodus Leviticus Numbers Deuteronomy Joshua Judges Ruth 1-4 Kingdoms (1-2 Samuel; 1-2 Kings) 1-2 Paralipomena (1-2 Chronicles) 1 Esdras 2 Esdras (Ezra-Nehemiah) Esther Judith Tobit 1-4 Maccabees

Psalms Odes Proverbs Ecclesiastes Song of Songs Job Wisdom (of Solomon) Sirach (Ecclesiasticus) Psalms of Solomon Hosea Amos Micah Joel Obadiah Jonah

Nahum Habakkuk Zephaniah Haggai Zechariah Malachi Isaiah Jeremiah Baruch Lamentations Letter of Jeremiah Ezekiel Susanna Daniel Bel and the Dragon

THE OLD TESTAMENT (OT)

Genesis Exodus Leviticus Numbers Deuteronomy Joshua Judges Ruth 1 Samuel 2 Samuel 1 Kings 2 Kings 1 Chronicles

2 Chronicles Ezra Nehemiah Esther Job Psalms Proverbs Ecclesiastes Song of Solomon Isaiah Jeremiah Lamentations Ezekiel

Daniel Hosea Joel Amos Obadiah Jonah Micah Nahum Habakkuk Zephaniah Haggai Zechariah Malachi

THE NEW TESTAMENT (NT)

Matthew Mark Luke John Acts Romans 1 Corinthians 2 Corinthians Galatians

Ephesians Philippians Colossians 1 Thessalonians 2 Thessalonians 1 Timothy 2 Timothy Titus Philemon

I lebrews James 1 Peter 2 Peter 1 John 2 John 3 John Jude Revelation

Deuterocanonical Books/Apocrypha: In Roman Catholic Bibles, the OT includes the following deuterocanonical books: (following Nehemiah) Tobit, Judith, Esther with the additions, 1-2 Maccabees; (following Song of Songs) Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus; (following Lamentations) Baruch including the Letter of Jeremiah; (following Ezekiel) Daniel with the additions. In addition to these books, the Bible of the Greek Orthodox community includes 1 Esdras, the Prayer of Manasseh, Psalm 151, 3 Maccabees, with 4 Maccabees as an appendix. Protestants regard the deuterocanonical books as not part of the OT canon and either do not include them in their Bibles, or print them in a separate section ('Apocrypha") following the OT or at the end of the Bible.

2500

2000

1500

1250

800

1000

U I X

EXODUS/ I WILDERNESS

PATRIARCHAL PERIOD

600

DIVIDED MONARCHY EXILE Rehoboam leroboam I KINGDOM OF JUDAH Omri Josiah Ahab Hezekiah Jehu

EGYPTIAN SOJOURN

Amos Isaiah of Jerusalem

MONARCHY Saul David Solomon

Abraham land Sarah

700

FALL OF I SAMARIA (722/721)

Jeremiah I Ezekiel

Siloam Inscription DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM (587/586)

ANCIENT ISRAEL AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY FIRST (SOLOMONS) TEMPLE

SUMER1AN CITY-STATES

NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRI Mesha | Inscription

Hammurabi

EGYPT: OLD KINGDOM PERIOD

^H

EGYPT: NEW KINGDOM PERIOD

Sennacherib conquers Lachish (701) Sargon II

Harnesses II Ishtor

EGYPT: MIDDLE Ugaritic cuneiform KINGDOM texts I HYKSOS

iGate Darius I (522)

Megiddo ivories EBLA

Hiram of Tyre Merneptah Stele

EMPIRES AND KINGDOMS OF THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND MEDITERRANEAN BASIN

CHALCOLITHIC (BEGINS 4500)

EARLY BRONZE

ARCHAEOLOC PERIODS

MIDDLE BRONZE

Cyrus II (538)

Philistines migrate to southern coast of Palestine

EARLY IRON

LATE BRONZE

Nebuchadnezzar II (605)

MIDDLE IRON

400

300

200

150

100

50

B.C. A.D.

50

100

150

PERSIAN PERIOD (BEGINS S38)

HE .LENISTIC

moo

REVOLT AGAINST ROME

MACCABEAN PERIOD Judas Maccabeus

RO UAN RULE IN PALESTINE Jesus Herod the Great

Mark Matthew Luke John

Peter Paul

1 Thessaionians Romans

1 SECOND T EMPLE PEI ii«>

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criticism, biblical. See Biblical Criticism.

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Crispus (kris'puhs), according to Acts 18:8 the ruler of the synagogue in Corinth who became a Christian; he was baptized by Paul himself (1 Cor. 1:14). His conversion indicates that the Corinthian church was not entirely Gentile. See also Synagogue.

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Diagram showing pictorial origin of ten Early Babylonian and Assyrian cuneiform signs. Poor Man of Nippur. Of no little interest, also, are the scholarly collections of such items as medical prescriptions, omens, and lexical equations. In these scribal handbooks, both the individual entry as well as the pattern of arrangement of units merit attention. The masses of archival texts and numerous monumental texts allow us to study government administration, international diplomacy, economic enterprises, military organization, and the like. Not always are we able to integrate or even harmonize the contemporary evidence of these texts with the information embedded in the traditional canonical literature. Here the reader of the Bible maybe particularly drawn to examine such diverse bodies of texts as the Akkadian Amarna letters written to Egypt from Canaan in the fourteenth century B.C., collections of laws such as the code of Hammurabi, and Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions and historiography. Particularly during these last mentioned periods (750 B.C. on) there was direct contact between Israelites on the one hand and Assyrians/Babylonians on the other, and during these periods Mesopotamian literary forms and intellectual life began to have a profound impact on the Bible and rabbinic Judaism. Bibliography Hallo, W. W., and W. K. Simpson. The Ancient Near East: A History. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1971. Pp. 151-169, 178-183.

215

CUP

CURSE AND BLESSING

Jacobsen, T. "Mesopotamia: Literature." Encyclopedia Judaica. Vol. 16. Cols. 1505k-1505aa. Oppenheim, A. L. Ancient Mesopotamia. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977. Pp. 228-287. I.T.A.

lent to "spell"). It is a decree rather than an imprecation or prayer. The third term [killel) describes a wide range of injurious activity, from verbal abuse to material harm. Its basic meaning is "to treat lightly," i.e., to treat with disrespect, to repudiate, to abuse. In those locutions where the Deity is the object of this verb, it suggests the lack of respect for the ethical standards sanctioned by God. Its opposite is not "bless" so much as "to fear God," i.e., to show respect for the standards ordained by God. The related noun [kelalah) describes the result of curse or abusive treatment, i.e., "misfortune, harm, calamity" or the like. Over against this variety of words for "curse," there is only a single word for "bless" [berek, and its related noun berakah, "blessing, good fortune," along with the passive participle baruk, "blessed," analogous to arur, "cursed"). The content of "blessing" includes such goods as vitality, health, longevity, fertility, and numerous progeny; "curse," on the other hand, results in death, illness, childlessness, and such disasters as drought, famine, and war. Theological Considerations: Curse and blessing are among the basic organizing concepts of the book of Genesis, concepts that link the primeval history of Genesis 1-11 to the history of the Patriarchs in Genesis 12-50. The Priestly author of Genesis 1 places the divine blessing on humankind at the beginning of his work (1:28); but the Yahwist chapters that follow are a narrative dominated by God's curse, from the man and woman (Gen. 3:16-19) to Cain (4:11) to the Flood and the renewal of the divine blessing to its survivors (9:1). The cycle of sin and curse begins again, climaxing in the hybris of the Tower of Babel (11:1-9), but it is countered now by a new act of God, the blessing of Abram (12:1-3). This is the beginning of a history of blessing (22:15-18; 24:60; 26:2-4) that culminates in the blessing of Jacob by Isaac (27:27-29) and by God (32:27). Balancing this history of blessing is the history of salvation in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers. These two alternative modes of divine activity, blessing and salvation, have been studied especially by C. Westermann. In Deuteronomy curse and blessing are structured after the model of the suzerainty treaty. Deuteronomy brings the Torah to a close on the note of covenant, with blessings promised for covenant obedience and curse for covenant breach (Deut. 28). "I have set before you life and death, blessing and curse" (Deut. 30:19); the history that follows (Joshua-2 Kings) demonstrates the tragic consequences of choosing death and curse, a theme fundamental to the pre-exilic prophets. The relationship between blessing and curse in Deuteronomy and the Prophets can be seen by comparing such traditional curses as Deut. 28:30-40; Amos 5:11; Mic. 6:15; Zeph. 1:13; and Hag. 1:6 to corresponding formulations of blessing (Deut. 6:11; Josh. 24:13; Amos 9:14-15; Isa. 62:8-9;

cup, a utensil for holding a limited amount of liquid for individual consumption. Cups were made of precious metal (Gen. 44:1-34; Jer. 51:7; Rev. 17:4; cf. the cuplike oil holder of the Temple lamp, Exod. 25:31-35). The world of the Bible is a world of limited good; everything that exists is perceived to exist in limited amounts, in amounts that cannot be augmented without depriving others. In this perspective, all persons can be said to have their "cup," i.e., the limited and fixed amount of whatever God has to offer them in life, either in entirety, such as a lifetime of devotedness to God (Pss. 11:6; 16:5) or a life of abundance (overflowing cup, Ps. 23:5), or in part, such as rescue (cup of salvation, Ps. 111:13; cup of consolation, Jer. 16:7), or punishment (cup of wrath, Isa. 51:17; Hab. 2:15; cup of staggering or reeling, Isa. 51:22; Zech. 12:2). The cup then symbolizes a person's lot or fate (Jer. 49:12; Ezek. 23:31-33; Mark 10:38-39 and parallels; 14:36 and parallels), with a cup of wine serving as a prophetic symbol of the significance of one's fate (Jer. 15:15-28; at the Lord's Supper, Mark 14:23-25 and parallels; 1 Cor. 11:25-29). At a formal meal there was a cup of blessing (1 Cor. 10:16) marking a new stage in the meal and symbolizing the unity of B.J.M. meal participants (1 Cor. 10:21). cupbearer, a confidant in a royal entourage (1 Kings 10:5). The cupbearer could exercise influence on a king's policies (Neh. 1:11-2:8). The first servant of the Pharaoh imprisoned with Joseph had held the Pharaoh's cup "in my hand . . . " (Gen. 40:11), suggesting that the cupbearer carried responsibility for nurturing (giving food and drink to) those in his care. The term also refers to God in his nurturing relationship with creation (Ps. 104:13). See also Joseph; Nehemiah, The Book of. curse and blessing, oral pronouncements for harm or good. Terminology: The three most frequently used words for "curse" in the Hebrew Bible are alah, arar, and killel. The first [alah), meaning curse as imprecation, describes curse from the point of view of its pronouncement or utterance (hence, properly "malediction"). It is used in oath or adjuration, as a conditional curse to achieve a desired result or to preclude an undesirable one, or as a conditional imprecation or prayer for the punishment of an evildoer whose guilt cannot be proved. The second term [arar, especially in its passive participial form arur, "cursed") describes curse from an operational point of view, as effecting a ban or barrier to exclude or anathematize (hence roughly equiva216

CUSH

CYPRUS

65:21-23). In the NT, blessings are frequent (e.g., Matt. 5:3-11; Rom. 1:25; Eph. 1:3) but Jesus commanded his followers not to curse (Luke 6:28; cf. Rom. 12:14). Bibliography Brichto, H. C. The Problem of "Curse" in the Hebrew Bible. Journal of Biblical Literature Monograph Series 13. Philadelphia: Society of Biblical Literature, 1963. Hillers, D. R. Treaty-Curses and the Old Testament Prophets. Biblica et orientalia 15. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1964. Westermann, C. Blessing in the Bible and the Life of the Life of the Church. Overtures to Biblical Theology Series. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1978. J.S.K.

press, as was also the "gopher wood" of Noah's ark (Gen. 6:14). See also Fir Tree; Woods. Cyprus (si'pruhs), an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean about sixty miles west of the Syrian coast and about the same distance from the coast of Turkey. Approximately a hundred and forty miles long and sixty miles wide (about the same size as ancient Israel), the island was known as Alashia in the cuneiform literature, and Elishah in the OT (Ezek. 27:7; cf. Gen. 10:4; 1 Chron. 1:7). Some also equate the island with the biblical name Kittim (Jer. 1:10), although others identify the latter with Crete. By NT times the island was called Kypros, a Greek word from which the word "copper" comes. Cyprus was famous

Cush (koosh). See Ethiopia. Cushan-rishathaim (koosh'an-rish'uh-thay'im), the name of a king by whom the Israelites were oppressed until delivered under the leadership of the judge Othniel (twelfth century B.C.; Judg. 3:8-10).

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cylinder seals. See Seal. Cymbal. See Music. cypress [Cupressus sempervirens), a kind of tall evergreen found among stands of cedar and oak. Because of their beauty, cypresses were used as ornamentals in gardens and cemeteries. The hard fragrant wood was preferred for buildings and furniture (Isa. 44:14, RSV: "holm tree"). The fir trees supplied by Hiram of Tyre to Solomon for his Temple and palace (1 Kings 9:11) were cy-

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Cypress. throughout the ancient world for its copper, a metal whose importance made the island a center of seafaring commerce. The island's active participation in world trade is evidenced by the discovery of great quantities of Cypriot imports in ancient Mesopotamia, the Levant, Egypt, Asia Minor, and the Aegean world. Apparently an independent state during the second half of the second millennium B.C., Cyprus was colonized and ruled by Phoenicia in the tenth—eighth centuries, then subjugated by the Assyrians in the late eighth and seventh centuries. Cyprus subsequently became part of the Greek and Roman empires. A Jewish population is attested on the island as early as Ptolemy I (cf. 1 Mace. 15:23; 2 Mace. 12:2), and by the Roman period (63 B.C.-A.D. 325) that population was significant. A Jew named Barnabas, an early convert to Christianity, was a native of Cyprus (Acts 4:36), as were some of the other early disciples (Acts 11:19-20; 21:16). Acts reports that Paul and Barnabas traveled across the island, from Salamis to Paphos, on their first missionary journey (Acts

217

CYRENE

CYRUS

13:4-13). At Paphos they encountered the sorcerer Bar-Jesus and the proconsol Sergius Paulus. Barnabas and Mark later returned to Cyprus during Paul's second missionary journey (Acts 15:39). D.A.D.

with the death of Cyrus in battle. Achaemenid rule in Babylonia continued for two hundred years until another "great turning point in ancient history," the coming of Alexander III, the D.B.W. Great. See also Persia.

Cyrene (si-ree'nee), city in Cyrenaica (modern Libya) which had a thriving Jewish community of settlers from Egypt from Ptolemaic times (late fourth century B.C.). Two noted Hellenistic Jewish writers, Jason, whose history was abbreviated in 2 Maccabees, and Ezekiel, the tragedian, came from Cyrene. People from Cyrene were known for their patriotism and their ties to Palestine (Acts 6:9). Simon of Cyrene is said to have carried Jesus' cross (Mark 15:21). Cyrenian Christians were prominent in Antioch (Acts 11:20; 13:1). Cyrenius (si'-ree'nee-uhs). See Quirinius, P. Sulpicius. Cyrus (si'ruhs; Heb. kôres, Akkadian kuras, Persian kurus; etymology unknown) II, a Persian emperor and founder of the Achaemenid dynasty (ruled Babylonia 539-530 B.C.). His name occurs twenty-two times in the Bible, in the books of Daniel, Ezra, 1 and 2 Chronicles, and Isaiah. Extrabiblical evidence comes from the classical Greek authors Herodotus and Xenophon (though their reports are often encrusted with legend) as well as cuneiform records. From the latter we learn that Cyrus's ancestor was Teispes of Anshan. Cyrus's grandfather was named Cyrus (I); his father, Cambyses (I); his mother, Mandane, was the daughter of Median king Astyages. Cyrus is therefore known to moderns as Cyrus II; Cyrus IPs son, who ruled Babylonia from 530 to 522 B.C., was Cambyses II. Cyrus's capital was Pasargadae, in what is now southern Iran. Cyrus's military victories eventually put him in possession of the largest empire the world at that time had yet seen. They began with the conquest of Media (549), followed by Lydia (546) and Babylonia (539). It would seem that the Babylonian provinces of Eber nâri (today's Syria, Lebanon, and Israel) fell to him after the conquest of Babylonia, although no specific mention of them is extant in contemporary records. Cyrus's policy toward the peoples of his empire was one of tolerance and understanding. His authorization of the rebuilding of the Jerusalem Temple by returning Judeans (end of 2 Chronicles; beginning of Ezra) accords well with what we know from contemporaneous documents. Isaiah (45:1-3) speaks with enthusiasm of Cyrus as the anointed one (messiah) of the Lord. Because of these achievements, Cyrus IPs reign has been characterized as "a great turning point in ancient history" by the modern historian Richard N. Frye. A co-regency with his son, Cambyses, ran for a short while in 530 and ended in the same year 218

Opposite: David, the most powerful king in biblical Israel, is depicted as a Byzantine emperor in a sixthcentury A.D. mosaic at the Monastery of St. Catherine, Sinai.

D

DALETH

D, the siglum for the Deuteronomist, one of the sources of the Pentateuch. See also Deuteronomist; Deuteronomistic Framework; Deuteronomistic Historian; Sources of the Pentateuch.

Dagon to fall before him; the second fall destroys the statue. In Judg. 16:23, the imprisoned Samson pulls down around his head the temple of Dagon with the help of God. According to 1 Chron. 10:10, the Philistines hung up the head of Saul as a trophy in the temple of Dagon, presumably at Beth-shean (cf. 1 Sam. 31:12). 1 Mace. 10:83 and 11:4 mention a temple of Dagon in Ashdod. The place names Beth-dagon in Judah (Josh. 15:41) and Beth-dagon in Asher (Josh. 19:27) preserve the name of the deity. R.J.C.

dagger. See Sword: Weapons. Dagon (day'gon), an ancient Semitic deity attested in the northern Mesopotamian area from the late third millennium and in the entire West Semitic area through biblical times. The etymology of the name is disputed; Jerome's derivation of it from Hebrew dag, "fish," is far-fetched. More probable is the root attested in Arabic dagana, "to be cloudy, rainy," appropriate to a god of rain and fertility. The common Northwest Semitic word for grain, dagan, is to be derived from the fertility god, like Latin ceres, "bread, grain," from the god Ceres. The texts from Ugarit give no information about the god except that he is the father of Baal Haddu, the major god of fertility at Ugarit; Dagon does have a temple at Ugarit so he must have been honored in public worship. The Philistines, after they settled on the coast of Palestine in the twelfth century B.C., honored Dagon. The Bible sees the god as the chief god of the Philistines, at least as the god to whom thanks were given after a victory. In 1 Sam. 5:2-7, God represented by the captured Ark in the temple at Ashdod causes the statue of

dainties, delicious sweets, delicacies, and confections generally served at the tables of kings (Gen. 49:20). While such foods were not viewed as inherently unfavorable just because they appeal to one's appetite (Job 33:20; Rev. 18:14), the prudent Israelite was to avoid eating them at the table of unscrupulous persons whose intentions might be harmful (Ps. 141:4; Prov. 23:3, 6). daleth (dahleth), the fourth letter of the ^ Hebrew alphabet; its numerical value is | four. The earliest form of the letter in protoSinaitic inscriptions resembles a fish. The later early Phoenician form became a triangle, which has survived in the Greek letter delta. Later Phoenician and early Hebrew forms of the letter add a downward stroke to the triangle. It was

The Ark of God being returned by the Philistines (left; cf. 1 Sam. 6:7-8) after it has caused the statue of Dagon to break in front of his temple (right; cf. 1 Sam. 5:2-5); wall painting from the synagogue at Dura-Europos, third century A.D.

220

DALMANUTHA

DAN

this form that eventually developed into the letter found in the classical Hebrew square script. In Judaism this letter is often used as an abbreviation of the divine name (tetragrammaton). See also Writing.

Ahab of Israel; and Ben-hadad III who was killed by Hazael (843-797 B.C.; 2 Kings 8:7-15) who then succeeded him. The deepest penetration into Israel was under Ben-hadad IV, who even laid siege to the capital city, Samaria (2 Kings 6:24). Only under Israel's Jeroboam II was Damascus restored to Israel's earlier borders (2 Kings 14:28). When Assyria's pressure worked west, the effort of Rezin of Damascus with Pekah of Israel to bring Judah's king Ahaz into the alliance against Assyria (known as the SyroEphraimite War) in 734 B.C. failed (Isaiah's counsel of Judah [7:14] on the occasion is the "young woman shall conceive and bear a son" passage used in Matthew's birth narrative in 1:23), Assyria's success brought the destruction of Damascus in 732 B.C., including Rezin's death. Damascus became an administrative zone under Assyria, but not until it was made a Nabatean capital under Roman policy (85 B.C.) did any real power revive. The conquest of Aretas III by Rome in 65 B.C. led to Nabatean rule by governors, including Aretas IV who was in charge when Paul came to Damascus (Acts 9:2-30; 2 Cor. 11:3; Gal. 1:17). As reflected in the names of several monarchs, the chief deity of the city was the storm god Hadad on whose temple site the Roman emperor Theodosius (A.D. 379-395) built the church of Saint John Baptist. Under the Umayyad Muslims (A.D. eighth century) this was destroyed except for the perimeter wall and the towers at the four corners when al-Walîd built the famous Great Mosque there. R.S.B.

Dalmanutha (dal'muh-noo 'thuh; etymology uncertain), unidentified site to which Jesus sailed across the Sea of Galilee after feeding the four thousand (Mark 8:10; various manuscripts read "Magadan," "Magedan," "Magdala," and the parallel in Matt. 15:39 has "Magadan"). It probably refers to the vicinity of Magdala. See also Magdala. Dalmatia (dal-may'shee-uh), the southwestern part of Illyricum along the modern Yugoslav coast of the Adriatic Sea. Illyricum was established as a Roman province in A.D. 9—10. The name Dalmatia dates from the period of the Flavian emperors (ca. A.D. 70) and came to be used interchangeably with the name of the province as a whole. In 2 Tim. 4:10 Titus leaves Paul to go to Dalmatia. See also Illyricum. Damaris (dam'uh-ris), a woman who was one of Paul's few converts in Athens (Acts 17:34). Damascus (duh-masTcuhs), the capital city of modern Syria, located about sixty miles east of the Mediterranean coast almost directly east of Sidon. On a plateau about 2,300 feet above sea level, the city had the waters of the oasis Ghuta, which was nourished by the twin rivers draining eastward from the Anti-Lebanon range: the Nahr Barada (Abana), which subdivides into numerous branches after a course through a narrow gorge out of the hills; and the Nahr el-'Awaj (Pharpar), just south of the town. Both rivers dissipate into the eastern desert. The quality of its water sources was compared by Naaman with the Jordan (2 Kings 5:12). The "River" (Euphrates) was a political metaphor used by Isaiah to signal Assyria's destruction of the Damascus-based Aramaean kingdom under Rezin (Isa. 8:5-8). Damascus, one of the oldest continuously inhabited sites known to archaeologists, figured long and often in biblical awareness. It was a reference place for Abraham's rescue of his kinsmen (Gen. 14:15). David brought it within Israelite control (2 Sam. 8:5-6), but during Solomon's reign the first of a series of Aramaean kings made Damascus his capital city, continuing to intervene in the life of Israel and Judah until the Assyrian conquest in 732 B.C. In this series of local dynastic politics, biblical traces occur of the founder Rezon (1 Kings 11:23-25); Tabrimmon, ally of the Judean Abijam against Israel (1 Kings 15:19); his father Hezion (same verse); his son Ben-hadad (I, 900-875 B.C.), who was allied with Baasha of Israel, but later with Asa of Judah (1 Kings 15:18-19); Ben-hadad II (1 Kings 20) and his son Hadadezer who fought 221

Dan (dan). 1 One of the twelve sons of Jacob, by Bilhah, handmaiden of Rachel (Gen. 30:1-6); he is the ancestor of the tribe of Dan. 2 One of the twelve tribes of Israel assigned a small piece of land west of Benjamin; when they were crowded out, however, they migrated north (Josh. 19:40-48; Judg. 18). 3 A city on the northern border of Israel ("Dan to Beer-sheba" expresses the northern and southern limits of Israel). Formerly called Laish, it is mentioned in the Egyptian execration texts, the eighteenth-century B.C. Mari A Greek and Aramaic inscription found at Tel Dan from the late third-early second century B.C. contains the word "Dan" (second line) and helps to identify the site.

DANCING

DANIEL

tablets, and the records of the Egyptian pharaoh Thutmose III. It is identified with Tell el-Qadi (Arabic) or Tel Dan (Heb.) covering about fifty acres in the center of a fertile valley near one of the principal springs feeding the Jordan River. Tel Dan has been excavated by A. Biran since 1966. The earliest occupation goes back to the Pottery Neolithic period, but its extent is not yet known. The large and prosperous Early Bronze occupation probably covered the full expanse of the mound, dating to about the middle of the third millennium B.C. A Middle Bronze II rampart (1900-1700 B.C.) surrounds the city and on the southeast a mud-brick triple arched gate with two towers is preserved to a height of over 20 feet. A large Late Bronze Age building and a tomb with quantities of Mycenaean pottery, gold and silver jewelry, bronze swords, and ivory boxes indicate a prosperous fourteenth—thirteenth century occupation in the vicinity. Occupation is rather continuous, but a change in the material culture may indicate the arrival of the Danites from the south. A metal industry seems to have been a major economic enterprise of the twelfth and eleventh centuries B.C. An impressive ninth-century B.C. gate and fortifications have been uncovered, and biblical sources claim Jeroboam set up a golden calf at Dan to provide the Northern Kingdom with a sanctuary (1 Kings 12:26-30). Archaeologists have uncovered a sacred area, perhaps a bamah (Heb., "high place") on the northwest. In phases related to Jeroboam I, Ahab's rebuilding, and Jeroboam II's prosperity, cultic incense burners and stands, figurines, and a horned altar have been uncovered. The area continued in use down to Hellenistic and Roman times. A bilingual Greek and Aramaic votive inscription of the late third or early second century B.C. to the "god who is in Dan" identifies the site. An elaborate water installation existed near the spring in Roman times, and the latest coins belong to the time of Constantine the Great (ca. A.D. 325). N.L.L.

Terra-cotta plate with dancers, musicians, and singers (2000-1600 B.C.). Dance also played a role in the religions of Israel's neighbors. Dance before the golden calf (Exod. 32:19) represents a pagan practice. Cultic dance can be inferred from a Ugaritic text. Egyptian reliefs portray both male and female dancers. Cultic dancers are known to have existed in Mesopotamia. In the NT, dance is a natural part of the celebration of the return of the prodigal son (Luke 15:25). Dancers were sometimes engaged for entertainment at royal courts in the Hellenistic and Roman worlds (cf. Matt. 14:6). See also R.M.G. David; Gebal; Michal; Shiloh. Daniel (dan'yuhl), the hero of the Book of Daniel, represented as a Jew in the Babylonian Daniel as depicted in a sixth-century A.D. mosaic at the Monastery of St. Catherine, Sinai.

dancing, rhythmic bodily movement, often to music. As a sign of rejoicing, dance had a place in the secular and religious life of ancient Israel. Dance could be accompanied by song and instrumental music. Women customarily greeted the return of victorious soldiers with music and dance (1 Sam. 18:6), a practice akin to recent bedouin custom. Dancing had a role at the old harvest festival at Shiloh (Judg. 21:21). Dance could be performed in the worship of God (Ps. 149:3). When he led the Ark of the Covenant to Jerusalem, David danced before the Lord (2 Sam. 6:14), a performance his wife Michal thought unseemly. The Song of Songs celebrates the dance of the Shulammite (Song of Sol. 6:13).

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exile who is skilled in the interpretation of dreams and is miraculously preserved in the lions' den. Daniel was already the name of a legendary wise man in Ezek. 28:3 and was linked with Noah and Job (Ezek. 14:14). This legendary figure is probably related to the Dnil of the Ugaritic Aqhat legend (from about 1500 B.C.). Dnil was a judge who defended the fatherless and the widow. The function of judge is suggested by the name Daniel (Heb., "my judge is God" or possibly "judge of God") and appears again in the story of Susanna. The author of the biblical book probably took over the legendary name for his fictional hero. See also Daniel, The Book of. J.J.C.

additions accepted as canonical by the Roman Catholic church: the Prayer of Azariah and the Song of the Three Children in chap. 3 and the stories of Susanna and Bel and the Dragon in additional chapters. Also, the oldest Greek translation has a text that differs greatly from the Aramaic in chaps. 4-6, and that may be closer to the original in some respects. Even within the twelve chapters of Daniel in the Hebrew Bible there are signs of composite authorship. l : l - 2 : 4 a and chaps. 8-12 are in Hebrew; 2:4b-7:28 is in Aramaic. The form of the text in the Hebrew Bible, part Hebrew and part Aramaic, is supported now by fragments of the book found among the Dead Sea Scrolls. The stories in Daniel 1-6 bristle with historical problems. Chap. 4 tells of the transformation of Nebuchadnezzar into a beast. This story seems to have its origin in an episode in the life of Nabonidus, the last Babylonian king. A variant of the tradition has been found in the "Prayer of Nabonidus" among the Dead Sea Scrolls. Chap. 5 represents Belshazzar as king of Babylon at the time of its destruction, although he was never actually king. Chap. 6 speaks of a wholly unhistorical Darius the Mede, who is said to have been the conqueror of Babylon. Darius was the name of several later Persian monarchs. In view of these problems, the stories in chaps. 1-6 must have been written a considerable time after the Babylonian exile. The apocalyptic section of the book, chaps. 7-12, can be dated more precisely. Chap. 11 contains a lengthy prophecy of history communicated to Daniel by an angel. No names are mentioned, but persons and events can easily be identified down to Antiochus IV Epiphanes of Syria and his persecution of the Jews, which began in 168 B.C. The prophecy goes on to predict, incorrectly, that the king would die in the land of Israel. We must infer that the accurate "prophecy" was written after the fact and that the actual time of composition was during the persecution, but prior to the king's death in 164 B.C. The persecution is also the focal point of the other apocalyptic revelations in chaps. 7-12. By contrast, there is no clear allusion to it in chaps. 1-6. The composition of the book, then, can be reconstructed as follows: the Aramaic stories were traditional tales that probably took shape in the third century B.C. Chap. 7 was added in Aramaic after the outbreak of the persecution. Chaps. 8-12 were then added in Hebrew, perhaps for nationalistic reasons. Chap. 1 was either translated from the Aramaic or composed in Hebrew as an introduction to the book. Scholarly opinions vary on the details of this reconstruction, but there is a consensus on its main outline. Many conservative Christians, however, continue to defend the view that the whole book was composed in the sixth century B.C. and that Daniel was a historical person.

Daniel, the Additions to, several stories, a prayer, and a hymn not found in the Masoretic (Hebrew) Text (MT) of Daniel, but present in both the Septuagint (LXX) and Theodotion, two distinct Greek versions of the OT. These passages are the Song of the Three Children, Susanna, and Bel and the Dragon. The Song of the Three Children is included between Dan. 3:23 and 3:24. In Theodotion, Susanna stands at the beginning of Daniel, and Bel and the Dragon at its end, while the LXX version places both additions at the end. Protestants have relegated the Additions to the Apocrypha, while Catholics retain them as part of Daniel. It is difficult to disentangle the history of the text of Daniel, and the role of the Additions in it is only one of a series of thorny problems. Daniel seems to have grown by accretion, beginning with the stories of chaps. 2-6. The Additions are only the final stage in that process. Susanna and Bel and the Dragon may represent part of a larger cycle of stories associated with the legendary figure of Daniel, similar to the ones found in chaps. 1-6 of the NT. The prayer (vv. 1-22) and the hymn (vv. 28-68) in the Song of the Three Children are probably independent liturgical compositions. All of these passages seem to have been added to the Hebrew-Aramaic archetypes of the versions of Daniel in the LXX and Theodotion sometime between the composition of Daniel during the Maccabean revolt (167-164 B.C.) and 100 B.C., the probable date of the LXX translation of Daniel. Along with 1 Esdras and the Rest of Esther, the Additions are evidence of the fluidity of the texts of some parts of the OT prior to the end of the first century A.D. See also Bel and the Dragon; Daniel, The Book of; Song of the Three Children; Susanna; Texts, Versions, Manuscripts, Editions. D.W.S. Daniel, the Book of, an OT book placed with the Writings in the Hebrew Bible but with the Prophets in the Septuagint. Chaps. 1-6 are stories set at the Babylonian and Persian courts, narrated in the third person. Chaps. 7 - 1 2 are apocalyptic revelations, narrated in the first person. The Greek translations include certain

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In its final form the book of Daniel was intended to offer hope and consolation to the persecuted Jews. It shows no sympathy for the armed revolt of the Maccabees. Instead it advocates a stance of piety and acceptance of martyrdom. The victory is in the hands of Michael the Archangel. The martyrs will be rewarded in the resurrection, when they will "shine like the stars." Daniel is the only book in the Hebrew Bible that clearly attests a belief in resurrection. Daniel is also the only OT example of the apocalyptic genre. Daniel's visions are inter-

preted by an angel. The division of history into a set number of periods, which is characteristic of apocalyptic writings, is found in the four-kingdom prophecy in chap. 2 and again in chap. 7. The prophecy of Jer. 2 5 : 1 1 - 1 2 and 29:10, that the Jews would be restored after seventy years, is reinterpreted in Daniel 9 as seventy weeks of years. History is running a predetermined course, which is now reaching its climax. The fate of the individual is not predetermined, however. People can choose to be faithful to the law and thereby decide their own destiny in the resur-

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The Book of Daniel I. The tales (chaps. 1-6) A. Daniel and friends are exiled to Babylon and trained at court. Refusing the royal food, they surpass gentile trainees, (chap. 1) B. Wise men fail to interpret Nebuchadnezzar's dream; Daniel interprets the dream, in which a great statue represents a sequence of four kingdoms, which in turn are destroyed by the kingdom of God; the king honors Daniel and his God. (chap. 2) C. Refusing to worship a statue set up by the king, the Jewish officials are thrown into the fiery furnace, but they are found alive, and with them a godlike, angelic figure; the king again acknowledges the God of the Jews, (chap. 3) D. The wise men fail again. Daniel explains that the great tree cut down and transformed into a beast in the dream applies to the king himself; Nebuchadnezzar is transformed into a beast for seven years; restored, he gives praise to the Most High God. (chap. 4) E. At a feast, strange writing appears on the wall; interpreting it, Daniel predicts the kingdom will be divided between the Greeks and the Persians; that night King Belshazzar dies, (chap. 5) F. When Daniel ignores the edict forbidding prayer to anyone but the king himself, he is thrown into the lions' den, but he is found unscathed; the king throws Daniel's rivals to the lions and pays homage to Daniel's God. (chap. 6) II. The visions (chaps. 7-12) A. In a dream Daniel sees four beasts rise from the sea, the Ancient of Days

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on his throne, and "one like a son of man" coming on the clouds and receiving a kingdom; an angel explains the four beasts represent four kingdoms that will be destroyed, and the kingdom will be given to the people of the holy ones of the Most High, (chap. 7) B. In Daniel's vision of a ram and a hegoat fighting, the goat prevails; a little horn grows on it and acts very arrogantly. An angel explains the ram represents Persia and the goat Greece; the little horn is an insolent king who will rise up against God, but will be broken, not by human power, (chap. 8) C. Daniel ponders Jeremiah's prophecy that the desolation of Jerusalem would last seventy years; he recites a long penitential prayer. The angel Gabriel explains the prophecy in terms of seventy weeks of years, at the end of which the desolator will be cut off. (chap. 9) D. An angelic figure tells Daniel "what is written in the book of truth"; this is a thinly veiled account of Hellenistic history, culminating in the persecution of the Jews by Antiochus Epiphanes. The angel predicts that the king (Epiphanes) will meet his death in the land of Israel, "Michael your prince" will arise in victory, and the dead will be raised; the wise teachers who withstand the persecution will shine like the stars of heaven. Given a calculation of the length of time remaining, Daniel is told to seal the book until the time of J.J.C. the end. (chaps. 10-12)

DARDA

DARIUS

rection. The book contains at least three calculations of the time remaining until the end (12:7, 1 1 - 1 2 ) . Such calculations are very unusual in ancient apocalyptic literature but have played a prominent role in modern millenarian movements. Daniel is cited as Scripture in the Dead Sea Scrolls as early as the first century B.C. and was very influential in Judaism and early Christianity. The most influential part of the book is undoubtedly the vision in chap. 7: "with the clouds of heaven there came one like a son of man" (v. 13). This figure is variously interpreted by modern scholars as a collective representation of the Jewish people, or, more probably, as their angelic representative, Michael. In antiquity it was invariably interpreted as an individual, usually as the messiah (see 1 Enoch 3 7 - 7 1 ; 4 Ezra [2 Esd.] 13). In the NT the phrase "son of man" from Dan. 7:13 is adapted so that Son of man becomes a title for Jesus, who is expected to fulfill Daniel's prophecy in his Second Coming (see Mark 13:26; 14:62 and parallels. See also Apocalyptic Literature; Daniel; Darius; Dreams. Bibliography Collins, John J. Daniel. Hermeneia. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 1993. Goldingay, John E. Daniel. Word Biblical Commentary 30. Dallas, TX: Word, 1988. Hartman, L. P., and A. A. DiLella. The Book of Daniel. Anchor Bible, vol. 23. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1977. Lacocque, André. The Book of Daniel. Atlanta, GA: John Knox, 1979. Wills, Lawrence M. The Jew in the Court of the Foreign King. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 1990.

Kings 4:31 whose wisdom was exceeded by Solomon.

Darda (dahr'duh; probably Heb., "thistle"), the son of Mahol, and one of the four sages of 1 Darics, mentioned in 1 Chron. 29:7, were coins issued by the Persian king Darius I (522-486 B.C.). The monarch had his own likeness stamped on the coins showing himself running swiftly, holding a spear and bow.

daric (dair'ik; Heb. adarkon; Ezra 8:27; 1 Chron. 29:7; Heb. darkemon [drachma?]: Ezra 2:69; Neh. 7:70, 72), a gold coin, probably introduced by Darius I. The Greek term dareikos stater denotes a stater of Darius. The word "daric" was originally used as an adjective to modify stater; later the term was shortened to "daric." It is used of Temple building contributions in Ezra 8:27 and anachronistically in 1 Chron. 29:7. See also Darius; Money. Darius (duh-ri'uhs). 1 Darius I (the Great, 522-486 B.C.), the first of three Persian (Achaemenid) rulers. This Darius is intended in Ezra 4-6, Haggai, and Zechariah 1-8. He established himself on the throne in a power struggle in the years 522-520 B.C. The account of this appears on the trilingual inscriptions at Behistun in the Zagros mountains in northern Mesopotamia. While they contain important information, allowance must be made for Darius's desire to establish his legitimacy as ruler; his relationship to the royal house is not clear. The upheavals of his accession suggest a background to the prophecies of Hag. 2:6-7 and 2 : 2 1 - 2 2 , with their reference to the overthrow of kingdoms, and to the complaint in Zech. 1:11-12 that peace has been restored without the expected outcome of the reestablishment of Judah and Jerusalem. However, the precise interpretation of these passages is not certain. Ezra 5—6 shows Darius reaffirming Cyrus's authorization for the rebuilding of the Jerusalem Temple, in response to an inquiry by the governor of the province "Beyond the River" and his associates. 1 Esd. 4:42—5:3 credits Darius directly with the appointment of Zerubbabel to restore Judah. Darius's conquests, his organization of the Persian Empire, his successful control of it over a period of nearly forty years, and his building achievements, especially at Susa and Persepolis, point to great administrative and military ability. The later years of his reign mark the development of conflict with Greece and his army's defeat at Marathon in 490 B.C. This conflict was dramatically to affect subsequent Persian history. The records suggest a mixture of extreme cruelty and generosity. He is credited, probably rightly, with the introduction of the coin known as the daric. 2 Darius II (Pers., Okhos, Nothos, 423-405/4 B.C.), who is described in the Elephantine papyri as responsible for a rescript to the Persian satrap in Egypt about religious observance at the Jewish shrine there. 3 Darius III (Pers., Kodomannos, 336-330 B.C.), the last ruler of the Empire, who was murdered shortly after Alexander's final defeat of the Persian army. The reference to Darius the Persian in Neh. 12:22 in relation to high priestly genealogy could be to either Darius II or Darius III. 4 Darius the Mede (Dan. 5:31; 6; 9:1; 11:1),

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person identified as a Median ruler after Belshazzar but before Cyrus. There is no satisfactory historical explanation for this reference. It might derive from prophecies speaking of the conquest of Babylon by the Medes (e.g., Isa. 13:17) since a Median Empire is placed between the Babylonian and Persian empires (cf. Dan. 8:20; also the interpretation of the dream in Dan. 2:31-45 and of the vision in 7:3-7; 15—18). See also Cyrus II; Daniel; Daric; Ezra; Media, Medes; Persia. P.R.A.

date, the sweet fruit of the date palm [Phoenix dactylifera). The trees grow as separate male and female plants and must be wind- or handpollinated in order to bear fruit five years after reaching maturity. The fruits hang in clusters from the top of the trees and are collected when they ripen in the late summer and early fall. Since the date palm is characteristic of oases and watered places, the fruit is especially valued by the desert traveler. It not only provides a quick, high-energy source when fresh, but also becomes a storable, easily portable food when dried or made into small cakes. The ground and soaked seeds provide a nutritious fodder for camels and other animals. A sweet wine is made from the fermented juice of the terminal buds. The date has been valued as a trade item since early times. See also Palm. P.L.C.

darkness, quality regarded as less valuable than light (Eccles. 2:13). Imagery based on darkness is especially prominent in the poetic books where it represents destruction, death, and the underworld (Isa. 5:30; 47:5; Ps. 143:3; Job 17:13; cf. Mark 15:33) in a manner similar to that known in other ancient Near Eastern cultures. Conceived as a curse or punishment (Deut. 28:29; Ps. 35:6), darkness characterizes the coming Day of the Lord (Joel 2:2; Amos 5:18). God's appearance is often accompanied by darkness (1 Kings 8:12), which, according to Gen. 1:2, prevailed prior to creation, although Isa. 45:7 and Ps. 104:20 assert that it was created by God. The Dead Sea Scrolls contrast light and darkness as representing the forces of good and evil, both metaphysically and psychologically; a similar view has been noted in the F.E.G. Gospel of John. d a r k saying. See Parable. dart. See Weapons.

Date palm.

Dathan (day'thuhn), a Reubenite who, with his brother Abiram, rebelled against Moses, claiming he had led the Exodus in order to rule over the Israelites (Num. 16). The earth swallowed Dathan and Abiram alive (Deut. 11:6).

David THE MOST POWERFUL KING OF biblical Israel, David (day'vid) ruled from ca. 1010 to 970 B.C. The story of David is recorded in 1 Sam. 16:13-1 Kings 2:12. David belonged to the tribe of Judah and was born in Bethlehem as youngest son of Jesse. He started his career at King Saul's court as player of the lyre, and subsequently became his squire. His courage and leadership in regular skirmishes with the Philistines and the immense popularity he gained as a commander soon earned him great notoriety and caused Saul to feel threatened. A long and complicated process of attraction and repulsion between the two men followed. The psychological scale was turned in favor of David when the old prophet Samuel, who had himself conducted Saul to the first kingship, became disappointed with Saul for theocratical reasons and anointed David as the new favorite of God. Path to Kingship: David survived attempts on his life made by Saul in bursts of rage and fled the court. In the south he became a war lord with his own army of outlaws and performed services of protection. He also fought the enemies of Judah in the west and southwest. Although Saul found no way of eliminating him, the pressure he exerted became so strong that David decided to take refuge in Gath, where he became a vassal of the Philistine king Achish. Playing a double game, David maintained good relations with the tribes in the south: Judah, Cain, Jerachmeel, and Simeon. Because of the Philistine generals' mistrust, David was not called upon to perform his duties as a vassal in the final war against Saul. At this time, Israel was defeated on Mt. Gilboa, Saul and three princes were killed in battle, and the Philistines were left a free hand in Ephraim and Galilee. Saul's tribe, Benjamin, emerged to temporarily fill the power vacuum with the impotent kingship of Esbaal in the Transjordan, but the strong man of this rump state, Abner, soon found out that he could not win the civil war that threatened Judah and concluded a pact with David. Retarded by the base political murders of Abner and Esbaal, this development eventually led to the subjection of the northern tribes to David's rule and to their acceptance of him as a king. David ruled Judah from Hebron for seven years and ruled over the whole of Israel for thirty-three years. David created a unified state which would, however, disintegrate after Solomon. The numbers found in 2 Sam. 5:5 for David's reign are, admittedly, typological (seven and forty are holy numbers), but they nevertheless seem to approximate the historical reality as we know it. Diplomatically, David chose a neutral city for the new capital of his kingdom: Jerusalem. His conquest of this non-Israelite city-state alarmed the Philistine city confederation, but David was able to repel their attacks and settle matters with this enemy for good. During his reign, David increased the status of "the city of David" by bringing to it the ancient Ark, once the mobile palladium of the wandering Israelite tribes. His son, 227

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Solomon, subsequently carried on this policy by building the central state sanctuary, the famous Temple of Solomon. (Three centuries later the Temple became the only legitimate worship center on account of the religious reforms of Josiah; after the Exile the so-called Second Temple, fifth century B.C.-A.D. 70, was its successor.) Israel an Empire: In the phase of consolidation following his coronation, David triumphed over nearly all the then neighboring nations in a series of military campaigns. In the north he encountered the Aramaic states, and Damascus, Hamath, and Zobah rendered him tribute; in the east and southeast, David subjected the Ammonites and Moab; in the south he took over Edom; in the southwest he subjected small desert tribes like the Amalekites; and in the west he defeated the Philistines. With the Phoenician states and ports, however, he maintained friendly and noncombative relations. David's great power and military effectiveness were internally founded on good organization and the presence of an experienced standing army consisting mainly of mercenaries under the command of the competent military strategist Joab, while externally his power and effectiveness rested on the impotence of the great powers. In the eleventh century B.C. the civilizations along the Nile and between the Euphrates and Tigris passed through a period of weakness that temporarily spared Palestine (a strategic buffer region and zone of passage for trade routes) their meddling influence. Thus, under David and Solomon, Israel was (for a brief century) a powerful empire—for the first and last time. Faced with Rebellion: This formation of power also had its repercussions. David himself became an absolute ruler after the model of the region, and his place above the law ran counter to the sense of justice and the religious beliefs of many of his subjects. Much discontent was fomented as people viewed the grand court with its predilection for international mores and literature, and especially for its tight administrative grip put on the community in the form of heavy taxes and conscription for purposes hardly understood. The decay of the older tribal and theocratical values and patterns also frightened people. Thus, already during David's lifetime, these growing feelings of discomfort came to a head during Absalom's revolt. This prince made shrewd use of the mood of resistance, suggested political alternatives, and, after thorough preparation, seized power so that David was even forced to leave his own country. When the usurper, however, failed to isolate David at once, the latter gained time to re-align himself with those of his standing army who had remained loyal to him and subsequently to effect a political reversal through a hard battle in the Transjordan. Upon his return to Jerusalem, David discriminated against the northern tribes in favor of his own tribe of Judah and for this he immediately had to pay a high price: a secession of the north under the leadership of Sheba ben Bichri. Once more Joab, who as a statesman had already intervened twice in David's policy toward Absalom, had to save the throne by means of a swift campaign that eliminated Sheba. Like many great men David omitted arranging for his succession, so that even before his death a vehement struggle broke out at the court. The group around Solomon, headed by his mother, 228

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Bathsheba, and the prophet Nathan, appeared to be the strongest and shortly after David's death eliminated the rival prince Adonijah who was supported by Joab. Joab was subsequently eliminated as well. David was not only a very powerful leader and personality as both soldier and statesman, he was also a first-class poet. He was the author of the poignant dirge in 2 Samuel 1 as well as many of the compositions the book of Psalms ascribed to him. The court established by him and extended by Solomon gave a tremendous spiritual and literary impulse to the literature of biblical Israel, to its many genres, and to the values conveyed by them. The dynasty David founded survived the disruption after Solomon and kept on ruling in Judah until the Exile, which began in 586 B.C. Its prestige inspired later poets to messianic prophecies; and in the NT his royal line is extended to include Jesus of Nazareth, "the Anointed" [Christos in Gk.) as a descendant of David (Matt. 2:6; 21:9; Luke 3:31; 18:38-39). The effect of David's choice of Jerusalem as his city is felt to the present time: in the eyes of the Jews, Christians, and Muslims the city is holy. And the poems of David live on in the liturgy of Jewish and Christian communities, sung to this very day. The Story of David—the Zenith of Hebrew Narrative: The portrait of David presented here is grounded on the estimate that its only source, 1-2 Samuel, is in outline historically reliable. In any case, The prophet Samuel anointing David as king of Israel; Byzantine silver plate.

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A soldier using a sling similar to the type David used in the story of his encounter with Goliath (1 Sam. 17); relief from an orthostat at the palace at Gozan, tenth-ninth century B.C.

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David slaying Goliath and cutting off his head (top) and Abner bringing David with Goliath's head to Saul (bottom). Jonathan, overcome with love for David, gives him his own garments (1 Sam. 17:45-18:4); page from a thirteenth-century French illumination.

the figure of David inspired the narrator(s) to such an extent that this text has become the zenith of Hebrew narrative art. It not only draws a picture of the rise of the untouchable favorite of God, but also of the David who, as a king, yielded to the luxury of absolute power and who, as a father, failed toward his overambitious sons Amnon, Absalom, and Adonijah. Thus a detached, highly critical, but certainly not relentless portrait of profound psychological insight and spiritual depth has come down to us. See also Absalom; Jerusalem; Messiah; Saul; Solomon. Bibliography Bright, John. A History of Israel. 3d ed. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1981. Fokkelman, J. P. Narrative Art and Poetry in the Books of Samuel. Vol. 1, King David. Vol. 2, The Crossing Fates. Assen: Van Gorsum, 1981. 1985. Hallo, William W., and William Kelly Simpson. The Ancient Near East. A Historw New York: Harcourt Brace, 1971. J.P.F.

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David, City of, the name given to the part of Jerusalem that was the Jebusite city, after its capture by David (2 Sam. 5). This oldest part of Jerusalem, which had been an urban site since the early third millennium B.C., was located in the southeastern part of present-day Jerusalem on a land peninsula that is formed by the Kidron Valley on the east and the Tyropoeon Valley (Gk., "Valley of the Cheese-makers") on the west. In area the City of David comprised no more than 7.5 to 10 acres and was thus no more than a medium-sized village. As a fortified city surrounded by valleys, it was vulnerable only at two points: at its principal water source on the east and at the highest part of the ridge on the north, a part of the city's fortifications that received continuing attention. The city's principal water source was the Gihon spring (Heb., "gusher"), which flowed at the foot of the ridge on the Kidron side, below and outside the city walls. Excavations have shown that the spring was made accessible to the Jebusites by means of a shaft that connected the spring to a point just inside the city walls, about midway down the slope of the valley. The narrative of David's conquest of the city in 2 Sam. 5:7-8 suggests that he took the city by stealthily gaining entry to it through this water shaft. Soon after he took the city, David undertook to secure its strategic weak point on the north. He repaired the walls and the Millo (2 Sam. 5:9; Heb., "filling"), which is probably to be identified with the stone retaining walls of the terraces on the slopes, which enabled the expansion of the habitable area of the city. That the spring remained a strategic weak point is attested by the construction of a water tunnel by Hezekiah in the late eighth century B.C. Its purpose was to secure the city's water source against siege by the Assyrians (2 Kings 20:20; 2 Chron. 32:30), a feat recorded in the Siloam Inscription. Other than the Jebusite water shaft and some of the walls of the Jebusite-Davidic city, almost nothing survives in Jerusalem today from the period of David or Solomon. Neither David's palace nor his tomb have been found. The structure on Mount Zion today called "David's Tomb" has neither archaeological nor historical claim to authenticity. David's son and successor, Solomon, expanded the city to the north, where he constructed a large platform on which he built the Temple and other elaborate royal buildings (1 Kings 6-7). After Solomon the city grew farther to the north and to the west on the hill today identified as Mount Zion, a hill that is protected on the south and west by the Valley of Hinnom. This identification of Mount Zion, which in 2 Sam. 5:7 is applied to David's city, derives from the Jewish historian Josephus, who identified all of the Jerusalem of his day (the first century A.D.) with the city of David. See also Hezekiah; Jerusalem; Kidron; Siloam InF.S.F. scription.

day. See Time. Day of Atonement. See Atonement, Day of. Day of Judgment, Day of the Lord. See Eschatology; Judgment, Day of. daysman, a term in the KJV where the RSV has "umpire" in Job. 9:33. dayspring, the rising of the sun, used as an image for the coming of the Messiah (Luke 1:78). Daystar (day'stahr). See Lucifer.

deacon, deaconess. See Church. Dead Sea, the lake into which the Jordan River flows. The lake is fifty miles (80 km.) long by ten miles (16 km.) wide. The biblical names vary: "Salt Sea" (Gen. 14:3; Num. 34:3, 12; Deut. 3:17; Josh. 3:16; 12:3; 15:2, 5; 18:19), "Sea of the Arabah" (Deut. 3:17; 4:49; Josh. 3:16; 12:3), "Eastern Sea" (Ezek. 47:18; Joel 2:20; Zech. 14:8), and "Sea of Sodom" (2 Esd. 5:7). The shoreline is 1,294 feet (394 m.) below sea level, with the greatest depth about 1,300 feet (396 m.) below that, and it has a twenty-five percent mineral content, entirely the result of evaporation. In ancient times it was valued for its salt and for the asphalt that occasionally floats to the surface. The water is usually calm because of its great density, but dangerous storms can develop. The average annual rainfall is only 2 inches (50 mm.), with occasional severe thunderstorms. The steep, desolate western slopes leave sufficient room for a north-south road, and there are two important springs, one at modern 'Ain Feshka close to Qumran in the north and the other at En-gedi in the center. An important feature of later prophecy is the promise that living water would flow in both summer and winter from the Jerusalem Temple down these arid slopes into the Dead Sea, making it fresh and productive (Ezek. 4 7 : 1 - 1 2 ; Zech. 14:8). In the extreme southwest is the remarkable salt dome of Har Sdom. Most of the eastern shore is formed of forbidding sandstone precipices, cleft by the narrow gorges of the Zerqa Ma 'in and the Arnon, but in the southeast, behind the Lisan peninsula, there is a coastal plain where winter crops are grown. At the exit of the Kerak wadi (probably the OT Ascent of Horonaim; cf. Jer. 48:5) is the important Bronze Age site of Bab edh-Dhra'. The whereabouts of Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen. 13:10; 19:24) remain a total mystery. See also En-gedi; Qumran, Khirbet; Sodom. D.B.

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Dead Sea Scrolls, the. See Scrolls, The Dead Sea; Texts, Versions, Manuscripts, Editions.

DEATH

DEATH

death, the end of physical and/or spiritual life. Ancient Israel's official response to mortality was, first, to accept it as God's original design and, second, to forbid worship that was concerned with the dead (Lev. 19:28; 20:1-11). Neighboring cultures believed that the dead lived on in the underworld in a communicative state (Deut. 18:9-14), but Israel's theologians taught that they were, for practical purposes, nonexistent (Eccles. 9:5-6). Nonetheless, foreign ideas and practices continued (1 Sam. 28; Isa. 8:19). Mortality must be distinguished from other concepts of death. Biologically, death is the end of every creature's existence; God alone is immortal (Ps. 90:1-6). Metaphorically, "death" is a value judgment upon those things that detract from life as the Creator intended it (1 Sam. 2:6-7). Mythologically, death is a power that acts independently (Job 18:13; Jer. 9:21). The last usage is a rare vestige of polytheism, since orthodox religion denied the existence of more than one divine force. Thus death was reduced to a natural process and no Devil was acknowledged to exist. The second usage (metaphorical) contrasts "life" with psychological, sociological, and spiritual "death," which holds the world in its grip. "Life" was mediated through Israel's sociology, ethics, and worship.

The first usage (biological) consists of narrative observations that so-and-so died. This reality did not lead to the belief that life was therefore meaningless. Nonetheless, a death that was premature (Isa. 38:1-12), or violent (1 Sam. 15:32), or that left no heir (2 Sam. 18:18) produced anxiety. Death and the Divine Plan: Mortality, within the divine plan, is outlined in Gen. 2 - 3 . The first humans rebelled against their Creator and were denied further access to the Tree of Life. Their status as creatures thus proceeded to its natural conclusion. This is the understanding of human destiny in the OT and Jewish literature. However, another reading of the text was to become evident in the intertestamental literature and the NT. Since death might have been delayed indefinitely through obedience, perhaps the intent was that the couple live forever! Death could then be understood as an evil intrusion into the divine plan. This new understanding was suggested by several realities. First, internal conflict within the religious group and external persecution led to a new religious outlook (Apocalypticism). God's assumed desire for a world like that at creation must produce a sudden transformation of the earth (Daniel)—perhaps a return to the paradise of Eden. Second, Greek culture introduced a new view of humans. In traditional biblical thought, death was total (there is no distinction between body and soul). In Greek thought, a "soul" was thought to exist and to be detachable from the corpse. Thus the dead live on, somewhere, and to a Semite (though not to a Greek) they would be available for bodily reconstruction (resurrection). Bodily death, then, came to be seen as a temporary evil. Third, if one's lifespan could be shortened by sin (Prov. 10:21; 11:19; Job 36:13-14), could that also be the cause of mortality? Therefore, in some of the intertestamental literature, mortality is decried as the creation of a "devil" rather than as the Creator's design (Wisd. of Sol. 1:12-13; 2:23-24). In the NT: The NT writers accept this new perspective. Paul thus depicts death as an unintended fate unleashed as a consequence of primeval disobedience (Rom. 5:18-19). However, since death came about within history (rather than from the Creator's design), it is subject to a historical solution: if sin can be overcome, mortality can be countered. This has been done through the appearance of a new "Adam" (Christ) who empowers his followers, just as the old "Adam" affected those who came after him (1 Cor. 15:45-49). His resurrection demonstrated that death has lost its power. In the synoptic Gospels, little attention is given to mortality. It serves primarily as an incentive to obey Jesus while there is yet time (Matt. 3:1-10; Luke 12:16-20). In the Gospel of John, mortality is even less an issue. Rather, it is "death" and "life" in the metaphoric

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sense that are crucial. It is not so much that Jesus will return and the dead will be resurrected (as in Apocalypticism) as it is that Jesus is already present, mediating "eternal life" (1:4; 3:36; 5:24), although the idea that the dead will be raised is also present (5:28-29; 6:39, 54; 11:24). The Bible's final word on the matter is that of Apocalypticism: mortality and martyrdom, as the goal of Satan and his instrument Rome, will shortly come to an end. The paradise the Creator intended will then be restored and "death will be no more" (Rev. 21:4). See also Devil; Eternal Life; Hades; Resurrection; Soul. L.R.B.

judge and prophet. Though the exact duties of the judges are not clear, some appear to have exercised legal functions while others were purely military leaders. Deborah combined these two important offices in addition to holding a third one, that of prophet (Judg. 4:4). She rendered legal decisions to Israelites who came to her in the hill country of Ephraim (Judg. 4:5), and she led an Israelite coalition to victory over the militarily superior Canaanite forces of Sisera in the plain of Esdraelon. This was a strategic battle in the struggle for control of central and northern Palestine. Deborah's victory is recorded in prose (Judg. 4) and poetry (Judg. 5). In the prose version, her general, Barak, refused to go into battle unless Deborah accompanied him. She agreed, declaring that "the Lord will sell Sisera into the hand of a woman." That woman, we discover later on, is not Deborah, but another courageous woman, Jael. The poem, known as the "Song of Deborah," is one of the oldest examples of biblical literature, dating ca. 1125 B.C. and roughly contemporaneous with the events it describes. Vivid and fast-paced, with a repetitive style akin to older, Canaanite poetry from Ugarit, it is widely acclaimed for its literary qualities. It graphically portrays the excitement of the battle in which God comes from the South (Edom, Sinai) to lead the Israelite troops as well as the cosmic forces against the enemy ("From heaven fought the stars/from their courses they fought against Sisera," Judg. 5:20). The poem concludes with a striking juxtaposition of two "domestic" scenes: Jael's assassination of Sisera (5:24-27) and Sisera's mother waiting anxiously for the return of her spoil-laden son (5:28-30). Whereas the prose version mentions only the tribes of Naphtali and Zebulun, the poem praises Ephraim, Benjamin, Machir, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali for their brave participation in the battle, while censuring Reuben, Gilead, Dan, Asher, and Meroz (otherwis^trrrknown) for not responding to the muster. Though more tribes are mentioned as cooperating in this crucial battle than any other in Judges, the traditional twelve tribes are not all enumerated. Judah, Simeon, and Levi are missing, while Machir and Gilead appear instead of Manasseh and Gad. Judges 4:4 identifies Deborah in Hebrew as an 'eshet lappidot, usually translated "wife of Lappidoth" but perhaps meaning "spirited woman." No Lappidoth is known to us. 3 The grandmother of Tobit (Tob. 1:8). See also Barak; Jael; Judges, The Book of; Poetry. J.C.E.

Debir (deelmhr; Heb., "back part"?). 1 A king of Eglon who joined the Amorite confederation trying to stop Joshua (Josh. 10:3). 2 Part of the north border of Judah (Josh. 15:7), probably Thoghret ed-Debr, "pass of Debir," ten miles east of Jerusalem and about eight miles southwest of Jericho. 3 A city of Gad (Josh. 13:26), probably modern Umm el-Dabar about twelve miles north of Pella. It may be the same as "Lodebar" (Amos 6:13; 2 Sam. 9:4-13; 17:27), a refuge for Jonathan's son Mephibosheth, and later a source of assistance for David. Amos used it as a sarcastic reference to insignificant business by changing the vowels of the word to make it mean "a thing of no value." 4 A Canaanite city in Judah about eleven miles southwest of Hebron (Josh. 10:36-39; 12:13). Inhabited by Anakim (Josh. 11:21), it was assaulted by Joshua or by Calebites (Josh. 15:15-17; Judg. 1:11-15) or both, and became an administrative district headquarters (Josh. 15:49). It was assigned as a levitical city (Josh. 21:15; 1 Chron. 6:58) and is twice mentioned as having another earlier name: Kiriath-sepher, Heb., "city of the scribe" (Josh. 15:15; Judg. 1:11); Kiriath-sannah (Josh. 15:49) is a probable misspelling of that name. The site location is debated. Proposals have included modern Khirbet Rabud (M. S. Astour, M. Noth), but the general weight of opinion has favored modern Tell Beit Mirsim over other possible tells in the vicinity. The excavation of Tell Beit Mirsim by W. F. Albright in four seasons (1926-1932) set a new mark in Palestinian archaeology. The separation of strata and their ceramic contents from each other allowed the first development of a decisive ceramic chronology for the periods from Early Bronze (3000-2000 B.C.) through Iron Age II (900-600 B.C.). Bibliography Albright, W. F. The Excavation of Tell Beit Mirsim. The Annual of The American Schools of Oriental Research. New Haven, CT: American Schools of Oriental Research. Vol. 12 (1930-31); vol. 13 (1931-32); vol. 17 (1936-37); vols. 2 1 - 2 2 (1941-43). R.S.B. Deborah (deb'uh-mh; Heb., "bee"). 1 Rebekah's nurse (Gen. 35:8; 24:59). 2 An Israelite

debt, owing money or property of some kind to another person. Israelite law forbade charging fellow Israelites interest on loans (Exod. 22:24; Deut. 23:20; Lev. 25:35-38). Though it was considered a good deed to lend money to the poor (Ps. 37:21; Ecclus. 29:1-2; Matt. 5:42), many refused to do so because they would not be paid back (Ecclus. 29:3-7).

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The prohibition against charging interest was not observed (Prov. 28:8; Ezek. 18:8, 13, 17; 22:12; Matt. 25:27; Luke 19:23). Neh. 5:1-13 speaks of the people as burdened with debts. The annual interest rate among Jews at Elephantine in the fifth century B.C. was 12 percent. Movable goods might be taken as a pledge to repay, though the law forbade taking a person's means of livelihood (Deut. 24:6-13). Such goods may have represented persons who stood to guarantee a pledge, often the debtor's children, who would become enslaved to the creditor if the debt was not paid (2 Kings 4:1-7; Neh. 5:2-7; Exod. 22:24; Isa. 50:1). Other persons could intervene as surety on behalf of an insolvent debtor and assume the responsibility for getting the debtor to pay or be liable to seizure themselves (Prov. 6:3-5; 20:16; Ecclus. 29:14-20). Sabbatical year legislation requiring that slaves be set free was aimed at the problem of persons who had become enslaved because they were unable to pay debts. Approach of the sabbatical year then became an excuse for the refusal to grant a loan (Exod. 21:2-6; Deut. 15:1-11). In the time of Herod the Great, Hillel permitted contracts to contain a prosbol (Gk.), a clause by which the debtor renounced the sabbatical privilege. See also Bank; Sabbatical Year. P.P.

10:1; 2 Chron. 30:5; Ezra 6:1, 3; Esther 1:20; Dan. 3:10; Acts 17:7). Apparently, God's will and purposes were also considered "decrees," although these did not have to be written to be in force. God exercises these decrees in areas of human conduct and destiny (Dan. 4:17, 24), in the development of human history (Ps. 2:7), and in the founding and ordering of the created universe (Job 28:26). The community of Israel also understood the laws of the covenant, as established initially by Moses, to be God's decrees. See also Commandment; Covenant; Law. J.M.E.

debt, remission of. See Loan. Decalogue (dek'uh-log). See Ten Commandments, The. Decapolis (di-kap'uh-lis), a federation of ten cities of Hellenistic culture in an area east of Samaria and Galilee. The Roman scholar Pliny the Elder (ca. A.D. 77) lists them as Damascus, Philadelphia, Raphana, Scythopolis, Gadara, Hippos, Dion, Pella, Gerasa, and Canatha. See also Cities. Decision, Valley of, the name given in Joel 3:14 to the place where God will execute judgment on the Day of the Lord against the nations gathered for the eschatological assault against Jerusalem. The valley is also called "Valley of Jehoshaphat" in Joel 3:2, 12. Traditional interpretation identifies the Valley of Jehoshaphat/Decision with the Kidron Valley, east of Jerusalem, where the pious kings Asa and Josiah are reported to have destroyed pagan idols (1 Kings 15:13; 2 Kings 23:4, 6,12; 2 Chron. 15:16; 29:16; 30:14). decrees, in the ancient world, declarations (usually in written form) by rulers or other persons in authority directing the conduct of especially significant matters for communities or individuals. The decree of Cyrus calling for the rebuilding of the Temple in Jerusalem (Ezra 5:13, 17) and the decree of Caesar Augustus for a census (Luke 2:1) are but two examples of such decrees in the OT and NT (see also, e.g., Isa.

Dedan (dee'duhn), the city and kingdom of the Dedanites, an Arabian people of unclear origin (Gen. 10:6-7; 25:1-3). Al-'Ula, an oasis ca. fifty miles southwest of Tema, was central to Dedan's far-reaching commercial activities, which included trade with Tyre (Ezek. 27:20). The prophets denounced Dedan (Isa. 21:13; Jer. 25:23; 49:8; Ezek. 25:13). See also Arabia. dedication, setting something apart, or marking new use or practice. The Hebrew root khnk and its Aramaic cognate appear seventeen times in the Bible, sixteen of which are in the sense of dedication (the one exception is Prov. 22:6 where the verb is used in the sense of instruction or training). A man who had not dedicated the new house he built was ordered to return home from the mobilized army in order to dedicate it (Deut. 20:5). No ceremony is mentioned, however. According to Num. 7:10-88, the dedication of the sacrificial altar in the desert occurred on the day of its anointing and sanctification (v. 1). The dedication consisted of lavish offerings—silver plates, basins, gold spoons full of incense, bulls, rams, lambs with their meal offerings, and goats—all presented by the tribal princes. The dedication of the altar of Solomon's Temple took seven days (2 Chron. 7:9). Solomon's Temple was dedicated with a multitude of sacrifices (1 Kings 8:63; 2 Chron. 7:5). The relative paucity of offerings at the dedication of the rebuilt Temple of the returned exiles from Babylon indicates their meager resources (Ezra 6:16-17). The words "song of dedication of the Temple" appear to be an editorial interpolation in Ps. 30:1 that assigns that Psalm to the festival of Hanukkah (see Soperim 18:2). The dedication of the rebuilt wall of Jerusalem during the days of Ezra and Nehemiah was accompanied by music, song, thanksgiving offerings, and joy (Neh. 12:27-45). The pagan dedication of Nebuchadnezzar's idol was accompanied by music and worship (Dan. 3:2-5). It appears that a dedication differed from a sanctification (or consecration) in that the community as a whole participated in the former, while the latter was performed only by those responsible for the sanctified object(s) (e.g., the priests). See also Altar; Dedication, Feast of; Temple, The. J.U.

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Dedication, Feast of, or Hanukkah (hahn' uh-kuh), a Jewish festival celebrating the purification of the Temple in the time of the Maccabean revolt. On the 25th of Kislev (December), 167 B.C., during the religious persecution of the Jews by the Seleucid Antiochus Epiphanes, the altar of the Temple was polluted with pagan sacrifices. Observant Jews, under the leadership of Mattathias (a priest) and his five sons, rebelled against the Seleucids. Upon Mattathias's death, his son Judas Maccabee took command of the revolt, won several victories over the Seleucid army, and reconquered Jerusalem. After cleansing the Temple, rebuilding the sanctuary, consecrating the courts, and making a new sacrificial altar and holy vessels, "they burned incense on the [incense] altar and lighted the lamps on the lampstand, and these gave light in the Temple. They placed bread on the table and hung up the curtains . . . " (1 Mace. 4:50-51). Then, on the 25th of Kislev, 164 B.C., three years to the day after the pollution of the altar, the new altar was dedicated with sacrifices, song, music, and joyous worship for eight days (vv. 52—58). Judas and the people determined that those eight days of dedication should be celebrated annually beginning with the 25th of Kislev (December; v. 59). Hanukkah thus became the only Jewish festival not ordained in the Hebrew Bible. It has been suggested that the eight days of celebration copy Solomon's consecration of the Temple (2 Mace. 2:12) or Hezekiah's (2 Chron. 29:17). However, all the testimony points to the intention to celebrate Hanukkah as a second Feast of Tabernacles. "And they celebrated it for eight days with rejoicing in the manner of the Feast of Booths, remembering how not long before, during the Feast of Booths, they had been wandering in the mountains and caves like wild animals" (2 Mace. 10:6, also vv. 7-8 and 1:9, 18). It was for this reason that Hanukkah was tied to Solomon's consecration, which was held at the time of the Feast of Booths (1 Kings 8:2). Furthermore, as during the Feast of Tabernacles, Jews recite the entire Hallel (Pss. 113-118) daily. It was apparently the relighting of the Temple candelabras that led to the festival also taking the name "lights" (Josephus Antiquities 12:7:7). Eventually it became customary for Jews to light a special Hanukkah candelabra in the home, adding one light each night during the festival. A legendary story (r. Sabb. 21b) of a small cruse of holy oil discovered at the cleansing of the Temple that was miraculously able to light the Temple lamp for eight days until more oil could be supplied has supplanted the origins of the festival rites. Hanukkah's ongoing significance lies in its commemoration of the victory of the few whose desire for freedom to practice their religion impelled them to battle against far greater forces.

Indeed, were it not for the Maccabees, the Jewish people and their monotheistic faith might have perished. See also Dedication; Tabernacles, Festival of. J.U. defense, protection against hostile acts mounted against an individual, a city, or a nation. The requirements for defense in the ancient world were factors in city planning and in national policy. Regarding the former, the "defensibility" of a city and a protected water supply were of paramount importance. One of the oldest known urban structures in Palestine is the neolithic tower at Jericho. Its purpose was defense against assault, among other things. Major cities from the Early Bronze Age (3000-2000 B.C.) had walls, with some cities surrounded by two of them. This pattern continued through the period of the kings in Israel. To protect the water supply at key sites, water tunnels or shafts were dug from inside the city's walls to the water table or spring located outside the walls. Examples of these can be found at the ancient sites of Gibeon, Jerusalem, Hazor, and Megiddo. Israel's location at a crossroads in the ancient Near East between Mesopotamia to the north and Egypt to the south required a strategic policy for defense. This requirement was one reason the kings in Israel or Judah maintained a standing army. According to 2 Chron. 1 1 : 5 - 1 2 , Rehoboam fortified key sites in Judah for defensive purposes, perhaps in response to a campaign in Palestine by Pharaoh Shishak (ca. 922 B.C.). According to the annals of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (859-824 B.C.), Ahab of Israel was involved in a coalition with neighboring states to oppose Assyrian control of Syro-Palestine and the Mediterranean coast. In the Sermon on the Mount, Jesus taught an ethic that placed concern for an enemy or opponent above one's personal defense (cf. Matt. 5:23-26,43-48). J.A.D. deity, the divine quality that distinguishes God from other entities (Rom. 1:20; Col. 2:9); therefore God cannot be likened to any created thing, however precious (Acts 17:29). See also God. Delaiah (di-lay'yuh; Heb., "God draws up"). 1 The head of one of the twenty-four divisions of priests organized by David (1 Chron. 24:18). 2 A royal official who urged Jehoiakim not to burn Jeremiah's scroll (Jer. 36:12, 25). 3 The head of a family that returned from exile with Zerubbabel (Ezra 2:60; Neh. 7:62; 1 Esd. 5:37). 4 A descendant of David through Zerubbabel (1 Chron. 3:24). 5 The father of a contemporary of Nehemiah (Neh. 6:10). Delilah (di-li'luh), a woman, probably Philistine, who was loved by Samson. After three unsuccessful attempts to discover the secret of his strength, she succeeded and betrayed him to the

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Philistines for money (Judg. 16:4-22). Her name (perhaps meaning "loose hair" or "small, slight") is a pun on the Hebrew word for "night" [laylah] while Samson's is related to "sun" [shemesh). See also Philistines; Samson.

"devil," a word that appears in the RSV only as the translation of a different Greek term meaning "accuser" or "slanderer" [diabolos). It is used as a virtual synonym for "Satan." In the ancient world, there was widespread belief in spiritual powers or beings that existed in addition to the well-known gods and goddesses. These beings were not understood as necessarily evil, though some might be. The idea that many or even all such beings were allied with the forces of darkness and wickedness only came into focus, probably under the influence of Persian thought, during the intertestamental period of Judaism. There are traces of the belief in harmful spirits in the OT writings (e.g., Gen. 6:1-4; Lev. 16:6-10, 26; Isa. 34:14; Job 6:4; Ps. 91:5), but little was made of this idea in Hebrew thought until the late postexilic period. Then, the belief developed that there existed not only numerous evil spirits or demons but also a leader for these evil forces. This leader came to be known in Jewish thought by several titles, though the most common designation was Satan (the Greek title "the devil" was then used as a virtual synonym for Satan, as, e.g., in John 8:44). As a result of this type of thinking, the idea developed that there were armies of demons, under the leadership of Satan or the devil, doing battle with God and God's allies. The idea then developed that demons could invade human bodies and personalities and cause mental illness, physical disease, or other specific problems such as deafness or blindness. Some even believed that demons could take control of nature and cause natural calamities and disasters. Such ideology is clearly reflected in the synoptic Gospels of the NT, where Jesus is known as one who characteristically exorcises demons (e.g., Matt. 8:28-34; Mark 5:1-20; Luke 8:26-39; Matt. 12:22-32; Mark 3:22-27; Luke 11:14-23). The apostle Paul understood the "principalities" and "powers" to be evil forces in this world (Rom. 8:38; cf. Col. 1:16; 2:15; Eph. 3:10; also 1 Cor. 10:20). In some of the later NT writings, however, the place of the demons began to give way to the centrality of the leader of the demonic forces, namely, Satan or the devil (who is sometimes referred to as "the evil one"). Thus, in the Fourth Gospel, there are no references to demon possession or exorcism. The devil has become the instigator of evil (e.g., John 13:2), though the charges fly back and forth between the religious authorities and Jesus as to who "has a demon" (John 7:20; 8:48-49; 10:20-21), probably meaning, in the Fourth Gospel, who was thoroughly evil and opposed to God. The idea that there are evil forces in the world that manifest themselves in various ways is still valid. How one articulates this idea may change from one culture to another, however. Demonology was a part of the culture of the NT

deluge, an excessive amount of rain (Ezek. 13:11, 13; 2 Pet. 3:6). See also Flood, The. Demas (dee'muhs), originally one of Paul's "fellow workers" who joins Paul in sending greetings to Philemon, Apphia, and Archippus (Philem. 24; cf. Col. 4:14). According to 2 Tim. 4:10, Demas, "in love with this present world," deserted Paul and went to Thessalonica. Demetrius (di-mee'tree-uhs). 1 A silversmith in Ephesus who instigated a riot against Paul because Paul's missionary activities threatened the business of making silver statuettes of the goddess Artemis (Acts 19:24-41). See also Artemis. 2 A Christian who was commended by the author of 3 John (v. 12). d e m o c r a c y , a system of government in which sovereignty rests with the people themselves, although not always with all the people; women and slaves are often excluded (see 1 Cor. 7:20-31; Col. 3:22; 4:1). A primitive kind of democracy, in which an assembly of the eligible controlled basic decision making is thought to have preceded Mesopotamian aristocracies (late fourth-early third millennium B.C.). It has occasionally been suggested that a similar system may have existed in early Israel, with power resting in groups such as the elders. The tribal structure that this reflects may even have persisted after the creation of a monarchy and the increased social stratification that followed, although many passages cited in this regard, particularly those alluding to "all Israel" or "all the people," are probably schematic or anachronistic. Some scholars have seen what they call an "economic democracy" in early Israelite tribalism. Others have pointed to a kind of "social democracy," in which the worth of each individual is stressed (see Acts 10:34-35; 2 Chron. 19:7). More to the point, perhaps, are the types of biblical literature like Deuteronomy and the prophetic writings that emphasize just treatment for those in the lower social strata, "the stranger, the widow, and the orphan" (Deut. 24:19-21), and Jesus' habit of disregarding social rank in choosing those with whom he associated (e.g., Matt. 9:10; Mark 2:15-17; Luke 7:34). F.E.G. demon, the English transliteration of a Greek term {daimôn) originally referring to any one of numerous, vaguely defined spirit beings, either good or bad. In the NT they are understood as evil spirits, opposed to God and God's people. In the KJV, the term is regularly translated

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world and should be interpreted and understood against that background. See also Angel; Belial; Devil; Magic and Divination; Satan. J.M.E.

of human existence, offered the best philosophical framework for showing that the mythological concepts of the NT actually correspond to the realities in the life of modern human beings. He summarized authentic Christian self-understanding as one of radical freedom from the past and openness to the future. In other words, authentic existence, which is the concern of the NT, is the abandonment of all human or worldly security and the readiness to find security where none can be discerned, that is, in the unseen and unknown possibilities of every future moment. Authentic existence means understanding oneself no longer in terms of one's past, but solely in terms of one's future, which continually presents itself in the form of a gift. Although Bultmann's proposal to "demythologize" the NT is rarely discussed today, it provoked heated debate during the 1950s and 1960s, particularly in Europe but also in Great Britain and the United States. Scholarly criticism was directed against his definition of "myth," his understanding of the nature and function of myth, and his picture of modern humanity as wedded to a "scientific" worldview. Of particular concern was the question of whether such a demythologizing and existentialist interpretation of the NT as Bultmann proposed could be carried out consistently and thoroughly without in fact distorting or perverting the essential thrust of the NT message. Many assailed Bultmann's position as an implicit denial of the essentials of Christian faith, a reduction of the gospel to an existentialist philosophy. Others, on the "left," criticized what they viewed as Bultmann's unwillingness to carry his program of demythologizing and existentialist interpretation consistently and thoroughly to its logical conclusion, namely a complete reformulation of the NT message as the expression of a concept of authentic existence that would eliminate both the uniqueness and the necessity of Christ. See also Myth. Bibliography Bartsch, H. W., ed. Kerygma and Myth: A Theological Debate. New York and Evanston: Harper & Row, Harper Torchbooks, 1961. Bultmann, R. Jesus Christ and Mythology. New York: Scribner, 1958. Ogden, Schubert M. Christ Without Myth. New W.W. York: Harper, 1961.

demonology. See Demon; Devil. demythologizing, a term associated primarily with the twentieth-century NT scholar Rudolf Bultmann. Bultmann argued that both the language and the conceptual framework of the NT are essentially mythological; that is to say, they reflect a worldview that characteristically attributes both the origin and goal of the cosmos as a whole and certain unusual or astonishing happenings within the cosmos to the activity of nonnatural or supernatural causes, forces, or personages. These are objectified and represented in terms of space, time, causality, and substance and thus treated as but another part of the phenomenal world. They are therefore, at least in principle, subject to the same empirical methods of knowledge as any other objects. According to Bultmann, such "mythology" is problematic for at least two reasons: first, modern human beings hold a "scientific," not a "mythological," worldview, and this "scientific" worldview refuses—indeed, is unable— to reckon with the possibility of any intervention in this world by transcendent or supernatural powers. Thus, for people in the twentieth century, most of the NT has become unintelligible, unbelievable, and irrelevant. Second, the mythological statements of the NT are inappropriate to Christian faith itself. The real intent of NT mythology, like that of mythology in general, is not to provide information about a supreme being and that being's activity, but rather to present a particular possibility for understanding one's own human existence. Modern people, however, read this mythology in such a way as to objectify God and the divine actions, expressing them in categories suitable only to science, thus doing violence to the true meaning of God's transcendence by reducing God's hiddenness to thisworldly immanence that can be observed and evaluated objectively. Bultmann argued that the message of the NT could and must be released from both its mythological framework and its mythological formulation. It is important to note, however, that he did not propose to eliminate the mythological elements; rather his intent was to reformulate them in strictly "existentialist" terms. Only then would the gospel's understanding of human existence become clear and challenge people to genuine existential decision regarding their own self-understanding. Bultmann himself believed that modern existentialist philosophy, particularly as developed by Martin Heidegger, with its phenomenological analysis of the formal structure

denarius (di-nair'ee-uhs; KJV: "penny"; pi. denarii), Roman silver coin representing a worker's daily wage (Matt. 18:28; 20:2, 9, 13; 22:19; Mark 6:37; 12:15; 14:5; Luke 7:41; 10:35; 20:24; John 6:7; 12:5; Rev. 6:6). Devaluation under Nero early in the second half of the first century A.D. cut the value of the denarius in half.

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deputy, an official of secondary rank (1 Kings 22:47); the same term is commonly translated

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"officer" or the like in 1 Kings 4:5. Elsewhere, Greek and Hebrew words that the KJV renders "deputy" are now more commonly regarded as indicating specific officials (hence "proconsul," "governor," etc.).

wild animals, e.g., gazelles, onagers, wolves, foxes, leopards, hyenas, and ostrich. In the NT period the Transjordan and Palestine deserts had been largely "tamed" by the Nabateans to promote their far-flung trade, and they managed to cultivate patches of ground that had never been farmed before. True deserts, of course, are nowhere to be found in Jesus' homeland in Galilee. The words translated "wilderness" (Gk. erëmos, erëmia) refer to uninhabited areas (Matt. 4:1; 14:13; 15:33; Mark 1:12-13; 6:31; Luke 4:2), but the writers certainly also had in mind parallels with Israel's testing and feeding in the desert during the Exodus. See also Nabatea, Nabateans; Sinai, Transjordan. D.B.

Derbe (duhr'bee), a city in the region of Lycaonia in central Asia Minor where Paul and Barnabas won believers at the end of their first journey through the Roman province of Galatia (Acts 14:20-21). Paul returned here during his second journey (Acts 16:1). Paul's companion Gaius was from Derbe (Acts 20:4). See also Gaius; Lycaonia. desert, an area inhospitable to human habitation. Absolute desert, i.e., a region where rain almost never falls, is in the Middle East to be found only in the Sahara, the peninsula of Arabia, and Iran. The deserts of Palestine, Syria, Transjordan, and Sinai are all "tame deserts," with a little rain every winter, often in sudden storms causing dangerous flash floods. Such rain as occurs tends to fall in March and April, or even early May, when the high-pressure system over Arabia is breaking up. Occasionally heavy rain can occur more frequently during the winter, and then the desert does indeed "blossom abundantly" (Isa. 35:2). The character of the desert varies greatly. On the Transjordan plateau it is mainly a level area carpeted with millions of small stones (Arabic hamada), and further east is the formidable and desolate region of black basalt (Arabic harrah). In the south the plateau has been broken by a complicated network of geological faults, and the desert here consists of broad sandy corridors between towering cliffs. In Palestine the southern desert contains much hamada, with some sandy areas on the west and precipitous slopes to the rift valley on the east. The Sinai desert is low in the northern basin but rises to a towering granite massif in the south, reaching 8,671 feet (2,637 m.) in Jebel Katarina, close to Jebel Musa, the traditional site of Mt. Sinai. Sand dunes exist in only very few places, e.g., parts of north Sinai and the extreme south of Transjordan, and are always extremely small and restricted in area. In the OT four Hebrew words are used for desert: "desolate land" [midbar], which is by far the most common; 'arabah, normally used for the dry plain of the rift valley, especially south of the Dead Sea; "wasteland" [yeshimon), used especially for the barren dissected slopes of Judah overlooking the Dead Sea; and "dry, deserted area" [harbah). With the exception of the last all these are also translated as "wilderness," and the two words "desert" and "wilderness" are really interchangeable. In biblical times, although no longer the case today, the desert, especially in Transjordan and Sinai, was the home of a multitude of

desolating sacrilege. See Abomination That Makes Desolate, The. Deuel (doo'uhl), the father of Eliasaph, Moses' assistant from the tribe of Gad (Num. 1:14); he is named in connection with his son's tribal leadership functions in making offerings (Num. 7:42, 47) and in the procession of companies in the wilderness (Num. 10:20). deuterocanonical (dyoo'tuh-roh-kuh-non'ikuhl) literature, those books or parts of books of the OT that are found in the Greek Septuagint (LXX) translation but not in the Hebrew text. These books are accepted as Scripture by the Roman Catholic and Orthodox communions but rejected by the reformation churches, which confined themselves to the Hebrew Scriptures. They are also referred to as the apocryphal ("hidden") books, but "deuterocanonical" is perhaps to be preferred because "apocryphal" has the pejorative connotation of "spurious" or "heretical." Deuterocanonical means secondarily canonical or added later to the canon and is a more descriptive and neutral term introduced by Sixtus of Sienna in 1566. The books recognized as deuterocanonical and authoritative by Roman Catholics are: Tobit, Judith, Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus (also called Sirach or Ben Sira), Baruch (including the Letter of Jeremiah), 1 and 2 Maccabees, and additions to the books of Esther and Daniel. The canon of the Greek Orthodox community also includes 1 Esdras, the Prayer of Manasseh, Psalm 151, and 3 Maccabees, with 4 Maccabees as an appendix. See also Apocrypha, Old Testament; Septuagint; A.J.S. Vulgate. Deuteronomist (dyoo'tuh-ron'uh-mist), the term for the person(s) responsible for a specific view of God's relationship to human beings incorporated in the OT books from Deuteronomy to 2 Kings. The nomenclature used by scholars to describe the book of Deuteronomy and the history writing that emerged from that tradition is complicated and diverse. The term "Deuteronomist" refers

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to the history writer(s) who shaped the material in those books (Deut.-2 Kings) to explain that the judgment of Israel by God was due to the grave sins of the people. This judgment was justified and was explained to those who were suffering in order to get them to change their ways and return to obedience to God's law. The view of the relationship between this history writer and the author of Deuteronomy varies among contemporary scholars. The origins and date of the traditions that are included in Deuteronomy have contributed to the nomenclature problems. Therefore it may be best to refer to the historian, irrespective of the dating, as the Deuteronomistic historian (usually abbreviated Dtr.). Deuteronomic (usually abbreviated Dt.) may then be used to refer to the core of materials in the book of Deuteronomy. See also Deuteronomy; Sources of the Pentateuch. K.H.R.

Debarim (Heb., "words"), comes from the opening phrase: "These are the words. . . " Content: Deuteronomy is organized as a series of three discourses by Moses (1:6-4:40; chaps. 5-28; chaps. 29-30), with a concluding addendum (chaps. 31-34), his final "words" given to the Hebrews as they prepare to enter the land of Canaan. These "words" recall the past actions of God to instill identity in the present community. The people are then called to continued faithfulness in the future based on that communal identity. This teaching dimension and the theological linking of the community past, present, and future form the literary and theological dynamic of the entire book. The first discourse summarizes the occurrences between the events at Sinai and the encampment in Moab, followed by an urgent appeal for faithfulness to God. The second discourse recounts the giving of the Ten Words (Commandments) at Sinai. This is followed by an explanation of the first commandment centered around the Shema (Deut. 6:4-9; Heb., "hear"), and an extended appeal to the people to remain faithful to God as they face temptations in the new land. Specific instruction in communal life begins in chap. 12, concluding with a covenant ceremony and homily focusing on their responsibilities to God and each other. The third discourse encapsulates the first two, with a historical review, covenant renewal, admonitions to faithfulness, and warnings of the consequences of disobedience. The conclusion includes instructions concerning Moses' successor, final instructions and liturgies, the Song and Blessing of Moses, and his death. Literary and Theological Context: The opening verses (1:1-5) connect directly with the closing verses of Numbers and establish a setting for the entire book in the Plains of Moab after the Hebrews' sojourn in the wilderness. The commissioning of Joshua (31:1-8) and the account of Moses' death (chap. 34) lead directly into the first chapter of the book of Joshua, resuming the people's movement toward Canaan. These features leave Deuteronomy conspicuous as a historical, geographical, and literary parenthesis in the story line flowing from Numbers to Joshua. The book's close connection to its context combined with its detachment from the surrounding story line testify to a careful shaping of these Mosaic traditions as theological confession. Thus, Deuteronomy provides both the literary and theological interface between the grace of God manifested in the Exodus, Sinai, and wilderness traditions, and the ensuing failure of the people to remain faithful to God seen in the traditions relating to the settlement in the land. The community understood the importance of these "words" in calling the people to obedience at such specific pivotal junctures in Israel's history. At the same time, the "words" functioned dynamically in addressing the

Deuteronomistic (dyoo 'tuh-ron'uh-mis'tik) framework, the framework that shapes the telling of the story of Israel's judges and kings (Judg.-2 Kings). The stories of the judges repeat a four-part pattern: apostasy, punishment often in the form of oppression by the enemy, a cry for help or conversion, and deliverance or liberation. This pattern can most easily be observed by reading the account of Othniel (Judg. 3:7-11). The accounts of the kings not only give an evaluation based upon the degree to which the Deuteronomic laws concerning the centralization of worship in Jerusalem were followed but also introduce the king by such items as dating in relation to kings in the other Israelite kingdom, residence, length of reign, age of the king at accession, and occasionally his mother's name. The account is concluded by reference to other sources, place of burial, and the name of the successor. A good example is the framework used in the account of Manasseh's reign in 2 Kings 21:1-26. See also Deuteronomist; Judges, K.H.R. The Book of; King; Law. Deuteronomistic historian, the person(s) responsible for the history that runs from Deuteronomy through 2 Kings. They combined the old covenant theology that saw the destruction of Israel as due to apostasy and the promise given David as a sign of continuing hope. Scholars differ regarding the date and number of editions of the work. There is considerable agreement on the creative work of this historian, which may be contrasted with the Priestly work and that of the Chronicler. Each of these in differing ways combined diverse traditions to interpret their meanings to a later generation. See also Chronicler; Deuteronomy; Priestly Writer(s); Sources of the Pentateuch. Deuteronomy (doo'tuh-ron'uh-mee; Gk., "the second law"), the fifth book of the Pentateuch (Gk., "five books," Gen.-Deut). Its Jewish name,

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ongoing need of the people for religious, social, and cultural identity. Literary History: Traditionally, the entire book of Deuteronomy is attributed to Moses. However, some features, including the account of Moses' death, have led scholars to conclude that parts of it come from a later time. While there is little consensus as to its precise history, there is general agreement that the book reflects a process of compilation as the community reapplied the Mosaic traditions in later situations, as the book itself suggests (e.g., 30:1-5; cf. 6:20-25). However, this does not preclude the possibility that some core of the book, perhaps large portions of it, does come from Moses. It is generally believed that Josiah used an early form of Deuteronomy to guide his sweeping reforms (ca. 621 B.C.; 2 Kings 22:1-7; 2 Chron. 34:1-7). There is also some evidence that portions of the book reflect the crisis of Babylonian exile (587-539 B.C.; e.g., 29:28; cf. 29:29-30:5; 28:49-57, 64-68). The present form of the book reflects the application, reuse, and reinterpretation of the older Mosaic instructions in new and changing historical circumstances. Features and Theology: Deuteronomy is not a book of laws; it is a book of the heart, instruction (Heb. torah) in how to live intentionally as God's people in response to his love and mercy (e.g., 4:29; 6:4, 32-40; 11:1). One of the most important features of the book is its homiletical style. The commandments are not presented in legal format, but are cast in the style of a sermon, interwoven with pleas and exhortations to obedience, all grounded in the prevenient (initiating) grace of God. Also, the concept of covenant around which the book revolves is not primarily a legal concept, but a cultural way of expressing relationship between Yahweh and his people. The call to obedience throughout the book is an appeal to order all of life in relation to the One who had revealed himself in their history as the true and living God. It is not just the imposition of law; it is a call to choose God (30:15-20; cf. Josh 24:14-15), which is worked out in practical instructions. The emphasis on intentional and joyful obedience of the heart as the proper response to God's grace moves toward more responsibility for the individual (e.g., 30:11-14) and an emphasis on motive and intention also advocated by the prophets (e.g., Jer. 7:21-23). Other characteristics of the book are closely related to this emphasis. Total loyalty to God was crucial, which meant rejecting the worship of other gods (6:13-15; 8:19; 9:7-12; 30:15-20). God's love for his people and a desire for a mutual loving relationship are prominent (6:5; 7:13-14; 23:5; 30:6, 19-20). There is concern for justice, especially toward the weaker members of the community (10:18-19; 14:28-29; 15:1-18; 24:14-15). The book develops the

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

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Deuteronomy I. A call to obedience: history as basis for communal faith (1:1-4:43) A. Introduction and setting (1:1-5) B. Historical review (1:6-3:29) C. Call for response (4:1-40) D. Cities of refuge (4:41-43) II. The Ten Words: foundational principles of community (4:44-5:33) A. Introduction and setting (4:44-49) B. The commandments at Sinai (5:1-33) III. Memory and heritage: the shaping of community (6:1-11:32) A. One God, one loyalty (6:1-9) B. Remembering for the future (6:10-8:10) C. Dangers of pride and arrogance (8:11-10:11) D. First priorities (10:12-11:32) IV. Torah: a community under God (12:1-26:19) A. Communal worship: where and to whom (12:1-13:18) B. Being a holy people (14:1-15:23) C. Communal worship: when (16:1-17) D. Issues of justice and worship (16:18-19:21) E. Rules for holy war (20:1-20) F. Obligations in community (21:1-25:19) G. Communal worship: thankfulness (26:1-15) H. Concluding exhortation (26:16-19) V. Covenant making and keeping: the boundaries of community (27:1-34:12) A. Covenant of obedience (27:1-30:20) B. Words of encouragement (31:1-8) C. Concerns for the future (31:9-29) D. Song and Blessing of Moses (31:30-33:29) E. Epilogue: Moses' death (34:1-12) idea that obedience brings blessing and life and disobedience brings curses and death (11:26-28; 30:15-20), a way of affirming the positive results of life properly ordered under God. While that view would later be distorted, Deuteronomy itself stresses obedience on the level of proper love (10:12-15; cf. Mie. 6:8). There is concern expressed throughout that the people will fail, perhaps reflecting a time later when Israel had already failed. This leads to two emphases held in tension: the people should be diligent to follow God and not risk forfeiting the benefits of the land (28:47-68), yet God would be merciful in the midst of their failures and bring them (again) into the land (30:1-10).

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DIBON

Influence: The influence of Deuteronomy can hardly be exaggerated. It provided the criteria by which Israel examined and judged itself. The authors of the books of Joshua through 2 Kings weigh Israel's history against the background of Deuteronomy's instructions. With its strict warnings not to add or delete anything from it (4:2; 12:32), Deuteronomy also represents one of the first steps in forming a canon of written Scripture. Deuteronomy is one of the books most often quoted in the NT. Jesus quoted part of the Shema (6:4-9) as the summary of both legal (priestly) and prophetic teachings (Matt. 22:37; Mark 12:30; cf. Luke 10:27), underscoring the obligations of people under God in community. The Gospels also record that Jesus quoted from Deuteronomy in facing the three temptations (Matt. 4:1-10; Luke 4:1-13; from Deut. 8:3; 6:13, 16). See also Canon; Covenant; Hexateuch; Josiah; Pentateuch; Shema; Sources of the Pentateuch; Torah. Bibliography Cairns, Ian. Word and Presence: A Commentary on the Book of Deuteronomy. International Theological Commentary. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1992. Miller, Patrick, Jr. Deuteronomy. Interpretation Commentary. Philadelphia: John Knox, 1990. D.R.B.

nourishment (Deut. 32:2), peace (Ps. 133:3), royal favor (Prov. 19:12), relief from heat (Isa. 18:4), life for the dead (Isa. 26:19), the environment of animals (Dan. 4:25), short-term loyalty (Hos. 6:4), or the promise of good life (Mic. 5:7).

devil, the English translation of a Greek word [diabolos) meaning "accuser" or "slanderer," used in the Septuagint to translate the Hebrew "Satan" and in the NT as a virtual synonym for the same term. In the KJV, it is also regularly employed as a translation of another Greek word [daimôn), which, however, in the RSV is transliterated as "demon." The idea that Satan was an angel put out of heaven because of his rebellion against God and his desire to assume the prerogatives of divinity seems to be reflected in Luke 10:18. Jesus' ability to expel the demons who were Satan's minions was understood to be the result of his having conquered and "bound" Satan (see Mark 3:27). See also Demon; Satan. J.M.E. devoted thing, something irredeemably dedicated to God (Lev. 27:28; cf. Mark 7:11). Such items could be dedicated by an individual (Lev. 27:28), but more commonly they were items proscribed in war. People and cities under the status of a devoted thing were destroyed lest they be profaned by human use or contact (Lev. 27:29; Deut. 2:34), while war spoils could become the property of the sanctuary (Josh. 6:24). dew, water from the air condensed on a cool surface, usually overnight. Its presence is of prime importance if plants are to survive the hot dry months (May-August) in Palestine when no rain falls. It is thus a sign of blessing (Gen. 27:28),

dial, a flat disk with numbers or other symbols around its edge. Though the sundial was known in antiquity, the word in the story of Hezekiah's healing (2 Kings 20:11; Isa. 38:8) probably refers only to a stairway whose steps were gradually shaded by a nearby object as the day progressed. Diana (di-an'uh) of the Ephesians. Artemis of the Ephesians.

See

Diaspora (di-as'puh-ruh; Gk., "scattered abroad"), the Jews who lived outside the land of Palestine after the Babylonian Exile (586 B.C.). They exercised a significant influence on the Jewish faith, ranging from the translation of the Hebrew Bible into Greek (LXX) to the formulation of the Babylonian Talmud, a collection of materials on Jewish religious interpretation and customs. In 1 Peter, the term (RSV: "Dispersion") is applied to Christians who lived in some Roman provinces in Asia Minor (1:1), although it is not clear if the scattering away from the homeland is understood there in a physical P.J.A. or a spiritual sense. Dibon (di"bon). 1 An important settlement located on the King's Highway, thirteen miles east of the Dead Sea and three miles north of the Arnon River. Dibon's ruins are located adjacent to and are partially covered by modern Dhiban. Before the arrival of the Hebrews in Transjordan (thirteenth century B.C.) the Amorite king Sihon took possession of northern Moab. This same region, including Dibon, was captured by the Israelites (Num. 21:21-31). Because the Moabite plateau was good pasturage, the territory surrounding Dibon was allotted to the Israelite tribes Reuben and Gad (Num. 32:3; Josh. 13:9). Although it was ultimately assigned to Reuben (Josh. 13:17), Dibon was rebuilt by Gad (Num. 32:34), hence the town was also called Dibongad (Num. 33:45-46). The Moabite Stone, which was discovered at Dhiban in 1868, describes King Mesha's rebellion against Israel and the reestablishment of Moabite independence (ca. 840 B.C.). Line one of this inscription refers to Mesha as "the Dibonite." It is clear that ninth-century Dibon was important for military, political, and religious reasons. The site's continuing importance is confirmed by later references to Dibon in Isa. 15:2,9andjer. 48:18, 22. Excavations were conducted at Dibon between 1950 and 1956; these investigations recovered material from the Early Bronze, Iron Ages I—II, Nabatean, Roman, Byzantine, and Arab periods (3000 B.C.-A.D. 1500), but there is

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a notable absence of Middle and Late Bronze Age remains. 2 A village in the northern Negeb that was reoccupied by Jews in the postexilic period (Neh. 11:25). This Dibon, whose location remains uncertain, is probably identical with Dimonah (Josh. 15:22). See also Gad; Mesha; Moabite Stone, The; Reuben; Sihon. G.L.M.

the church those who do. See also John, The Letters of.

Didymus (did'uh-muhs, KJV; RSV: "twin"), a Greek name for Thomas (John 11:16; 20:24; 21:2). See also Thomas. dill (KJV: "anise"), an aromatic plant used in cooking as a condiment and medicinally as a carminative and breath-freshener. Paying a tithe on dill (Matt. 23:23) symbolizes scrupulous attention to details of ritual law.

disciple (translates the Gk. for "learner"), an apprentice or pupil attached to a teacher or movement; one whose allegiance is to the instruction and commitments of the teacher or movement. Closely paralleling rabbinic custom, most NT references to "disciple" designate "followers" of Jesus, often a large group including both his closest associates (the Twelve) and a larger number who followed with varying positive response (Luke 6:17). For disciples of other persons, see Luke 11:1 and John 1:35 (John the Baptist), Matt. 22:16 and Mark 2:18 (Pharisees), John 9:28 (Moses), and Acts 6:1-7 (Christians); cf. also Isa. 8:16 (Isaiah). See also Apostle; Twelve, The. P.L.S. Disciple w h o m Jesus loved. See Beloved Disciple, The. discus. See Games.

Dill.

Dinah (di'nuh), Jacob's daughter by Leah (Gen. 34). That account, which relates her problematic relationship with Shechem, apparently reflects the Israelite struggle to establish proper social boundaries for marital unions. See also Jacob; Shechem. Dionysius (di'uh-nish'ee-uhs), a member of the Areopagite council in Athens who is said to have been converted by Paul's preaching there (Acts 17:34). Diotrephes (di-ot'ruh-feez), church leader mentioned (unfavorably) only in 3 John 9-10. He "likes to put himself first," rejects the authority of the Letter's author, and refuses to receive the latter's emissaries, ejecting from

disease and healing, physical illness and its cure. The diseases recorded in the Bible are many and varied, but imprecise description of them often makes their identification in today's terms difficult. Since disease could have grave social and economic consequences in the ancient Near Eastern and Greco-Roman worlds, its causes and cures were matters of great moment. Causes: Some passages dealing with disease name no cause (Lev. 13; 1 Kings 17:17; 2 Kings 5:1; Mark 1:30; 5:25). Others specify a cause, whether natural (2 Kings 4:38-40) or, more commonly, divine (1 Sam. 5:6-12; 2 Kings 6:18; Ps. 38), especially when disease is connected with sin (Num. 12; cf. 2 Kings 5:20-27; Num. 16:41-50; 2 Sam. 12:15-18). The Deuteronomic interpretation of disease is the most emphatic and detailed in ascribing it to sin (Deut. 28:22, 2 7 - 2 8 , 35, 59-61). Such an interpretation, or its application to specific instances, is questioned in the book of Job and in the account of the healing of the blind man in John 9:1-3. Ascribing all—both good and evil, disease and healing—to the Lord (Deut. 32:39) posed problems. Why should God torment Saul with an "evil spirit" (1 Sam. 16:14-15) or incite David to a census of Israel for which he then punishes Israel with a plague (2 Sam. 24)? Later OT writings mitigated such problems by reference to "a/the Satan" (lit. "a/the adversary") who, in bringing on disease, is depicted as acting either independently [he incited David, 1 Chron. 21:1) or as one of "the sons of God" who report regularly to the Lord (Job 1:6-12; 2:1-6). In 2 Cor. 12:7-8 Satan (now a proper name) retains this functionary role, but in other passages disease is seen as caused by Satan/the devil and his demonic minions acting independently (e.g., Mark 1:35; 3:22-26; 7:25; Luke 13:16, 32). At the same time the

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DISEASE AND HEALING

DISPERSION

theme of disease as divine retribution is retained (1 Cor. 11:29-30; Acts 12:21-23). Cures: In the biblical writings, as well as in ancient Near Eastern and Greco-Roman sources generally, diseased persons are seen as having recourse to several means of treatment. One is folk medicine (balm, Jer. 8:22; 46:11; 51:8; wine, 2 Tim. 5:23; oil and wine, Luke 10:34; music, 2 Sam. 16:23). The sick might also turn to physicians for help (2 Chron. 16:12; Mark 5:25-26; note the mention of physicians in Job 13:4; Jer. 8:22; Matt. 9:12; Mark 2:17; Luke 4:23; 5:31; Col. 4:14), or they might appeal to a deity. These various means of healing were generally not sharply distinguished and might, in fact, be conjoined: a fig cake was applied to Hezekiah's boil at the command of the prophet Isaiah (2 Kings 20:7); oil was used by early Christian elders in a healing ritual (James 5:14; cf. Mark 6:13). Sometimes, however, religion and physicians are seen in opposition, explicitly (2 Chron. 16:12) or implicitly: a woman with a chronic hemorrhage turns from physicians to Jesus for relief (Mark 5:25-26). This theme—the failure of medical science— is common in healing accounts in the GrecoRoman world. As a result of such failure, the sufferer then turns to a healer. These accounts follow a common pattern, both in the Bible and outside it: the sickness is described as incurable by ordinary means; the sufferer (or a representative) approaches the healer, who effects a sudden healing; proof of the healing is followed by acclamation of the healer and/or deity (see 1 Kings 17:17-24; 2 Kings 5:25-37; Mark 5:25-34; 7:32-37). Biblical portraits of certain holy men as healers (Elijah, Elisha, Jesus, Peter, Paul) also have affinities with those of healers in extrabiblical sources, for example, in the use of gestures and material means (1 Kings 17:21; 2 Kings 5:10-11; Mark 7:33; 8:23, 25; Acts 19:12; 28:8) and foreign words (Mark 5:41; 7:34). Healing in the NT: The NT evidence on healing is ambivalent. The book of Acts presents Paul as a healer (Acts 14:8-10; 16:18; 19:11-12; 28:8-9), and Paul's mention of his apostolic "signs and wonders" (Rom. 15:19; 2 Cor. 12:12) may refer to healings; yet he himself reports that his prayers for his own healing were rejected (2 Cor. 12:7-9). The NT accounts of Jesus as healer are in contrast to the story of his helplessness in the face of his own suffering and death (cf. Matt. 27:42; Mark 15:31; Luke 23:35). Nor is Jesus able to heal consistently where faith in him is lacking (Mark 6:5-6; cf. Matt. 13:58). Belief in healers and their procedures— by sick persons and their social groups—has been shown by modern investigators to be crucial in healing. It presumably figures into some of the wondrous healings reported for the Greek god of healing, Asclepius, with whom the risen Jesus as healer comes into rivalry as early Christians performed healing rituals in Jesus' name.

Early followers of Jesus, who are reported as healing by the command of Jesus (Mark 6:13; Matt. 10:8) or in his name (Acts 3:7; 16:18), may well have recounted and recorded some of the stories of Jesus as healer to inspire confidence and as warrant for their healing rituals. In those cases, the details of procedures in these accounts (use of gestures, material means, foreign words) may have served as guides for their own procedures (cf. esp. Mark 9:29). See also Devil; Leprosy; Magic and Divination; Miracles. H.E.R. Dishan (di'shan). 1 A son of the Horite Seir, listed seventh in Gen. 36:21 and 1 Chron. 1:38, and the father of two sons, Uz and Aran (Gen. 36:28; 1 Chron. 1:42). 2 The name of a Horite clan (Gen. 36:30) in the land of Seir. Current studies suggest that Dishan is an alternate spelling of Dishon, the former presenting an early Semitic, Aramaic, and Arabic form of the name. Dishon (di'shon). 1 A son of the Horite Seir, listed fifth in Gen. 36:21 and 1 Chron. 1:38, and father of four sons, Hemdan, Eshban, Ithran, and Cheran (Gen. 36:28; Hamran for Hemdan in 1 Chron. 1:42). 2 The son of Anah (Gen. 36:25; 1 Chron. 1:41), and the brother of Oholibamah (Gen. 36:25). 3 A Horite clan in Seir (Gen. 36:30). Studies suggest that Dishon is an alternate spelling of Dishan, the former representing an early Northwest Arabic and Canaanite form of the name. Dispersion (dis-puhr'zhuhn; Gk. diaspora from diaspeirein, "to scatter"), terms referring to the exile or emigration of Jews from Israel to other countries. When the northern kingdom of Israel was conquered by the Assyrians in 721 B.C., many Israelites were taken into exile in Mesopotamia. When the southern kingdom of Judah was conquered in 597 and again in 587 many of its leaders and people were exiled to Babylon, laying the foundation of a community that flourished until A.D. 1000. During the Persian (539-332 B.C.) and Hellenistic (332 B.C.-A.D. 63) periods Jews moved to all major population centers in the eastern Mediterranean. Jewish mercenaries settled in upper Egypt and southern Asia Minor. In NT times, under the Romans, Jews were a recognized ethnic group with legal rights. Vigorous communities existed in Rome, Alexandria, Cyprus, the cities of Greece and Asia Minor, Antioch in Syria, and beyond the Empire in Mesopotamia. Acts 2:9-11 names the diverse origins of pilgrims to Jerusalem. Greek was the most common language of the eastern Roman Empire and the Septuagint, the Greek translation of the OT, was made to serve the large Greek-speaking Jewish community. In John 7:35 people speculate whether Jesus will go among the Jews (called Greeks) of the Dispersion. See also Babylon; Israel; Septuagint. A.J.S.

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distaff. See Spinning and Weaving. Dives (di'veez; from the Lat. for "wealth"), a term that became attached as a name to the rich man in the parable of Lazarus and the rich man (Luke 16:19-31) because of its use in the Vulgate, a Latin translation of the Bible.

Divided Kingdom, Divided Monarchy, the two-hundred-year period in ancient Judah and Israel from 922 to 722 B.C. Following Solomon's reign, his son Rehoboam was unable to retain leadership in the northern state of Israel. Judah, the southern state, was much more at ease with the dynastic succession (son following father), but Israel did not follow suit. Therefore when Rehoboam went to Shechem to be confirmed as king over Israel as was the custom (1 Kings 12:1-20), his trip ended in failure. As a result Jeroboam I became king of the northern state and the Divided Kingdom was begun. Israel during this time had no fewer than eighteen kings and Judah twelve kings. While political leadership during the Divided Kingdom lacked distinction, included in the period are great eighth-century B.C. prophets such as Amos, Hosea, and Isaiah. See also Jeroboam I; Prophet; Rehoboam; Solomon. K.H.R.

Doeg (doh'ig), "the Edomite," unscrupulous henchman of Saul (1 Sam. 21-22). He witnessed Ahimelech, a priest in Nob, giving assistance to David. Doeg reported Ahimelech's action to Saul, who, ignoring Ahimelech's protestation of faith in David's loyalty, ordered all the priests of Nob slain. While most of Saul's servants refused to strike God's priests, Doeg proceeded to kill them, their families, and their livestock. dog, a domesticated member of the canine family. Dogs were highly esteemed and possibly even worshiped in Egypt, and they were popular in Mesopotamia as hunting companions; dogs are depicted on Assyrian reliefs from the seventh century B.C. The Hebrews, however, viewed them with utter disgust. In the Bible the dog (Heb. keleb; Gk. kyôn) is usually described as a scavenger. An exception is obviously the dog that followed at the heels of Tobias (Tob. 5:16; 11:4). The little dogs (Gk. kynarion) that ate the

divination. See Magic and Divination. divinity of Jesus. See Jesus Christ. divorce. See Marriage. doctor. See Disease and Healing. document. See Acts of the Apostles, The; New Testament; Q; Sources of the Pentateuch. Dodanim (doh'duh-nim), a term in Gen. 10:4 that should rather be read Rodanim, as in 1 Chron. 1:7. In both texts the name is that of the fourth and last son of Javan (Ionia), who was the fourth son of Japheth. As reflected in the Greek (LXX) version of the name—Rhodioi—it refers to the people of Rhodes, the large island off the southwest coast of Asia Minor. Dodo (doh'doh; Heb., "his beloved"). 1 A member of the tribe of Issachar and the grandfather of Tola, one of the judges of Israel (Judg. 10:1). 2 An Ahohite, father of Eleazer, one of the three chief leaders of David's fighting men (2 Sam. 23:9). He is probably the same person referred to as Dodai the Ahohite (1 Chron. 27:4), although it is probable that due to an inadvertent omission in the text it was his son Eleazer who commanded the division of twenty-four thousand men under David and not Dodai himself. 3 A man from Bethlehem, the father of Elhanan, one of David's warriors (2 Sam. 23:9). D.R.B. 244

Hunting dog and Assyrian hunter; seventhcentury B.C. relief from Nineveh. proverbial bread "crumbs that fall from their master's table" at least had access to the house and may have been pets (Matt. 15:27; Mark 7:28). The dog {Canis familiaris), whose wild ancestor was the wolf [Canis lupus), is held to be the earliest domesticated animal. This assumption rests on remains of a presumably domesticated dog found at Palegawra Cave in Iraq and dated to 10,000 B.C. Recently a puppy skeleton buried with a human and ascribed to the Natufian period (ca. 12,000-4500 B.C.) was unearthed at Ein Mallaha in northern Israel. This find testifies to the existence of a close relationship between humans and dogs for the same time in Palestine (ca. 10,000 B.C.). Dogs were useful as watchdogs and because they cleared away refuse, carcasses (Exod. 22:31), and vermin. But they are also said to eat human flesh (e.g., 1 Kings 14:11; 16:4) and to lick human blood (1 Kings 21:19). 2 Kings 9:30-36 tells the

DOMINION

DOT

gruesome story of Jezebel, who was eaten by dogs after being thrown over the city wall. When applied to a person "dog" becomes a term of disregard and humiliation and in Ps. 22:16 enemies are called "dogs." In 1 Sam. 17:43 Goliath ridicules David's weapons by saying "Am I a dog, that you come to me with sticks?" Considering this attitude of the Hebrews one wonders why in Eccles. 9:4 "a living dog is better than a dead lion." I.U.K.

used, meaning rather the flap or entrance opening which usually had no construction as its support (Gen. 18:1; Exod. 26:36; Lev. 14:11). Elaborate doors were part of the Temple, being described as built of two swinging leaves each (1 Kings 6:34; Ezek. 41:24), and there were numerous doors throughout the structure (Ezek. 40:13-47:1). Archaeological evidence in numerous locations supports the suggestion that doors were hung from a pivot post set in a socket. They could be bolted shut, both with horizontal and vertical bolt locks. They were sometimes reinforced with iron, carved or otherwise decorated, and, as with gates in city walls, were the most vulnerable point in the building's perimeter when under assault. Stone doors (swinging and rolling type) have been found for both tombs and buildings (especially in the Roman and Nabatean remains in Palestine and the Transjordan; cf. Matt. 27:65-28:2). R.S.B.

dominion, rule or lordship, referring to political authority exercised by human beings (Gen. 37:8; Judg. 14:4; Ps. 72:8) or the realm in which such authority is exercised (2 Kings 20:13). Humanity also rules over creation, though under God (Gen. 1:26, 28; Ps. 8:6). Oppressive rule is condemned (Lev. 25:43, 53; Matt. 20:25). Ultimate and eternal dominion over all things belongs to God (Pss. 22:28; 145:13; Dan. 4:3; Rev. 1:6). In the NT, dominion may also refer to certain angelic or cosmic powers (Col. 1:16; Rom. 8:38), which, however, are subordinated to the power of God (Eph. 1:21; Col. 2:15). doorkeepers, people who guard access to important or restricted places. Doorkeepers were appointed in the Temple as "keepers of the threshold" to collect money from the people (2 Kings 22:4). Lévites were appointed as gatekeepers for the Ark (1 Chron. 15:23-24). Eunuchs were doorkeepers at the palace of the Persian king (Esther 2:21) and a woman was doorkeeper at the house of King Ishbosheth (2 Sam. 4:6; cf. John 18:16-17; Acts 12:13). doors, floor-level breaches in a wall with openable barriers. The biblical use of the term is both literal and symbolic, with shrine doors used in both ways. Among the literal uses, one finds doors to houses (Gen. 19:6), which could be broken in during assault (Gen. 19:9); doors used for signs for deliverance (Exod. 12:23) or bondage (Deut. 15:17) or work zones (Neh. 3:20); doors used for assignations (Job 31:9); and doors built unwisely (Prov. 17:19), closed for privacy (Matt. 6:6; Luke 11:7), and pounded upon to rouse occupants (Luke 13:25). Symbolically, doors were places where sin lay in wait (Gen. 4:7), the apertures through which speech made its exit (Ps. 141:3), the model of sluggish action (Prov. 26:14), an access route for hope (Hos. 2:15), the narrow passage to eternal life (Luke 13:24), the right access to the human community of the church (John 10:1), the access route of faith among the Gentiles (Acts 14:27), opportunity to proclaim the gospel (2 Cor. 2:12), and the route of access to one's life (Rev. 3:12). In references to shrines, the Bible uses the word "door" in the case of tents, buildings, and parts of buildings. Applied to tents and the tabernacle in the wilderness, it is slightly mis-

Dor (dor), a well-situated natural seaport on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea south of Mt. Carmel. Dor is first mentioned in an Egyptian inscription of the thirteenth century B.C. Tel Dor (modern Khirbet el-Burj) is one of the largest tells in Israel (ca. 35 acres). It was excavated in the 1920s by John Garstang and G. M. Fitzgerald for the British School of Archaeology and in the 1980s by E. Stern for the Israel Exploration Society. The king of Dor was one of a coalition of Canaanite kings defeated by Joshua (mid- or late-thirteenth century B.C.; Josh. 11:2; 12:23). The city was included in the territorial allotment of Manasseh (Josh. 17:7-13; 1 Chron. 7:29), although the Joshua text notes that the Canaanites continued to occupy Dor. Indeed, it is known from the Egyptian Tale of Wen-Amon (ca. 1100 B.C.) that the city was occupied by the Tjeker, a sea people related to the Philistines. The city was under Israelite control by the tenth century (Solomon's son-in-law Ben-abinadab was governor of the district of Dor, 1 Kings 4:11) but it became the center of an Assyrian administrative district in the eighth century (probably the "Way of the Sea" of Isa. 9:1-2). It was subsequently controlled by the Persians and the Phoenicians and during the Hellenistic period was a large, well-fortified independent city. The Hasmonean Simon fought against Trypho of Dor in an alliance with Antiochus Sidetes (1 Mace. 15:1-14) and the city was later taken by Alexander Jannaeus. Pompey restored independence J.D.P. to the citizens in 63 B.C.

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Dorcas (dorTcuhs), a Christian woman in Joppa whose Aramaic name was Tabitha ("gazelle"). Well known for her works of generosity and charity, she died and was restored to life by Peter (Acts 9:36-42). dot, a projection or hook as part of a letter of the alphabet (serif) or of a stroke to mark accents

DOTHAN

DREAMS

and breathing, hence a metaphor for something insignificant (Matt. 5:18; Luke 16:17). Dothan (doh'thuhn), a town in central Palestine where Joseph and his brothers pastured their flocks (Gen. 37:17). It was there also that the king of Syria sought out the prophet Elisha (2 Kings 6:13). Ancient Dothan is identified with modern Tell Dotha, ten miles north of Samaria/Sebaste and near the southern edge of the Esdraelon plain. In antiquity as well as today Dothan was close to the main commercial route and in the midst of pasture lands. Tell Dotha was excavated by Joseph Free from 1953 to 1960. Thirty feet of debris indicate rather continuous occupation from Late Chalcolithic times (ca. 3200 B.C.) through Iron Age II (to 700 B.C.) and a Hellenistic acropolis, some slight Roman remains, and a Mamluk palace. Widespread Middle Bronze occupation and several Iron Age II levels can be related to the biblical accounts. Particularly rich are the burials from near the end of the Late Bronze Age into Iron I (thirteenth-twelfth centuries B.C.) N.L.L.

This composite creature, with the head of a serpent, body of a lion, and hind feet of an eagle, is a reconstruction of the original that decorated the Ishtar Gate at Babylon during the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II, seventh century B.C.

his sister Anat. In the Bible the dragon appears as the primeval enemy of God, killed or subjected in conjunction with creation (Pss. 74:13-14; 89:10; Isa. 51:9; Job 26:12-13), but appearing again at the end of the world, when God will finally dispose of it (Isa. 27:1, using traditional language attested in the Baal myths of Ras-Shamra). The book of Revelation takes up the latter theme. The dragon (identified now with the Devil) and its agents campaign against God and his forces but are finally defeated (Rev. 1 2 - 1 3 ; 16:13-14; 20:2-3, 7-10). For now, however, it is kept under guard (Job 7:12), its supporters lying prostrate beneath God (Job 9:13). Referred to variously as Tannin, Rahab, or Leviathan, it is usually conceived of as a sea monster, as in the Enuma elish and sometimes at Ras-Shamra. As a great opponent of God's people, Egypt was known as Rahab. The oracle of Isa. 30:7 gives Egypt the name "Rahab [is] put down," alluding to the dragon's defeat by God, and Ps. 87:4 simply assumes Rahab as an accepted name for Egypt. The king of Egypt was portrayed as a sea monster lurking in the Nile, whom God would catch and kill (Ezek. 29:3; 32:2). There may be no mythological allusion here, and there is certainly none when the words tannin and leviathan are used to refer to the monsters of the deep created by God (Gen. 1:21; Ps. 104:26), summoned to praise God (Ps. 148:7), and beyond human capture (Job 41:1). The apocryphal Bel and the Dragon (23-27) relates Daniel's unorthodox disposal of a dragon worshiped by the Babylonians. See also Leviathan; Rahab. S.B.P.

dove, a small bird of the Columbidae family. Three varieties of the small species of pigeon identified as a "turtledove" are known in Palestine. Noah, following a custom of ancient mariners, uses doves to determine if the Flood has subsided (Gen. 8:8-12). Lev. 12:8 prescribed the offering of a pair of doves or two young pigeons to purify the mother after childbirth if the family could not afford a lamb. Doves for such offerings were sold in the Temple court (Mark 11:15; John 2:14). Mary makes this offering after the birth of Jesus (Luke 2:4). The stories of Jesus' baptism all describe the descent of the Holy Spirit on Jesus "like a dove" (Mark 1:10; Matt. 3:16; Luke 3:22; John 1:32). Although the tradition presumably derives from the early Palestinian community, no early Jewish parallel for the use of a dove to represent the Spirit has yet been found. Some scholars think that the hovering Spirit of Gen. 1:2 might have suggested the image. Others point to the "dove" of Gen. 8:8 or to the comparison of the Spirit of God to an eagle in Deut. 32:11. P.P. dowry. See Marriage. d r a c h m a (drak'muh). See Money. dragon, a reptilian monster well known in the mythology and iconography of the ancient Near East. In the Babylonian creation myth, Enuma elish, the dragon Tiamat is slain by the god Marduk and her supporters taken captive. In a Hattic myth, the dragon Illuyankas defeated the storm god and later was slain by him. The Ugaritic myths from Ras-Shamra refer to various monsters defeated by the storm god Baal or

dreams, visions widely attested in the early books of the Bible (e.g., Jacob's dream, Gen. 28:12; Joseph's dreams, Gen. 37), yet often viewed with distrust in the later tradition, as in Jer. 23:28: "Let the prophet who has a dream tell the dream, but let him who has my word speak my word faithfully" (see also Deut. 13:2-6; Jer.

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27:9-10; 29:8-9; Sir. 34:1-8). Dreams are rehabilitated as a mode of revelation in the apocalyptic literature. Daniel interprets the dreams of the gentile king and receives his own revelations in dream-visions (also cf. Zech. 1:8 with the prophecy of Joel 2:28). In the NT dreams figure most prominently in the nativity story of Matthew. See also Daniel, The Book of; Joseph; Magic and Divination. J.J.C.

were special dress arrangements for special occasions, such as a wedding, mourning, or a planned deceit (Josh. 9:5). Men's Clothing: The term translated "clothes" in 1 Sam. 4:12 and Judg. 3:16 was apparently a long robe of some sort (2 Sam. 10:4) since it could be cut off "in the middle, at their hips." A term for any whole garment could also mean a cover cloth for the Ark (Num. 4:6-9, "a cloth") or a bed (1 Sam. 19:13, "the clothes"), royal robes (2 Sam. 13:31, "garments"), war prisoners' clothing (Jer. 52:33, "prison garments"), mourning garb (2 Sam. 14:2, "mourning garments" worn in this case by a woman), and priestly garments (Exod. 28:2, "holy garments"). Such clothing might be made of either linen or wool, but in the codes in Deuteronomy and Leviticus they were not to be mixed (Deut. 22:11; Lev. 19:19). The "wrap-around" garment usually called a mantle could cover nakedness (Noah's in Gen. 9:23), a sword (1 Sam. 21:9), or dress clothing while moving incognito (Ruth 3:3), or serve as an offering basket (Judg. 8:25). It was the clothing of wanderers (Deut. 8:4), the strangers (Deut. 10:18), and the poor (Exod. 22:26-27), who used it as a sleeping cover. For that reason it was not to serve as collateral for more than the part of a day remaining until sundown, when the owner would need it for the night. As with all clothing, it could be ripped (1 Kings 11:30). To be without such garments was the extremity of poverty or neglect (Job 24:7). Ezek. 27:23-24 indicates that clothing was a trading item when it was distinctively rich or finely worked goods. NT language for general clothing items includes reference to an oblong outer garment (Matt. 17:2; 27:31) worn over a coat (Matt. 5:40; Luke 6:29, "shirt"). With the outer clothing mentioned above were worn certain items as undergarments. A long or half-sleeved, ankle-length shirt in white or in colors was used by both men and women (Gen. 37:3, 31-33). Gen. 3:21 reports that God made such garments for Adam and Eve out of skins. They were usually anchored over one if not both shoulders. Men's sometimes reached only to the knees. The collared tunic of Job 30:18 was also used by women (2 Sam. 13:18-19; Song of Sol. 5:3), as by priests (Exod. 28:4). Usually made of wool, it was specified to be of linen for priests. The seamless tunic of Jesus (John 19:23) for which the soldiers cast lots was such an item, as was the garment torn by the high priest (Mark 14:63). A linen undergarment (Jud. 14:12-13) is identified by the same term as that for the shroud (Mark 15:46) for the dead. The young man who lost his "linen cloth" (Mark 14:51-52) in a scuffle was probably dressed only in a wrap-around of some sort. The "girdle," whether of leather (as Elijah's, 2 Kings 1:8) or cloth (Jer. 13:1), was in effect a loincloth, and while it was loosened at night, it was not necessarily removed. Linen

dress, clothing worn for utility as well as decoration. The biblical terms for dress, garments, clothes, robes, and various items of garb are general and exchangeable in translation, and the clothes they represent are difficult to describe from them. Artistic representations from the Near East are very helpful, and some forms of dress are defined by function, as with a soldier's helmet (1 Sam. 17:5), which is used metaphorically as well (Isa. 59:17; Eph. 6:17). The earliest forms of clothing were generally made from animal skins, a practice never really given up to this day (witness the popularity of furs, hides for shoes and gloves, leather for belts, tool carriers, decorative items [watchbands or bracelets and hair fasteners], and billfolds). The beginnings of fabric weaving are lost in the advancing centuries of the Stone Age (ended ca. 4500 B.C.), and the use of straw and reeds for mats and houses probably preceded adaptation of plant fiber for clothing. Linen (from flax) and cotton cloth were apparently distinctively Egyptian developments, whereas the use of wool for fabric seems to have become popular sometime between the Sumerian use of lapped leaves (of leather or metal) for skirts evident in their statuary and the draped robes of Gudea, the king of Lagash in the later Sumerian period. Weaving cloth of wool or hair (for tents), stitching fabric pieces together, and dyeing fabric to allow variation in color are known throughout the biblical period. The tomb paintings from Egypt at Beni-hasan give representations of both styles and colors in use there. Biblical styles and materials were those shared throughout the Near East from the Early Bronze Age (3000-2000 B.C.) into the Roman period (63 B.C.-A.D. 324). Characteristic references to Israelite garments used by both men and women indicate that the cultural habits in dress changed as different peoples invaded and dominated Syro-Palestine, but there were always certain exceptions for traditional and distinctive official dress. It is immediately clear that dress was geared to climate and necessities of movement rather than simply to appearance or aesthetic appeal. Again there were exceptions. The notorious dress of the harlot (Prov. 7:10) was probably as much a public advertisement as was her conduct toward the young and unsuspecting prospect. Soldiers' dress was geared to battle efficiency, priestly garments included many symbolic representations (as with some modern clerical garb), and there

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Ancient Styles of Dress: l a . One type of loincloth (Semite, ca. 1800 B.C.); lb. Animal skin; 2. Men's tunic or coat; 3. Men's mantle; 4. Himation; 5. First-century cloak or cape; 6. Women's dress; 7. High priest; 8. Type of prayer shawl; 9. Hebrew royal attire; 10. Persian; 11. Roman toga; 12. Roman stola and pallium; 13. Egyptian loincloth (ca. 1300 B.C.); 14. Egyptian sheath-like dress (ca. 2000 B.C.); 15. Babylonian (ca. 2000 B.C.); 16. Assyrian (ca. 900 B.C.).

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breeches covering "from the loins to the thighs" were part of priestly vestments (Exod. 28:42). A true belt, sash, or girdle tying one's clothes together at the waist and serving to suspend a soldier's sword was also normal. If made of folded cloth, it could hold money or other valuables (Mark 6:8). Footwear in the form of sandals or shoes was essential, given the thistle and thorn growth in the countryside. They could be removed in holy places (Exod. 3:5), for mourning, or for repair (Josh. 9:5). Artistic representation shows them attached to the foot by straps around the ankle or, in some periods, even up the calf of the leg. Head covering was vital for shade from the sun in summer as well as for warmth during the rainy season. A simple cloth might be draped, folded, or wrapped (as a turban) and be held in place by a headband in the fashion still used as égal and kaffiyeh. The use of lightweight cloth was remarkably suited to the climate, providing a shade penetrable by breeze in the heat of the summer, but allowing multiple folds in which to wrap both face and head as protection against cold, wind, or dust. Specific headgear with certain decorations was designated for priests and their ceremonial duties. Women's Clothing: The same general terms for clothing mentioned above applied to the garments women wore. The same divisions of outerwear, undergarments, girdles, footwear, and headgear are appropriate, with the addition of the veil in some situations. Outerwear consisted of a long robe, possibly decorated with fringes, or in later periods, with embroidery. It was fastened at the waist with a belt or girdle (Isa. 3:24, even a rope in hard times). Such a mantle or cloak could enfold goods (Ruth 3:15, grain) as well as the wearer. The undergarments of women included the wool or linen shouldersuspended shift used by men (2 Sam. 13:18), and artistic representations of them show greater variety of colors than those used by men. For footwear, sandals were normal, and might be made especially attractive (Song of Sol. 7:1; Jth. 10:4; 16:9), with special enhancements appropriate at the time of a woman's marriage (Ezek. 16:10). The most distinctive items of dress for women pertain to the head. The "turban" (Isa. 3:23) or "headdress" (Isa. 3:20) was supplemented at least in certain circumstances by a veil for the face (Gen. 24:65, in the presence of a stranger; 38:14, to allow a ruse) or for the body (Isa. 3:23). Special Occasions: Aside from the special dress for priests in service and soldiers on duty, there was also a customary dress for mourning, whether for the dead, tragedy, or danger from war, usually referred to as sackcloth (a coarse burlap) and ashes (Isa. 58:5; Jer. 6:26; Luke 10:13). Special adornments were also appropriate for weddings, although they may have comprised unusually ornate garments or headdresses rather than special addi-

tional items. Additional jewelry was surely appropriate for any number of celebrations, and the removal of such adornments as signs of repentance was most apparent with the donning of sackcloth and ashes. Garments were also a symbol of rank and station, especially during the Roman period, when government officials such as kings, legates, and procurators were each marked by distinctive insignia, much in the way the military uses different uniforms for different units, duties, and stations. As in all societies, the poorest folk were most poorly clothed, the wealthiest most ornately dressed. Pretentiousness could show in dress as in manners. Parades tended to draw finery into public view and add color, variety, and festivity, whether to religious, civil, or private ceremonies of celebration. Dress could also be a means of protest, as with the shedding of clothes by Isaiah as a warning to Egypt (Isa. 20:1-6). See also Jewelry; Priests. R.S.B.

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drink, liquid nourishment. In the womb the fetus derives food and shelter from the mother without differentiation between physical and spiritual dimensons. Postnatal liquid foods are milk, water, and wine. Physically milk and water are essential; wine gives superabundance and elation. Used figuratively, all bespeak a consciousness that one does not live by physical elements alone but by intangible realities of which they are symbols. Drinking together connotes fellowship; giving drink to the thirsty connotes compassion. Israel eats and drinks before God at Sinai (Exod. 24:9-11). God's wisdom for the exiles is water, milk, and wine (Isa. 55:1-5). Jesus' teaching is living water (John 4:10, 13-14), his death for others covenanting wine. Paul warns that the Kingdom of God is not food and drink but righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Spirit (Rom. 14:17); James (2:14-17) and John (1 John 3:16-18) warn that the Kingdom of God is not known apart from compassionate sharing of the physical elements. J.G.J. dromedary. See Camel. dropsy. See Disease and Healing. drunkenness, the state of inebriation induced by the ingestion of too much alcohol, in the Bible, principally wine. On the one hand, wine was enjoyed in Israel as a divinely given fruit of the ground. Used in cultic meals (Deut. 14:26), it was a figure for divine wisdom (Isa. 55:1-2; Prov. 9:1-6) as well as human love (Song of Sol. 7:9). It bespeaks superabundance, connoting the elative sense of life heightened above the ordinary. On the other hand, drunkenness was persistently condemned (e.g., Gen. 9:20-27; Gal. 5:21). It rendered one insensible and

DRUSILLA

DYEING

imperceptive, a social nuisance, an economic ruin, and a moral and spiritual reprobate. This it caused through its power to deceive, conveying a false sense of clear perception, intelligence, and power. As wine could symbolize divine wisdom, drunkenness could symbolize human folly and the deceitfulness of false gods. Hence it characterized also general moral and spiritual practices of habitual injustice and idolatry. Sobriety and wine in moderation come to represent a religion opposed to the false consciousness arising from intoxication with false values and practices sponsored by other gods. Similarly, in the NT the wisdom of the cross (1 Cor. 1-2) is offered in the covenanting wine, conveying moral and spiritual insight and enhancing the elative sense (Eucharist), in contrast to the occluded consciousness of the wisdom of the world. J.G.J. Drusilla (droo-sil'uh), the wife of Antonius Felix who was procurator of Judea (ca. A.D. 52-59) while Paul was imprisoned in Caesarea. A Jewess, she was the daughter of Herod Agrippa I and great-granddaughter of Herod the Great. Originally given in marriage to the Syrian Azizus of Emesa, she was apparently persuaded to leave him for Felix. In Acts 24:24-27, she is present when Paul speaks about Jesus to her husband. Codex Bezae (an ancient manuscript containing the text of Acts) reports that she instigated the session but adds that when Felix was not responsive to Paul's message, it was Drusilla's wish that Paul remain in prison. See also Agrippa I; Felix, Antonius; Herod; Paul. A.J.M. dulcimer. See Music. Dumah (doo'muh; Heb., "silence"). 1 A son of Ishmael (Gen. 25:14; 1 Chron. 1:30), possibly resident in south central Arabia at modern Dumat al-Ghandal (el-Jof). 2 A city in the southcentral hills of Palestine, probably modern edDome, six miles southwest of Hebron (Josh. 15:52). 3 The subject of an oracle in Isa. 2 1 : 1 1 - 1 2 , where it may be a scribal error for Edom, or its meaning, "silence," may indicate the uncertain sense of the oracle. dumbness. See Disease and Healing. dung, human or animal feces. While dried bricks of human and animal dung were used in Egypt to fuel ovens, the Israelite concept of purity (plus the alternative fuel of Canaan's trees) made this practice obnoxious (Ezek. 4:12, 15). Dung was used as fertilizer (Isa. 25:10; Luke 13:8) and continues to be so used in the modern Middle East. There are several references to the scarcities of a military siege constraining a city's inhabitants to consume their own excrement (2 Kings 18:27; Isa. 36:12; cf. Lev. 26:29;

Dye vats excavated at Tell Beit Mirsim, seventh century B.C.

Deut. 28:53-57) or "dove's dung" (2 Kings 6:25), which may designate a plant. Cultic legal texts require that human voiding (Deut. 23:12-14) occur outside of the camp perimeter and the fecal matter in the intestines of sacrificial animals be burned outside of the camp (Exod. 29:14; Lev. 4:11; 8:17; 16:27; Num. 19:5) because of the impurity of excreta (Mai. 2:3). Dung may also refer to an unburied human corpse left as offal (2 Kings 9:37; Jer. 8:2; 9:21; 16:4; 25:33; Ps. 83:12) or to the worthless impious (Zeph. 1:17; Job 20:7). The "Dung Gate" of Jerusalem's south wall (Neh. 2:13; 3:13-14; 12:31), a still-current appellation, is probably the exit through which the city's refuse was removed. Paul regarded as dung his religious accomplishments and rank achieved prior to his Christian conversion (Phil. 3:8). B.M.L. Dura (door'uh), a plain "in the province of Babylon" (Dan. 3:1) where King Nebuchadnezzar set up the golden image for all to worship. Because of the refusal of Daniel and his friends to heed that decree, they were cast into the fiery furnace. The location of the plain is uncertain. See also Daniel, The Book of. dyeing, the practice of coloring cloth by adding pigment through hot or cold treatment. Dyeing is discussed only by implication in the Bible. Three references occur in one verse of the poetic version of the defeat of Sisera. In an ironic hypothetical chant of the mother of the dead Canaanite king, she imagines him taking the spoils of the victor, which would include dyed and embroidered cloth, two pieces of which would be for her neck (Judg. 5:30). In a corrected reading of Job 38:14 (where the text has been distorted by transcriptional errors) the poet likens divine control of the dawn to the changes in a garment when it is dyed or clay

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DYSENTERY when it is rolled or stamped with a signatory seal. A dyed cloth, known in Ugarit by 1500 B.C., became famous throughout the ancient Near East for its distinctive color, "royal purple." It was long a practical monopoly of the SyroPhoenician coastal people, but Ezekiel (27:7) was apparently impressed that it was available from Cyprus. Jesus was covered with a "purple cloak" during his incarceration for a time (Mark 15:17-20), and the goods continued to be traded into Roman times (Acts 16:14). Archaeological evidence of a local dyeing industry in Palestine has been found at Gezer, Beth-zur, Beth-shemesh, Tell en-Nasbeh, and most notably at Tell Beit Mirsim in housed installations numbering about thirty. A 10-by-30foot room was fitted with two vats with small cover openings and draining rims. Basins and benches were placed near or between the vats. Additional vessels for fixing agents, lime or potash, were nearby. From the vat capacities (cavities about a foot and a half across) and the small openings in the covers, the equipment was apparently intended to dye thread rather than whole cloth. The Hellenistic installation at Gezer included a three-vat room, and vat design was now open-topped in the mode of a tub. A basement furnace here suggested use of hot dyes. The basis of the coveted royal purple was a coloring agent extracted from two primary gastropods of the Muricidae family, especially Murex brandaris and Murex trunculus, extensive shell beds of which have been found on the Mediterranean coast of north Lebanon and Syria. The dye derived from the secretion of the hypobranchial gland of the mollusk and the small quantity extractable from each shell contributed to the high cost and value of goods treated with the product. See also Purple. R.S.B. dysentery. See Disease and Healing.

Opposite: Head of Ramesses II (1279-1212 B.C.), the Egyptian king who may have been the pharaoh of the oppression (Exod. 1-2) or the pharaoh of the Exodus (Exod. 5 - 1 2 ^

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E, in modern biblical source criticism the letter that refers to materials presumed to derive from a northern Israelite milieu. The letter E itself is an abbreviation of the divine name Elohim, the use of which is taken to be one of the characteristics of this source in the patriarchal narratives. See also Sources of the Pentateuch.

which may also have been present in biblical times. While the kind of "eagle" referred to by Jesus as collecting where a body is to be found (Matt. 24:28; Luke 17:37) probably refers to a vulture, the great bird of Rev. 4:7 may well refer I.U.K. to an eagle.

E a (ee'ah), an early and important Mesopotamian god. Akkadian Ea, a variant of which may perhaps be Haia, corresponds to the Sumerian Enki(k). He was the god of fresh water and its sources. He was a creator god who formed and engendered life. He was a master of crafts and wisdom. Furthermore, he possessed the knowledge and power of magic and was the god of the magician. As flowing water, he both washed away and received evil; as a body of water, he encompassed and controlled monsters and demons. In origin, he was the local god of Eridu and made his home there. He also shared the direction and rule of the universe with An, Enlil, and the mother goddess Ninhursag. While it is possible that he was secondarily attached to this triad, he is undoubtedly primary to and dominated the gods of Eridu and its environs and this region's tradition of creation myths of irrigation. He appears in myths revolving around figures of his own circle, e.g., "Enki and Ninmah." Here he seems to disappear and then to reappear and (enter into an incestuous relationship with his mother Nammu in order to) create humankind thereby, relieving the gods of their toil. Ea reappears in pan-Mesopotamian myths originating and centering in Nippur. Thus in the "Story of Atrahasis," a probable source of the biblical account of the Flood, the discontent of the gods recurs and it is again Ea who assists in the creation of humankind in order to relieve the gods. The rescue of humanity from utter destruction in the Flood is due to Ea's intervention. I.T.A. eagle, a large predatory bird. The Hebrew word [nesher) that has traditionally been translated "eagle" seems more likely to refer to the griffon vulture. Vultures and eagles are difficult to distinguish from a distance, and perhaps for that reason the same term is applied to both birds. The context determines which one is meant. The passage in Prov. 23:5 where a large bird (Heb. nesher) flies toward heaven is thought to refer to the imperial eagle [Aquila heliaca), as this bird was believed able to see into the sun. Where the same word depicts a bird as a symbol for swiftness, it may be the golden eagle [Aquila chrysaetos) that is alluded to, as this bird possesses great speed (cf. 2 Sam. 1:23; Jer. 4:13). A number of other eagle species also nest in Palestine or pass through during migration, such as the booted eagle [Hieraaetus pennatus), Bonelli's eagle [Hieraaetus fasciatus), and the tawny eagle [Aquila rapax), some or all of

earrings, jewelry worn at the ear. Earrings were listed together with brooches, signet rings, and armlets (bracelets) as gifts brought to the tabernacle in the wilderness (Exod. 35:22). They were offered with beads and other items as atonement for defiling the dead (Num. 31:50), and Ishmaelite men gave them as material from which Gideon made an ephod (Judg. 8:24-26). They were viewed by Ezekiel as part of the garb of the exquisitely clothed woman (Ezek. 16:12) and reflected God's treatment of Jerusalem. In archaeological evidence, earrings are most commonly found in burials, and the forms of

Earrings: 1. From Tell el-'Ajjul (1600 B.C.); 2. From the period of the Judges (1100 B.C.), gold; 3. and 4. Assyrian (900-800 B.C.); 5. Egyptian (800 B.C.); 6. Egyptian (100 B.C.); 7. Greek (100 B.C.).

single and multiple pendant designs frequently incorporated the lunar motif as a most popular expression. Materials used included silver and gold, as with rings and bracelets. Filigreed gold is sometimes extremely fine work in these examples, and the numerous burials with single earrings reflect the practice of Roman times. R.S.B. earthquake, a shaking or trembling of the earth's surface, fairly frequent in geologically active Syro-Palestine. Specific earthquakes within the biblical period include one in 31 B.C. reported by the Jewish historian Josephus, which left clear marks in Qumran's ruins, and one in Uzziah's days (ca. 760 B.C.) cited in Amos 1:1 and remembered in Zech. 14:5. The excavators of Hazor assign the destruction of Stratum VI to this latter earthquake. In legendary but graphically realistic description, earthquakes related to the swallowing up of Dathan and Abiram in Num. 16:30-34, to Elijah's experiences at Sinai (1 Kings 19:11-12), to the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen. 19:24-29), to the Holy War panic among the Philistines (1 Sam. 14:15), and to the divine theophany in Exod.

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19:18. On virtually every occasion that an earthquake appears in the Bible, it has figurative dimensions of God's intervention; note especially the earthquakes at Jesus' death (Matt. 27:51) and his resurrection (Matt. 28:2). It was readily projected, then, as attending the judgment at the final days (see Isa. 29:6; Matt. 24:7; Rev. 6:12-17; among many others.) See also Amos, The Book of; Dathan; Eschatology; Hazor; Qumran, Khirbet; Sodom. E.F.C.

ity which, unlike Western Christianity, did not accept the Gregorian calendar reform in 1582. Originally a unitary feast celebrating the Exodus and the Christian redemption, Easter was split up in the fourth century into its component parts, Easter Day becoming a separate commemoration of Christ's resurrection. For a long time it was also the preeminent occasion for Christian initiation (baptism), understood as a participation in the paschal mystery. See also Passover, The; Resurrection. R.H.F.

east, the, one of the four cardinal points of the compass. The OT terminology for "east" is derived chiefly from two sources. First, it is drawn from language associated with sunrise (Heb. mizrakh, "rising, shining," Josh. 4:19), sometimes with sun [shemesh, Judg. 21:19) or going forth [motsah, Ps. 75:7) with the sun (Ps. 19:5-7), and morning (boker, Ps. 65:9). Second, it is drawn from derivatives from the root meaning "before, in front" [kdm). Since one orients oneself by facing east, the east is what is before or in front of one. Several derivatives of the root meaning "east" are found in Gen. 11:2; Ezek. 40:6; Gen. 2:14; and Ezek. 10:19. A common use of "east" in the OT, especially in poetry, is in the listing of the four cardinal points to express totality ("everywhere," Joel 2:20; Ps. 75:7; Job 23:8-9). In the NT, "east" (Gk. anatole) is similarly used (Matt. 8:11; Luke 13:29). The east is the source of such OT wisdom figures as Job (Job 1:3), Agur (Prov. 30:1), and Lemuel (Prov. 31:1), as well as of the J.S.K. NT Magi (Matt. 2:1). Easter (ee'stuhr), the Christian festival that celebrates Jesus' resurrection. The name "Easter" derives from the Anglo-Saxon goddess of Spring (Eostre or Ostara), but the Christian festival developed from the Jewish Passover (Heb. pesech, Gk. pascha), because according to the Gospels the events of Jesus' last days took place at the time of Passover. Easter was originally observed on the day following the end of the Passover fast (14 Nisan), regardless of the day of the week on which it fell. In the mid-second century, however, some Gentile Christians began to celebrate it on the Sunday after 14 Nisan, with the preceding Friday observed as the day of Christ's crucifixion, regardless of the date on which it fell. The resulting controversy over the correct time for observing the Easter festival reached a head in A.D. 197, when Victor of Rome excommunicated those Christians who insisted on celebrating Easter on 14 Nisan. The dispute continued until the early fourth century, when the Quarto-decimans (from Latin for "14") were required by Emperor Constantine to conform to the empire-wide practice of observing Easter on the Sunday following 14 Nisan, rather than on that date itelf. Currently celebrated on the first Sunday after the first full moon following the vernal equinox, Easter falls differently for Orthodox Christian-

Ebal (eeTjuhl). 1 The ancestral name of a Horite clan in Edom (Gen. 36:23; 1 Chron. 1:40). 2 A variant spelling of Obal (1 Chron. 1:22; cf. Gen. 10:28). See also Horites. Ebal, Mount, the salient peak, 3,109 feet above sea level, forming the north side of the Shechem pass opposite Mount Gerizim, in the Samaritan hills. On or at Ebal, Joshua was to erect an altar and memorial stones (Josh. 8:30-35; Deut. 27:1-8), features of an ancient covenant ceremony noted in Deut. 11:29 and 27:11-26. Altar and stones probably relate to the sacred precinct of Shechem on Ebal's lowest slopes, 1,400 feet below the summit near the valley floor. Alternatively they may relate to structures on the heights such as the one on the far side of the summit ridge, found in 1983 to date to the twelfth century B.C. See also Gerizim; Shechem. E.F.C. Ebed (eelsid; Heb., "servant"). 1 The father of Gaal, the leader of a group who settled in Shechem and attempted an ill-fated rebellion against Abimelech (Judg. 9:26-45). 2 The leader of the clan of Adin, a family group who returned from exile in Babylon with Ezra (Ezra 8:6). Ebed-melech (eeTrid-meelik; Heb., "servant of the king"), the Ethiopian eunuch and Jerusalem palace official who was responsible for rescuing Jeremiah out of an empty cistern into which the latter had been thrown by the Judeans, who found offensive Jeremiah's advice to surrender to the Babylonians (Jer. 38:1-13). Ebenezer (eb'uh-nee'zuhr; Heb., "stone of help"), a site near Aphek, four miles south of Gilgal, according to 1 Samuel. In the account of the double defeat of the Israelites and capture of the Ark by the Philistines (1 Sam. 4 : 1 - 1 1 ; 5:1), the name has an ironic ring. In 1 Sam. 7:2-12 Samuel names a stone Ebenezer to commemorate God's help in Israel's recovery of the same territory. Eber (eeTaulir). 1 The great-grandson of Shem, father of Peleg and Joktan (Gen. 10:24-25; 11:14-17; 1 Chron. 1:18-19, 25), ancestor of Abram (Gen. 11:17-26) and Jesus (Luke 3:35). Eber would appear to be the eponymous ancestor

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of the Hebrews (cf. Israel), but nothing is made of this beyond the placing of the name in Abram's ancestral line. 2 Beside Asshur (Assyria) in Num. 24:24, probably the region and population "beyond" (the literal meaning of eber in Heb.) the river (Euphrates; cf. e.g., Josh. 24:2, 3, 14, 15). 3 The head of the priestly family of Amok in the generation following that of those who returned to Jerusalem with Joshua and Zerubbabel (Neh. 12:20). 4 A Gadite (1 Chron. 5:13). 5 A Benjaminite, son of Elpaal (1 Chron. 8:12). 6 A Benjaminite, son of Shashak (1 Chron. 8:22). S.B.P. Ebiasaph (i-bi'uh-saf; Heb., "my father has gathered"; more properly Abiasaph, Exod. 6:24), the name of three Lévites in the genealogical lists. 1 The son of Korah through Izhar and either the father (1 Chron. 6:23) or the brother (Exod. 6:24) of Assir. 2 The son of Elkanah and great-grandson of a second Korah through Uzziel (1 Chron. 6:37), also the father of Assir. Because of the repetition of names in these lists it is possible that they have been disordered through scribal errors and that these two are the same person. 3 A Levite, the son of Korah and the father of Shallum, the chief gatekeeper of the Lévites (1 Chron. 9:19; also called Asaph, 1 Chron. 26:1). Some scholars understand this passage (1 Chron. 9:17-27) to be a postexilic record (corresponding to Neh. 11:1-19); however, other scholars see at least part of this chapter to be adapted from a record of pre-exilic Israel, an introduction to the narratives of Saul and David that follow. If it is pre-exilic, this Ebiasaph may be identified with the first two above; otherwise he is a much later descendant of the clan of Korah. See also Assir; Korah. D.R.B. Ebla (ebluh), modern Tell Mardikh, a large mound of some 140 acres, located in Syria about 42 miles south of Aleppo, astride major routes of east-west and north-south communication. Systematic excavation of the site began in 1964 by an Italian team under the direction of Paolo Matthiae; and it is their finds, especially the statue with the inscription of a king of Ebla, Ibbit-Lim, and the tablets of level IIBl, that have established the identification of the site as ancient Ebla. The history of Ebla, as revealed by the still ongoing work of Matthiae and his team, stretches over fourteen levels, from ca. 3500 B.C. (Chalcolithic times) to the third-seventh centuries A.D. (Roman-Byzantine periods), with perhaps later, and briefer, occupations in Islamic and Crusader times. Within this range, it is only the four levels IIBl, IIB2, IIIA, and IIIB that cover the whole site, acropolis and lower city, and represent, it appears, Ebla's most prosperous period. The four collectively spanned ca. 2600/2400-1600 B.C., and all but IIB2 have been intensively explored by Matthiae's group.

Cuneiform tablets as they were discovered at Ebla, fallen from their original shelving arrangement ca. 2600-2250 B.C.

Level IIBl (ca. 2600-2250 B.C.): This is the best-known and most widely discussed level. Debate continues about its exact date. The main position is that of Matthiae's group, arguing for ca. 2400-2300/2250 B.C. (Early Bronze IVA/Mesopotamian Early Dynastic IIIB and perhaps early Sargonic), with the final destruction by an early Sargonic ruler of Mesopotamia, Sargon or Naram-sin, both of whom claim conquest of Ebla in their inscriptions. G. Pettinato and others had supposed a somewhat earlier date of ca. 2600-2500 B.C. (Early Bronze III/Mesopotamian Early Dynastic IIIA-B), but more recently, Pettinato appears to consider lowering the terminus to 2400 B.C. The main building so far uncovered of Level IIBl is Palace G, sprawling over the west and southwest part and slopes of the acropolis. Its central element is a large porticoed audience hall, north of which are a massive tower with a stone-inlay stairway, a second stairway, and (storage) rooms, while on its east and south are the monumental gateway to the palace and the administrative quarters. The objects found in this building include wooden furniture decorated with friezes, seal impressions, and small sculptures—all showing local adaptation of Mesopotamian art of the mid-third millennium B.C. Especially important are the tablets: well over seventeen thousand pieces, recovered largely during the 1974-1976 excavations, but with some additions in the following years, which, allowing for a number of

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Large sacrificial basin found at Tell Mardikh (Ebla). The short side shows warriors marching over lions, the long side a banquet scene; Middle Bronze Age. fragments, comprise perhaps about four thousand whole texts. The tablets come from several places in Palace G, representing different collections or archives; most, however, were found fallen in the debris of two rooms off the audience hall in a way that made it possible to reconstruct the original shelving arrangements. All the tablets are in cuneiform script, reflecting the scribal traditions of the northern area of southern Mesopotamia (especially Kish and Abu Salabikh) during the midthird millennium B.C. They are apparently in two languages: the less frequent is Sumerian, the principal written language of southern Mesopotamia in the third millennium; the more frequent is a hitherto unknown Semitic language, conveniently labeled "Eblaite," whose linguistic affiliations, though still being discussed, seem to be with (Old) Akkadian and Amorite. As for content, the tablets represent roughly four categories, again with Mesopotamian parallels: economic and other administrative records involving the palace (the most numerous); lexical and grammatical texts for the scribes; literary and religious texts; and texts bearing on the events of the day, like a commercial treaty with the city of Abarsal (which a minority of scholars read as Assur). Together, these texts appear to reflect a rather short period within the IIBl level, perhaps about thirty to forty years. But they tell us much about IIBl Ebla. Presiding over the city, as over various settlements in its vicinity, were rulers called en [Snmenan)/ mal(i)kum (Eblaite), who worked with the city "elders" (Sumerian AB X AS and abba). Under their authority were a variety of officials (e.g., Sumerian lugal, ugula, mashkim) and workers (Sumerian gurush), who functioned within the "house of the ruler" (Sumerian e en) and other administrative sectors that together made up the city proper (Sumerian SA.ZAxki), i.e., what physically comprised the acropolis and lower city. They were also active in the outer settlements of the

city (Sumerian uru.bar), supplying from separate animal and agricultural farms products to the city. This complex urban structure, which may be called a city-state, was large as well: Pettinato has estimated, from various texts, a population of 260/300,000. The religious picture was also complex. Administrative and other texts attest Mesopotamian deities like Enki and Enlil, West Semitic deities like Baal, Dagan, Hadad, Rasap (Resheph), and Sham/pash (written as Sumerian Utu, but female, not male as in Mesopotamia), and various deities representing the local substratum, including Kura, the head of the local pantheon, and his consort, Barama. In distinction from these are names like Damu, II, and Malik, which never appear alone, but only as elements in personal names, and so may not be separate deities, but appellatives meant to describe deities like Hadad and Kura. Among cultic activities in evidence are an enthronement ritual for the ruler and his consort and texts pointing to the ritual veneration of dead rulers. Finally, the IIBl texts inform us about a range of localities in contact with Ebla, although reading and identifying the geographical names mentioned continue to be difficult tasks. Most prominent, of course, are those within direct reach of Ebla in the Syrian hinterland, from the south (e.g., Hamath) on through the north and east to the upper and middle Euphrates (e.g., Aleppo, Carchemish, Emar, Harran, Mari, Terqa, and Urshu). Strangely, the Syrian coast is hardly noticed (Ugarit, e.g., appears only in a lexical list, not in administrative texts). In general, the orientation of the texts is toward the east of Ebla, through the upper and middle Euphrates to northern Mesopotamia (Gasur [the later Nuzi]), the northern part of southern Mesopotamia (esp. Kish), and apparently even Iran (Hamazi). Old Kingdom Egypt is also known from imported stone vessels excavated at Ebla, but is not mentioned in the texts. The contacts reflected here are of several kinds: commercial, including trade in textiles, metals, and lapis-lazuli, organized by groups of professional merchants (Sumerian lu.kar); diplomatic and military, e.g., with Mari, whose expansion up the middle Euphrates posed a particular challenge; and cultural, most visibly with Mesopotamia, from which, as noted, Ebla adopted and adapted the cuneiform script, the Sumerian language, and various textual traditions and art forms. In this range of contacts, the southern limit, at least for direct relationships, appears to have been the Horns region of Syria (the contacts with Egypt above must have been indirect). Texts that some claim refer to the Phoenician coast (e.g., Byblos and Tyre) are at best uncertain, while those that have been taken to mention Palestine (e.g., Hazor, Jerusalem, Sodom, and Gomorrah) cannot be sustained. Indeed, the

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initial enthusiasm about the light the Ebla tablets would shed on the early stages of biblical culture is now seen as exaggerated, even misplaced. Clearly, no biblical personages can be identified in the tablets; and while personal names can be found there similar to those in the Bible, e.g., Ishmael, such names are not exclusive to Ebla, appearing in other areas of the Near East as well. Moreover, Eblaite, though a Semitic language, does not look specifically close to biblical Hebrew, as originally thought; and the proposal to find the Israelite god Yahweh in the Ebla texts cannot be supported: the supposed form ya, which occurs as an element in Eblaite personal names, is ambiguous in reading and interpretation. The major contribution, thus, of the tablets of Ebla IIBl is in understanding Syria and Mesopotamia of the third millennium B.C., especially in showing that the complex city-state system attested in Syria in the second millennium had an honorable precedent in the third. In this system, IIBl Ebla was definitely a major center, but the evidence does not suggest that it was the head of a large empire, as sometimes claimed. Level IIB2 (ca. 2250-2000 B.C.): This level, built over the destruction of IIBl, belonged to the Early Bronze IVB period, correlating with the post-Akkadian and Ur III periods in Mesopotamia. Palace G was not reused, being covered by other structures; it may be that a new palace, not yet found, was established elsewhere on the acropolis. The few contemporary Mesopotamian references to Ebla suggest that whatever the disruption caused by the destruction of IIBl, some measure of political stability, prosperity, and trade had been restored in IIB2. But how much is not clear; it may be clarified once Matthiae's team is able to explore this level more thoroughly. Levels IIIA-B (ca. 2000-1600 B.C.): These two levels, however, have been well explored. IIIA, following soon after the apparently extensive destruction of IIB2, fits into the Middle Bronze I/Mesopotamian Isin-Larsa and Old Babylonian periods (ca. 2000-1800 B.C.), when Amorites were gaining political power in many parts of the Near East. One of them may have been Ibbit-Lim, the king of Ebla whose inscription helped identify Tell Mardikh as Ebla, although other scholars argue he was not an Amorite and ruled in the previous IIB2 period. In any case, the political importance Ebla had in IIBl seems to have declined by IIIA, a decline already under way, perhaps, in IIB2, as its power passed to other city-states to the north, particularly Urshu. Yet outside references to Ebla in the IIIA period suggest the city's continuing vitality in trade, now including the Old Assyrian network into Anatolia, which points to a prosperity that archaeologists have confirmed. Among their findings: a terre pisée city rampart, with towers, a small arsenal, and a

monumental gate (one of four); two quarters of private houses in the lower city; three new palaces on the acropolis and lower city; and six temples and smaller sanctuaries, which, like the palaces and city gate, have parallels elsewhere in Syro-Palestine. The following IIIB level (ca. 1800-1600 B.C.; Middle Bronze II/Mesopotamian Old Babylonian periods) saw another change in Ebla's political fortunes, as it came under the control of the neighboring state of Yamhad (Aleppo), which emerged now as dominant in Syria. But once more the prosperity of the city seems not to have suffered. All the buildings of level IIIA continued, without noticeable decline; and a royal necropolis appeared now in full form, constructed out of the natural caves beneath the Western Palace. Of the three excavated tombs (Tombs of the Princess, Lord of the Goats, and Cisterns), two (Princess and Lord of the Goats) yielded treasures of significant wealth; and the complex as a whole attests to the continuation, if not elaboration, of a veneration of the royal dead noticeable earlier in IIBl and known elsewhere in ancient Syria and Mesopotamia. Level IIIB was destroyed, probably in the Hittite invasion of Syria of either Hattushili I or Murshili I (cf. the recently discovered royal epic text, in Hittite and Hurrian, from the Hittite capital at Hattusha). Bibliography Biggs, Robert. "Ebla Texts." Anchor Bible Dictionary. New York: Doubleday, 1992. 2:263-270. Gordon, Cyrus H., ed. Eblaitica 2. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1990. Esp. 3-29, 31-77. Matthiae, Paolo. Ebla: An Empire Bediscovered. New York: Doubleday, 1981. . "New Discoveries at Ebla: The Excavation of the Western Palace and the Royal Necropolis of the Amorite Period." Biblical Archaeologist (1984):47:18-32. Pettinato, Giovanni. Ebla: A New Look at History. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991. P.B.M. Ecclesiastes (i-klee'zee-as'teez), the twentyfirst book in the OT. This book, one of the most often quoted of the Hebrew Bible, is also one of the most mysterious; scholars still do not agree about its provenance, language, literary genre, unity, or overall message. Name: The name of the book in Hebrew, Qohelet, is itself something of a mystery. This word occurs nowhere else outside of the book. It appears to be related, however, to the term qahal ("assembly"), which is why the Greek translators of the Bible rendered it as ekklesiastes, "assemblyman" (hence, in some translations, "the Preacher" or "Speaker"). Qohelet, then, would appear to be some sort of title or office, a supposition supported by the use of this term with the definite article in 12:8 (and possibly 7:27). Some modern scholars, dissatisfied with this explanation, have sought to view qo-

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Eccles. 2:5-6 describes a garden similar to this one with a pondfilledwithfish,ducks, and plants surrounded by palm and pomegranate trees; Egyptian wall painting, fourteenth century B.C.

helet as the proper name or nickname of an actual figure or, alternately, as wisdom personified, a walking assembly [qohelet] of wise sayings. Perhaps the most promising of recent suggestions connects the word qohelet with the rare, but chronologically appropriate, biblical word qehillah (Neh. 5:7), which in context seems to mean "harangue" or "argumentative speech." Ecclesiastes may simply be the "arguer" or "haranguer." Language: The Hebrew in which the book is written shows definite signs of lateness, e.g., by the use of the Persian loan words pardes ("garden") in 2:5 and pitgam ("decree") in 8:11 (these words must certainly mean that the book was written after the end of the sixth century B.C., when the Jewish homeland became part of the Persian Empire). Apart from this, the language of the book is somewhat strange, with features of grammar, syntax, and vocabulary not paralleled elsewhere in the OT. In the past, scholars have suggested that the book is actually a poor translation of an Aramaic original, but that hypothesis is now largely and justly rejected. More recently, it has been argued that the original language was Phoenician, a dialect closely related to Hebrew but with distinctive features. Yet some of these very features are absent or only intermittently present in Ecclesiastes; this hypothesis too is to be rejected. Most likely, the language of Ecclesiastes is a late brand of Hebrew, with many northern (or at least non-Jerusalemite) features, a language thus situated somewhere between the artificial, "literary" Hebrew of other postexilic writings and the dialect known as Mishnaic Hebrew that was to become a literary language only after the close of the biblical period in the writings of rabbinic Judaism. That is to say, the author of Ecclesiastes did not consistently frame his 259

words, as other late authors did, in a literary, official Hebrew; on the contrary, he seems at times to have relished the brassy sound of contemporary, colloquial speech, especially when debunking accepted ideas. Content: This view of his language as often consciously down-to-earth and unliterary is in keeping with his message. For although concerned with ultimate issues, Qohelet never loses his focus on the day-to-day life "under the sun." His book is peppered with allusions to the world of commerce and other daily pursuits. Surprisingly, despite the ingenuity of commentators, only a single allusion to Israel's sacred writings or traditions has been convincingly demonstrated to exist in this book (Eccles. 5:3; cf. Deut. 23:22). The literary form of Ecclesiastes is also unique. Its basic unit of expression is the mashal, the two-part proverb or saying. Yet it is not merely a collection of sayings (like, for example, the book of Proverbs). Instead, the sayings seem to frame a life history. The firstperson speaker of the book, Qohelet, describes himself as having been "king over Israel in Jerusalem" (1:12). In the opening chapters he describes his experiment in investigating both Wisdom (i.e., the path of patience and restraint) and Folly (hedonism and reckless abandon), an experiment that the resources of a king or ruler make him especially well suited to undertake (2:12). The pursuit of pleasure, with wine, rich living, and concubines—and indeed, the very project of this "scientific" (2:3) inquiry into enjoyment—seems a young man's quest; but Qohelet finds no answer in dissoluteness. He continues to try to grasp the totality of human existence, seeking to embrace it all in the propounding of wise sayings, but it eludes him; everything is "vanity." (The Hebrew hebel actually means not "vanity" but something fleeting and futile, utterly insubstantial.) Again and again he tempers his previous observations with "But I returned and saw . . ."or "I saw further . . . " and some of his earlier observations are expressly contradicted by later ones. Some commentators have tried to shape Qohelet's observations into a logical step-by-step argument, but the text resists such an approach as it does any attempt to outline its contents in orderly progression. Instead, what one can say is that Qohelet presents bits and pieces of the truth as he has seen it in his life, and the presence of that life is an all-important framing device. If a youthful inquisitiveness shines through the opening two chapters, the mood then switches to something more somber, resigned, and later, reconciled. The speaker himself seems to age, and by chap. 12, one can feel the weight of his many years and the expectation of death. At the book's end, Qohelet is no more: we get his epitaph (12:9-10). The book's basic argument seems to be that human existence, like so many things in the

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natural world (chap. 1), is round, circular; different activities and desires fit at one moment, when their time comes around, but not at another (chap. 3). Like a sphere, the whole of life's surface cannot be described from any one angle; one must travel around it in order to account for all, and truths apparent from one standpoint prove to be hebel from another. Author: At some point after it was written, Ecclesiastes came to be attributed to King Solomon, the exemplar of wisdom in the Bible; no doubt this attribution helped to preserve its place in the sacred corpus of Jewish writings (for Solomon's wisdom was of divine provenance, 1 Kings 3:12) despite its heterodox, and potentially heretical, teachings. Obviously, for the linguistic reasons cited above, this attribution is impossible; most likely, the book was written in the fourth or fifth century B.C. Its author may indeed have been named or nicknamed Qohelet, and if he was a (Davidide?) governor or administrator appointed by the Persian powers, his self-description as "king over Israel [the Jews] in Jerusalem" may be no literary persona but a statement of fact. Bibliography Fox, Michael V. Qohelet and His Contradictions. Sheffield: Almond Press, 1994. J.L.K.

Ecclesiasticus defies outline in any detail, since much of it consists of short passages on a variety of topics, from how to give and attend a party to exhortations to care for the poor. The predominant types of language are the art proverb and the instruction genre, the latter of which is characterized by imperatives followed by reasons for fulfilling the command. The outline which accompanies this article gives some idea of its contents.

Ecclesiasticus (i-klee'zee-as'ti-kuhs), or the Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach, a book of instruction and proverbs, written in Hebrew around 180 B.C. in Jerusalem by an instructor of wealthy youths. It was translated into Greek in Alexandria by the author's grandson sometime after 132 B.C. The work is of value because it provides extensive evidence for the character of Judaism and Jewish society in Palestine just prior to the Maccabean revolt (167-64 B.C.). We gain a picture of a social order highly polarized between rich and poor, powerful and weak, male and female, pious and nonobservant, and Jew and Gentile, as well as a look into the development of the way of Torah—life centered around the Mosaic law—which will become the central characteristic of Judaism when the Temple is no more. Much of the Hebrew of Ecclesiasticus has survived in manuscripts found in the Genizah (an attic where badly worn Torah scrolls were "treasured" away when retired from service) of the Ezra Synagogue in Cairo, as well as in a few fragments from the Dead Sea Scrolls. Although not considered canonical, the book remained in use within Judaism as late as the eleventh century A.D. The complete version has survived in Greek translation as a part of the Septuagint. In western Christianity it came to be known as Ecclesiasticus, "the Church's Book," probably because it was the most important of the writings not found in the Hebrew Bible to be preserved in the Vulgate. Protestants relegate it to the Apocrypha, while Catholics classify it as deuterocanonical.

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS Ecclesiasticus I. The prologue (by the author's grandson) II. In praise of wisdom (1:1-20) III. A collection of instructions and proverbs concerning the good life (1:22-23:27), including passages on fearing God (chap. 2), honoring parents (3:1-16), meekness (3:17-31), caring for the poor (4:1-10), friendship (6:5-17), enemies (12:8-18), dealing with the powerful (13:1-26), and sin (21:1-28) IV. In praise of wisdom (24:1-34) V More instruction and proverbs (25:1-37:31), including advice on wives and daughters (25:16-26:18), giving and attending banquets (31:12-32:13), and sacrifice and prayer (chap. 35), as well as a prayer for deliverance from the Gentiles (36:1-17) VI. A discourse on honorable professions, including the physician, farmer, artisan, smith, potter, and scribe (38:1-39:11) VII. More proverbs and instruction (39:12-42:25) VIII. The cosmic order (chap. 43; cf. Psalm 148; Song of the Three Children 35-68) IX. In praise of the famous (44:1-50:21) X. Conclusion (50:22-51:30) Jesus, the son of Sirach, were he alive today, would be a professor of public administration. In some ways, his book reads like a modern-day text on business ethics, although he prefers the public sector to the private and assumes that all merchants are corrupt (26:29). His goal is to instruct the young in the art of living well, in the best sense of the phrase. His students will seek careers in public service as scribes, the class from which public administrators, civil servants, and diplomats were drawn (see 39:1-11). Frugality, hard work, compassion for the poor, honesty, and independence rather than riches are the true measure of character, although wealth is preferable to poverty. The goal of instruction is to learn self-control and correct management techniques in both private and public life in order to enjoy the good life, under the guidance of the Law of

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Overview of the ancient agora in Athens. The agora was a center of economic activity in cities in NT times. God. The major problem for modern readers in his advice is in the treatment of women. He characterizes the wickedness of a wife as the highest of all evil (25:13) and claims that sin and death had their origin from a woman (25:24). The good wife, he asserts, is silent, while one must remain eternally vigilant in caring for a daughter to preserve her purity (26:10-12, 14). While the attitudes are undoubtedly those of the age, the tone with which they are expressed seems more personal in character. While Ecclesiasticus stands in the wisdom tradition of Proverbs, an important transformation has taken place. Where once there had been a clear separation between the responsibility of the priest for Torah, or Law, and the sage for counsel (1er. 18:18), the two have come together in Ecclesiasticus. Wisdom is now to be found in the Temple in Jerusalem (24:10) and is identified with "the book of the covenant of the Most High God, the law which Moses commanded us" (24:23). Ecclesiasticus settles the debate in postbiblical Judaism over the dwelling place of wisdom, like Baruch 3:9-4:4, by declaring that it has been revealed to Israel by God in the moral instruction of the Law, rather than reserved in the heavens where only the specially initiated receive instruction in the secrets of the cosmos (cf. Wisd. of Sol. 8:15-22; 9:4, 9-10; 1 Enoch 42). According to Ecclesiasticus, the sage must be satisfied with the limitations of the human intellect (3:21-24). The marriage of Torah and counsel is also reflected in the models for the good life offered in the praise of the famous in chaps. 44-50. The highest praise is reserved for Moses, Aaron, and Phinehas the son of Eleazar, priestly heroes important for their work as public administrators and leaders of worship, each of whom, in the son of Sirach's eyes, was the recipient of a 261

covenant with God (chap. 45). Next in rank comes David. He is pictured as an effective ruler concerned for the administration of public worship, who was given a covenant of kingship (45:25; 47:2-11). In his own time, the son of Sirach offers the model of Simon the Just, the high priest who was the theocratic ruler of his people from about 219 to 196 B.C. and as such combined the offices of priest and king (thus wedding Torah and counsel). Simon is pictured both as an effective public administrator and leader of worship in a passage important for its information about the worship of the Temple in the Second Temple period (50:1—21). Ecclesiasticus's praise of the famous also makes it clear that by 200 B.C. both the Torah and the Prophets are fixed divisions of Scripture in Palestinian Judaism. See also Apocrypha, Old Testament; Education; Proverb; Temple, The; Torah; Wisdom; Women. Bibliography Fox, Michael V. Qohelet and His Contradictions. Sheffield: Almond Press, 1994. D.W.S. economics in New Testament times. The love of money is the root of all evil (1 Tim. 6:10), and no one can serve both God and mammon (Matt. 6:24). With such attitudes as these, not to mention the many attacks on wealth and the wealthy (e.g., Mark 10:25; Luke 6:24-28; 1 2 : 1 3 - 2 1 ; 16:19-31; 1 Tim. 1:10; 3:3; 6:9-10, 17-19), it might be surprising to find that the NT is also a rather detailed and comprehensive source of information about economic life. This information will be organized in the following survey around the principal geographical divisions of the Greco-Roman world: the city, the countryside, and the wilderness. The City: The city (Gk. polis) was the scene of many economic institutions and roles. In the marketplace retailers (2 Cor. 2:17) displayed

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wares of all sorts: purple cloth (Acts 16:14), swords (Luke 22:36), oil for lamps (Matt. 25:9), linen and spices for burial (Mark 15:46; 16:1), pearls of great price (Matt. 13:45), and even sparrows at five for only two pennies (Luke 12:6). The marketplace was also where men gathered early in the morning to be hired for occasional or seasonal labor (Matt. 20:3; cf. Acts 17:5); indeed, such laborers were called agoraioi or "men of the marketplace." In addition, the marketplace was the scene for the sale of slaves (Matt. 18:25; cf. 1 Tim. 1:10). On occasion, one could see in the marketplace a slave girl with a "spirit of divination" bringing in money for her owners (Acts 16:16), young flute players sitting ready to play for a wedding or funeral (Matt. 11:17), or a man carrying water (Mark 14:13). Also in the marketplace and elsewhere in the city were the workshops where artisans crafted innumerable products. Paul, for example, was a leatherworker, apparently specializing in tents (Acts 18:3; cf. 1 Thess. 2:9; 1 Cor. 4:12; 2 Cor. 11:27), and scattered references identify other artisans as fullers (Mark 9:3), tanners (Acts 9:43), silversmiths (Acts 19:24), potters (Rom. 9:21), and metal-workers (2 Tim. 4:14). The range of urban economic activity is not limited, however, to retailers and artisans. For example, port cities were involved in shipping (Acts 21:2-3). Especially important was the Roman grain trade, which receives incidental notice in the course of Paul's journey to Rome for trial (Acts 27:2, 6, 38; 28:11). Grain, of course, was not the only import to Rome. Captains and sailors (Rev. 18:11) brought in merchandise from places as far away as Africa, China, and India, to judge from the long list in Rev. 18:12-13: gold and silver, jewels and pearls, purple cloth, silks and fine linen, scented woods, ivory, cinnamon, incense, perfumes, wine, oil, horses, and slaves. Construction was a ubiquitous urban economic activity. At the time of Jesus, for example, renovations and enlargements of the Temple in Jerusalem had been going on for forty-six years (John 2:20), and references to building are quite common (Matt. 7:24; Mark 12:10; Luke 14:28; 1 Cor. 3:10; Eph. 2:20; Heb. 3:3). Equally ubiquitous, though less reputable, were the economic activities of various urban marginals: thieves breaking into houses (Matt. 24:43; Luke 12:33; 1 Thess. 5:2); prostitutes seeking out prodigals (Luke 15:30); and the blind, lame, and sick begging outside houses (Luke 16:20) or temples (Acts 3:2; cf. also Mark 10:46; Luke 16:3; 1 John 3:17). Economic activity even characterized some urban settings that today are seldom associated so explicitly with the economy. For example, temples were places of buying and selling sacrificial animals (Mark 11:15; John 2:14; cf. Luke 2:24). Priests were entitled to their share of these sacrifices (1 Cor. 9:13), and temples became receptacles of many offerings, large and

small (Mark 12:41-43; Acts 21:24). When such other economic activities as collecting the Temple tax (Matt. 17:24) and money-changing (Mark 11:15) are included, Jesus' use of an economic metaphor when denouncing the Jerusalem Temple as an "emporium" (John 2:16) becomes plausible. In the synoptic Gospels, the Temple is similarly denounced; there the metaphor is stronger, but no less economic in import: the Temple is compared to "a cave for brigands' [booty]" (Matt. 21:13; Mark 11:17; Luke 19:46). The principal locus of the ancient economy, however, was the urban household, especially the "great households" (2 Tim. 2:20). These households were large, complex, and economically central. They included not only the householder and his wife and children, but also numerous slaves—a social pattern familiar from the household codes of Eph. 5:22-6:9 and Col. 3:18-4:1, where moral instruction is given to husbands and wives, parents and children, and masters and slaves. But these households might also contain other persons for short or even extended periods of time: other rich friends and neighbors invited in for a banquet (Mark 6:21-28; Luke 14:12; 1 Cor. 11:17-34); more formal groups, or associations, provided with room and resources for religious and social meetings (Rom. 16:1-2, 23; 1 Thess. 5:12; Philem. 22; 3 John 5-8); and still others, such as teachers and workers, admitted into the household for indefinite periods (1 Cor. 9:5; cf. Acts 18:3). The large numbers of people who belonged to a great household filled a variety of economic roles. Most important were the slaves. Loyal and dependable ones had positions of responsibility as stewards (Gal. 4:2), overseeing the householder's accounts (Luke 16:1), paying his occasional hired help (Matt. 20:6), or being put in charge of the other slaves (Luke 12:42-45). These other slaves, in turn, did many tasks: being in charge of a banquet (John 2:8), preparing food and waiting on tables (Luke 17:8), taking down dictation for a letter (Rom. 16:22), delivering letters (Eph. 6:21-22), delivering messages (Luke 14:17), answering the door (Mark 13:34; Acts 12:13), or working as artisans, a role not attested in the NT but implicit, for example, in Paul's perception of his tentmaking as slavish (1 Cor. 9:1, 19). At any rate, older slaves might become tutors of householders' children (1 Cor. 4:15), and infant slaves might be raised as playmates of their householders' children (cf. Acts 13:1). With slaves to serve food, answer the door, run errands, work at various trades, and watch over or amuse the children, the householder (Matt. 13:27, 52; 20:1; 21:33; 24:43; Luke 13:25; 14:21) did not have to work. As a consequence, the leisurely rich often had only contempt for workers and work itself, a contempt Paul felt directed at him, as is clear from the

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inclusion of his working with his hands in a list of experiences that put him among the dregs of humanity (1 Cor. 4:12-13). But if householders generally remained aloof from work on a day-to-day basis, their responsibility for their households gave them another economic role. On occasion, a householder might inspect a new parcel of land in the countryside (Luke 14:18), decide what to do in the wake of sabotaged fields (Matt. 13:27), deal personally with rebellious tenants (Mark 12:9), dismiss a steward suspected of mismanagement (Luke 16:2), or decide whether to punish a returning runaway slave who may have stolen something (Philem. 10-18). As masters, householders could be harsh (Matt. 18:32-34; 1 Pet. 2:18), inflicting both verbal attacks (Luke 19:22) and physical beatings (1 Pet. 2:19-20) on their slaves. The NT counsels against masters making threats toward slaves and advocates fair treatment (Col. 4:1; Eph. 6:9), but slaves are likewise admonished to obey, work hard, and not steal (Col. 3:22; Eph. 6:5-7; Titus 2:9-10). A householder's wife also had economic responsibilities. Her roles in the household are succinctly stated in 1 Tim. 5:14: to marry, bear children, and manage the household (cf. Titus 2:4-5). After marrying and entering her husband's household, she was expected to bear children, a role necessary to the preservation of her husband's wealth and property. The third role, managing the household, also had economic dimensions, as she, often with the assistance of female slaves, was responsible for childcare (Matt. 24:19; Mark 7:25), food preparation (Luke 17:35), spinning (Matt. 6:28), and weaving (Acts 9:39). These last two tasks contributed considerably to the economy of the urban household, if largely for internal consumption. Yet the householder and his wife, despite their roles in the household economy, are probably more appropriately viewed as users or consumers of wealth. They typically used their considerable wealth for public display, for impressing others, and for personal enjoyment. Wealth was displayed in jewelry and fine clothing (Luke 7:25; 16:19; James 2:2) as well as at banquets with gold and silver serving dishes (2 Tim. 2:20), extravagant menus (Luke 16:19), and costly entertainment. Just how costly such entertainment could be is suggested by Herod Antipas's offer to give half of his kingdom to the dancing girl at his banquet (Mark 6:22). A householder's wealth would have impressed those who were poorer whenever he placed much money in the Temple boxes (Mark 12:41) or otherwise made public contributions to the poor (Matt. 6:2; Luke 19:12; Acts 10:2), and especially when he compelled the poor to fill places left vacant at his banquets (Luke 14:13, 21-23). The use of wealth for personal enjoyment is also easily documented: in the hedonistic motto of one household to "eat, drink, be

merry" (Luke 12:19), in the depiction of another householder's son as feasting in great magnificence every day (Luke 16:19), and in the general characterization of the rich as always full and sated or otherwise satisfying their many desires (Luke 6:25; 1 Thess. 5:6-8; 1 Tim. 6:9-10; James 5:5). While money-making activities in the city— loans (Matt. 18:23; 25:20-23), savings (Luke 19:23), the sale of slaves (1 Tim. 1:10)—partially supported the aristocratic household and lifestyle, the principal source of the householder's wealth was land, and this wealth came largely from the agricultural produce of extensive and ever expanding (Mark 12:1; Luke 14:18) properties beyond the city walls in the countryside. The Countryside: The word "countryside" (Gk. chôra) is a technical term with a decidedly economic meaning. It refers to all agriculturally productive land that surrounded the city. Used quite frequently in the NT in this economic sense (Luke 12:16; John 11:55; Acts 10:39; James 5:4), it refers specifically to fields, vineyards, pastures, orchards, and even woods with their supply of nuts, berries, wood, and game. It is here in the chôra that the householders owned land that was worked by tenants (Mark 12:1, 9) or slaves (Luke 17:7), who became rural members of their landlords' already sizable households. On occasion, temporary help in the form of hired laborers (from the city or countryside) was required (Luke 15:15, 17), especially during the harvest of grain (Matt. 9:37; 13:30) or the vintage (Matt. 20:7). After the harvest, a slave manager would pay the temporary laborers (Matt. 20:8) and then take his master's portion of the crop (Matt. 21:34), including any surplus (Luke 12:16-18). These tenants and slaves, along with independent farmers (Mark 4:3; Matt. 21:28), lived in villages scattered throughout the countryside. Villages also had their craftsmen (Mark 6:3), shopkeepers (Luke 9:12; cf. 11:5-6), innkeepers (Luke 10:35; cf. 9:12; 24:28-29), and economic marginals such as beggars (Mark 10:46). The economic life of the countryside was varied and hence required a variety of agricultural roles, or at least a variety of agricultural tasks. Farming and herding were the basic economic roles. Farmers, of course, grew grain (Matt. 13:24-25; Mark 4:26-29), but they could also take care of a vineyard (Matt. 21:28; Mark 12:1; 1 Cor. 9:7), fig trees (Luke 13:7; James 3:12), olive trees (Rom. 11:17-18), not to mention a garden for planting mustard (Luke 13:19) or vegetables (Matt. 13:32; cf. Rom. 14:2). Likewise, herders obviously tended their livestock, whether cattle (Luke 15:23), sheep (Matt. 18:12; Luke 2:8; 1 Cor. 9:7), goats (Matt. 25:33; Luke 15:29), or pigs (Mark 5:11). And, given the characters and locale of the gospel story, we cannot ignore fishermen (Mark 1:16-20; Luke 5:1-11; John 21:1-3). In addition, on occasion, there

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were other jobs to do: building granaries (Luke 12:18), putting up fencing, making wine presses, building a tower (Matt. 21:33), or even constructing a synagogue (Luke 7:5). The agricultural tasks can be defined further in order to give a sense of the actual work done in the countryside. Farmers, for example, had much to do: plowing the field (Luke 9:62; 17:7; 1 Cor. 9:10), winnowing (Luke 3:17), burning the chaff (Matt. 3:12), and storing the grain in barns (Matt. 6:26; Luke 12:18). In addition, they might set out vines (1 Cor. 9:7) and then cultivate, water, and prune them (Luke 13:7; 1 Cor. 3:8; John 15:2); or they might make olive grafts (Rom. 11:17-18), water the oxen (Luke 13:15), spread manure (Luke 13:8), burn pruned branches (Matt. 7:19), or chop down nonproducing trees (Luke 3:9). Similarly, herders had to watch their flocks (Luke 2:8), which included chasing after strays (Luke 15:4), digging pits to trap marauding wolves (Matt. 12:11), and separating sheep and goats at nightfall (Matt. 25:32). Fishermen could be found throwing their nets into the water (Mark 1:16), hauling in fish (Luke 5:6-7), sorting fish (Matt. 13:48), or washing and mending nets (Luke 17:35). Women in the villages were busy, too, spinning and weaving (Matt. 6:28), mending old clothes (Mark 2:21), grinding meal (Matt. 24:41), making bread (Matt. 13:33), sweeping the house (Luke 15:8), or going out to a well for water (John 4:7). On occasion, they might earn some money as mourners for one who had died (Mark 5:38). Not only the number of tasks but many details about them make it plain that the lives of farmers, herders, and fishermen were hard indeed—a far cry from the leisure and luxury of their urban masters. At any rate, many tasks were physically demanding, such as digging (Luke 16:3). There was also the scorching sun (Matt. 20:12; Rev. 7:16) or, in the case of shepherds and fishermen, working the whole night through (Luke 2:8; 5:5; John 21:3). What is more, these workers toiled on diets near subsistence level. Farmers counted the number of grains produced per seed sown, and some seeds, to be sure, produced spectacularly (Mark 4:8), but such abundance went to the householder (Luke 12:16-19). At other times, the land produced not abundance but thorns (Heb. 6:8; cf. Matt. 7:16), and fishing nets came up empty (Luke 5:5; John 21:3). Consequently, even sparrows could become a meal (Matt. 10:29), and some might be forced to eat the pods fed to swine (Luke 15:15). Not surprisingly, famine was always a specter (Luke 15:14; Acts 121:28; Rev. 6:8). No wonder prayers asked merely for daily bread (Matt. 6:11; Luke 11:3). Agricultural workers had more to face than hard work, long hours, and little food, however. Herders had to contend with wolves and brigands (Matt. 7:15; John 10:8, 10), fishermen with squalls (Mark 4:37), and everyone with fraudu-

lent tax collectors and their brutal soldiers (Luke 3:11; 19:8). In addition, a householder might withhold the wages of those who had harvested his crops (James 5:4), and when those from the countryside went to the city they could be compelled to do some task (Mark 15:21; cf. Matt. 5:41) or even be misidentified as a brigand (cf. Luke 22:52) and summarily executed (Luke 23:21). To be sure, the life of farmers and herders was not totally grim and unyielding. There was joy at finding a lost sheep (Luke 15:5-6) or the greater joy at finding a buried treasure (Matt. 13:44), and the return of a son, long thought dead, was an occasion for incalculable joy and celebration (Luke 15:20-32). Still, the overall impression must be of most people toiling incessantly in the countryside in order that a few householders and their families in the city might live in ease and extravagance. The Wilderness: The third of the general categories for organizing the NT evidence regarding the ancient economy is the wilderness (Gk. erëmos). This word is often invested with religious meaning—as a place for repentance and renewal (Mark 1:2-6) or retreat (Mark 1:35), but it also has economic significance in connection with the city and the countryside. If the countryside is the productive land that immediately surrounds and supplies the city, then the wilderness is the more distant and nonproductive land that extends beyond the countryside in all directions. As nonproductive land, the wilderness could consist of desert, such as the barren land in the Jordan Valley near the Dead Sea (Mark 1:4; cf. John 11:54) or the Arabian desert (1 Cor. 10:5). Yet wilderness is not usually desert. It is simply any nonproductive area, such as very hilly, mountainous, or otherwise isolated land (Matt. 15:33; 2 Cor. 11:26). It can even refer to formerly productive and populated areas (Matt. 12:25; Luke 21:20). Yet to say that wilderness is economically unproductive land (or at best economically marginal land in the sense of accommodating an occasional herder [Luke 15:4]) is not to deny its economic role. A wilderness might be traversed by roads on which traders and other travelers moved (Luke 10:30-33). Here, they were exposed to attack by brigands who operated at will in these distant and isolated areas (Luke 10:30; 2 Cor. 11:26). Indeed, from the safety of their wilderness hideouts, brigands might make forays into the countryside to attack, say, the flocks of herders (John 10:1) and, if numerous and rapacious enough, they might even pose a political threat (Acts 5:36-37; 21:38). Brigands robbed and kidnapped those they attacked, and the later sale of these victims became the major source of slaves, once Rome had completed its conquests. Summary and Conclusion: In NT times, there was some, perhaps considerable, commercial-

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ization (most clearly reflected in the prophecy about Rome and its merchants in Rev. 18), but the economy remained fundamentally tied to agriculture. Other than the activities of free artisans and shopkeepers in the cities (and rural villages) and of brigand gangs in the wilderness, the vast majority of people lived as farmers, herders, and fishermen in the countryside surrounding a city and worked on land that was usually owned by the urban aristocracy, who lived—and lived well—off its surplus. The two groups—the producers of wealth and the consumers of it—were related socially through the institution of the household and surrounded geographically by economically marginal hills, mountains, and deserts—the wilderness. The evidence for this description of the ancient economy has been drawn exclusively from the NT itself, yielding a remarkably comprehensive and coherent account. Nevertheless, it is hardly complete, and other sources can add to the study of the economics of NT times. For example, among literary sources Longus's Daphnis and Chloe, despite some pastoral flights of fancy, provides a lengthy and coherent account of the lives of herders and farmers in the countryside. Complementing Longus are the Letters of Alciphron, which give details about the lives of farmers and fishermen. For the life of hunters at the outermost reaches of the countryside, there is the seventh oration of Dio Chrysostom, and for considerable attention to brigands and their economic roles, there is Chariton's Callirhoe. In addition, householders, artisans, and other urban characters receive detailed, if humorous, treatment in the satires of Lucian. Finally, Apuleius's Metamorphoses is perhaps the single most informative literary source for all dimensions of economic life in NT times. Documentary evidence—on papyrus and stone—is the staple of historians of the ancient world. This evidence comprises countless volumes and fills in many gaps left by the literary sources. Included in these papyri and inscriptions are such documents as apprentice contracts, tax receipts, deeds of emancipation, leases of workshops, sales of produce, contracts of all kinds, and records of gifts to temples that detail virtually every aspect of ancient economic life. Bibliography Finley, M. I. The Ancient Economy. 2d ed. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985. MacMullen, R. Roman Social Relations 50 B.C. to A.D. 284. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1974. R.F.H.

affecting the ability of residents to maximize the potential of their locality. Of these three elements, climate and geography remain relatively constant, except insofar as territory may be gained or lost, especially by war or conquest. Social structures must be able to adapt to historical exigencies, arranging and rearranging economic relationships for the continuance of the community. Ancient Israel's socioeconomic history reflects three major stages, marked by radical change in response to communal threat: the early settlement period (1250-1020 B.C.), the period of the monarchy (1020-586 B.C.), and the period of restoration (538-416 B.C.).

economics in Old Testament times. Economics in the ancient world, like the modern, was a function of three interacting elements: climate and geography, social structures of people living in the land, and historical circumstances

The queen of Sheba and Solomon. Her visit may be seen as an effort to establish trade agreements for incense and spices from Arabia; detail from the Gates of Paradise, Florence, ca. 1425. Climate and Geography: The designation of Israel's homeland as a "land flowing with milk and honey" offers an idyllic and partial picture of ancient Palestine. Lush, richly producing areas like the central hill country and the eastern hills of the Transjordan provide diverse products, including wheat, barley, grapes, figs, olives, and honey. Here the annual rainfall ranges from 20 to 40 inches. But to the south and east this green belt fades rapidly to desert, where rainfall is less than 10 inches per year and sheep, cattle, and other livestock provide a living. Between the western and eastern hills lies the Rift Valley, stretching from the Orontes

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River in the far north to the Dead Sea in the south. Through this valley courses the Jordan River, which winds its way from the Sea of Galilee to the Dead Sea, dropping from 695 feet below sea level to 1,285 feet below sea level. Along the narrow floodplain of the valley, called the Ghor, grows the "jungle of the Jordan" (Jer. 12:5), dense thickets of thorn scrub and tamarisk. This "good broad land" (Exod. 3:8) where Israel made a home is a land of sharp geographic contrasts, which mirror equally sharp seasonal changes. The year is divided into two seasons: a rainy winter season and a dry summer season. The winter season begins in autumn with the "early rains" that mark the beginning of the agricultural season and extends to the "latter rains" of March and April, so important for ripening crops. Mean temperatures in January range from 42 degrees Fahrenheit in the hill country to 58 degrees in the coastal plain and on the desert's edge. The summer season is virtually rainless, and temperatures rise to an August mean of between 71 and 93 degrees Fahrenheit. Available rainfall and temperatures tend to decrease from west to east and from north to south, effecting marked differences in the type and amount of agricultural products available to sustain communities. The Early Settlement Period (1250-1020 B.C.): In this early period, Israel consisted of a federation of tribes bound together by loyalty to their God who had delivered them from slavery in Egypt and given them the land in which they now dwelt, thus changing their social status from slaves to settlers. Economically, each tribe was autonomous, consisting, in turn, of a collection of extended families organized into protective associations (usually called "clans"). The land—initially the central hill country and later northern and southern territories—was divided into tribal allotments, which were subdivided for family use. According to the federation's view, the land belonged to God and was granted to the tribes in trust for their use and benefit. The land could be inherited, ordinarily transferred from father to son, but it was not to be sold outside the association of families since God had given it to the tribe in perpetuity. Each family lived off the land, growing or raising what it needed and bartering for the few craft items it could not produce. Life was village based and agriculture intensive, producing wine, oil, fruits, and vegetables, supplemented by small cattle herds and larger flocks of sheep and goats. While pastoral nomadism was likely practiced, especially in regions where rainfall and climate varied greatly, necessitating the relocation of animals for winter and summer pasturage, recent studies indicate that nomadism never played a significant role in the tribal life of ancient Israel. Indeed, where pastoral nomadism occurred, it was probably only a specialization of some herdsmen within the dominant agricul-

tural enterprise of the extended family and certainly not the lifestyle of whole tribes, either before or after settlement in the land. In this period, Israelite society was structured in an egalitarian fashion, each tribe with its families having the rights to production from its own land. Tribes were self-governed and largely patriarchal, and they were united only for the purpose of mutual self-defense and common religious practices. By the middle of the twelfth century B.C., the force that would lead to a radical change in Israel's way of life was already beginning to grow along the coast of Palestine, as the Philistines expanded their reach into Israelite territory, their presence attested by pottery finds in the Negev (south) and Shephelah (west) regions from ca. 1150 B.C. on. By the middle of the eleventh century, the superior military organization and armaments of the Philistines encouraged their encroachment into the Judean hill country. The tribal federation's military leadership, in an effort to stem the threat from the Philistines, transformed Israelite society into a monarchy. The Monarchy (1020-586 B.C.): Once the Philistines were defeated by David at the beginning of the tenth century, the modest and limited kingship initiated by Saul and David was transformed by Solomon into a complex, bureaucratic, and expansive royal domain. A process of urbanization had begun, focused especially on the royal city, Jerusalem, and a growing class of courtiers and royal officials, whose increasing wealth and control over the land dominated socioeconomic structures. The royal appetite for expenditures during Solomon's reign was seemingly insatiable, whether for new construction, fortifying towns, or maintaining an increasingly expensive standing army. Solomon resorted to direct taxation for the first time in Israelite history and established a levy of compulsory military and civil service from the population. Population remained largely rural, but socioeconomic power shifted to the cities, favored by royal monopoly over exports and imports. Increasingly, means of production became state owned or state influenced, as family properties were broken up and taken over by rich landlords. These large estates (Lat. latifundia) were worked by slave labor or by wage labor. The cities became marketplaces where surplus agricultural commodities could be exchanged for urban-based crafts, with various specialties located on specific streets or in specific quarters of the city. Exchange took place "in the gate," where rural and urban population met, together with traders and caravaners passing through the city en route to foreign markets. Solomon introduced Israel to foreign trade. Located in the crossroads of trade from Mesopotamia to Egypt or Asia Minor and from Egypt to Asia Minor and Assyria/Babylonia

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A Hebrew inscription on an eighth-century B.C. ostracon reads: "goldfromOphir to Bethhoron—30 shekels." Solomon had earlier introduced foreign trade to Israel and built ships to carry goodsfromOphir to Israel.

and from southern Arabia to points north, east, or west, Israel was in a most enviable position to broker goods from all over the region. It is not coincidental that the three cities Solomon is credited with refortifying, Gezer, Megiddo, and Hazor (1 Kings 9:15-18), are all on important trade routes. Indeed, Solomon seems to have established a network of storage cities that enabled him to take full advantage of his control over caravan trade coming overland and maritime trade coming from Phoenicia, Egypt, or southern Arabia. Moreover, he built a fleet of ships to carry goods, including ivory, silver, gold, and apes (1 Kings 10:11, 22), from Ophir to Ezion-geber, whence they continued the journey to market overland. One may fairly see in the queen of Sheba's fabled visit to Solomon an effort to establish trade agreements for incense and spice from Arabia. Finally, we are told that Solomon imported and exported horses from Cilicia (biblical Kue) and chariots from Egypt, playing the lucrative role of middleman (1 Kings 10:28-29). In all these commercial ventures, Solomon was aided by a close relationship with Tyre, the most important Phoenician port city, which supplied not only building materials for Solomon's projects but expert technical assistance for the Eziongeber fleet operations. Whatever the economic benefits of Solomon's activity, especially for the new urban aristocracy and merchant class, his reign transformed Israelite society remarkably, imposing a highly structured, bureaucratic, state-monopolized system on a formerly tribal, village, largely rural, and self-sufficient population. At Solomon's death, the monarchy splintered over

the economic demands of the court and the hardships imposed on the common people. Nevertheless, the monarchic model stayed in place, both in the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah. These two kingdoms now found themselves dependent on one another if control of the international trade routes and the export and import efforts initiated under Solomon were to continue. However, the division of the kingdom was fatal, since each kingdom now had to fend for itself in the maelstrom of international politics created by the imperialistic designs of Egypt, Assyria, and Babylonia. While marked by a few brief periods of prosperity, Israel and Judah's economic history was characterized until the end of Israel in 722 B.C. and Judah in 586 B.C. by exploitation at the hands of foreign overlords and widening disparity at home between the beneficiaries of royal monopolies and the common people. To both these crises the prophets of Israel addressed themselves, holding up as standard the memory of earlier, more egalitarian social structures and calling for justice for those exploited by the new system. The Restoration (538^16 B.C.): With Cyrus of Persia's decree of 538 B.C. granting permission, Israelites began to return to their land from exile. Those returning found others who had never left living on the land, scraping out a subsistence livelihood much as their ancestors had done when the land was first settled. Still under the tutelage of Persia, for whose economic benefit Israel was expected to labor, those returning attempted to set up a semi-autonomous state, with a priestly class and Judean elite at the helm. Despite the efforts of some of the new leaders, like Ezra and Nehemiah, to establish a more equitable relationship between the upper and lower classes (see Neh. 5:1-13), the egalitarian ideal of earlier days was never realized. Israel's economic welfare remained tied to the winds of international politics and the whims successively of Persian, Ptolemaic, Seleucid, and Roman overlords. See also Ownership. Bibliography De Vaux, Roland. Ancient Israel: Social Institutions. Vol. 1. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965. Gottwald, Norman. The Tribes of Yahweh: A Society of the Religion of Liberated Israel, 1250-1050 B.C.E. New York: Orbis Books, 1979. May, H. G, ed. Oxford Bible Atlas. 3d ed. New D.C.H York: Oxford University Press, 1984. Eden (ee'duhn), the garden in which the first man and woman were placed and from which they were driven because of their breach of divine law. Although traditionally identified with the Hebrew word meaning "luxury, pleasure, delight" {eden), Eden is more probably to be related to a Sumerian word meaning "plain, steppe" or the like [edin). Its location "in the east" (Gen. 2:8) probably places it, for the author of Genesis 2 - 3 , in the area at the head of

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the Persian Gulf; this location may relate Eden to Dilmun of Sumerian myth—the idyllic land where old age, sickness, and death are unknown to its blessed inhabitants. In Genesis 2 - 3 , Eden is mentioned in 2:8 ("garden in Eden"), 2:10 (simply "Eden"), and 2:14; 3:23, 24 ("garden of Eden"). In Gen. 2:9,16 and 3:1, 2, 3, it is referred to as "the garden." It is the source of four great rivers (Gen. 2:10-14) and the site of the Tree of Life and the Tree of Knowledge, both of which are "in the middle of the garden" (Gen. 2:9; 3:3). In Genesis, Eden is a garden created by God for human beings, to provide for human needs. After Genesis, the most important source of references to Eden is the book of Ezekiel. In Ezek. 28:11—19, a variant of the Eden story in Genesis, the prophet describes Eden as the "garden of God" (28:13) situated on God's holy mountain from which primal man was expelled by the cherub because of his iniquity. While sharing many motifs with Genesis 2 - 3 (including the abundance of precious stones in Eden, Gen. 2:12; Ezek. 28:13), Ezekiel differs from Genesis in describing Eden as the "garden of God," recalling Sumerian Dilmun, over against the character of Eden in Genesis as a garden created for human beings to till and keep (Gen. 2:15). The account in Ezekiel also differs in having only one inhabitant. Eden as the garden of God also occurs in Ezekiel 31, a complex allegory of a tree that in grandeur and beauty surpassed even the trees in Eden (31:8, 9,16,18). The garden of Eden is a metaphor for the renewal of the land of Israel by God after the Exile (Ezek. 36:35; Isa. 51:3, where "Eden" is paralleled by "garden of Yahweh"). In Joel 2:3, the transformation of the land from garden of Eden to devastated wilderness is part of an oracle forecasting the Day of Yahweh. J.S.K.

of Moab, that is, Wadi el-Hasa (biblical Zered). West of the Arabah, the northern boundary was the south border of Israel, which was a line running from the Dead Sea southward to the Ascent of Akrabbim to Zin and Kadesh-barnea (Num. 34:3-4; Josh. 15:1-3). Num. 20:16 places the latter site on the edge of Edom (Num. 20:23; Josh. 15:1, 21). Edom's eastern border, since it lay in the desert, would not have been clearly defined. Edom extended southward, at least in certain periods, to the shores of the Red Sea at Aqabah (1 Kings 9:26). There was probably no fixed western boundary. The eastern region of Edom appears more frequently in biblical references. All the kings of Edom listed in Gen. 36:31-43 seem to reside east of the Arabah. The term Edom appears for the first time during the reign of Pharaoh Merneptah (1236-1223 B.C.). Here permission is granted to the bedouin tribes of Edom to enter the better pasture land of the eastern Nile Delta. Assyria recognized Edom as a clearly identifiable and even important kingdom from the beginning of the eighth century B.C. onward. Edom was a descendant of Esau (Gen. 36:1, 8), the brother of Jacob-Israel, and the elder of the twin sons of Isaac and Rebekah (Gen. 25:19-26). Esau-Seir is the ancestor of the Edomites in the same way that Jacob-Israel is the eponym of the Israelites. Edom was probably first identified with Esau in the period after David's conquest. Archaeological surveys in the eastern segment of Edom have collected evidence of human occupation dating back at least five hundred thousand years. Population appears to have been highest during the Middle Paleolithic (ca. 90,000-45,000 B.C.), Iron II (ca. 900-539 B.C.), Nabatean (ca. 330 B.C.-A.D. 106), and Byzantine (ca. A.D. 324-640) periods. An important route, the King's Highway (Num. 20:17), passed through the eastern segment of Edom in a north-south direction. Later on, the Roman road Via Nova Triana followed or paralleled this route. It joined Bosra in southern Syria to Aqabah. Other routes traversed the territory in an east-west direction. See also Aqabah, Gulf of; Arabah; Edomites; Esau; Idumaea; Isaac; Jacob; Kadesh; Rebekah; Seir. Bibliography Bartlett, J. R. Edom and the Edomites. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1989. Bienkowski, P., ed. Early Edom and Moab: The Beginning of the Iron Age in Southern Jordan. Sheffield Archaeological Monographs 7. Sheffield: J. R. Collis, 1992. Edelman, D., ed. You Shall Not Abhor an Edomite for He Is Your Brother: Seir and Edom in History and Tradition. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1995. MacDonald, B. Ammon, Moab and Edom: Early States/Nations of Jordan in the Biblical Period

Eder (ee'duhr; Heb., "flock" or "herd"). 1 A clan leader in the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chron. 8:15). 2 A Levite family leader in the clan of Merari (1 Chron. 25:23). 3 A settlement in southern Judah near the border with Edom, probably in the vicinity of Beer-sheba (Josh. 15:21); the site is unknown. 4 A site called Migdol-eder (Heb., "the tower of Eder" or "the flock tower") near which Jacob camped following the burial of Rachel in Bethlehem (Ramah? Gen. 35:21), probably located somewhere between Jerusalem and Hebron. Edom (ee'duhm), a name derived from the Semitic root meaning "red," "ruddy," and given to the area situated south of the Dead Sea on both sides of Wadi Arabah because of the reddish color of the sandstone of that district. In biblical passages the country of Edom stands in apposition to the land of Seir (Gen. 32:3; 36:8; Judg. 5:4). Edom's northern boundary on the east is generally seen to be that of the southern boundary

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(End of the 2nd and During the 1st Millennium B.C.). Amman: Al Kutba, 1994. B.M.

It is difficult to say whether or not the Edomites participated in the destruction of Jerusalem in 587 B.C. The Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar seems to have destroyed the Edomites along with the Judeans (Jer. 2 7 : 2 - 3 , 6; 49:7-22). Nabonidus (555-539 B.C.), the last Babylonian king, claims that he laid seige to the "town of Edom" in the third year of his reign. The town in question is probably Bozrah, modern Buseirah, the Edomite capital. The oracle of Mai. 1:2-4 indicates that by the time of its writing Edom was in ruin. By the fourth century B.C., the Nabateans replaced the Edomites, many of whom went westward to southern Judea, later to become Idumaea, while others were absorbed by the newcomers. No major monumental Edomite inscription has been found. Explorations and excavations in Edom, however, have uncovered a number of seals, seal impressions [bullae), fragments of pottery with inscriptions in ink (ostraca), and one cuneiform tablet. The Edomites used a regional variant of the Northwest Semitic script and language. The Edomites were known for their wisdom (Jer. 49:7; Obad. 1:8; Bar. 3:22). It is believed that they were devoted to the gods and goddesses of fertility. Qaus was their peculiar deity. Eloah (Hab. 3:3), another divine name, was perhaps also known to them. The Edomite economy was based on a combination of animal herding, crop cultivation, and commerce. Copper was also mined in the Arabah from the Chalcolithic through the Mamluk period. See also Bozrah; David; Edom; Ezion-geber; Idumaea; Moab; Nabatea, Nabateans; Saul; Seir. B.M.

Edomites (ee'duh-mj'ts), the inhabitants of the land of Edom (Seir). The Bible emphasizes the close relationship between the Edomites and the Israelites. The Edomite "kings" of Gen. 36:31-39 were probably tribal chiefs, local rulers controlling separate and independent regions. The Edomites refused permission to the group led by Moses to pass through their territory (Num. 20:14-21). Saul fought successfully with the Edomites (1 Sam. 14:47). Doeg, an Edomite, appears among Saul's servants (1 Sam. 21:7; 22:9, 18, 22). David conquered the Edomites (2 Sam. 8:12-14). Solomon appears to have had access to the port of Ezion-geber in the land of Edom (1 Kings 9:26). Pharaoh Shishak's invasion (1 Kings 14:25; 2 Chron. 12:2-9) possibly gave the Edomites a chance to regain their independence. In the time of Jehoshaphat (ca. 874-850 B.C.), Judah expanded southward, ruled Edom (1 Kings 22:47), and used the port of Eziongeber (1 Kings 22:48-49; 2 Chron. 20:35-37). The Edomites successfully revolted when Jehoram was king of Judah (ca. 850-843 B.C.), set up a king of their own (2 Kings 8:20-22), and maintained their independence for about fifty or sixty years until the middle of Amaziah's reign (ca. 800-785 B.C.; 2 Kings 14:7; 2 Chron. 25:11-12). Amaziah's son, Uzziah (Azariah) recaptured Edom and built Elath (2 Kings 14:22; 2 Chron. 26:1-2). At the time of Ahaz (ca. 742-725 B.C.), the Edomites defeated Judah (2 Chron. 28:17) and recovered Elath (2 Kings 16:6). From this time onward, Judah was not able to exercise control over them.

A teacher sits between two students who hold open scrolls; third-century tomb relief.

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Edrei (ed'ree-i; Heb.). 1 An ancient Transjordanian site, a royal residence of Og, King of Bashan, whose land, following his defeat by the Israelites, was allocated to Manasseh (Num. 21:33; Deut. 1:4; 3:10; Josh. 12:4; 13:12, 31); in Roman times it was called Adraene and today is called Dar'a. 2 A town in Naphtali (Josh. 19:37).

language. None of these requires a school, inasmuch as parental instruction adequately explains all of the above features that might point to the activity of children. Many of the features may be explained otherwise; for example, large letters may indicate poor eyesight and an aged writer, just as less than perfect drawings may suggest a shaky hand or meagre ability as an artist. Perhaps the evidence would be stronger if it had been found in a single site, rather than scattered hither and yon throughout Palestine. Types of Instruction: While differences of opinion exist about the pertinence of these Palestinian inscriptions and parallels from neighboring cultures to Israel's education, consensus seems to have formed with regard to the centrality of the family in early instruction. As a matter of fact, even the references to "my son" and to "father" in Proverbs, which are usually interpreted as technical language for student and teacher, may be taken literally. That is certainly true where the mother is mentioned alongside the father, although one critic has sought to explain that occurrence as the result of the demands of literary parallelism in the text of Proverbs. It seems likely that many youngsters acquired training in guilds. We hear of prophetic and priestly guilds, and it is probable that other skills like pottery making, metallurgy, and the like were acquired in various guilds. A decisive shift in the direction of official bureaucracy may have taken place under King Hezekiah (725-697 B.C.), if it had not already occurred in Solomon's reign. In any event, young men now received instruction in the scribal art at the royal court. With the author of Ecclesiastes, it seems that a conscious effort was made to instruct "the people," if that expression really implies a democratization of learning. A different sort of teaching is reported in 2 Chron. 17:7-9, in this instance continuing the earlier religious instruction that assumed such importance in Deuteronomy, but with a decisive difference. In Chronicles official priests, Lévites, and princes are said to have instructed the people in the Book of the Law. As is well known, the author of Chronicles was less faithful to historical events than his predecessors, and this report must be viewed cautiously. It may be easier to describe Israelite education than to determine exactly where it took place, but even here much conjecture is necessary. It seems that education was restricted to boys, for the most part, if the canonical proverbs actually functioned as textbooks, as many scholars think. The constant reference in Prov. 1-8 to the adulteress as the villain was directed at male audiences, as was also true of specific instructions that without exception are aimed at men. Furthermore, teaching was often reinforced by punishment, an unhappy feature of education throughout Egypt and Mesopotamia as well. In Israel the actual subject matter

education, the process of handing on acquired knowledge and wisdom. In Ancient Israel: The Hebrew Bible does not provide a clear picture of education in ancient Israel. A few texts have generally been understood as references to formal education (e.g., Isa. 28:9-13; 50:4-9; Prov. 22:17-21), but the evidence is highly problematic. The first refers specifically to infants who have just been weaned, and the second merely indicates that eloquence was taught somewhere, presumably in the home. The third text pertains to a foreign setting, inasmuch as it reflects an indebtedness to the Egyptian Instruction of Amen-em-opet, an Egyptian sage. Other biblical references have seemed to support a thesis of an Israelite school; the main ones are the existence of a city named Qiriath Sepher (City of the Book; Josh. 15:15-16; Judg. 1:11-12), the mention of a youth who could write in Judg. 8:13-17, Isaiah's allusion to his disciples ("the taught ones," 8:16), references in Prov. 4:5 and 17:16 to buying wisdom, and the inscription about the men of Hezekiah who copied earlier proverbs. The earliest specific reference to an Israelite school occurs in Ecclus. 51:23, which invites students to Ben Sira's beth hammidrash (Heb., "house of study"). Extrabiblical Evidence: The paucity of evidence for schools in the Hebrew Bible has been supplemented from two different sources: ancient Near Eastern parallels to the OT materials and Palestinian inscriptions. Knowledge of education in ancient Egypt is quite extensive, thanks to instructional texts and scribal controversies that have survived. Similarly, several school texts from Sumer exist today, allowing scholars to paint a reasonably clear picture of education in Mesopotamia. The same is true for Ugarit, where scribes played a significant role in society. The temptation therefore is to draw upon this combined picture to clarify the situation in Israel. Such a procedure is risky, given the relative simplicity of the Hebrew language and of the Israelite society even during the monarchy. If a school existed in Solomon's time, one wonders why the list of governmental officials does not include the equivalent of a superintendent of education. Recent evidence from Palestinian inscriptions has elicited differing interpretations. Some critics have used the following data to argue for schools in early Israel: lists, abecedaries (i.e., alphabet lists), transposition of similar letters, repeated words, large letters, poorly formed figures, and evidence of beginnings in a foreign

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of instruction may have consisted of religious traditions and proverbial sayings, if Ben Sira's writing (i.e., Ecclus.) reflects the curriculum in his school. Under Hellenistic influence, the author of Wisdom of Solomon adopted a much different curriculum (7:17-22). It follows that education in ancient Israel was remarkably diverse, with respect both to the actual place of instruction and the curriculum. In the NT: While no formal education is described in the NT, Jesus is pictured as educating ("teaching") large crowds (Mark 4:1-2; 14:49) as well as his disciples (lit. "learners"; cf. Matt. 5:lb-2). The risen Christ commands his disciples to continue such activity (Matt. 28:20). Paul reports he was educated in the law by the famous teacher Gamaliel (Acts 22:3), having left his home to go to Jerusalem for that purpose, thus giving evidence that the rabbinic schools much in evidence in the later traditions of the Mishnah were already highly developed. There is no evidence in the NT of formal education in the Christian faith; at that point it appears to have been a matter of family instruction (1 Tim. 1:5; cf. Deut. 11:19). J.L.C.

miles of Israel's territory, yet Egypt's cultural influence on Palestine was considerably less than that of Mesopotamia. For their part, the Egyptians were not very interested in settlement abroad, partly because there were many possibilities for expansion at home. Nonetheless, Egypt did dominate Palestine politically during many periods. Egypt's influence was greater in the Phoenician coastal cities, with which it had important cultural and commercial ties. The division into dynasties found in this article follows the Egyptian writer Manetho. Scholars do not quite agree on the absolute chronology or on how to organize the dynasties—some of which are contemporary rather than successive—into larger groupings. Geographical Setting: Apart from the reach of the waters of the Nile, Egypt is almost entirely desert. The Nile has no tributaries in Egypt proper or for several hundred miles to the south, and the land receives little rainfall. Even the Nile Delta has at best 7-8 inches of rainfall annually, whereas the Nile Valley has virtually none. (The recently built Aswan High Dam has changed the rainfall patterns for southern Egypt.) So the designation of Egypt as "the gift of the Nile" is very apt. The Nile waters define the agricultural, populated realm. The settled area of Egypt therefore resembles a tall flower bending in the breeze. The Nile Delta (Lower Egypt), which spreads out north of Cairo for a hundred miles to the Mediterranean and is more than 150 miles wide, is the blossom, and the Nile Valley (Upper Egypt) is the long, slender stalk, between 6 and 9 miles wide and extending 575 miles from Cairo south to Aswan, with its thickest section being the northern portion. The one exception to this image is the Faiyum, an area well watered by a branch of the Nile, about 50 miles south of Cairo and reaching some 50 miles into the desert west of the Nile. The few oases in the Western Desert were not important in terms of population. Since about two-thirds of the serviceable land is in the delta, 20 of the traditional 42 nomes, or administrative districts, of ancient Egypt were also in the delta. Yet, in spite of its great importance, the delta, for various reasons, is not nearly so well known archaeologically as is the Nile Valley.

Eglon (eglon). 1 The fat king of Moab who, together with the Ammonites and Amalekites, invaded Israelite territory during the period of the judges and ruled over the people from "the city of palms" (Jericho) for eighteen years. According to Judges 3:12-30, Eglon's rule ended when Ehud, the left-handed judge, concealed a dagger under his cloak and assassinated Eglon when they were alone. 2 A Canaanite city allied with Jerusalem, Hebron, Jarmuth, and Lachish in an unsuccessful attempt to oppose Joshua's invasion of the land of Canaan (Josh. 10:3-5). Joshua captured the city (Josh. 10:34-35; cf. 12:12), which was later included among the cities of Judah (Josh. 15:39). Modern Tell Aitun is currently identified as the site of Eglon. See also Judges, The Book of. M.A.S. Egypt (ee'jipt), one of the great civilizations of the ancient world, centered along the lower reaches of the Nile River in northeast Africa. Egyptian civilization was already ancient by the time of the biblical patriarchs, and its delta settlements reached to within two hundred

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Egypt had a strong sense of duality: there were "Two Lands," the delta and the valley, and together they constituted the "Black Land" in contrast to the neighboring desert, the "Red Land." Bordered by the Mediterranean on the north with desert on the remaining sides, Egypt was fairly secure from major movements of people. The overland route to Palestine led through the Sinai wilderness and along the Mediterranean coast before moving up into the hill country and cities such as Hebron and Jerusalem (ca. 215 miles from the easternmost settlements of the delta). Accordingly, only relatively small groups of people from SyroPalestine went into Egypt, prompted by drought, commerce, and other concerns (cf. Gen. 12:10; 4 2 - 4 3 ; Matt. 2:14). Asiatics and Libyans came into the Nile Delta, both hostilely and peacefully, and Nubians into the Nile Valley. Drawing like a magnet from the modest adjacent populations, the Egyptians were a heterogeneous people from early times. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Periods: Predynastic Egypt featured regional cultures and village society throughout a period of several hundred years. Constellations were forming in Upper and Lower Egypt, but with considerable conflict. In Dynasties I—II (ca. 2950-2675 B.C.), the "Two Lands" experienced the formation and consolidation of a unified government, centered at Memphis (Cairo area). Key elements were the development of court culture and royal bureaucracy. An enduring pattern of division into provinces (nomes) was established, provinces that embodied cultural particularities, such as in religious practice, that persevered over the centuries in spite of the subsequent political unification of Egypt. Old Kingdom Period: Dynasties III—VI (ca. 2675-2180 B.C.) represented a period of immense cultural and political achievement. Building on the accomplishments of the Early Dynastic period, a remarkable level of culture and organization was reached. Dynasty III (ca. 2675—2600) was still a period of some innovation, leading up to the climactic development of Dynasty IV (ca. 2600-2480), whose impressive scale was symbolized by the great pyramids. By this time a distinctive pattern of culture—artistic, political, and religious—had developed that served effectively, with variations and adaptations, for well over two millennia. The central institution was that of the kingship, religiously central in the state cult as the link between the people and the divine powers of the cosmos, and politically central as the embodiment of the unity of the realm. The pharaoh, at the same time both mortal and divine, wielded immense power filtered through an effective bureaucracy. In Dynasties V and VI (ca. 2480-2180) the localized authorities became more prominent. The royal center remained in the Memphis area where the "Two Lands" joined. During the Old Kingdom, Egypt engaged in extensive commer-

cial interchange with Phoenicia, especially Byblos, and also sent many expeditions to Sinai to obtain materials such as turquoise and copper. First Intermediate and Middle Kingdom Periods: When the system of the Old Kingdom broke down, it was followed by about a hundred and fifty years of civil war and assertiveness by local provinces (Dynasties VII-XI, ca. 2180-1939 B.C.). During Dynasty XI Egypt became unified again (ca. 1970-1939), and during Dynasty XII (ca. 1939-1756) the central organization was furthered, though the king was less powerful than in the Old Kingdom. Southern Egypt, with its center in Thebes, became more prominent, though the kings still ruled from the Memphis area. During the Middle Kingdom Egypt asserted itself in southern Syro-Palestine in more than a commercial relationship. The term "empire" is probably inappropriate, but there was some kind of hegemony. The "Execration" texts list local rulers and peoples of the area, many specifically from Palestine, Transjordan, and Phoenicia, who owed some kind of allegiance to Egypt. The names of many Palestinian locations first appear in these texts. Some of the earlier ancestral traditions of Israel concerning Egypt may relate to this period. Clearly, many Asiatics were now residing in Egypt, especially in the eastern delta. Second Intermediate (Hyksos) Period: The forces for decentralization again triumphed (Dynasties XIII-XVII, a group of overlapping dynasties, ca. 1756-1520 B.C.), and there were various separatist movements. For the first time pharaonic Egypt experienced a major influx of foreigners, as Asiatic groups, termed Hyksos ("rulers of foreign lands") in Egyptian sources, with superior military technology and organization in spite of their varied backgrounds, gained control in the delta and, apparently, the northern portion of the Nile Valley (Dynasty XV, ca. 1630-1522). Also, Nubia had broken away, so traditional Egyptian rulers were restricted to the Nile Valley and at that were at times under Hyksos domination. This was a period of considerable interchange between Egyptian and Syro-Palestinian cultures, though it is not well documented. Many scholars regard this period as the setting for the Joseph story, although there is no specific confirmation from Egyptian sources. The pharaonic traditions endured most effectively in the south, under the domination of Thebes. Eventually the Theban rulers prevailed against the Nubian-Hyksos tandem and their Egyptian allies. New Kingdom Period: Theban success against the outsiders ushered in the New Kingdom (Dynasties XVIII-XX, ca. 1539-1075 B.C.). Ahmose I (ca. 1539-1514) captured the Hyksos center of Avaris, drove the Hyksos back into Syro-Palestine, subdued Nubia, and unified again the "Two Lands." Indeed, from the time of Thutmose I and II (ca. 1493-1479) to Ramesses II (ca. 1279-1213) Egypt was politi-

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cally powerful also in much of Syro-Palestine as well as Nubia and, at least by the time of Thutmose III (ca. 1479-1426), it is possible to refer to an Egyptian Empire. Egyptian rulers also maintained diplomatic contact with the major powers of western Asia, including Cyprus and Anatolia. In Egypt, an effective administration endured during the whole of the New Kingdom, surviving crises such as the Amarna "revolution" and the changes in dynasties. Noteworthy was the power conflict between the royal court and the major priesthoods, especially that of Amun-Re at Thebes. This conflict reached a climax during Amenhotep IV/Akhenaton's reign (ca. 1353-1336), when the king's sacral centrality was reasserted in the Amarna "revolution" in theology and art. Noteworthy also was the level of cultural interchange with Syro-Palestine. Many Semitic gods had a following in Egypt, and the Asiatic population in Egypt continued to be a significant presence, especially in Lower Egypt. It is most likely that the setting of the Exodus tradition is the time of the longlived and powerful Ramesses II. The Egyptian sources attest to the presence of Asiatic workers, but they make no reference to the flight of a group of Hebrew (or Apiru) slaves or their miraculous escape through the "Sea of Reeds." In the "Victory Stela" of Merneptah (ca. 1213-1204), the immediate successor of Ramesses II, there occurs the first extrabiblical reference to Israel (with sequential reference to victories over the city-states of Ashkelon, Gezer, Yanoam, and the people Israel). Nevertheless Egypt's power was waning. Though Ramesses III (ca. 1187-1156) could still repel the Sea Peoples and the Libyans, the effort was the last sign of real strength as Egypt subsequently entered a period of depression and disorder. Third Intermediate Period: By this period (Dynasties XXI-XXV, ca. 1075-656 B.C.) Egypt's political greatness and cultural ingenuity were in the past. In this period Egypt was weakened by regionalism and factionalism. According to 1 Kings 9:16, one of the pharaohs of this period even gave a daughter in marriage to a foreign king, namely Solomon, something formerly unheard of. At times descendants of former Libyan mercenaries and prisoners were in power. One Libyan ruler, Shishak (Shoshenq I, ca. 945-924), gave refuge to the future king of Israel, Jeroboam I, and even campaigned successfully against Israel and Judah, including Jerusalem. Nubian princes succeeded in extending control into Upper Egypt. During Dynasty XXV (ca. 770-656) Nubian pharaohs came to control a united Nubia and Egypt, partly by allowing Thebes practical independence. But the Nubian kings were not able to restrain Assyria, with whom they had many encounters, and again, in the early seventh century, Asiatic forces found their way into Egypt. The Assyrians sacked Memphis (ca. 671)

and even Thebes (ca. 664), but managed only temporary control. Late Period: This period covers Dynasties XXVI-XXXI (ca. 664-332 B.C.). The Saite Dynasty XXVI (ca. 664-525), based in the western delta and aided by Greek and Carian mercenaries, led Egypt in its last period of independence and unity. Neco II even campaigned in north Syria—Josiah of Judah died in opposing him— and dominated Judah from 609 to 605. The Saite period formally imitated the artistic style of the Old Kingdom, but did not capture its grandeur. The Saites did enlarge Egypt's commercial contacts and had sizable resident foreign colonies, including many Greeks. They managed to stop the Babylonian army short of Egypt proper, but subsequently Persian strength proved too great. The invasion of Cambyses (525) brought Egypt into the Persian domain. Although Egypt regained some independence from Persia between 404 and 342, it was precariously involved with Greek mercenaries. The Persians enjoyed a brief but troubled period of renewed control (342-332) prior to their collapse in the face of Alexander's forces. Hellenistic-Roman Period (332 B.C.-A.D. 324): Alexander stayed only about six months in Egypt, spending a good part of that time on an arduous visit to the oracle of Zeus-Ammon (i.e., Amon?) in the Siwah Oasis, some three hundred airline miles from Memphis into the Eastern Desert, where he apparently was declared a god. He also arranged the foundation of Alexandria, the most important of the many cities named after him and a major city of the Mediterranean world—much more Hellenistic than Egyptian. (Alexandria had a prominent Jewish population within a few decades.) Alexander, now regarded as pharaoh, assigned most of the administrative control to Egyptian authorities and left political matters in Hellenistic hands. Following Alexander's death (323), Ptolemy Soter, one of his generals, gained control of Egypt and soon founded the Ptolemaic dynasty (305-30), of which the famous Cleopatra was the concluding representative. The Ptolemies hellenized the Egyptian administration and exploited the country while also identifying with the pharaonic traditions and sponsoring major building projects, in the traditional manner, throughout Egypt. For much of the period the Ptolemies contended with other heirs of Alexander, the Seleucid rulers of Syria, for control of Palestine, with Ptolemaic dominance ending in 198. In Egypt, the Ptolemies experienced considerable internal strife and became increasingly subordinate to Rome. Rome assumed direct rule from 30 B.C. to A.D. 324, but continued the Ptolemaic administrative system. Many originally Egyptian cults, such as that of the goddess Isis, gained a wide following in the Hellenistic-Roman world. The Christian community in Egypt, which began quite early, developed into the Coptic church.

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Captive Asiatics, with arms upraised in a gesture of submissive greeting to Pharaoh Sahure, being taken by ship to Egypt; stone relief ca. 2446 B.C.

Egypt and the Bible: Egypt's influence on the people and culture of Palestine involved serving as a refuge area or place of exile, exercising political domination, and exerting cultural influence either directly or by way of the Phoenician coastal cities. As the great granary of the eastern Mediterranean, Egypt attracted many people to its abundant agricultural resources and its considerable wealth and grandeur. Individuals and families from the patriarchal period on are described as going to Egypt for survival. Similarly, following the fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonians, a group from Judah sought refuge in Egypt. Yet Egypt could also be a place of exile. Israel's model for its self-understanding was the liberating Exodus under Moses from state slavery in the Egyptian delta. Egypt was therefore identified both as the departure point for Israel's liberation from oppression and as the arrival point for threatened divine punishment. In the few centuries prior to the Exodus, Egypt had been a dominant power in Palestine, ruling basically through local princes and strategically located garrisons. During the Israelite monarchy and the subsequent periods of foreign control, Egypt was generally restricted to brief raids and involvements in various alliances against the great Asiatic powers. Significant control by Egypt occurred again only in the time of the Ptolemies. In connection with the military campaigns, many people from Palestine were taken as captives to Egypt, basically to work for the king and the gods. During the fifth century B.C. there was a Jewish military colony—and a Jewish temple—at the southern border of Egypt (Elephantine), and in Ptolemaic times there were many Jewish settlers. From ca. 163 B.C. until A.D. 71 there was even a Jewish temple at Leontopolis in the eastern delta. Egypt's cultural influence in Palestine was modest, considering the proximity. Egypt sought raw materials, especially wood and metals, from Syro-Palestine and was not bent on 274

cultural dominance. There are a number of Egyptian loanwords in the Hebrew Bible (Egyptian and Hebrew are distantly related languages), and indeed Moses and many of the priestly class bore Egyptian names, a pattern that endured for several centuries. According to late tradition Moses was "instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians" (Acts 7:22). Moreover, Akhenaton's "monotheism" antedated the time of Moses by almost a century and some influence is quite possible. Yet specific influence is difficult to demonstrate, and the contrasts in most areas are considerable; the closest parallel may be that Akhenaton and Moses are similarly entrancing but elusive figures. In spite of some intriguing parallels in details and a plausible initial impetus toward monotheism, Egyptian religion seems to have had little formative influence on that of Israel. The most specific example of literary borrowing is in Prov. 22:17-24:22, which apparently utilized the Egyptian "Instruction of Amenemope." Other literary influence is found in novellas, such as the Joseph story, and in love poetry. The political organization under David and Solomon may well have drawn upon Egyptian models, but, if so, presumably through Phoenician intermediaries. For the prophets, Egypt served as an example of idolatry and arrogant power, Israel's redemption from which in the Exodus proved to be a lasting, central motif of Israel's faith. See also Akhenaton; Amarna, Tell el-; Exodus; Hyksos; Neco II; Nile; Pharaoh; Sea Peoples. Bibliography Bowman, A. K. Egypt After the Pharaohs. 332 B.C.-A.D. 642. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986. Grimai, N. A History of Ancient Egypt. Oxford: Blackwell, 1992. Kemp, B. J. Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization. London: Routledge, 1989. Shafer, B. E., ed. Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991. Trigger, B. G., B. J. Kemp, D. O'Connor, and A. B. Lloyd. Ancient Egypt: A Social History. Cambridge: H.B.H. Cambridge University Press, 1983. Egypt, Brook of (KJV: "Egypt, River of"), the Wadi el-Arish, a valley in the Sinai Peninsula of Egypt with a seasonal stream that flows into the Mediterranean (Num. 34:5; Josh. 15:4; 1 Kings 8:65; 2 Kings 24:7; 2 Chron. 7:8; Isa. 27:12). It marked the traditional southwestern border of the land of Canaan (and of the claims of Judah or, in Ezek. 48:28, Gad), the northern border being either the Entrance of Hamath or the Euphrates. The River of Egypt in Gen. 15:18 was apparently the same, as was probably Shihor (1 Chron. 13:5) and the Brook of the Arabah (Amos 6:14). See also Arabah; Shihor. H.B.H. Ehud (eeTiuhd), a left-handed Benjaminite who through a clever ruse killed Eglon, the fat

EKRON

EL

Moabite king, and subsequently led the Israelites to victory over the Moabites (Judg. 3:12-4:1). See also Eglon. Ekron (ek'ruhn; Heb., "barren place"? or "fertile place"?; Gk. Akkarôn), the northernmost city of the Philistine Pentapolis. Now identified as Khirbet el Muqanna' (Tel Miqne), it lies about twenty-two miles west of Jerusalem. It was assigned to the territory of Judah (Josh. 15:11) or to Dan (Josh. 19:43) but was reported to be in Philistine hands when the Ark was taken there (1 Sam. 5:10). The town received defeated forces of the Philistines (1 Sam. 17:52) as David's gains brought compression of Philistine territory. In prophetic traditions Elijah was called to challenge the authority of Ekron's god, Baalzebub (Heb., "lord of the flies"?) to indicate Israelite King Amaziah's fate (2 Kings 1:2-16). Amos (1:8), Jeremiah (25:20), Zephaniah (2:4), and Zechariah (9:5, 7) denounced Ekron as a symbol of evil power to be destroyed. Captured by Assyria's Sennacherib (ca. 705-681 B.C.), as it had earlier been taken by Egypt's Shishak (last quarter of tenth century B.C.), it was later given by Alexander Balas to Jonathan Maccabeus (ca. 160-142 B.C.; 1 Mace. 10:89) and had its Greek name at least into the fourth century A.D. Excavations on the site led by T. Dothan and S. Gitin have included two pilot seasons (1981, 1982) and five major seasons (1984-1988) in Phase I. Results show occupation of the site from Chalcolithic through Middle Bronze ages. Major development began in the Late Bronze Age with Philistine arrival and expansion (Stratum VII, first third of twelfth century B.C.) to the full fifty-acre site. Israelite ascendancy is reflected in shrinkage to ten-acre occupation in the tenth century B.C., but new growth again occurred under Assyrian occupation (eighth century), at which time industrial development as an olive oil processing center reached its peak. Destruction followed under Babylonian assault (603 B.C. campaign of Nebuchadnezzar). Subsequent survival was minimal on evidence to date. Bibliography Dothan, Trude. The Philistines and Their Material Culture. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1982. Dothan, Trude, and Seymour Gitin. "The Rise and Fall of Ekron of the Philistines: Recent Excavations at an Urban Border Site." Biblical Archaeologist, vol. 50, no. 4 (December 1987):197-222. . "Ekron (place)." Anchor Bible Dictionary. New York: Doubleday, 1992. 2:415-422. R.S.B. El (el), a word for "God" in the ancient Semitic languages. The word could be used as either a proper noun or a common noun. As a proper noun, El refers to a god in the pantheons of the Canaanite world. In the Bible the word occurs

El, the chief god of the Canaanite pantheon, raises his hand in benediction to a king or high priest before him; relief from Ugarit, thirteenth century B.C.

often in personal names (e.g., £7iab, £7ijah). Elohim (Heb.) and not El is the most common biblical word for God, but El occurs frequently in the Bible referring to God, particularly in the book of Job and other works of poetry. In Ugaritic Literature: The Ugaritic literature produced in the north Canaanite city-state of Ugarit (second millennium B.C.) reveals much of what we know about the Canaanite god El. El is the king, regarded as ruler among the gods. In the assembly of the gods, El holds the highest position. Permission to build a palace for Baal must come from El, and it is El who surrenders Baal to Baal's enemy Yamm. To judge from his epithets, El is a creator. At Ugarit he was called the "Builder of Things Built," and elsewhere he held the title "Creator of the Earth." El has other epithets in the Ugaritic literature. He is called the "Father of Years," a title that recalls his epithet "Eternal" on a Sinaitic inscription. El is an aged god. Ugaritic texts refer to his gray beard and speak of his wisdom. El is called "Compassionate," "The Bull," "Beneficent," and the "Father of Humankind." El lives at the source of two rivers amid the fountains of the (worldencompassing) Deep (cf. Gen. 1:1). This is a localization that lies beyond the boundaries of terrestrial space.

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Although in title chief among the gods, El does not always play a forceful role in the Ugaritic myths and legends. His daughter Anat coerces him with threats of violence. His surrender of Baal has the character of submission to Yamm. In one short text, El is portrayed drinking himself into a stupor and wallowing in his own excrement and urine. Such behavior has led to questions concerning El's status in the Ugaritic pantheon. Some have suggested that El at Ugarit was in his twilight, and others believe that Baal was in the process of supplanting El in Ugaritic religion. Yet there are times in the Ugaritic literature when El acts effectively, and this puts the issue in doubt. It is El who brings about the healing of Kirta (Keret) when all other gods fail, and it is the threat of El's intervention that silences a fractious Athtar. It should be noted that while the Ugaritic literature presents a variegated picture of El, other sources are more consistently flattering of the god. Philo of Byblos (ca. A.D. 64-141), a Greek historian who collected Phoenician lore, identified El with Kronos, told of El's marriage to Astarte, Rhea, and Dione, and reported that Zeus (Baal) ruled the earth with the permission of El. Here there is no hint of a declining El or of conflict between El and Baal. At Ugarit, El's consort was Asherah, a goddess whom the Bible links with Baal. A Canaanite myth "El, Ashertu, and the Storm God" (surviving in a Hittite version) tells of how Asherah was faithless to her consort El and sought the affection of the storm god (Baal). In Ancient Israel: The cult of El was widely diffused in the Syro-Palestinian world and spread from there to the Phoenician colonies of the central and western Mediterranean basin. El was worshiped in the Holy Land at an early date. The Bible reveals many local manifestations of El. At Beer-lahairoi Hagar encounters El Roi (Heb., "God of Seeing," Gen. 16:7-14). At Beer-sheba Abraham worships El Olam (Heb., "Eternal God," Gen. 21:33). The name El Elyon (Heb., "God Most High") was associated with Jerusalem (Gen. 14:18-20). Jacob has a revelation of El Bethel (Heb., "God of Bethel") at Bethel (Gen. 35:7). El Berith (Heb., "God of the Covenant") is linked to Shechem (Judg. 9:46), but the same god appears to be called Baal-berith elsewhere (Judg. 9:4). Many if not all of these local manifestations of El go back to pre-Israelite times (prethirteenth century B.C.). The worship of El at local Palestinian sanctuaries provided a setting for the transmission of aspects of the cult of El to the religion of Israel. During its settlement in Canaan, Israel adopted for itself the veneration of El. Israelite tradition recognized the primacy of El worship. When the Priestly writer introduces the divine name Yahweh into his narrative (Exod. 6:2-8), he shows that Yahweh was known at first as El Shaddai. The Priestly writer

often uses the name El Shaddai for Israel's God. The Bible speaks of "El, the God of Israel" (Gen. 33:20), and when it is recognized that the name Israel is a compound including the divine name El, the importance of El in the early religion of Israel becomes clear. Some elements from the Canaanite cult of El made their way into the worship of Israel's God Yahweh. Yahweh took over the leading role in the council of the gods (Ps. 89:6-7). He may have taken the title "King" from El. Notions of the compassion and mercy of Yahweh may stem from the image of "Benevolent El." Yahweh as creator and father is reminiscent of El. In one instance at least, the image of Canaanite El has made its way directly into the Bible. The figure of the Ancient of Days in the book of Daniel is inspired by the aged El (Dan. 7:9-14). The accommodation of El worship by Yahwism was a remarkable occurrence, for Israel was as a rule hostile to the cults of Canaanite gods and goddesses. Israel identified Yahweh as El. The supremacy of El in the native religions of Palestine made this identification attractive. It has even been proposed that Yahweh was no more than a special name of El. Whatever the cause of the identification, it provides a striking contrast to the general conflict between Israelite religion and that of its neighbors. See also Baal; God; Ras-Shamra. R.M.G. Elah (eeluh). 1 The valley in Judah where David is reported to have killed Goliath (1 Sam. 17:2, 19; 21:9); it was protected by the cities of Libnah and Azekah (modern Wadi es-Sant). 2 The son and successor of Baasha, king of Israel. He ruled for less than two years (ca. 886 B.C.). While he was intoxicated, he was murdered by Zimri in Tirzah (1 Kings 16:6-14). 3 The father of Hoshea, the last king of Israel (ca. 732-723 B.C.; 2 Kings 15:30; 17:1; 18:1, 9). Elam (eeluhm), the region east of the Tigris River, which provided Mesopotamia with a rich source of raw materials; hence the continuing Mesopotamian interest in Elam. Three rivers water the region, making it especially fertile. The unification of Anshan, the mountainous eastern region, with the southeastern plain of Shushan meant independence for Elam. The diverse areas of Elam were always organized into a federal state. Elamite pictographs first appear around 2900 B.C., whereas writing begins in Mesopotamia around 3100 B.C. A linear Elamite script, known from only eighteen inscriptions, dates from the twenty-third century B.C. Carved seals from the third millennium B.C. depict various activities of the Elamite economy: hunting, fishing, herding, and agriculture. A female deity, Pinikir, headed the Elamite pantheon until the middle of the second millennium B.C.. when the male Humban replaced her. Contact between Mesopotamia and Elam appears as early as 2550 B.C., when Enmebaragesi

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ELEALEH stances, Elam is depicted as a fierce nation, whose warriors are adept at the use of the bow and arrow as well as chariotry. During the reign of Zedekiah, Jeremiah (49:35-39) prophesied God's promise of a total victory over Elam and a return from the captivity. Jews from Elam are counted among the returnees from the Babylonian captivity in Ezra 2:7, 31 and 8:7. The chiefs of the Jewish tribes in Elam were among those who set their seals to the reform covenant upon their return (Neh. 10:14). Neh. 12:42 records the participation of a priest named Elam in the rededication of the walls of Jerusalem. The one mention of Elamites in the NT (Acts 2:9) records their presence in Jerusalem at the feast of Pentecost. See also Chedorlaomer. L.E.P. Elath (eelath). See Ezion-geber.

A tabletfromSusa, ca. 2900 B.C., showing early Elamite "writing." of Kish records carrying off "as booty the weapons of the land of Elam." Elam remained under Mesopotamian control until Ibbi-Sin, the last ruler of the Ur III dynasty, was carried off to exile in Elam, where he died. The early Sumerian view of the Elamites as undesirables prevailed throughout the second millennium B.C. Conflict between these two regions continued until the thirteenth century B.C., the floruit of Elamite civilization, when Elam freed itself of Babylon's control. In the Bible: In the Bible, Elam is best known from Genesis 14, which details the coalition of several kings, including the Elamite Chedorlaomer, against the kings of the Dead Sea region. The coalition captured Lot, who was rescued by his uncle, Abram. The Hebrew name [Chedorlaomer) may reflect an actual Elamite name; Kuter-Lagamar would mean "the goddess Lagamar is protection." The name, however, is not yet attested in native inscriptions. In the Table of Nations, Elam is listed as a descendant of Shem (Gen. 10:22). Shushan (Susa), the capital of Elam, is called "the castle" in Neh. 1:1, Dan. 8:2, and Esther 1:2. During the reign of Darius, Susa became the winter palace of the Persian Empire. In the eighth and seventh centuries B.C., Elam alternatively showed its last independence and joined Chaldean and Aramean coalitions against Assyria. The Assyrians prevailed, and in 646 B.C. Ashurbanipal sacked Susa. Ezek. 32:24 describes the destruction of Elam. Isaiah (11:11; 21:2; 22:6) records Elamite help in Assyrian attacks on Judah. In all of these in-

El Bethel (el-beth'uhl), probably a deity. Among the many El epithets in the OT, El Bethel occurs twice (Gen. 31:13; 35:7). These Hebrew phrases may be understood as either "the El [i.e., god] Bethel" or "the El [i.e., god] of Bethel." Jer. 48:13 and Amos 5:4-6 seem to indicate the existence of a god named Bethel, but other ancient sources refer to the god of Bethel. See also Bethel; El; God; Names. Eldad (el'dad; Heb., "El [god] has loved"?), an Israelite elder. With his companion Medad, Eldad was chosen with sixty-eight others to receive God's spirit around the Tent of Meeting. The two tarried in the camp and prophesied there. When Joshua learned of their unauthorized activity, he urged Moses to restrain them, but Moses rebuffed the complaint, saying: "Would that all the Lord's people were prophets!" (Num. 11:16, 26-30). See also Prophet; Tabernacle. elders, senior tribesmen of Israel. The elders performed tasks of local government and justice throughout the biblical period. Aspects of their function and historical importance can be seen in Exod. 18:13-17; 2 4 : 1 - 1 1 ; Num. 11:16-30; Judg. 21:16-24; and 1 Sam. 8:1-9. In the NT, elders were either important Jewish leaders (e.g., Matt. 15:2; Mark 14:43; Luke 7:3; Acts 4:8) or leaders in the nascent Christian communities (Acts 15:2; 21:18; Titus 1:5; James 5:14; 1 Pet. 5:1) although the word can also mean simply an elderly person (1 Tim. 5:1; perhaps 1 Pet. 5:5). Elealeh (el'ee-ayluh), a Moabite city east of the Jordan River that, along with Heshbon and surrounding cities, was given to the tribe of Reuben after they and the tribe of Gad requested that Moses allow them to settle there (Num. 32:1-5). The city was rebuilt by the Reubenites (Num. 32:33-38), although by the time of Isaiah

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and Jeremiah it was back in Moabite hands (ca. 700-625 B.C.; Isa. 15:4; Jer. 48:34). The city is identified as modern el-Al, a ruin about two miles northeast of Tell Heshban and about fifteen miles east and slightly north of the north end of the Dead Sea. D.R.B.

scripts). See also Apostle; Disciple; Judas; Matthias; Twelve, The. Elhanan (el-hay'nuhn; Heb., "God is gracious"). 1 The son of Dodo from Bethlehem; one of David's thirty mighty men (2 Sam. 23:24). 2 The son of Jair (or Jaareoregim) of Bethlehem, who killed Goliath (2 Sam. 21:19) or Goliath's brother Lahmi (1 Chron. 20:5). The apparent confusion as to his victim may be the result of an attempt to harmonize the contradiction that resulted when David was credited with Elhanan's accomplishment (1 Sam. 17). Some scholars, however, consider Elhanan to be David's personal name.

Eleasah (el'ee-ay'suh; Heb., "El [God] has made" or "El has acted"). 1 A descendant of Judah (1 Chron. 2:39-40). 2 A Benjaminite descendant of Saul's son Jonathan (1 Chron. 8:37). Eleazar (el'ee-ay'zuhr; Heb., "God has helped"), the name of seven different persons in the OT, the foremost being the third son of Aaron. He, with his brothers, became a priest (Exod. 29; Lev. 8) and later became high priest when Aaron died (Num. 20:25-28). He served as high priest during the remaining years of Moses' leadership and through Joshua's tenure as leader. An Eleazar is also mentioned in the list of Joseph's ancestors in Matt. 1:15. election, a technical theological term in the Bible having nothing to do with the democratic political process. The subject of election is God, who chooses on the basis of his sovereign will for his creation. Associated with election are theological terms such as "predestination," "providence," and "covenant." In the OT, God elects a people (Israel), its king (David), and the city of Jerusalem. His free choice is not based on the previous accomplishment or on the natural superiority of those he chooses; yet, the chosen are under obligation to live by God's will and to be his servants (e.g., Deut. 7:6-11; 1 Chron. 16:9-13; Jer. 33:19-26; Amos 3:2). In the NT, election is focused on Jesus Christ as the elect one (often with a reference to the OT) through whom God ultimately accomplishes his purpose (e.g., Matt. 12:18; Luke 9:35; 23:35; 1 Pet. 2:4, 6). Through faith and discipleship, his followers are called "elect" (e.g., Mark 13:20-27; Matt. 22:14; Titus 1:1; 1 Pet. 1:2; 2:9-10). Although this elect group is made up of people from all nations, Paul also expects that God's election of Israel will be fulfilled in the end (Rom. 11:2, 28). See also Covenant; Grace; Predestination; Providence. J.E.A. Elephantine (el'uh-fan-ti'nee). Passover, The; Syene; Temple, The.

See Egypt;

Eleusis (i-loo'sis). See Mystery. Eleven, the, the disciples or apostles of Jesus (originally twelve) during a brief period after the death of Judas Iscariot and before the choice of Matthias (Acts 1:23-26). The Eleven are mentioned in Matt. 28:16; Mark 16:14 (in some manuscripts); Luke 24:9, 33; Acts 1:26; 2:14 (in some manuscripts); 1 Cor. 15:5 (in some manu-

Eli (ee'li; Heb., "[God] is exalted"), judge of Israel (1 Sam. 4:18) and priest in Shiloh where the Ark was located during the period of the Judges. On observing Hannah praying silently for children, he first thought she was drunk, but then assured her that her prayer would be fulfilled. Samuel, the offspring of this promise, was later brought to Shiloh where he was devoted to divine service and subsequently succeeded Eli, whose sons Hophni and Phinehas were both wicked. When Eli learned of their deaths at the battle of Aphek and the loss of the Ark, he fell, broke his neck, and died (1 Sam. 4). F.E.G. Eli, Eli, lema sabachthani (ee'li, ee'li, lihmah' suh-bahk'thuh-nee; NRSV), also Eloi, Eloi, lema sabachthani, variant versions (Matt. 27:46 and Mark 15:34) of the so-called cry of dereliction attributed to Jesus on the cross. The words are transliterations of Aramaic renderings of the first verse of Psalm 22, "My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?" Eli (Matt.), meaning "my God," has often been misunderstood as the transliteration of a Hebrew word, but this form has appeared in the Aramaic of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Eloi (Mark) transliterates the more common Aramaic form for "my God." Both versions of the cry have many variant forms in NT manuscripts, with the most common being the Hebrew lama rather than the Aramaic lema. Psalm 22 is quoted and alluded to several times in the passion accounts of Mark and Matthew (e.g., Matt. 27:35, 43) and seems to have been used to interpret the meaning and manner of Jesus' death. The desolation or despair of Jesus' cry has long intrigued and shocked commentators, especially those concerned with the relationship of Jesus' divinity to his humanity. Reformation theologians associated this verse with Jesus' being forsaken by the Father as an atonement for sin; in reaction, other theologians suggested that Jesus recited the entire Psalm, which ends on a note of hopeful confidence in God. Some contemporary interpretations link these words with an existential analysis of human experience. In

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context, the citation of Ps. 2 2 : 1 (Heb. 22:2) communicates Jesus' sense of human separation from God in the face of sin and death. In the light of the resurrection, it functioned literarily as part of a sharp contrast between Jesus' apparent powerlessness and his ultimate victory. Theologically, the Psalm verse argues that Jesus' suffering and death were planned with a purpose by God. See also Atonement; Cross; Jesus Christ; Passion. A.J.S.

father of Bathsheba (2 Sam. 11:3), called Ammiel in 1 Chron. 3:5 (both names include the same components, but in reversed order). Elias (i-li'uhs). See Elijah. Eliasaph (i-li'uh-saf; Heb., "El [God] has added"). 1 The head of the tribe of Gad during the wilderness wandering (Num. 1:14; 2:14). 2 A Levite, the head of the Gershonite clan who were in charge of carrying the fabrics of the tabernacle (Num. 3:24).

Eliab (i-li'uhb; Heb., "God is father"). 1 Reubenite father of Dathan and Abiram who rebelled against Moses (Num. 16:1). 2 Son of Helon, leader of Zebulun in the generation prior to the conquest of Canaan (Num. 10:16). 3 A Lévite in the line of Kohath (1 Chron. 6:27). 4 David's oldest brother (1 Sam. 17:28) whose stature and appearance impressed Samuel when he sought a king from among Jesse's sons (1 Sam. 6:6-7). 5 A Gaddite who served David in the desert (1 Chron. 12:9). 6 A levitical musician in the time of David (1 Chron. 15:18, 20; 16:5). Eliada (i-li'uh-duh; Heb., "El [God] knows"). 1 One of David's sons born in Jerusalem (2 Sam. 5:16), also called Beeliada (Heb., "Baal knows," 1 Chron. 14:7). Although Baal was originally another name for the deity, names that contained "Baal" were sometimes changed to avoid any association with the Canaanite fertility god of that name. 2 The father of Rezon, the ruler of Syria and enemy of David (1 Kings 11:23). 3 A Benjaminite commander of two hundred thousand bowmen under King Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. 17:17). Eliakim (i-li'uh-kim; Heb., "God raises up"). 1 The son of Hilkiah and royal steward under King Hezekiah. He had replaced Shebna in that office in accordance with the prophecy of Isaiah, but he later fell into disfavor with the prophet or with his disciples (Isa. 22:20-25). Together with Shebna, now royal secretary, and Joah, royal herald, Eliakim played an important role in the negotiations with the Assyrian Rabshakeh during Sennacherib's siege of Jerusalem (2 Kings 18:18-19:7). 2 The king of Judah from 609 to 598 B.C. When Pharaoh Neco killed Eliakim's father, King Josiah, the Judean gentry chose a younger son, Jehoahaz, as the new king, but three months later the Egyptian replaced Jehoahaz with Eliakim, whom he renamed Jehoiakim (2 Kings 23:34; 2 Chron. 36:44). 3 A priest who took part in the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem rebuilt by Nehemiah (Neh. 12:41). 4 The son of Abiud, listed in the postexilic genealogy of Jesus (Matt. 1:13). 5 The son of Melea, in Luke's genealogy of Jesus (Luke 3:30). See also Jehoiakim; Shebna. J.J.M.R. Eliam (i-li'uhm; Heb., "God is kin" or "uncle"). 1 One of David's mighty men, the son of the Gilonite Ahithophel (2 Sam. 23:34). 2 The

Eliashib (i-li'uh-shib; Heb., "God restores"). 1 The head of a priestly division in the time of David (1 Chron. 24:12). 2 The son of Eshyahu and a high-ranking official at the late sixth-century B.C. fortress at Arad, where documents written to him have been found. 3 The name of three postexilic Israelites, including one levitical singer, who divorced their foreign wives in response to Ezra's proclamation (Ezra 10:24, 27, 36). 4 The father of Jehohanan in whose chamber Ezra spent a night (Ezra 10:6). 5 The Jerusalemite high priest in the time of Nehemiah who assisted in rebuilding a northwest section of the city wall (Neh. 3:1) and whose grandson married the daughter of Sanballat (Neh. 13:28; this may be the same as 3 and 4). 6 A priest responsible for the Temple chambers, who permitted an Ammonite to dwell there until he was expelled by Nehemiah (Neh. 13:4-8). 7 A late postexilic descendant of David through the line of Zerubbabel (1 Chron. 3:24). F.E.G. Eliel (i-li'uhl; Heb., "God is my god"). 1 A Korahite ancestor of Samuel (1 Chron. 6:34, called Elihu in 1 Sam. 1:1 and perhaps Eliab in 1 Chron. 6:27). 2 A Levite from the family of Hebron whom David assigned to assist in bringing the Ark to Jerusalem (1 Chron. 15:4-15). 3 A Gaddite who joined David in the desert (1 Chron. 12:11, Hebrew v. 12). 4 The name of two of David's mighty men, one of them a Mahavite (1 Chron. 11:46-47). 5 A Temple official who assisted in the supervision of offerings during the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chron. 31:13). 6 The name of two Benjaminites, one the son of Shimei (1 Chron. 8:20), the other of Shashak (1 Chron. 8:22). 7 The head of a Trans Jordanian Manassite household deported by the Assyrian king Tiglathpileser III (1 Chron. 5:24). F.E.G. Eliezer (el'ee-ee'zuhr; Heb., "my God is help"). 1 Abraham's servant, who would have been his heir in place of a son (Gen. 15:2). Presumably, it is Eliezer who finds a wife for Isaac in Genesis 24. 2 Moses' second son, the founder of a levitical family (Exod. 18:4; 1 Chron. 23:15-17; 26:25). 3 The son of Dodavahu, and a prophet who spoke against King Jehoshaphat's naval alliance with Ahaziah

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(2 Chron. 20:35-37). 4 The son of Bêcher (1 Chron. 7:8). 5 A priest (1 Chron. 15:24). 6 The son of Zichri, and a Reubenite chief (1 Chron. 27:16). 7 A leading man sent by Ezra to seek Lévites for Temple service (Ezra 8:16). 8 Three men who divorced foreign wives (Ezra 10:18; 10:23; 10:31). 9 An ancestor of Jesus (Luke 3:29). M.A.S.

anoint Hazael, Jehu, and Elisha, three new protagonists in the fight against Baal. This story, which is often considered one of the masterpieces of biblical narrative, was probably written in Judah during the reign of Manasseh, some two hundred years after the events portrayed. Its late composition is indicated by the adoption of a legend from Elisha's cycle (1 Kings 17:8-16, cf. 2 Kings 4:1-7), the adaptation of the royal annals of Samaria to the present plot (1 Kings 16:29-17:1, to which the end, 19:16-18, corresponds), the incorporation of Isaiah's concept of "the remnant" (1 Kings 19:18) and the anachronistic detail about the persecution of prophets (1 Kings 18:4, 13, 22; 19:10, 14). The second story involving Elijah, in 1 Kings 21, tells about the judicial murder of Naboth. The royal consort, who coveted his vineyard, had him judged and executed for blasphemy. Ahab then went to inherit the vineyard and was confronted by Elijah with a terrible prophecy of doom. It may be suggested that the present story was composed in the postexilic age, on the basis of its late diction and its being acquainted with all the legal corpora found in the Torah (cf. Exod. 22:27; Lev. 24:13-16; Num. 36:7-9; Deut. 19:15). An older, certainly more original, version is hinted at in 2 Kings 9:25-26, 36-37. In spite of the many variations, the older version seems to confirm Elijah's important role in the Naboth affair. In the third story (2 Kings 1:2-2:17) Ahaziah fell ill and sent to inquire of Baal-zebub of Ekron if he would recover. Elijah intervened and sent the messengers back to the king with a prophecy of doom that he himself reiterated when summoned to the king's presence. The

Elihu (i-b"hyoo), a young man who speaks to Job just prior to God's speeches from the whirlwind (Job 32-37). Claiming divine inspiration, Elihu merely repeats in other words the views of Job's three friends. Some scholars take Elihu's speeches as interpolations designed to provide the baffling book of Job with a more satisfactory answer. Assessment of these speeches generally turns on one's reading of the book as a whole. See also Job, The Book of. Elijah (i-li 'juh), an Israelite prophet in the times of kings Ahab and Ahaziah, during the first half of the ninth century B.C. Elijah is the protagonist of four stories in the book of Kings. The Four Stories: In the first story, 1 Kings 16:29-19:18, Elijah declared a drought to punish the nation for its idolatry. At this time, Elijah himself hid and miraculously survived the famine. The drought ended in a contest between Elijah and the Baal prophets: the god who would answer his prophet's call with fire from heaven would be vindicated as the true god. Elijah won, Yahweh was vindicated, and Elijah's Baalite antagonists were slaughtered. Pursued by Queen Jezebel who sought vengeance for her protégés, Elijah fled to Horeb, reported to the Lord, and was commanded to

Elijah (center) receives a dead child from his mourning mother (in black), revives the child, and returns it to his mother (right), who is now clad in the bright clothing of happiness (1 Kings 17:17-24); panel from the third-century A.D. synagogue at Dura-Europos.

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ELIM

derivative character of this prophetic legend, which twice let fire down from heaven in order to save Elijah, although he was in no danger at all, indicates late composition. This is confirmed by its late diction. The fourth story dealing with Elijah (1 Kings 19:19-21; 2 Kings 2:1-18) relates how Elisha became Elijah's servant, followed him until his ascension to heaven, and then inherited twothirds of his master's spirit. This story belongs to the Elisha cycle and contains a spurious tradition aimed at binding together two great prophets of the past. Originally, however, the two were quite distinct: while Elijah was a zealot of the Lord fighting against idolatry and injustice, Elisha was a wonder worker who saved Israel during the Aramean crisis. This story should therefore not be taken into account in the assessment of the tradition about Elijah. Interpretation: The three reliable stories of the Elijah cycle, being all late, contain many of the theological concepts, historical notions, and literary tastes of the latest biblical writers. Nevertheless the traditions preserved in these stories are not altogether spurious, as proved by the comparison of the two versions of the Naboth incident and by the coherent description of Elijah as a zealot of the Lord fighting against Baal in the other two accounts. At the root of the present stories stood older ones, now lost. Due to the popularity of Elijah, stories about him were retold by each new generation so that only the later accounts were incorporated in the book of Kings. Elijah came from the town of Tosabe in Gilead. His leather attire and his nomadic habits make it plausible that he belonged to a family of shepherds in Transjordan. This may explain his zeal in fighting Baal in both manifestations—Baal as god of the Israelite peasants, who credited him with the land's fertility, and Baal as god of the Phoenicians who was imported into Israel at that age. The introduction of the Tyrian Baal into Israel during the Omride dynasty (882-842 B.C.) is a historical fact; it was brought about by the marriage of Ahab, son of Omri, to the Tyrian princess Jezebel. From its center in Samaria Baal worship spread out to the provincial towns, given impetus by the syncretistic concept of the Lord to whom the name of Baal and his attributes had been applied from old. In declaring a drought, Elijah challenged Baal in his very quality as a fertility god. A second challenge was contained in the contest with the Baal prophets, for here the real issue was who the true god of the storm was. The story in 2 Kings dwells on related matters: who is the right god to inquire oracles of? Who strikes and heals, gives death and life? The outcome of the contest on Mt. Carmel is a monotheistic creed: the Lord is God! (1 Kings 18:39). This explicit belief of the seventh-century B.C. author was already intrinsic in the contest,

because at first Israelite monotheism did not dwell on the otiose question of the mere existence of gods. The relevant questions were: who besides the Lord is judge (Ps. 82), savior (Deut. 32), bestower of rain and dew (1 Kings 17)? Who is able to answer invocation and prayer (1 Kings 18)? Thus Elijah's zeal for the Lord was the genuine expression of a well-rooted ancient monotheism. The older version of the Naboth story, reflected in 2 Kings 9:25-26, 36-37, presents some significant variations also regarding the role of the prophet in the story. Elijah is mentioned only in v. 36, which makes his participation plausible, but not beyond doubt. The prophet did not use the messenger formula "Thus says the Lord," but pronounced an oath in the Lord's name, making the verdict irrevocable. Rebuke and doom were not independent of each other as in 1 Kings 21:19 but integrated together (2 Kings 9:26). The doom was expressed in more general terms—"I will requite you in this field"—which were later adapted to history (1 Kings 21:19b, 2 1 - 2 4 ) . However, the most essential part of the prophet's message has been left unaltered: in both stories the prophet proclaims the verdict of the Lord, a supreme, omniscient judge who will requite in due time. Elijah's role as fighter against Baal and injustice is taken up in 2 Chron. 2 1 : 1 2 - 1 5 . The historicity of the letter mentioned there is doubtful. It is more appropriate to the time of the Second Temple (ca. fifth century B.C.), when pseudepigraphic prophecies were circulated. The mention of Elijah at the conclusion of the Torah-Prophets canon in Mai. 3 : 2 2 - 2 4 identifies him with the Lord's messenger (Heb. mal'akh) of Mai. 3:1, expected to purify the priesthood (vv. 2 - 3 ) and himself described as a priest and a teacher of Torah (Mai. 2:7). These relationships may thus help explain Elijah's role in connection with the observation of the Torah (3:22-23). As supreme teacher, he is expected to "reconcile fathers and sons." In the light of Jubilees 23:16-31, this expression must be understood as referring to the various religious sects emerging in Judaism at the beginning of the Hellenistic age. In the NT, Elijah is identified in the popular mind with Jesus (Mark 6:15; 8:28) but Jesus identified John the Baptist as Elijah who was to return and restore all things (Mark 9:12). See also Elisha; Prophet. A.R.

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Elim (eeTim), the second stopping place (after Marah) of the Israelites after they crossed the "sea of reeds" (Heb. yam suph; Exod. 15:27; Num. 33:9). This oasis was reported to have twelve springs and seventy palm trees. Because Exod. 15:22-27 and Num. 33:8-9 suggest that the Israelites camped there soon after leaving Egypt but prior to reaching the Wilderness of Sin (Exod. 16:1; Num. 33:10-11), Elim is frequently identified with the Wadi Gharandel,

ELIMELECH

ELISHA

about sixty-three miles southeast of Suez in the western Sinai, which today has fresh water, palm trees, and tamarisks. See also Exodus. J.M.W.

and disciple of Elijah, Elisha is remembered in the biblical stories as a man of wisdom and a worker of miracles both on behalf of his nation in times of crisis and in the lives of individuals in time of need. Elisha was a farmer who lived with his parents at Abel-meholah (location uncertain; 1 Kings 19:16-21). Since he was plowing with twelve pairs of oxen when Elijah met him, scholars have suggested that his father was a wealthy landowner. Elisha was bald (2 Kings 2:23) and carried a staff, which was common to rural residents and aided travel in the rugged hills of Palestine (2 Kings 4:29). However, unlike Elijah who lived in caves in the desert, Elisha stayed in the cities (2 Kings 6:13, 19, 32). He was provided comfortable guest quarters by a wealthy woman of Shunem (2 Kings 4:8-10) and apparently maintained his own house at Samaria (2 Kings 6:32; cf. 2:25; 5:3). He often appears in the company of groups of prophets ("the sons of the prophets"; 2 Kings 2:3-15; 4:1; 5:22; 9:1), and he frequented religious centers such as Bethel (2 Kings 2:23), Gilgal (2:1; 4:38), and Mount Carmel (2:25; 4:25). His actions, notably using his staff as an instrument of activity (2 Kings 4:29; cf. Exod. 4:2-5) and using music to induce a prophetic trance (2 Kings 3:15; cf. 1 Sam. 10:5-7), recall an older era of prophets represented by Moses and Samuel. Since Elisha left no written works of his own, the Elisha narratives (2 Kings 2-9; 13:14-21) reflect oral traditions about the prophet that first circulated independently among the people and were later (700 B.C.?) reduced to written records. Because of their roots in oral tradition, these narratives (and those of Elijah) are concerned not so much with a static presentation of historical facts as with a retelling of the significance of events that swirled around this prophetic figure in relation to the faith of Israel. In their present form, the narratives consist of loosely collected anecdotes about the prophet interwoven with historical sketches of the period. Taken together, these on one level portray a figure who, through the telling and retelling of his story among the people, has been cast in near legendary terms; but on another level they demonstrate the sovereignty and power of God at work in spite of the political schemings and the personal crises of a nation. Personal and Political Dimensions: Elisha s work within Israel involved two areas: personal and political. As a man easily accessible to the people, he frequently interceded in the ordinary events of life that bring anguish and crisis. The purification of a vital spring (2 Kings 2:19-22), the raising of the Shunammite's only son (4:18-37), the provision of an antidote for the poisonous stew (4:38-41), the healing of Naaman's leprosy (5:1-19; cf. Luke 4:27), and the recovery of a borrowed axe head (6:1-7) not

Elimelech (i-lim'uh-lek), an Ephrathite clan member who emigrated to Moab when a great famine broke out in Bethlehem of Judah during the period of the judges (Ruth 1:2-3; 2:1, 3; 4:3, 9). After his death, his two sons married local women. The ensuing story is narrated in the book named after Ruth, one of Elimelech's daughters-in-law. The story tells how, despite the death of all male members of his family, Elimelech's estate in Bethlehem remained in the family's hands through Ruth's brilliant maneuvering. The name in Hebrew may mean either "my God is sovereign," "the Divine King," or "my God is Milku." J.M.S. Elioenai (el'ee-oh-ee'ni; a shortened form of Eliehoenai, Heb., "my eyes are toward God"). 1 A Judahite, descendant of the kings of Judah through David (1 Chron. 3:23-24). 2 A family leader in the tribe of Simeon (1 Chron. 4:36). 3 A Benjaminite of the clan of Bêcher (1 Chron. 7:8). 4 A Levite of the priestly clan of Pashur. He was condemned by Ezra for taking a foreign wife (Ezra 10:22) and may be the same priest who served in postexilic Jerusalem (Neh. 12:41). 5 A member of the clan of Zattu, likewise condemned by Ezra (Ezra 10:27). Eliphaz (el'i-faz). 1 The eldest son of Esau and father of several Edomite clans, including Teman (Gen. 36:15-16). 2 The first and, presumably, oldest of Job's three friends (Job 2:11; 4:1; 15:1; 22:1; 42:7, 9). Assuming Job's basic piety, he urged submission. Eliphaz's designation, the Temanite, suggests he was from the area settled by the Edomite clan mentioned above. See also Job, The Book of. Eliphelet (i-lifuh-let; Heb., possibly "God's deliverance" or "the divine deliverer"). 1 David's last son, born in Jerusalem to a nameless wife or concubine (2 Sam. 5:16). The repetition of the name in 1 Chron. 3:6 and 8 is difficult to explain (cf. 1 Chron. 14:5, 7). 2 One of David's strong men, son of Ahasbai (2 Sam. 23:34). The author of Chronicles may have named him Eliphal, son of Ur (1 Chron. 11:35). 3 A descendant of Saul and Jonathan, the third son of Eshek (1 Chron. 8:39). 4 The son of Adonikam, a leader returned from the Babylonian exile (Ezra 8:13; 1 Esd. 8:39). 5 The son of Hashum, husband of a foreign woman (Ezra 10:33; 1 Esd. 9:33). J.M.S. Elisha (i-h"shuh; Heb., "El [God] is salvation"), a prophet of the northern kingdom of Israel who was active for a period of some fifty years (ca. 850-800 B.C.) during the reigns of Joram, Jehu, Jehoahaz, and Jehoash (Joash). The successor

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ELIZAPHAN Israelite belief (e.g., 2 Kings 2:23-25), together they fill an important theological role within the framework of the book of Kings in demonstrating that every facet of life is subject to God's control. See also Abel-meholah; Baal; Elijah; Kings, The First and Second Books of the Prophet. D.R.B. Elishah (i-li'shuh). 1 The son of Javan (Greece) in Gen. 10:4 and 1 Chron. 1:7. 2 An island producing valuable dyed goods in Ezek. 27:7. This suggests that Elishah is Cyprus, which was known as Alashia in cuneiform (i.e., Babylonian and Assyrian) sources.

Elisha, in the dark robe, with Naaman, captain of the king of Aram's host (cf. 2 Kings 5); from the Amiens Picture Bible, Spain, 1197.

only demonstrate Elisha's ministry on a personal level but also show the power of God over all aspects of nature, an indirect challenge to the worship of Baal. Similarly, the increase of the widow's oil (2 Kings 4:1-7), the multiplication of grain (4:42-44), and the restoration of the Shunammite's land (8:1-6) demonstrate God's power in the economic and social spheres. But Elisha's greatest work was on a political level. In accepting the hairy mantle of Elijah, Elisha also accepted the commission of Elijah. As his master had been deeply involved in the politics of his day, so Elisha went on to complete the tasks assigned to Elijah (1 Kings 19:15-16; 2 Kings 8:7-15; 9:1-10) and became constantly involved in the affairs of the nation. He provided water to a thirsty army (2 Kings 3:4-20), was instrumental in routing the Moabites (3:21-27), warned the king of enemy plans more than once (6:8-12), helped avert disaster at the hands of the Syrians (6:13-7:23), was involved in the overthrow of Ben-hadad of Damascus (8:7-15) and Jehu of Israel (9:1-13; see also 9:14-36), and from his deathbed prophesied Joash's defeat of the Syrians (13:14-19). While Elisha was often termed a patriot, like Elijah, much of his political involvement was directed at bringing the apostate monarchy back to a recognition of God's sovereignty in the world. While some of the Elisha narratives are often challenged from a modern ethical and theological perspective as not in harmony with true

Elishama (i-lish'uh-muh; Heb., "El [God] has heard"). 1 The son of Ammihud; the leader of the tribe of Ephraim during the wilderness wandering (Num. 1:10; 10:22). 2 A son of David born in Jerusalem (2 Sam. 5:16). Another list of David's sons gives a second son named Elishama (1 Chron. 3:5-8), but comparison with a third list (1 Chron. 14:4-7) reveals that the repeated name in 1 Chron. 3:6 is probably a scribal error for Elishua, otherwise omitted. 3 A descendant of David and the grandfather of Ishmael, the leader of a group who assassinated Gedeliah (2 Kings 25:25; Jer. 41:1-3). 4 A descendant of Judah (1 Chron. 2:41). 5 A priest during the reign of Jehoshaphat who taught the people about the law (2 Chron. 17:8). 6 The royal scribe of King Jehoiakim of Judah (Jer. 36:12). D.R.B. Elizabeth (i-liz'uh-buhth; KJV: "Elisabeth"), according to Luke 1:5-80, the wife of Zechariah and mother of John the Baptist. Luke describes her as coming from a priestly family. Her long period of barrenness connects her with earlier women in Israel such as Sarah (Gen. 1 7 : 1 5 - 2 1 ; 18:9-15; 21:1-7) and Hannah (1 Sam. 1:1-20), who gave birth to children who would be important for new eras in Israel's history. After Elizabeth's five-month period of seclusion, the news that she would have a child was given to her "kinswoman" Mary at the annunciation. Mary then visited Elizabeth. Although, according to Luke, it was Mary who visited Elizabeth, it was also Mary who was honored by Elizabeth's prophecy that she would be the mother of the Lord. Thus, for Luke, just as John the Baptist would be subordinate to Jesus, so also was John's mother subordinate to Mary. See also Annunciation; Hannah; John the Baptist; Mary, The Virgin; Sarah; Zechariah. A.J.M. Elizaphan (el'uh-zay'fan; Heb., "El [God] protects"). 1 A Levite, the son of Uzziel; a clan leader of the Kohathites who were in charge of the utensils of the tabernacle (Num. 3:30); he is probably the same person referred to elsewhere as Elzaphan (Exod. 6:22; Lev. 10:4). 2 A levitical family group ("sons of Elizaphan") headed by

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Shemaiah who helped bring the Ark of the Covenant to Jerusalem during the reign of King David (1 Chron. 15:8). The same family group later took part in the cleansing of the Temple during the reforms of Hezekiah (2 Chron. 29:13). 3 The son of Parnach; a leader of the tribe of Zebulun who supervised the apportionment of land within the tribe (Num. 34:25). D.R.B.

sources discerned in the Pentateuch, to recognize this as a continuous and independent source, most scholars at least see in it expansions and revisions of the Yahwistic passages (the "J" source). An eighth- or ninth-century B.C. date is usually suggested. The locale for this source is undoubtedly prophetic circles in the north since there is considerable concern with idolatry, worship, and charismatic leadership. The source begins with the call of Abraham (Gen. 12) and therefore does not have a primeval history. Among the passages most prominently mentioned as Elohistic are Gen. 22:1-19; 40:1-23; and Exod. 20:1-26. See also Abraham; E; El; Sources of the Pentateuch. K.H.R.

Elizur (i-li'zuhr; Heb., "El [God] is Rock"), the leader of the tribe of Reuben during the wilderness wanderings (Num. 1:5; 10:18). E l k a n a h (el-kay'nuh; Heb., "God created [the fetus]"), the name of five men in the Bible. The best known is Samuel's father, who favored his infertile wife Hannah, whom God eventually pitied and allowed to bear a son (1 Sam. 1-2). Elkosh (el*kosh; Heb., "God give"[?]; KJV: "the Elkoshite"), the presumed birthplace of the prophet Nahum, based on the KJV term (Nah. 1:1). No certain location is known. Suggestions have ranged from Galilee to Judea, Turkey, and Syria. Ellasar (el'uh-sahr), the home country or city of King Arioch (Gen. 14:1, 9). The identification of Ellasar is uncertain but there are three major claimants. 1 Larsa, a city in southern Babylonia that flourished ca. 2025-1763 B.C. 2 A city in middle Mesopotamia: either Til-Asurri, located about twenty-five miles south-southeast of the junction of the Euphrates and Chabur rivers or Al-Assur located on the Tigris River. 3 A district in eastern Asia Minor: either Cappadocia (as in the Qumran Genesis Apocryphon 21:23) or its northern neighbor, Pontus (as in the Greek translation by Symmachus and the Vulgate). The first identification seems likely if Shinar, the home of Amraphel (Gen. 14:1, 9), ultimately derives from the Sinjar Mountains of middle Mesopotamia. J.G.G. Elnathan (el-nay'thuhn; Heb., "God has given"). 1 A Judean royal official who was sent to Egypt to fetch the prophet Uriah (Jer. 26:22) and later protested the king's burning of Jeremiah's scroll (Jer. 36:25); he may also have been the same as 2 The father of Nehushta, whose son Jehoiachin became king of Judah (2 Kings 24:8). 3 Several leading figures in the time of Ezra (Ezra 8:16). Elohim (el'oh-him). See El; Names of God in the Old Testament. Elohist (el'oh-hist), the name given one of the sources found in the books of Genesis through Numbers. The siglum given the source is "E," which is derived from its use of the name Elohim for God prior to the revealing of the name Yahweh to Moses (Exod. 3:13-15). While it is more difficult, compared to the case of other

eloi, eloi, l a m a sabachthani (ee'loh-i, ee'loh-i, lah'muh suh-bahk'thuh-nee). See Eli, Eli, Lema Sabachthani. Elon (eelon; Heb., "oak," "terebinth"). 1 A Hittite, father of Basemath, a wife of Esau (Gen. 26:34). 2 A "minor judge" for ten years, of the tribe of Zebulun, buried at Aijalon (Judg. 12:11, 12). 3 A town of the tribe of Dan (Josh. 19:43). 4 A son of Zebulun in the clan lists of Gen. 46:14 and Num. 26:26. Eloth (eeToth), a place name that means in Hebrew "a grove of large trees," usually referring to the terebinth tree or the palm. It is also another name for Elath, an important port city located at the end of the northeast arm of the Red Sea, the modern Gulf of Aqabah. The site was passed by the Israelites as they left Egypt (Deut. 2:8) and later expanded by Solomon into a trading port (1 Kings 9:26-28). It was apparently destroyed by Edom (2 Kings 8:20-21), later rebuilt by Uzziah (2 Chron. 26:2), and again lost permanently to Edom (or Syria?) during the reign of Ahaz (2 Kings 16:6). Some scholars identify Eloth/Elath as a later name for Eziongeber, while others maintain that they are two distinct sites (2 Chron. 8:17). See also Eziongeber. D.R.B. El Shaddai (el shad'i), a name that God used to reveal himself to the patriarchs in the Priestly source of the Pentateuch. Outside of the passages Gen. 17:1; 28:3; 35:11; 43:14; 48:3; and Exod. 6:3, it occurs only in Ezek. 10:5. El Shaddai is like other Hebrew names of God in Genesis beginning with the element el, "God," plus a substantive or adjective, e.g., El Olam ("the Everlasting God"), El Elyon ("God most High"), El Elohe Yisrael ("El the God of Israel"). The etymology of Shaddai is not certain; "God, the One of the mountain" is plausible, the mountain being the divine residence. RJ.C. Elul (eeTuhl), the postexilic (late sixth century B.C. on) name of the sixth month of the year

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(August/September), which is the twelfth month of the older civil calendar, when vintage begins. See also Time.

Ajalon in the time of the Maccabees (1 Mace. 3:40, 57; 4:1-15), where Judas defeated Gorgias. Bacchides, a Syrian general, later fortified the site (1 Mace. 9:50). A Roman villa, two Byzantine churches and a baptistry, and a Crusader church have been excavated there. Other sites closer to the shorter distance that have been identified with Emmaus since Crusader times are Abu-Ghosh, Qaloniyeh, and Motsa west of Jerusalem, as well as el-Qubeibeh to its northwest. None of these sites, however, has any ancient literary attestation of the name of Emmaus. Anyone familiar with Palestinian bedouin or Arabs in a pre-automotive culture would not doubt the disciples' ability to walk forty miles in a day. C.H.M.

Elymas (el'uh-muhs), a Jewish magician (also called Bar-Jesus) associated with Sergius Paulus, the Roman proconsul of Cyprus. He opposed Paul's preaching, but he was blinded, and the proconsul believed (Acts 13:6-12). See also Magic and Divination; Paulus, Sergius. embalming, a technique used by the Egyptians to preserve the bodies of humans and certain animals. The most important steps in the procedure were removing the visceral organs, dehydrating the body by immersing it for up to seventy days in a "bath" of dry natron salt, applying various spices and unguents, and wrap-

Embalmers wrapping a body in linen bandages; detail from an Egyptian tomb painting (ca. 1350-1200 B.C.). ping the body in clean linen. Both Jacob (Gen. 50:2-3) and Joseph (Gen. 50:26) were embalmed; the treatment for Jacob is said to have taken forty days (the number forty being one of the symbolic numbers in the OT). See also Numbers. embroidery. See Needlework. emerods (em'uh-rodz), an archaic term for hemorrhoids. It is used in the KJV where RSV has "tumors" (1 Sam. 6:11, 17) or "boils" (Deut. 28:27). This illness afflicted the Philistines while they held the Ark of the Covenant (1 Sam. 5:6-6:5). Emmanuel (i-man'yoo-uhl). See Immanuel. Emmaus (i-may'uhs; Heb., "warm wells"), a town of disputed location that figures in the postresurrection story of Luke 24:13-35. Most manuscripts place it about seven miles (sixty stadia) from Jerusalem, but others and the ancient Palestinian tradition prefer about twenty miles (160 stadia). A town named Emmaus stood at the latter distance in the Valley of

emperor, emperor cult. The English word "emperor" is derived from the Latin imperator, "one who gives orders," a title originally used of Roman military commanders. A related term, imperium, refers to the right to give orders and administer laws. In 1 Pet. 2:17 Christians are urged to honor the emperor (Gk. basileus, "king"). The Latin equivalent for "king," rex, was not used of the emperor in the West. Julius Caesar referred to himself as imperator, as did his adopted son, Augustus, although the latter preferred the term princeps, "first citizen." Tiberius made this distinction: "I am dominus (master) of my slaves, imperator of my troops, and princeps of the rest," i.e., the free civilian population. The emperor was expected to make public appearances and dispense justice. He ruled so autocratically that the third-century A.D. lawyer Ulpian could say, "What has pleased the emperor has the force of law." Below the emperor was the Senate, or council where laws were made. Normally, an emperor nominated his successor and never passed over his son by blood unless it was for an adopted son. The emperor could issue four types of enactments: "edicts," public policy announcements; "decrees," judicial decisions; "mandates," directives to imperial officials; and "rescripts," written replies conveyed through an elaborate mail system. Provinces were administered by three classes of governors. Proconsuls, under the Senate's authority, and legates, appointed by the emperor, both had senatorial rank. Comprising the third type were prefects or procurators, men of lower equestrian standing. The provinces were linked by well-engineered roads over which the emperor could dispatch his highly efficient professional army. Augustus to Constantine: According to firstcentury B.C. antiquarian M. Terentius Varro, Rome was established in 753 by its legendary founder, Romulus. The monarchy lasted from 753 to 509 B.C., when the last of seven kings, Tarquinius Superbus, was defeated. Rome was a republic from 509 B.C. until it collapsed in the

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political, economic, and military chaos of 133-31 B.C. Following the Battle of Actium in 31 B.C., Octavian took control of military and political affairs in Rome. Four years later the Senate gave him the title "Augustus" and he became the first in a series of Roman emperors until the last emperor in the West, Romulus Augustulus, was deposed in A.D. 476. The first century A.D. was dominated by the Julio-Claudian and Flavian dynasties, 27 B.C.-A.D. 68 and A.D. 69-96, respectively. Sources for this period include Tacitus's Annals and Histories, Suetonius's Lives of the Caesars, Dio Cassius's Histories, Josephus's Antiquities and Jewish War, as well as papyri, inscriptions, and coinage. Living forty-five years after Actium, Augustus (27 B.C.-A.D. 14) established and maintained peace. By assuming tribunician power in 23 B.C., he gained the right to convene the Senate and initiate legislation. He also assumed the titles of pater patriae, "Father of the Country," and pontifex maximus, "High Priest," with control over state religion. His achievements are preserved in the autobiographical inscription Jf?es Gestae DM Augusti, "Achievements of the Divine Augustus." The Greek translation of Augustus, Sebastos, is used of the emperor in Acts 25:21, 25, and Luke 2:1-2 dates Jesus' birth by a Roman census ordered by Caesar Augustus. The term "Caesar" was widely used to refer to the reigning emperor (e.g., John 19:12, 15; Acts 17:7, 25:8; Phil. 4:22). Tiberius (A.D. 14-37), the adopted son of Augustus, was more tyrannical than his father. Luke 3:1 dates John the Baptist's preaching and hence the beginning of Jesus' ministry in the fifteenth year of the emperor Tiberius (either A.D. 27/28 or 28/29, and the coin shown to Jesus Luke (Mark 12:13-17; Matt. 2 2 : 1 5 - 2 2 ; 20:20-26) was probably a denarius of his reign. The incompetent Gaius (37-41), nicknamed Caligula, "little boots," by soldiers when he was a toddler, was the first autocratic emperor installed with the backing of the Praetorian Guard. Claudius (41-54) developed the civil service and extended Roman citizenship. He expelled the Jews from Rome, probably in A.D. 49, an event apparently precipitated by disturbances caused by "Chrestus," a distortion of "Christ" (Suetonius Claudius 25.4). Nero's (54-68) eccentric reign was marked by a great fire, attributed to the Christians, which led to the first persecutions in Rome. Roman citizens such as Paul had the right to present their cases before the emperor (Acts 25:9-12). Following Nero's death, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius fought unsuccessfully i e r the succession (A.D. 68-69). The Flavian dynasty was founded by the popular general in the East, Vespasian (69-79), who was called back to Rome from the Jewish revolt of A.D. 66-70. His son, Titus, reigned for two years (79-81) having bru-

tally sacked Jerusalem and commemorated the event by his arch in Rome. Another son of Vespasian, Domitian (81-96), concluded the rule of the Flavians. Revelation 13 and 17 present a diabolical picture of the empire and its emperors during his reign. In the age of the Antonines the empire reached its peak. Boundaries were extended to include northern Britain, Dacia, Arabia, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria. While the reigns of Nerva (96-98) and Trajan (98-117) saw peace and stability, Hadrian (117-138) brought the empire to its greatest height. Permanent frontier fortifications were erected and the emperor was recognized as the ultimate fount of law. The reigns of Antoninus Pius (138-161) and Marcus Aurelius (161-180) brought the period of the Principate (27 B.C.-A.D. 180), based on a civilian conception of the emperor's role, to a close. The empire faltered badly after Marcus Aurelius and his natural son, Commodus (180-192), as new enemies appeared on the frontiers. Internally, the empire suffered disruption. (193-211), Decius Septimius Severus (249-251), and Valerian (253-260) viewed Christianity as "an empire within the empire" and undertook official repression. In the fifty years between the death of Alexander Severus (235) and the accession of Diocletian in 284, there were twenty emperors at Rome. Civil wars devastated both population and resources. Diocletian (284-305) restored order, divided the empire into East and West, and ruled as a despot. He seized the power of the Senate, which conferred on him the title Dominus, symbolizing absolute authority. His reorganization of the empire initiated the period of the Dominate (284-476) based on a military model for the emperor. The most notable event of Constantine's reign (306-337) was his conversion to Christianity about 312. He showered the churches with favors and granted tax exemption to clergy. To end the Arian controversy he convened and participated in the Council of Nicaea in 325 and five years later moved his capital from Rome to Constantinople, frustrated that he could not convert the ancient city. Emperor Cult: The emperor cult, also referred to as emperor worship or the Roman imperial cult, was reverence paid to an emperor, living or dead, as divine. Emperor worship originated in the East, where Hellenistic kings had long been regarded as divine "saviors," e.g., Alexander the Great and Ptolemy I. The imperial cult was of greater importance in the provinces, especially Asia, than in Rome. Emperors were frequently referred to as Son of God, Lord, and Savior, but since these titles were also used of Jesus by Paul and other early Christians (e.g., Rom. 1:4; 4:24; Phil. 3:20), the emperor cult inevitably conflicted with the spread of Christianity.

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In the West the emperor was worshiped as a god only after his death. By vote of the Senate deceased emperors were "consecrated." Julius Caesar was posthumously deified in 42 B.C. A praetor swore under oath that he had seen Augustus's apotheosis, or ascent into heaven. At his death in A.D. 117 Trajan's apotheosis was attested in several traditions. Several Roman emperors were reluctant to accept divine honors. Augustus allowed his worship in the provinces only where it was combined with that of the goddess Roma. Tiberius resisted divine honors for himself and his mother, Livia, and forbade the erection of statues. In a letter to Alexandria in A.D. 41, Claudius refused the establishment of priests and temples to himself, saying such observances are "only for the gods." Vespasian generally refused divine honors, although on his deathbed he said ironically, "I suppose I am becoming a god." Trajan also rejected divine honors for himself. In 112 Pliny, his legate in Bithynia and Pontus, required Christians, as a test of loyalty, to abjure their religion and worship the gods, including the emperor. Trajan approved Pliny's action [Epistles 10.96-97). A few emperors believed they were divine in their lifetime. Caligula demanded that he be worshiped, and a temple to him was erected in Rome. He offended the Jews by ordering his Syrian legate Petronius to erect a huge statue of himself in the Jerusalem Temple. Fortunately, Petronius's delaying tactics averted a confrontation. Nero appeared on coins as a "god" wearing the crown of a deified emperor. When the king of Armenia hailed him as a "god," Nero agreed that he was close to being divine. Domitian insisted on being addressed as "lord and god," and a huge statue of him was erected in Ephesus. His persecution of the Christians is reflected in the book of Revelation. Degenerate like Caligula, Nero, and Domitian before him, Commodus demanded divine honors, and Diocletian attempted to revive the imperial cult by demanding that he be called "lord and god." But under Constantine, Christians no longer bowed to the emperor. He was one of them. See also Roman Empire. Bibliography Fishwick, Duncan. The Imperial Cult in the Latin West. 2 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1987-1992. Grant, Michael. The Roman Emperors: A Biographical Guide to the Rulers of Imperial Rome. New York: Scribner, 1985. Jones, Donald L. "Roman Imperial Cult." Anchor Bible Dictionary. New York: Doubleday, 1992. 5:806-809. Millar, Fergus. The Emperor in the Roman World. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1977. Price, S. R. F. Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor. Cambridge: Cambridge D.L.J. University Press, 1984.

Enan (ee'nuhn; Heb., "little[?] spring [of water]"), the father of Ahira, the tribal leader of Naphtali. He is mentioned five times in tribal lists (Num. 1:15; 2:29; 7:78, 83; 10:27). Functions of his better-known son included leading tribal participation in the census, presenting offerings, and escorting the tabernacle on marches in the wilderness. encampment, or camp, apart from references in the Pentateuch, a military enclosure (Josh. 8:13; 1 Sam. 13:1; 17:20, KJV: "trench"; 26:5). The Hebrew term translated camp [mqhaneh) derives from a verb meaning "to bend, to curve" {hnh), suggesting an encampment's circular form, a meaning mirrored in the Greek parembolë, which translates mahaneh in the Septuagint (LXX) and is used in reference to the Roman garrison in Jerusalem (e.g., Acts 21:34). The term is used symbolically once in the NT (Rev. 20:9) in reference to the church militant. In the Pentateuch the noun translated is tirâh, which suggests a tribal encampment protected by stone walls (Gen. 25:16; Num. 31:10, KJV: "castle"). Outside the Pentateuch this noun appears in 1 Chron. 6:54 (KJV: "castle"); Ps. 69:25 (KJV: "habitation"); and Ezek. 25:4 (KJV: "palaces"). enchantment. See Magic and Divination. En-dor (en'dor; Heb., "spring of circle," "habitation," or "generation"), a Canaanite city belonging to Manasseh (according to Josh. 17:11-12). It was situated about three miles southwest of Mt. Tabor. In a famous episode (1 Sam. 28:3-25) on the eve of King Saul's fatal defeat by the Philistines at Gilboa, he journeyed there to enjoin its medium to raise up Samuel from the dead. En-dor is also mentioned as the site of the defeat of Midian by Gideon (Ps. 83:10). See also Magic and DivinaJ.U. tion; Saul. En-gannim (en-gan'im; Heb., "fountain of gardens"). 1 A town belonging to the allotment of Judah, located in the lowlands (Josh. 15:34). The literary context would indicate that it is in the region near Azekah and Jarmuth. 2 A border town between Issachar and Manasseh (Josh. 19:21; 21:29). It may be the "garden house" of 2 Kings 9:27. However, in both circumstances, the specific location of the site is undetermined. En-gedi (en-ged'i; Heb., "spring of the young goat"), an important oasis, with fresh water and hot springs, on the west shore of the Dead Sea near its center, about eighteen miles southeast of Hebron. It was part of the allotment of Judah (Josh. 15:62). Archaeological interest in En-gedi began in 1949 with a trial dig at Tell el Jurn. More recently the work of Hebrew University excavations in 1961-64 has

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The spring that feeds the pool at En-gedi, an oasis near the Dead Sea.

yielded some interesting finds. The earliest settlement (Stratum V) appears to be from the period of Josiah up to the destruction of Jerusalem (ca. 639-587 B.C.). The settlement was completely destroyed and a new settlement built in the Persian period, probably in the time of Zerubbabel (mid-sixth century B.C.) (Stratum VI). The romance and beauty of the site, which is a modern-day tourist attraction, is evident in Hebrew Scriptures (Song of Sol. 1:14; cf. Ecclus. 24:14). S.B.R. engines of w a r , the machinery for warfare, which could be used for either offensive or defensive purposes. Offensively, battering rams were used quite effectively by armies campaigning in Palestine. Graphic examples of fortified battering rams are given in the Assyrian king Sennacherib's palace reliefs depicting the siege of Lachish (701 B.C.; 2 Kings 18:13-14). Variations of this siege machine were used by the Babylonians and the Romans. Defensively, catapults were used to hurl stones from battlements on city walls. According to the Chronicler, King Uzziah had catapults in some of his fortified cities for hurling stones and for shooting arrows (2 Chron. 26:15). In open-field warfare chariots were well known and extensively used. Like the battering ram, they required support troops for maximum effectiveness. J.A.D. English Bible, the The earliest written translation of any part of the Bible into English may

have been made by the Venerable Bede, who died in 735, but none of his translation has survived. The Wessex Gospels, of the tenth century, are the oldest surviving Old English translation of the Gospels. The first translation of the whole Bible, in 1382, is credited to John Wycliffe (1324-1384), "The Morning Star of the Reformation." His translation work was part of his larger task of reforming the church. It is not certain, however, how great a part Wycliffe himself played in this version or in the second one, which appeared after his death in 1384. Both were made from the Vulgate (Vg), but the second one was less a word-for-word equivalent of the Latin than the first one. Wycliffe was denounced as a heretic; in 1415 his Bible was condemned and burned, and in 1428 his body was exhumed and burned. From Tyndale to King James: William Tyndale (1484-1536), "The Father of the English Bible," wanted to make the Scriptures available to all: "I had perceived by experience how that it was impossible to establish the lay people in any truth, except that the scriptures were plainly laid before their eyes in their mother tongue, that they might see the process, order, and meaning of the text." Unable to get permission from church or Parliament to do his translation in England, he went to the Continent, where in February 1526 his NT, translated from the Greek, was printed. Copies of it soon arrived in England, where they were publicly burned by Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of London. Tyndale continued his work of translating the OT from the Hebrew; the Pentateuch (Gen. through Deut.) was published in 1530, and Jonah followed. Tyndale was arrested in May 1535 and imprisoned in a fortress in Vilvorde, six miles north of Brussels. In August 1536 he was tried and found guilty of heresy, and on October 6, 1536, he was strangled and burned at the stake. His last words were, "Lord, open the King of England's eyes." The king was Henry VIII. Readers of the English Bible owe more to Tyndale than to any other person in history. It is estimated that eighty percent of the King James (KJV) NT is Tyndale's work, and his influence is seen also in the OT. "Tyndale's honesty, sincerity, and scrupulous integrity, his simple directness, his magical simplicity of phrase, his modest music, have given authority to his wording that has imposed itself on all later versions" (J. Isaacs, "The Sixteenth-Century English Versions," in H. W. Robinson, éd., The Bible in Its Ancient and English Versions, p. 180). Before Tyndale's death a complete Bible in English, edited by Miles Coverdale (1488-1569), was published on the Continent. It was dedicated to Henry VIII, and the NT was essentially a revision of Tyndale's translation; Coverdale made use also of Tyndale's translation of portions of the OT. The first authorized Bible was published in 1537, the so-called Thomas Matthew Bible, edited by John Rogers, a friend

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A manuscript copy, ca. 1420, of the NT of Wycliffe's Bible. John Wycliffe (1324-1384) is credited with thefirsttranslation of the whole Bible into English.

of Tyndale's. The NT and the Pentateuch were Tyndale's work, and his manuscripts of Joshua through 2 Chronicles were used. The "Great Bible" (its pages were 9X15 inches) of 1539 was Coverdale's revision of the Matthew Bible, and it was enthusiastically received by Tunstall, now bishop of Durham. In 1539 a lawyer, Richard Taverner, published a revision of the Matthew Bible. In the reign of "Bloody Mary" Tudor (1553-1558) all printing of English Bibles in England stopped, and the English Bible could not be used in church services. Many Protestant leaders—perhaps as many as eight hundred—sought refuge on the Continent. The pastor of the English Church in Geneva, William Whittingham, translated the NT (1557) and served as editor of the OT translation. The whole Bible was published in 1560 and dedicated to Queen Elizabeth, who had begun to reign in 1558. It was printed in Roman type, bound in small octavo size, and was the first Bible in English to have verse numbers. The Geneva Bible (also known as the "Breeches Bible," because of its rendition of Gen. 3:7) became the Bible of the people: it was the Bible of Shakespeare and of Bunyan; of the pilgrims to the New World, and of the Mayflower Compact; of Oliver Cromwell and his army, for whom the "Soldier's Pocket Bible" was published in 1643. It was the first Bible published in Scotland (1579) and was dedicated to James

VI, King of Scotland. It ran through 140 editions, and remained popular for nearly a hundred years. The last edition was published in 1644. Its extremely Protestant notes were offensive to the bishops, but its immense success showed up the inadequacy of the Great Bible. A revision of the Great Bible, published in 1568, was named "The Bishops' Bible" because of the great number of bishops on the committee. In 1570 the Convocation of Canterbury ordered it to be placed in all the cathedrals, thus making it the second Authorized Version in England. It went through twenty editions before 1606, but did not replace the Geneva Bible in popular esteem. The KJV and Its Revisions: When James VI of Scotland ascended to the throne of England as James I in 1603, there were two competing Bibles in the realm: the Bishops' Bible, preferred by the church authorities, and the Geneva Bible, the favorite of the people. In January 1604 James called a conference of theologians and churchmen at Hampton Court "for the hearing, and for the determining, things pretended to be amiss in the Church." A Puritan leader, John Reynolds, president of Corpus Christi College of Oxford, proposed that a new translation be made, to replace the two Bibles. The King, who had an amateur's interest in Bible translation, gave his approval, and on February 10, 1604, he ordered that "a translation be made of the whole Bible, as consonant

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Hebrew Old Testament

Greek New Testament

3rd-2nd Century B.C. Septuagint Greek Old Testament 4th Century A.D. Jerome's Latin Bible (Vulgate) Ï ca. 1384 Wycliffe's Bible

1528 Pagninus' Latin Bible

/ 700-1000 \ f 735 Anglo-Saxon VBede's John? V Paraphrases J

1526-1530 Tyndale's New Testament, Pentateuch J 1535 Coverdale's Bible

1539 Great Bible 1557-1560 Geneva Bible 1582-1610 Rheims-Douai Bible

1568 Bishops' Bible

1522-1534 Luther's German Bible

1537 Matthew's Bible 1556 Beza's Latin New Testament

1611 King James Bible 1749-1750 Challoner's Revision 1917 Jewish Publication Society Old Testament 1941 Confraternity New Testament 1944-1949 Knox Bible 1979-1982 New King James Bible 1985 Jewish Publication Society Tanakh

T~ 1881-1885 English Revised Version 1901 lAmerican Standard Version t 1946-1952 Revised Standard Version f 1990 New Revised Standard Version Moffatt Bible: 1913-1924 Smith-Goodspeed Bible: 1923-1927 Modern Language (Berkeley) Bible: 1959 Jerusalem Bible: 1966 New English Bible: 1970 New American Bible: 1970 The Living Bible (Paraphrase): 1967-1971 Good News Bible: 1966-1976-1979 New International Version: 1973-1978 Revised English Bible: 1989

Source: American Bible Society 290

1963-1971 New American Standard Bible Weymouth New Testament: 1903 Centenary New Testament: 1924 Phillips New Testament: 1957 Barclay New Testament: 1969

—i

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Title pagefromthe first edition of the King James Bible, 1611.

as can be to the original Hebrew and Greek, and this is to be set out and printed without any marginal notes and only to be used in all Churches of England in time of Divine Service." Fifty-four "learned men" were organized into six panels: three for the OT, two for the NT, and one for the Apocrypha. Fifteen rules were drawn up to guide their work, the first one of which was: "The ordinary Bible read in the Church, commonly called the Bishops' Bible, to be followed, and as little altered as the truth of the original will permit." Rule 6 stipulated that no marginal notes be affixed "but only for the Explanation of the Hebrew or Greek Words, which cannot without some circumlocution, so briefly and fitly be express'd in the text." Rule 14 specified that "when they agree better with the Text than the Bishops' Bible" the following translations were to be used: Tyndale, MatthewCoverdale, Whitchurch (that is, the Great Bible), and Geneva. The translation was published in 1611 and very rapidly went through several editions, nearly all of which had some changes in the text. The most careful and comprehensive revision was published in 1769, the work of Benjamin Blayney, of Oxford, who spent nearly fourteen 291

years on the task. Although never formally authorized by King or Parliament, the name "The Authorized Version" became attached to it, and that is how it is known in Great Britain. There were some fierce critics of the new Bible, notably the eminent Hebrew scholar Hugh Broughton, who had not been invited to work on it. He himself was preparing a Bible, based on the Geneva Bible, but did not live long enough to see it published. It took nearly forty years for the KJV to replace the Geneva Bible in the affection of the people; once established, however, it became the Bible of English-speaking peoples for over 350 years, down to the present time. In 1870 the Church of England authorized a revision of the KJV. Fifty-four scholars were appointed, most of them Anglicans, but including Methodists, Presbyterians, Congregationalists, Baptists, and one Unitarian. Americans were invited to participate, by correspondence, with the proviso that an American edition not be published until fourteen years after the publication of the British edition. The work was carefully, not to say pedantically, done, and in the NT alone about 30,000 changes were made, over 5,000 of them on the basis of a better Greek text. The NT, published in May 1881, was greeted with wild enthusiasm. The complete text was published in special Sunday supplements (May 22) of the Chicago Tribune and the Chicago Times. The complete Bible appeared in 1885, with an appendix which listed the changes preferred by the American scholars. The American Standard Edition of the Revised Version was published in 1901. Neither the English nor the American Version replaced the KJV in church and private usage. The latest, and probably the last, Bible in the Tyndale-King James tradition, is the Revised Standard Version (RSV), authorized in 1937 by the International Council of Religious Education. The NT was published in 1946, the OT in 1952, and the Apocrypha in 1957. In 1977 an Expanded Edition appeared: in addition to the books considered deuterocanonical by Roman Catholics, it includes also 3 and 4 Maccabees and Psalm 151, from the canon of the Septuagint (LXX), thus making this Bible acceptable to Eastern Orthodox Churches. The RSV is not so much a new translation as it is a revision which sought to preserve the language of the KJV where that language could still be understood by modern readers. Where it could not, the RSV expresses the thought in contemporary language. The "Preface" published in most copies of the RSV gives an extensive account of these matters. Mention should be made of John Wesley's revision of the KJV NT (1755) "for plain unlettered men who understand only their Mother Tongue." In 1833 Noah Webster published a complete KfV in which he corrected some 150 words and phrases that were either misleading

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or wrong. In Matt. 23:24 he correctly identified "strain at a gnat" as a printer's error and corrected it to "strain out a gnat." The,New King James Bible (Thomas Nelson, 1982), falsely claiming to be "the first major revision of the KJV since 1867," claims to "unlock the spiritual treasures found uniquely in the King James Version of the Holy Scriptures." Versions Independent of the KJV: Many Bibles and perhaps as many as 250 NTs in English have appeared since 1611. Only a few can be mentioned here. In 1862 Robert Young, an Edinburgh bookseller best known for his exhaustive Analytical Concordance to the Bible, produced a literal translation, which is practically a word-for-word equivalent of the original. Charles Thomson, Secretary of the Continental Congress, began his work of translating the LXX and the NT after retiring at age sixty from politics and business. It took him almost twenty years to complete his work (1808) and he holds the distinction of producing the first English NT to be translated and published in America, as well as the first English translation of the LXX (see John H. P. Reumann, The Romance of Bible Scripts and Scholars, pp. 1 2 2 - 1 4 4 ) . Ferrar Fenton, an English businessman, translated the NT in 1895 and the whole Bible in 1903; his translation enjoyed considerable success, and as late as 1944 a new edition was published. He claimed his translation was the most accurate ever made, "not only in words, but in editing, spirit, and sense." Modern Translations: The modern era in Bible translation began with the Twentieth Century NT of 1901-2. The translators—mostly laymen and lay women—did a remarkable job of producing a scholarly and faithful translation into clear and idiomatic English. One of the consultants of the group was Richard Francis Weymouth, a London classical scholar who in 1866 published an edition of the Greek NT. His translation of this text was published posthumously in 1902. But it was the Scottish scholar James Moffatt whose New Testament: A New Translation (1913) had the greatest impact upon the reading public. His translation of the OT appeared in 1924, and the whole Bible was revised in 1935. Moffatt was at work translating the Apocrypha when he died in 1944. Ernest J. Goodspeed was the American counterpart of Moffatt. His NT was published in 1923; the OT, translated by a panel headed by J. M. Powis Smith, was published with the Goodspeed NT in 1935 as The Bible, an American Translation. In 1938 Goodspeed translated the deuterocanonicals, and The Complete Bible: An American Translation came out in 1939. Many major translations of the Bible into English have appeared in the United States and Great Britain in the last thirty years: Monsignor Ronald Knox's translation of the Bible from the Vg (1955); the Jehovah's Witnesses' New World

Translation of the Holy Scriptures (1961); The Jerusalem Bible, the English version of La Bible de Jérusalem (1966), which has the most comprehensive and scholarly readers' helps of any Bible in English at this time; the New American Bible (1970), the first Catholic Bible in English translated from the original Hebrew and Greek texts; The New English Bible (1970), a new translation, rather than a revision of earlier translations, produced by a group of scholars from the British Isles that included experts in both Bible and English literature; the Good News Bible (1976), sponsored by the American Bible Society (edition with deuterocanonicals, 1979); and the Tanakh, a translation of the traditional Hebrew text by American Jewish scholars (1985). The RSV was condemned as unfaithful by the vast majority of American conservatives, and several translations have been made with the purpose of providing conservatives a translation they would accept, such as the Amplified Bible (1965), the Modern Language Bible (1969), and the New American Standard Version (1971). The culmination of this process was reached in 1978 with the publication of the New International Version, produced by an international team of conservative Protestant scholars "with a high view of Scripture," as they described themselves. Although it is not a translation, Taylor's The Living Bible, a Paraphrase (1971) may also be mentioned. Of the spate of new translations that have appeared in recent years, pride of place goes to the Revised English Bible (1989) and the New Revised Standard Version (1990), replacing the New English Bible and the Revised Standard Version, respectively. The NRSV succeeds in eliminating "male-oriented" language where the biblical text is inclusive of both sexes; and even though its motto is "As literal as possible, as free as necessary," in many places it has been able to shake off the fetters of formal equivalence to make the text speak standard American English. Beside some drastic changes in exegesis (see Gen. 1:1-2), the NRSV incorporates material from the Dead Sea Scrolls not found in the Masoretic Text or ancient versions (see 1 Sam 1:11, 22; 10:27). The REB is somewhat of a disappointment; after the dramatic breakthrough made by NEB, REB in places reverts to traditional exegesis and language (see Gen. 1:1-2); however, it still remains the leading dynamic equivalence translation in English. The New Jerusalem Bible (1985), a revision of The Jerusalem Bible, is based on the French edition of 1973. The revised New American Bible NT (1986) is a deliberate step backward toward the worst kind of a formal equivalence translation. The second edition of Today's English Version (1992) eliminates exclusive language and changes a number of passages deemed unacceptable to some readers. In 1991 the American Bible Society published the Contemporary Eng-

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lish Version NT, with the whole Bible scheduled In Mesopotamian accounts of the creation of to appear in 1996. humankind and human order (the Atrahasis Future Translations: Although "the rage to trans- Epic; Gilgamesh Epic, Tablet XI), Enlil brought the Flood to destroy humankind; the present late" seems to have abated, the translation of the order emerged as an adjustment necessary to Bible into English will continue, because we allow humanity to exist without distressing have or will have better Hebrew and Greek texts Enlil. The biblical story of the flood in Genesis from which to translate, a greater knowledge of the meaning of the original, a better understand- 6 may be dependent upon these accounts. See also Ninlil; Nippur. I.T.A. ing of the translator's task, and the need to keep up with changes in the English language. As Goodspeed said, any translation of a masterpiece Enoch (ee'nuhk), seventh patriarch from cremust be a failure. Consequently, no one translaation in Gen. 5:18-24; he was the son of Jared tion should become the Bible for all readers, and and the father of Methuselah. He lived 365 a major revision, if not a new translation, should years, walked with God, and God took him {Eloappear at least every thirty years. Perhaps the him, the Heb. word usually rendered as "God" greatest current need for the American Biblemay, in the first instance, be more appropriately reading public is a translation that will use the translated as "angels"). The figure is modeled in full resources of the language and achieve a level part on ancient Mesopotamian heroes, espeof style, grace, and beauty not yet reached by any cially Enmeduranki, the seventh king. In the American Bible. No translation can ever be per- Hellenistic age (300 B.C.-A.D. 300) a corpus of fect, but better translations can help achieve Tyn- apocalyptic writings was attributed to Enoch [1 dale's goal of enabling readers to "see the Enoch, 2 Enoch). In later Jewish mysticism he process, order, and meaning of the text." was identified with Metatron, the "Little YahBibliography weh," or angel closest to God himself. See also J.J.C. Bailey, Lloyd R., ed. The Word of God. Atlanta, Apocalyptic Literature. GA: John Knox, 1982. Bratcher, R. G. "Englishing the Bible." Review Enoch, Books of. See Pseudepigrapha. and Expositor 76.3 (1979): 299-314. Bruce, F. F. The English Bible. New York: Oxford Enosh (ee'nosh; Heb., "humanity" or "the human race"), a name used to identify the son University Press, 1961. Kubo, Sake, and Walter F. Specht. So Many Ver- of Adam through whom the genealogies to Noah, to Abraham, and eventually to Christ are sions? Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1983. Lewis, Jack P. The English Bible from KJV to NIV. traced (Gen. 4:26; 1 Chron. 1:1). He is called Enos in Greek (Septuagint; Luke 3:38). Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1981. Orlinsky, Harry M., and Robert G. Bratcher. A History of Bible Translation and the North Ameri- En-rogel (en-roh'guhl; Heb., "spring of a can Contribution. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, treader or fuller"), the name of a spring near 1992. R.G.B. Jerusalem that served as the boundary line between the tribes of Judah and Benjamin (Josh. 15:7; 18:16). During the rebellion of Absalom Enlil (enlil; Akkadian, "Lord Wind"), an anagainst his father David, this spring was the cient and important god of Mesopotamia. He place where information was passed by a maidwas associated with agriculture and was the servant to David's men (2 Sam. 17:17). Later, god of the wind, of the destructive storm and when David was near death, his other son, the beneficent breeze of spring. Enlil was the creator of the primitive farming tool, the hoe, Adonijah, prematurely declared himself king and his wife Ninlil was a grain goddess. The while sacrificing animals and celebrating with his friends by the Serpent's Stone, which was god of the city Nippur, Enlil's main temple there was Ekur ("House-mountain"). In a beside En-rogel (1 Kings 1:5-10). See also Absalom; Adonijah. F.R.M. mythological tradition originating in Nippur, Enlil separated heaven from earth, and humankind sprouted forth—was created—at the enrollment, a census that identifies, locates, place of the division. and numbers the people in a particular group or Like Ea and the Canaanite El, Enlil is a creator area, usually for purposes of taxation but also at god; like these, he also appears as a patriarchal times for other ends such as conscription or forced labor. Several such enrollments are menruler on whose behalf a young god takes up arms and organizes natural and political struc- tioned in the OT (e.g., Exod. 30:11-16; Num. 1:1-49; 26; 2 Sam. 24:1-9; cf. 1 Chron. 21:1-5; 1 tures. In a developed form of the pantheon, he shares control of the world with An, Ea, and a Chron. 7:40; 2 Chron. 2:17; 25:5; Ezra 2:2b-67). In the Roman Empire, it appears that periodic mother goddess. He is the head of the gods and master of the land. In early Mesopotamia, he enrollments were common (in Egypt, for examwas the primary executive of the gods, and he ple, every fourteen years). The most famous of bestowed and legitimated divine and human the enrollments is that mentioned in Luke 2:1-5 kingship. Assur, the god of the Assyrians, was (cf. Acts 5:37) in connection with the birth of Jesus. The association of this enrollment with later identified with Enlil. 293

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the governorship of Quirinius, however, raises a problem. Most scholars agree that Jesus was born about 6 B.C., but the available evidence indicates that Quirinius was governor of Syria about eleven years later and that he did, at this later date, supervise an enrollment. Some believe that Quirinius held a military position in Syria at the earlier date and, since he was more widely known, the historical connection was made with him rather than with the lesser known governor in 6 B.C., a Sentius Saturnius. In the story, the enrollment is apparently carried out in accordance with Jewish, not Roman, custom, since Joseph goes back to his ancestral home. It has also been suggested that Joseph perhaps owned some property in Bethlehem, which necessitated the journey from Galilee to Judea. It has been conjectured that the entire story represents an attempt to reconcile Jesus' Galilean (Nazareth) background with traditions of the Messiah's birth in Bethlehem. See also Bethlehem; Messiah; Nazareth; Quirinius, P. Sulpicius; Tribute, Tax, Toll. J.M.E.

Epher (ee'fuhr; Heb., "fawn" or "kid [of mountain goat]"). 1 A son of Midian and grandson of Abraham and his concubine Keturah (Gen. 25:4). 2 The son of Ezrah, a descendant of Judah (1 Chron. 4:17). 3 A clan leader of the eastern half-tribe of Manasseh (1 Chron. 5:24).

Ephesians (i-fee'zhuhnz), the Letter of Paul to the, the tenth book in the NT. The earliest manuscripts of Ephesians do not contain the words "in Ephesus" (Eph. 1:1). If originally present, "in Ephesus" is unlikely to have been omitted in later manuscripts. The Letter is also very general, lacking any personal references to the readers. The author has never visited them, and they do not know him (1:15; 3:2-3; 4:21). Yet, according to Acts, Paul founded the church in Ephesus (Acts 18:19-20; 19:8-10). Ephesians was probably written, therefore, to a group of churches, one of which may have been Ephesus, or it may have been written from Ephesus. "In Ephesus" was then inserted later to distinguish the Letter from other Pauline writings. Style and Authorship: There are good grounds for doubting that Paul was the author of EpheEn-shemesh (en-shem'ish; Heb., "spring of the sians. Much of it is written in an elevated or sun [god]"), a spring located east of Jerusalem and Bethany. Known as the "Spring of the Apostles" liturgical style, and, though Paul writes brief passages in this manner, he never sustains it for in the first century A.D. and known today as Ain long. The sentences are longer and more comel-Hod, it is the last spring on the road between Jerusalem and the Jordan Valley. In premonarchi- plex than those Paul normally writes (e.g., 1:3-14, 1 5 - 2 3 ; 2:1-7; 3:1-7); translations regucal Israel it served as the boundary between larly disguise their length, breaking them up in Judah and Benjamin (Josh. 15:7; 18:17). English for easier understanding. Words and ideas are used in ways foreign to Paul. The E p a p h r a s (ep'uh-fras), person mentioned in Philem. 23 and Col. 1:7; 4:12-13 as an associate Haustafel, a code of household duties (5:22-6:9), is addressed only to households of Paul ("fellow prisoner" in Philemon). Apparwhere all are believers; Paul knew that there ently a native of the Lycus Valley in Asia Minor, he may have been Paul's personal representa- were mixed households (1 Cor. 7:12-16; cf. 1 Pet. 2:18-3:7) and that such mixed households tive to such cities as Colossae, Laodicea, and Hierapolis in that area. His being named before provided major problems for believers living among unbelievers. In contrast to Paul, the Mark, Luke, and others (Philem. 23-24) perapostles appear to be figures of the past (2:20, haps indicates the high esteem in which Paul 3:5), and there is no interest in the return of held him. There is no evidence that Epaphras is a short form of Epaphroditus, the name of an- Christ. While for Paul the resurrection of believers is future, in Ephesians they already sit other co-worker of Paul mentioned in Phil. 2:25-30 and 4:18. See also Colossae; Colossians, with Christ in heavenly places (2:6). The dispute about the admission of Gentiles into the A.J.M. The Letter of Paul to the. church is no longer a living issue as in the genEpaphroditus (i-pafruh-di'tuhs), a Philip- uine Pauline Letters. While none of these reasons by itself would be an insuperable obstacle pian Christian who brought gifts from Philippi to Pauline authorship, their cumulative effect to Paul in prison (Phil. 4:18). Epaphroditus had been seriously ill but had recovered. Because of makes it unlikely. In many of its differences from Paul's other Letters, Ephesians is closely anxiety in Philippi concerning the illness of related to Colossians, though it is unlikely that Epaphroditus, and because Paul himself was unable to go, he sent Epaphroditus back to the same person wrote both. Philippi (Phil. 2:25-30). See also Philippians, A disciple of Paul probably wrote the Letter The Letter of Paul to the. about A.D. 80-90, wishing to continue the apostle's teaching and apply it to changing circumephah (ee'fuh), a dry measure equal to the liq- stances. He or she directed it to churches in Asia Minor, most of whose members had been uid bath and approximately the equivalent of Gentiles (1:11-14; 2:1-3, 1 1 - 2 2 ; 3:1; 4:17-19; three-eighths to two-thirds of a U.S. bushel. It may also represent the container for such a 5:8). The Letter itself affords no clue as to why quantity (see Zech. 5:6-11). See also Weights it was written. Though employing Gnostic and Measures. terms, the writer does so not directly to oppose 294

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Gnostic teaching but to interpret Christianity for those familiar with such terms. The rich style reflects liturgical material in use in the church. A hymn is quoted in 5:14, and a Haustafel is taken and amplified in 5:22-6:9 (cf. Col. 3:18-4:1; 1 Pet. 2:13-3:7 for similar material). The Letter may also incorporate portions of hymns and creeds used in the contemporary church. Theme and Content: The author meditates on a number of interrelated themes centering on the church and its relation to Christ and on Christian behavior within the church. A divine plan, in God's mind since before the creation of the world (1:4), has now been revealed to the apostles and prophets (3:5) and is being accomplished through the death, resurrection, and ascension of Christ. He is Lord not only of humanity but also of all supernatural powers, both good and evil (1:20-23), and in him all things will finally be united (1:10). Thus, God redeems the whole universe as well as humanity. Prior to Jesus, Jews alone had been central to God's plan. Now, Gentiles are also included, for both have been delivered from sin and reconciled to one another through Christ's death (2:13-18). Jewish and gentile Christians together form a third group, the church, which is neither Jewish nor gentile but Christian. Like a building, the church has a chief cornerstone, Christ, and a foundation, the apostles and prophets (2:20). As a body with various members (4:7-11), its head is Christ, by whom it is continuously nourished (4:15-16). As a bride or wife, its groom or husband is Christ, who died for it (5:22-33). It brings God's salvation to the supernatural powers (3:9-10) as well as to humanity. Paul himself occupies a special place in relation to the Gentiles (3:2, 3, 8). In the description of the church and its relation to Christ it is only its internal nature that is discussed. Nothing is said about the relation of the church or of individual believers to the outside world (cf. Rom. 13:1-7; 1 Pet. 2:13-17). Consistent with this, when in the second half of the Letter (4:1-6:20) believers are instructed in their behavior, it is only their behavior toward one another that is treated, e.g., they are to speak the truth to other church members (4:25) and to forgive one another (4:32). The virtues that are advocated (humility, 4:2-3; love, 5:2) are those that would build up the community, and the vices that are repudiated (anger, 4:26-27; bawdy talk, 4:29) are those that would destroy it. It is not clear why the author should have restricted himself to discussing the internal life of the community. Finally, Christian conduct, reflecting the cosmic dimension of the Letter, is depicted as a struggle against supernatural powers of evil (6:10-17); believers need to stand firm as soldiers who have been equipped for this struggle by God. Some of the details of conduct to which the author refers, such as the rejection of theft (4:28) and the need

to avoid sexual sin and greed (5:3, 5), may seem obvious to us, and lack the penetrating insight of Paul into Christian conduct, but as former Gentiles the readers required detailed guidance as to the way they should live. See also Ephesus; Paul; Pseudonym. Bibliography Best, E. Ephesians. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993. Lincoln, A. T. Ephesians. Dallas, TX: Word, 1990. Schnackenburg, R. The Epistle to the Ephesians: A Commentary. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1991. E.B.

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OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The Letter of Paul to the Ephesians I. Address (1:1-2) II. The church as a fellowship of the redeemed (1:3-3:21) A. Praise of God (1:3-14) B. Intercession (1:15-23) C. Life from death (2:1-10) D. Jew and Gentile reconciled (2:11-22) E. Paul's ministry in revelation (3:1-13) F. Renewed intercession (3:14-21) III. Life among the redeemed (4:1-6:20) A. Unity and diversity in service (4:1-16) B. The old life and the new (4:17-24) C. Christians in their communities (4:25-5:14) D. How Christians should live together (5:15-6:9) E. The Christian's armor (6:10-20) IV. Closing greetings (6:21-24)

Ephesus A PORT CITY of western Asia Minor at the mouth of the Cayster River, Ephesus (ef'uh-suhs) lay between Smyrna and Miletus. Although the area had an immemorial primitive shrine to the Anatolian mother goddess, was visited by Mycenaeans, and was peopled by Carians and Lelegians, it was first colonized by Ionian Greeks under the leadership

The city plan (right) shows buildings and walls over several centuries before, during, and after Paul's time in the mid-first century A.D. The Temple of Artemis, considered one of the seven wonders of the world during Hellenistic times. Today only one column of an interior row remains.

of Androclus of Athens in the eleventh century B.C. The Greeks identified the deity with their own Artemis, but the attributes remained those of the ancient fertility goddess. A new phase of Ephesus's history began with its conquest ca. 560 B.C. by Croesus of Lydia, who contributed columns to the Archaic Artemision and reorganized the layout of the city. Lydian influence in Ephesus through the succeeding centuries assured a greater synthesis of Greek and Asiatic culture than anywhere else in Ionia. After Cyrus the Persian defeated Croesus in 547 B.C., Ephesus remained subject to Persian rule until Alexander's arrival in 334 B.C. In the meantime, the Artemision had burned (356 B.C.), and a new temple had been begun, the classical structure that was known as one of the Seven Wonders of the World in Hellenistic times, lasting until its destruction by Goths in the third century A.D. Only a single reconstructed column and the remains of an altar now mark the spot. Lysimachus led the building of a new city in the third century B.C., with a new five-mile-long wall, a new harbor, and a Hippodamian street plan. From 281 B.C., the Seleucids held Ephesus until Antiochus Ill's defeat by the Romans left it in possession of the kings of Pergamum. Rome took direct rule at the death of Attalos III in 133 B.C. An abortive revolt, linked to Mithradates VI of Pontus in 88 B.C., was put

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down by the Roman general Sulla, and the city remained peacefully Roman and then Byzantine for the rest of its history. Having dedicated a sacred precinct to Rome and Julius Caesar in 29 B.C., Ephesus became capital of the Roman province of Asia and enjoyed the height of its prosperity in the first and second centuries A.D. as the fourth largest city in the empire. As the harbor silted up, the city declined in the Byzantine period (ca. fifth to tenth centuries A.D.), but a new wall and churches were built. The Turkish town of Seljuk today is the sixth city on the site. Paul in Ephesus: In the NT, Ephesus and Ephesians are mentioned more than twenty times. According to Acts 18:19-21, Paul sailed from Corinth to Ephesus with Priscilla (Prisca) and Aquila for his first visit there. The latter couple instructed Apollos in Ephesus (Acts 18:24-26). Paul returned on his "third" missionary journey (Acts 19:1-20:1) to stay for more than two years, preaching and exorcising. The silversmiths in the commercial agora (marketplace) finally rioted at the threat of Paul's monotheism against their income from miniatures of the Artemision and dragged Paul's companions, Gaius and Aristarchus, into the city's theater before the town clerk was able to

Remains of the Temple of Hadrian at Ephesus.

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A silver denarius depicting the Artemision and the fertility goddess Artemis of the Ephesians, here called Diana, whose adherents had rioted at the threat of Paul's monotheism; from the time of Emperor Hadrian (117-138).

calm the mob (Acts 19:23-41). Later, on his way back to Jerusalem, Paul met with the elders of Ephesus at Miletus (Acts 20:16-38). The presence of Paul's companion Trophimus, an Ephesian, was later the reason for a riot of Jews in the Jerusalem Temple and the arrest of Paul (Acts 21:27-22:30). In 1 Cor. 15:32, Paul writes that he "fought with beasts at Ephesus," but whether this is meant figuratively or literally is uncertain. 1 Tim. 1:3 charges Timothy to remain at Ephesus. 2 Tim. 1:18 refers to service rendered by Onesiphorus at Ephesus, and 4:12 to the sending there of Tychicus. The church of Ephesus is thefirstof the seven churches of Revelation (1:11; 2:1-7). Ephesus as the location of the "saints" addressed in Eph. 1:1 occurs in some manuscripts, but not in the best ancient witnesses (see note in the RSV and NRSV). Austrian and Turkish archaeologists in this century have excavated the theater, which seated twenty-five thousand, and the commercial agora, as well as many other public buildings, private homes, and streets of the first and second centuries A.D., so that the modern visitor can gain some impression of the city as known by Paul. There has not yet come to light, however, any archaeological evidence of the Jewish community referred to in the NT and by thefirst-centuryJewish historian Josephus Flavius. In postbiblical tradition, Ephesus was associ-

The remains of the theater at Ephesus, which may be the one into which Paul's companions Gaius and Aristarchus were dragged, as told in Acts 19:23-41.

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ated with John the Apostle, to whose memory a Byzantine basilica was built, and with the Virgin Mary, particularly at the Council of Ephesus (A.D. 4 3 1 ) . See also Apollos; Aquila; Artemis of the Ephesians; Ephesians, The Letter of Paul to the; John the Apostle; Mary, the Virgin; Paul; Prisca, Priscilla; Shrine; Smith. Bibliography Finegan, Jack. The Archaeology of the New Testament: The Mediterranean World of the Early Christian Apostles. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1981. Yamauchi, E. The Archaeology of New Testament Cities in Western Asia Minor. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1980. C.H.M.

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ephod (ee'fod), the most prominent of the elaborate Aaronide garments described in the tabernacle texts (Exod. 28; 39), it designates the only article of priestly apparel that plays a significant role outside the priestly writings contained in the Pentateuch. A "linen" ephod appears in stories of Samuel (1 Sam. 2:18; 22:18) and David (2 Sam. 6:14; 1 Chron. 15:27), and an ephod linked with teraphim is found in Judges 17-18 (cf. Hos. 3:4; Isa. 30:22). Not simply a ceremonial garment or a divination device, the ephod can best be understood in relation to the special trappings that adorned cult statues in Mesopotamian or Egyptian temples and that, in Israelite religion as priestly garments or objects, similarly helped bring human beings into contact with the deity. See also Priests; Tabernacle. C.L.M.

Sam. 1:1) was an Ephraimite, as was Jeroboam (1 Kings 11:26), men who embodied the northern attitude toward monarchy, which urged its severe limitation in view of God's identification as Israel's true king. The "judges" Tola, Abdon, and Deborah were all connected to Ephraim (Judg. 4:5; 10:1; 12:15). 3 A town in 2 Sam. 13:23 where Absalom avenged Tamar upon Amnon. It was most likely located near Bethel in Ephraimite territory (see also John 11:54; 1 Mace. 11:34) but may have derived its name simply from being a "fruitful place." Similarly, the forest of Ephraim, in Transjordan near Mahanaim, where Absalom met his death, may be so named because of its fruitfulness; otherwise it may be evidence along with Judg. 12:4 (a difficult verse) that Ephraimites controlled this portion of Manasseh's eastern holdings at some time. See also Abdon; Absalom; Bethel; Deborah; Hosea, The Book of; Isaiah, The Book of; Jeroboam I; Joseph, Joshua; Mahanaim; Manasseh; Samuel; Shechem; Shiloh; Tola; Tribes, The. E.F.C.

ephphatha (efuh-thuh), the contraction of an Aramaic verb meaning "Let it be opened." In Mark 7:34 Jesus gives this command while curing a man who is deaf and unable to speak. E p h r a i m (ee'fray-im; Heb., probably "fruitful place"; note Gen. 41:52 for a popular etymology). 1 Joseph's younger son born in Egypt to Asenath. Ephraim was blessed by Jacob (Gen. 48:1-20) designedly ahead of his brother Manasseh, portending tribal Ephraim's ascendancy. 2 An increasingly prominent Israelite tribe (unit of social organization and the territory it occupied). Joshua 16 and 17:14-18 show Joseph, one tribe and territory, replaced by two: note how Josh. 16:4 shifts abruptly from defining Joseph's territory to defining Ephraim's and then Manasseh's. Josh. 16:5-10 with 17:7-12 gives Ephraim's boundaries from premonarchical times (prior to tenth century B.C.); here Shechem with its fertile vale belonged to Manasseh. Even so, Ephraim's lands had better soil and were more easily protected than were Manasseh's. Probably with the definition of districts under Solomon (1 Kings 4:7-19), Shechem became part of Mount Ephraim (RSV: "the hill country of Ephraim"; see Josh. 20:7; 21:15, 20-21). Possibly 1 Chron. 7:28-29 retains an authentic memory of the further expansion of Ephraim. Clearly, by the mid-eighth century B.C., Ephraim could become for Isaiah and Hosea a designation for the whole Northern Kingdom; in Isaiah, it is allied with Syria in the "Syro-Ephraimite war" (Isa. 7:1-17; cf. 2 Kings 16:5-9), and throughout Hosea it is the disloyal covenant partner of God (Hos. 5:3-14). Ephraim's immensely important role in Israel was partially veiled by the Jerusalem focus of our sources, but a large number of indicators point to it: Bethel, Shiloh, and at some point Shechem, all ancient worship centers, were in Ephraim. Joshua was an Ephraimite (Num. 13:8; cf. Deut. 34:9); he and Eleazar, who allotted the land (Num. 34:17; Josh. 14:1), were buried in Ephraimite towns (Josh. 24:29, 33). Samuel (1

Ephraimite (ee'fray-uh-mit), the term for a person of the tribe of Ephraim (translating Heb. 'eprâtî, in Judg. 12:5; 1 Sam. 1:1; and 1 Kings 11:26, which is elsewhere translated "Ephrathite"). Ephrath (eFrath). 1 A place on the way to which Rachel was buried (Gen. 35:16). It was located in the territory of Benjamin (1 Sam. 10:2) near Ramah (Jer. 31:15), and thus it was not Bethlehem. 2 A place identified with Bethlehem (Gen. 35:19; 48:7) and spelled Ephrathah in Ruth 4:11; Ps. 132:6; and Mic. 5:1. 3 The wife of Caleb (1 Chron. 2:9) spelled with feminine ending in 1 Chron. 2:50 and 4:4. 4 A Hebrew word the adjectival form of which, Ephrathite (1 Sam. 17:12), also designates an Ephraimite (Judg. 12:5; 1 Sam. 1:1; 1 Kings 11:26). Ephrathah (efruh-thuh; Heb., "fertility"). 1 The wife of Caleb, a descendant of Judah; the mother of Hur, the ancestor of Bethlehem, Kiriath-jearim, and Beth-gader (1 Chron. 2:50; 4:4). She is also called Ephrath (1 Chron. 2:19). 2 Another name for Bethlehem or the area immediately surrounding it (Ruth 4:11; Mic. 5:2). Jesse, David's father, is called an Ephrathite of Bethlehem (1 Sam. 17:12) as are Naomi's sons (Ruth 1:2). There seems to be some relationship between the persons in the genealogical lists (see 1 above) and the name of Ephrathah applied to the area of Bethlehem, although the exact nature of that relationship is not evident. The families could have given their names to various sites or the clans could have taken their names from the localities since some of the sites predate Israelite settlement. Some scholars suggest that the genealogies were composed to account for the place names. The identity of Ephrathah in Ps. 132:6 is uncertain. Some

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scholars understand "field of Jaar" to be Kiriathjearim west of Jerusalem on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Ephrathah would then refer to the district around it, perhaps including the area around Bethlehem some ten miles to the southeast. Other scholars simply equate Ephrathah here with Bethlehem. See also BethD.R.B. lehem; Ephrath; Kiriath-jearim.

epistle, written communication, letter. The English word is derived from the Greek epistolê, a common word in the NT world for all kinds of letters. In modern times, the German biblical scholar Adolf Deissmann (1866-1937) distinguished between the letter and the epistle. He suggested that the letter was unliterary and intended only for the person(s) to whom it was addressed. Because it was personal and transitory, it was a "real" letter. By contrast, the epistle was literary and intended for circulation or publication. The epistle was both more impersonal and permanent and the most essential features of the "real" letter, its address and its confidential/spontaneous message, were only a stylistic device in the epistle. Though Deissmann's use of the term "epistle" is useful in identifying writings that are in the form of a letter but that are actually intended for a broader public, a genuine letter is not to be determined merely by whether it is unliterary or transient. Personal letters were often written by masters of style. In fact, the more unpracticed and hurried the letter, the more likely it is that it will be dependent on conventions and be impersonal. In the NT, all of the undisputed Letters of Paul (Rom., 1, 2 Cor., Gal., Phil., 1 Thess., Philem.), as well as 2 and 3 John, are genuine letters in Deissmann's sense: they are personal and are actually intended for the recipients identified in the opening address. However, this does not mean that they are written in an unliterary manner. Most, if not all, of the remaining NT documents that are in letter form are to be classified as epistles, often belonging more to the classification of sermon or theological essay than to letter. Thus, Hebrews and 1 John are sermons; James is a treatise on moral teaching and wisdom; 1 Timothy and Titus contain a body of instructions on church offices; 2 Timothy and 2 Peter are literary testaments. See also Letter; Salutations. J.L.W.

Ephron (ee'fron). 1 A Hittite, the son of Zohar, who sold Abraham the cave of Machpelah as a burial place for Sarah (Gen. 2 3 ; 25:9; 49:30-31; 50:13). 2 A city near Bethel mentioned in 2 Chron. 13:19. The place is not mentioned elsewhere, and there have been various attempts to correct the text. The Masoretic Text (MT) with the vowels "Ephrain" and others take it to be the Ophrah of Benjamin mentioned in Josh. 18:23. 3 A major fortified city east of the Jordan between Karnaim and Beth-shean, captured by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace. 5:45-51; 2 Mace. 12:27-28; Josephus Antiquities 12.8.5). 4 Mount Ephron, a hill on the Judean boundary (Josh. 15:9; cf. Josh. 18:15 RSV). See also Hittites; Machpelah. G.M.T. Epicureans (ep'i-kyoo-ree'uhnz), followers of the philosopher Epicurus (342-270 B.C.). Members of the Epicurean school of philosophy established in Athens are mentioned in Acts 17:18. Epicurean teaching was expounded in a lengthy poem by the first-century B.C. Latin writer Lucretius. Epicureans were often attacked as atheists, since they held that sense perception was the only basis for knowledge. Everything had come into being out of atoms and the void. A random "swerve" in the path of the atoms caused the world to come into being and provided the material basis for free will, since no god had created or ruled over human beings, according to the Epicureans. Epicureans argued against fear of death, since in their view death was merely the dissolution of the atoms entangled to make up the human, and against fear of the gods, who would enjoy their own blessedness without troublesome concern for human affairs. Free from these fears, they counseled, one should seek to live a peaceful life in which the body is free from pain and the mind peaceful and undisturbed. Consequently, one should choose a private life, pursuing this ideal in the pleasant company of friends. Some Epicurean philosophers in Athens discussed Paul's religious beliefs with him (Acts 17:18). P.P. Epiphany (i-pifuh-nee), or the manifestation of Christ to the world (January 6), a Christian observance originally commemorating Jesus' baptism (Mark 1:9) and his changing water into wine at Cana (John 2:1-11). Later, the visit of the Magi (Matt. 2:1-12) from Christmas was added. See also Christmas.

Epistles, Johannine. See John, The Letters of. Epistles, Pastoral. See Timothy, The First and Second Letters of Paul to, and Titus, The Letter of Paul to. Erastus (i-ras'tuhs), a common name (Gk., "beloved") designating one or more men associated with Paul. 1 City treasurer (superintendent of public works?), probably of Corinth, among Paul's "fellow workers" sending greetings (Rom. 16:23). 2 Paul's colleague sent with Timothy from Ephesus into Macedonia (Acts 19:22). 3 An associate who remained in Corinth (2 Tim. 4:20). Erech (ee'rik; Akkadian Uruk; Gk. Orchoi), the ancient name of a southern Babylonian city situated near the Euphrates River, now known as Warka. Shortly after its founding in the fourth

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millennium B.C., it covered approximately two hundred acres. German archaeologists have been excavating Warka since 1912. The first evidence of pictographic writing and numerical notation on clay tablets appears at Uruk around 3100 B.C., lending support to mythological speculation that the place to which the goddess Inanna brought the arts of civilization is in fact Uruk. Holy to Inanna and to Anu, head of the Sumerian pantheon, Uruk housed two major temple complexes. Eanna, Inanna's temple, preserves eighteen archaic levels. The "White Temple" of Anu is the best example of the Sumerian "high temple." The Uruk Vase depicts components of the Sumerian cultic practices. Uruk housed an important cuneiform scribal school and astronomical observatory until the last century of the first millennium B.C. The Table of Nations in Gen. 10 includes Erech in the kingdom of Nimrod. Ezra 4:9 mentions Ashurbanipal's seventh-century deportaL.E.P. tion of Uruk citizens to Samaria.

show points of similarity to Deuteronomy and have contributed to its understanding. See also Manasseh. I.T.A.

Esaias (i-zay'yuhs). See Isaiah, The Book of. Esarhaddon (ee'suhr-had'uhn; Assyrian Assur-aha-iddina), king of Assyria, 681-669 B.C. Esarhaddon came to the throne after the murder of his father Sennacherib by his brothers. He was not an accomplice to the murder. Still, he seems to have reverted to earlier imperial policy as regards the management of the Assyrian Empire. He rebuilt Babylon and became king of Babylonia; he defended the northern borders against Cimmerian and Scythian incursions; he reasserted and strengthened imperial control, especially in the west, in part for the purposes of controlling mercantile centers (e.g., Phoenicia), and expanded the borders of the empire into Egypt. Some of the cultural and religious policies of King Manasseh of Judah (2 Kings 21:1-18) may have been due to the constant presence of, and Manasseh's involvement with, Assyrians in the west, although the Assyrians did not require vassals to accept Assyrian religious practices. In Esarhaddon's reign, diviners and exorcists exercised particular influence in the royal court—their activities are known from a large body of correspondence— in part perhaps because of the king's chronic ailments. It is likely that he suffered from a skin disease, systemic lupus erythematosus. His health was failing especially during the last years of his reign, and most of the letters date to the last three or four years of the reign (the numerous letters are a rich source of information on Mesopotamian religion and medicine). At the beginning of this period (672), Esarhaddon established the succession: Ashurbanipal was to be king of Assyria, and Shamashshumukin, king of Babylonia. A treaty binding governors and vassals to abide by and support the succession was drawn up. The vassal treaties

Esau (ee'saw), the older son of Isaac and Rebekah (Gen. 25-36). As such, he was entitled to the primary blessing and birthright of his family. He forfeited both, either because of his own foolishness (25:27-34) or by Jacob's trickery (27:1-45). He was the rejected son displaced by the younger Jacob, who became the bearer of the promise. Esau is portrayed as a gracious older brother (33:1-17) and the tradition continues to have a positive regard for him (36). Some have argued that he is to be understood as a folk figure in tradition stories, i.e., a literary construct. In the ongoing Hebrew tradition, Esau was linked to the territory of Edom, Israel's rival and threat for territory (Deut. 2:4-29; Jer. 49:8-10; Obad. 6-21). Through this linkage Esau, the folk hero, became the focus of great hostility, an attitude absent from the original Genesis narrative, and was enmeshed in a deep political conflict. Esau's portrait in the later tradition is rooted in the Genesis narrative but is handled with great imagination. Esau is also mentioned in two NT writings, once in a favorable context (Heb. 11:20), twice in an unfavorable one (Rom. 9:13; 12:16). See also Edom; Jacob. W.B. eschatology (es'kuh-tol'uh-jee), beliefs or teaching about last (Gk. eschatos) things. Biblical, intertestamental, and rabbinic writings often distinguish between the present age or aeon, the period of history in which life is being lived, and the future, coming age, or period of transformed existence that God will bring at the end of history. The latter age or aeon is sometimes also referred to as the age to come or coming age, the kingdom of God, the new world, or the new or messianic age. In this context, the term "eschatology" is inherently ambiguous, since it may refer to teachings either about events expected to take place during the last days of the present age or about occurrences anticipated at the beginning of or during the age to come. Old Testament: In early biblical times, it was popularly believed that on "the day of Yahweh" (or "the day of the LORD"), God (or Yahweh) would deliver his people by overthrowing their enemies (Amos 5:18-20). Some later OT texts likewise give expression to the hope that, on "the day of Yahweh," he will bring judgment against other nations for their offenses (e.g., Isa. 13:1-19:17; Jer. 46-51; Ezek. 2 5 - 3 2 ; Obad.; Zeph. 2:4-15). Generally, the implication is that after "the day of Yahweh" these nations will never again cause Israel or Judah grief. Most of the OT prophets warned their contemporary Israelites (or Judahites) that Yahweh would bring disasters upon them because they had violated the covenant relationship he had established with them. Such violations consisted of wor-

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shiping other deities, failing to practice justice and mercy, or otherwise neglecting to observe Yahweh's commandments or "walk" according to his "ways" (e.g., Jer. 2-8; Hos. 4-10; Amos 4-8; Mic. 1-7). Most of the prophets also promised that Yahweh would make a new beginning or establish a new covenant with his people. In many texts, such promises give expression to the hope that Yahweh will radically transform the conditions of historical existence, bringing about, in effect, the new or messianic age (e.g., Isa. 2:2-4; 11; 35; Jer. 31:1-37; Ezek. 16:53-63; Hos. 2:14-23). These texts often look for the appearance of David, or one of his descendants, who will rule over the newly transformed world on Yahweh's behalf (e.g., Isa. 11:1-5; Jer. 30:9; Ezek. 37:24-25; Zech. 3:8; 9:9). Other texts describe transformed conditions, but without mentioning any Davidic or other human king (e.g., Isa. 2:2-4; Jer. 31:1-37; Zech. 14:1-21). Likewise, prophetic texts that promise such a new future for Israel, Judah, or the whole world characteristically refer to "the day of Yahweh." A few prophetic visions look for the creation of a "new heaven" and a "new earth" (Isa. 65:17; 66:22). Among the other "eschatological" events that would mark the beginning of, or life in, this new age were the return of Elijah, the preaching of repentance (Mai. 4:5-6; Ecclus. 48:1-10); certain cosmic signs or phenomena (Joel 2:30-32); the reunification of Israel and Judah (Ezek. 37:15-22); the establishment of a new covenant (Jer. 31:31-34; Ezek. 11:19-20; 34:25-31; Hos. 2:18-23); peace among all nations (Isa. 2 : 2 - 4 ; Mic. 4:1-4), whose people, in some visions, would join in honoring and worshiping Yahweh (e.g., Isa. 2:2-3; 19:23-25; 66:18-19; 23; Zech. 14:16-19; Tob. 13:11). Some prophets also looked for the new age as a time of peace and harmony among all creatures, human and animal alike (e.g., Isa. 11:6-9; 65:25; Hos. 2:18). It would be a time when the earth would yield preternatural crops of grain and fruit—perhaps signifying that the ground was no longer "cursed" because of human depravity (Isa. 25:6; Ezek. 47:6-12; Joel 2:21-26; 3:18; Amos 9:13; cf. Gen. 3:17-19; 4:12). Some texts visualize the new age as one where Israel or the Jewish people will rule over other nations, or even where other nations will no longer exist (e.g., Joel 3:19-21; Obad.; Zeph. 2:4-15). And a few passages in Ezekiel anticipate that wild beasts that threaten human life will be removed (Ezek. 34:25-28). Ezekiel and two postexilic prophets picture a magnificent new temple at the center of the transformed, messianic world (Ezek. 40-48; Hag.; Zech. 1-8). OT Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha: Additional eschatological themes begin to appear in the apocryphal (deuterocanonical) writings as well as in the Pseudepigrapha and the Dead Sea Scrolls. Some may derive from Zoroastrian or

Persian religious beliefs. Thus, we find references to holy angels or "watchers" who function as divine emissaries or viceroys (e.g., Dan. 10:13-14; Tob. 12:15), and also to Belial (or Beliar), the devil, Satan, demons, or other evil, cosmic, quasi-supernatural beings bent upon causing harm (e.g., Tob. 3:7-8; Wisd. of Sol. 2:24; Jub. 10:5-9; 1 Enoch 15:11-16:1). At some point in the future, God and his angels will fight it out with these evil powers and, after a time of terrible tribulation, prevail over them (Rest of Esther 11:5-9; Qumran War Scroll; 2 Esd. 13:31-34; cf. Ezek. 38:1-39:20; Dan. 12:1; Joel 3:9-15). There will be a day of judgment, and then God's reign will be established forever on earth as well as in heaven. Jerusalem will be besplendored with jewels (Tob. 13:16-18). The righteous will enjoy abundant food and drink— sometimes characterized by interpreters as "the messianic banquet" (e.g., 2 Enoch 8; 2 Bar. 29:3-8). But the wicked will be condemned to eternal torment or even extinction (e.g., Jth. 16:17; 1 Enoch 103:7-8; 2 Esd. 7:61; cf. Isa. 66:24). Some of these motifs or expectations also appear in the background in many early Christian texts. New Testament: The term "eschatology" is used by NT scholars in a variety of ways, sometimes simply as a synonym for "kingdom of God" but also to refer to some or all of a wide range of "eschatological" phenomena or events, first, that were expected to mark the last days of the present age; second, that were anticipated in connection with the transition between the present age and the coming age; and third, that were visualized as aspects of life in the future kingdom of God. Interpreters sometimes neglect to distinguish carefully among these meanings. Synoptic Gospels: Controversy among NT scholars since Johannes Weiss and Albert Schweitzer has focused principally on Jesus' teaching or preaching regarding the kingdom of God. Weiss and Schweitzer highlighted such texts as Matt. 4:17; 6:10; 10:5-23; 16:27-28; Mark 1:14-15; 9:1; 15:43; Luke 9:26-27; 10:1-12; 11:2; 21:31-32. They proposed that such synoptic texts show that Jesus expected the kingdom of God to come in the then near future, thereby radically transforming the conditions of existence. Many European NT scholars such as Rudolf Bultmann, Martin Dibelius, and Maurice Goguel concurred in this judgment. In response, C. H. Dodd and J. A. T. Robinson contended that Jesus regarded the kingdom of God and attendant eschatological phenomena as essentially present, "realized" or actualized in the form of his own person or ministry. Dodd read many of Jesus' parables to this effect. Other texts sometimes interpreted to mean that the kingdom of God was already present include Matt. 1 1 : 1 1 - 2 2 ; 12:28; Luke 11:20; 17:20—21. Recent European and most AngloSaxon scholars have tended to affirm both that Jesus believed the kingdom to be in some sense

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already present and, at the same time, that he expected it to come in the future. Some of these scholars urge that Jesus thought of the kingdom of God as "dawning" or "breaking in." The expression "eschatology-in-the-process-ofrealization" is sometimes used in this connection. Sayings that look for the future coming or appearance of the Son of man were another focal point for controversy (e.g., Matt. 19:28; 25:31; Mark 8:38; 13:24-27; 14:62 [Matt. 26:64; Luke 22:69]; Luke 12:8). Some texts appear to link the coming of the Son of man with that of the kingdom of God (e.g., Matt. 16:24-28 [Mark 8:38-9:1; Luke 9:23-27]; Matt. 19:16-30; Luke 17:20-24; 21:25-32). Several scholars suggest that all sayings that speak of the future appearance of the Son of man (as well as some or all of the future kingdom passages) should be regarded as secondary additions, rather than authentic sayings of Jesus (Schweitzer characterized such proposals as "the literary solution to the problem of eschatology"). Other interpreters propose that Jesus' futuristic eschatological sayings should be read as symbols for ineffable or transcendent realities either in human experience or beyond space and time. Interpreters often imply that Jesus' futuristic expectations were or are unimportant. In the synoptic Gospels, it is clear that some eschatological expectations remained to be fulfilled. The world had not yet been transformed. Rome still ruled the world, and Satan and his minions, the demons, or evil spirits, still sought to do harm. The anticipated final tribulation had not yet occurred (Matt. 6:13; Mark 13:19; 14:38). The resurrection of the dead of previous generations was still to come (Matt. 12:41-42; Luke 11:30-32). The judgment had not yet taken place (Matt. 11:21-24 [Luke 10:13-15]; Matt. 12:38-42 [Luke 11:29-32]; Matt. 25:31-46; Mark 9:43-48). When it does, the righteous will be invited to enter or "inherit" the kingdom of God, while the wicked will be forever condemned to exclusion from it (Matt. 25:46; Mark 9:43-49). In the kingdom, the righteous will gather at table, eating and drinking together, and otherwise enjoy the life of transformed existence in the "new world" (Matt. 8:11-12; 26:29; Luke 13:28-29; 22:28-30). It also appears that Jesus and/or the Gospel writers believed that some eschatological events had already occurred. John the Baptist had come, in the role of Elijah, the final prophet and preacher of repentance before "the great and terrible day of the LORD" (Matt. 11:2-15; 17:10-13; Mark 9:9-13; cf. Mal. 4:5-6). Jesus and his followers were exorcising or casting out demons and healing the sick, thereby, perhaps, overcoming the power of the Evil One in preparation for the arrival of the kingdom, as well as preparing those formerly afflicted for entry into it. Already, the good news of the kingdom was being preached. And, if Jesus himself was to be

the designated Messiah in that new age, he, at any rate, was already present. It is not certain, however, that either Jesus or any of the synoptic Evangelists understood that the kingdom of God itself was already present. All three synoptic Gospels contain texts indicating that Jesus expected it to arrive in the near future, and that their readers should do likewise. Eschatology and Ethics: If Jesus expected the kingdom of God to come during his lifetime or shortly thereafter, how can his ethics be relevant for latter-day followers? Though characterizing Jesus' teaching as an "ethic for the interim" remaining before the coming of the kingdom, Schweitzer insisted that Jesus and his sayings remain relevant for all times. Adolf von Harnack thought it possible to extract "the kernel" of Jesus' ethical teachings from "the husk" of Jewish eschatological dogma. Likewise, Bultmann undertook to recover the existentially relevant core of Jesus' ethical proclamation through "demythologizing." Amos Wilder proposed to distinguish between Jesus' eschatological teachings and his noneschatological and therefore still meaningful wisdom sayings. Many commentators appeared to believe that Jesus' ethics could be relevant for later times only if he himself thought the kingdom (and all related eschatological phenomena) somehow already present. Pauline Eschatology: Paul affirmed that those "in Christ" were already experiencing "a new creation" that had begun with Jesus' death and resurrection (2 Cor. 5:17; Gal. 6:15). At the same time, the coming, or parousia, of Jesus as Christ or Lord had yet to happen (1 Cor. 4:5; Phil. 3:20-21; 4:5; 1 Thess. 2:19; cf. 2 Thess. 2:1-4). Then, the dead (in Christ), those who had "fallen asleep," would be raised, those still alive (including, Paul thought, himself) would be "changed" or transformed "in the twinkling of an eye," and all would join together "in the air," or heavenly commonwealth, to enjoy a spiritual existence apparently forevermore (1 Cor. 15:35-55; Phil. 3:20-21; 1 Thess 4:13-18; cf. 2 Tim. 4:18). In the meantime, however, the faithful should live "according to the Spirit," that is, rightly, in relation to one another, for only those who did so would "inherit the kingdom of God" (1 Cor. 6:9-10; Gal. 5:13-6:10; cf. Rom. 13:8-14; 14:10-12; 1 Thess. 5:1-24). Other NT Writings: Most of the other NT writers indicate that, in their view, critical future eschatological events are yet to occur (e.g., John 5:28-29; 12:48; Acts 17:30-31; Eph. 5:3-16; Col. 3:1-25; 2 Thess. 1:5-10; 1 Tim. 6:11-16; 2 Pet. 3:11-13; Jude 1 7 - 2 1 ; Rev. 12:1-12). These writers generally urge their contemporary readers to be prepared, morally and otherwise, for the pending eschatological or parousia events (e.g., Acts 3:19-21; James 5:7-9; 1 Pet. 4:7-17; 2 Pet. 3:9-18; 1 John 2:18-29; Rev. 1:3; 22:10-15). Instead of looking for the coming of the kingdom, these writings typically look for the com-

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ing of Jesus as Lord or Savior (e.g., 1 Tim. 4 : 1 3 ; Titus 2 : 1 3 ; 1 John 2:28). Thus, the early Christians prayed not so much "Thy Kingdom come!" as "Our Lord come!" (1 Cor. 1 6 : 2 2 ; Rev. 22:20). Two later NT writings expected the creation of "new heavens" and a "new earth" in place of the old (2 Pet. 3 : 1 0 - 1 3 ; Rev. 2 1 : 1 ) . The Fourth Gospel emphasizes more the presence or fulfillment of some eschatological hopes, either in Jesus or in the experience of those who believe in him, most notably, eternal life and a preliminary, existential judgment (e.g., John 3:36; 5:24). Many NT writers urged readers to look for Jesus' coming "soon" or within their own lifetimes (cf. John 2 1 : 2 0 - 2 3 ) . At the same time, the later NT writings often indicate that the earlier "ethics for the interim" have been adjusted in view of the fact that the kingdom of God has not yet come. Thus, marriage was now not only permissible but favored (John 2 : 1 - 1 1 ; 1 Tim. 3 : 1 - 5 ; 4 : 1 - 3 ; cf. 1 Cor. 7 : 2 5 - 2 8 ) . Rather than sell all and give to the poor, it was enough for latterday Christians to practice charity and provide hospitality to passing strangers (1 Tim. 6 : 1 7 - 1 9 ; 3 John 5 - 8 ; cf. Mark 1 0 : 2 3 - 2 5 [Matt. 1 9 : 2 3 - 2 4 ; Luke 1 8 : 2 4 - 2 5 ] ; Luke 1 2 : 3 3 ; 14:33). Implicitly, the late first- and early second-century churches were beginning to accommodate to the prospect that life in the old world might continue a while longer. See also Apocalyptic Literature; Devil; Eternal Life; Heaven; Hell; Judgment, Day of; Jesus Christ; Kingdom of God; Messiah; Millennium; Parousia; Prophet; Resurrection; Satan; Son of God; Son of Man. Bibliography Allison, Dale C, Jr. The End of the Ages Has Come. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985. Gloer, W. Hulitt, ed. Eschatology in the New Testament. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1988. Hanson, Paul D., ed. Visionaries and Their Apocalypses. Philadelphia: Fortress; London: SPCK, 1983. Sullivan, Clayton. Rethinking Realized Eschatology. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1988. R.H.H.

plain northwest around Mt. Tabor to Hazor and on to Damascus, or led between Moreh and Mt. Gilboa descending the Valley of Jezreel to Bethshan, crossing the Jordan and then northward to Damascus. To the northwest one could reach the Plain of Acco, and traveling south through Ibleam enter the Dothan Plain, then go into the hills of Samaria or west to the Plain of Sharon. The strategic site during OT times was Megiddo, guarding the Carmel pass. It was controlled by the Canaanites probably until the time of David (Judg. 1:27), but Taanach and the river Kishon were the scene of Deborah's victory (Judg. 4:7; 5:19). See also Acco; Carmel; Deborah; Ibleam; Jezreel; Kishon; Megiddo; Taanach; Tabor. N.L.L. E s d r a s (ez'druhs), t h e F i r s t B o o k of, an alternative version of 2 Chron. 3 5 : 1 - 3 6 : 2 3 , all of Ezra, and Neh. 7 : 3 8 - ^ : 1 2 . It is included in the Septuagint (LXX), the Greek version of the OT in use in the early church. The LXX also includes the primary translation of the works of the Chronicler (1 and 2 Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah). The book is called 3 Esdras in the Vulgate. Since the sixteenth century, it sometimes appears in Catholic Bibles with 2 Esdras and the Prayer of Manasseh in an appendix following the NT. Protestants treat it as one of the Apocrypha. The work is either the remnant of a distinct Greek translation of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah or a selection of parts of these books edited and translated into Greek sometime late in the second century B.C. Its Greek reflects greater freedom and style than that of the more extensive version of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah in the LXX. Along with the Rest of Esther and the additions to Daniel, the existence of 1

E s d r a e l o n (ez'druh-eeluhn; Gk. for "Jezreel"), the western section of the valleys and plains that separate Galilee from Samaria. The smaller eastern section is the Valley of Jezreel; sometimes this name is used for the whole area. Esdraelon itself is not mentioned in the OT, but includes the Plain of Megiddo, stretching along the northern slopes of Mt. Carmel to the Plain of Acco, to En-gammin (modern Jenin) on the south, and northeast to the slopes of Mt. Tabor. The river Kishon wanders through the plain and alluvium has left the valley rich and fertile. Roads north and south, east and west pass through the plain. The "Way of the S e a " (Isa. 9:1) connecting Egypt with the north led from the Philistine coast through the Carmel pass at Megiddo, then either crossed the Esdraelon 305

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The First Book of Esdras

I. Josiah's Passover and the account of his death ( 1 : 1 - 3 3 ; cf. 2 Chron. 3 5 : 1 - 2 7 ) II. The fall of Jerusalem ( 1 : 3 4 - 5 8 ; cf. 2 Chron. 3 6 : 1 - 2 1 ) III. Cyrus the Great's edict permitting Jews to return and restore the Temple ( 2 : 1 - 3 0 ; cf. Ezra 1 : 1 - 1 1 ; 4 : 7 - 2 4 ) IV. The contest of the three bodyguards in the court of Darius (3:1-5:6) V. Lists of the exiles returning under Zerubbabel and their efforts to reconstruct the Temple ( 5 : 7 - 7 3 ; cf. Ezra 2:1-70; 3:1-5:5) VI. The completion of the Temple under Haggai and Zechariah ( 6 : 1 - 7 : 1 5 ; cf. Ezra 4:24-6:22) VII. Ezra's reforms (8:1-9:55; cf. Ezra 7 : 1 - 1 0 : 4 4 and Neh. 7 : 7 3 - 8 : 1 2 )

2 ESDRAS

2 ESDRAS

Esdras suggests that the format and content of some of the latest books in the OT were still in flux in the second and first centuries B.C. What the purpose of 1 Esdras was is not certain, although concentration on the Temple, its worship, and leaders who reformed or restored its worship suggests that it may have been intended to make a statement of some sort concerning the Temple cult or its leadership. The book begins with the Passover celebrated at the culmination of Josiah's reform of the Temple (ca. 621 B.C.), then moves swiftly to the restoration of the Temple and its worship under Jeshua and Zerubbabel (516 B.C.), and concludes with Ezra's reform a generation or so later. It builds up the role of Zerubbabel at the expense of Sheshbazzar, the leader of the first group of returned exiles in 538 B.C., and minimizes that of Nehemiah in relation to Ezra, whom it calls the "high priest" (1 Esd. 9:40, 49). Unique to the OT is its fanciful account of the three bodyguards in the court of Darius (1 Esd. 3:1-5:6), an account told in order to honor the wisdom of Zerubbabel and to explain how Darius came to commission him to return to Jerusalem and restore the Temple. The history of the restoration is confused in 1 Esdras, although the first-century A.D. Jewish historian Josephus used this book as his primary source for the period when he wrote his Antiquities. See also Apocrypha, Old Testament; Exile; Josephus; Septuagint; Temple, The. D.W.S.

seventh vision, chap. 14, parallels Ezra to Moses and has Ezra dictate while in a trance the twenty-four books of the Hebrew Scriptures lost in the burning of Jerusalem. The book thus reflects the Palestinian or rabbinic definition of the canon of Scripture, which implicitly treats Moses and Ezra as the beginning and end of revelation. While chaps. 3 - 1 4 ultimately conclude that the mysteries of sin and suffering are unfathomable, they do develop a theology of history that claims that the whole of the human race from Adam on is sinful, subject to the evil inclination, and therefore deserving God's punishment. After the fashion of the wisdom tradition, various analogies are drawn from nature and human life to deal with the limits of human knowledge and to justify the suffering of the righteous and God's slow pace in setting things right. The goal of history is a four-hundred-year messianic age, following which the messiah will die and all things will be returned to a seven-day primeval silence. Then will come the

Esdras, the Second Book of, a Jewish apocalypse dating from the very end of the first century A.D. The material was written under the pseudonym of Ezra in order to use the conquest of Jerusalem by the Babylonians a century prior to Ezra as a means of reflecting upon the intense suffering occasioned by the destruction of Jerusalem by Rome in A.D. 70. The work is at times designated 4 Esdras or 4 Ezra (chaps. 3-14). It is included among the Apocrypha by Protestants and is sometimes printed by Catholics along with 1 Esdras and the Prayer of Manasseh in an appendix following the NT. The original language was probably Hebrew, which was then translated into Greek. Neither the Hebrew nor the Greek is extant, but the book survives in a number of versions made from the Greek, including Latin, Syriac, Ethiopie, and Armenian. Chaps. 1-2 and 15-16 represent Christian additions to the original Jewish apocalypse and are occasionally designated 5 and 6 Ezra, respectively. The apocalypse in chaps. 3 - 1 4 is divided into seven visions, some of which contain dialogues between Ezra and the angel Uriel concerning God's justice in permitting his chosen people to suffer at the hands of the unrighteous Babylonians, others of which deal allegorically with history, the sufferings of the present, and the coming of the messianic age. In this they are similar to the visions of Revelation. The 306

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The Second Book of Esdras I. 5 Ezra: an apocalypse of Christian composition concerned with the rejection of Israel and the announcement of the rewards of the coming kingdom to all of the nations (chaps. 1-2) II. 4 Ezra: a Jewish apocalypse of seven visions (chaps. 3-14) A. Vision 1: a dialogue between Ezra and Uriel concerning God's justice and the seed of evil sown in Adam (3:1-5:20) B. Vision 2: a dialogue concerning the mystery of God's choice of Israel in light of the people's subsequent suffering (5:21-6:34) C. Vision 3: a dialogue concerning creation, the messianic age, and the subsequent judgment (6:35-9:25) D. Vision 4: Ezra encounters Zion as a woman mourning for her dead son (9:26-10:59) E. Vision 5: an allegorical vision of an eagle (cf. Dan. 7:3-8), representing the Roman Empire (chaps. 11-12) F. Vision 6: an allegorical vision of a man from the sea (chap. 13; cf. Dan. 7:13-14) G. Vision 7: the legend of Ezra and the restoration of the Scriptures (chap. 14) III. 6 Ezra: an apocalypse of Christian origin describing the tribulations of the end of history (chaps. 15-16)

ESSENES

ESHBAAL resurrection and last judgment. The sixth vision of the man from the sea in chap. 13 is remarkable in that it is based on Dan. 7:13-14 and thus plays an important role in scholarly discussions of the christological title "Son of man" in the NT. See also Apocalypse; Apocrypha, Old Testament; Eschatology; Messiah; Pseudonym; Son of Man. D.W.S. Eshbaal (esh-bay'uhl). See Ishbosheth. Eshcol (eshlcol; Heb., "cluster"). 1 The name of the valley near Hebron, in south-central Judea, from which spies sent by Moses brought back on a pole a cluster of grapes and some pomegranates and figs (Num. 13:23-24). Although this fruit indicated a good land, their report of giants discouraged the people of Israel from entering the land (Num. 32:9). 2 The brother of Mamre and Aner, Amorite allies of Abram, who helped the patriarch rescue Lot (Gen. 14:13, 24). See also Mamre. Eshtaol (esh'tay-uhl), a city in the lowlands of Judah counted as belonging to both Judah and Dan (Josh. 15:33; 19:41). It was probably originally occupied by Danites (Judg. 13:25; 18:2-11) and then later occupied by Judah when the Danites were forced to move to the north (Judg. 18:11). Evidence of this is seen in 1 Chron. 2:53 where Eshtaolites are regarded as descendants of Judah. It is also possible that the camp of Dan at Kiriath-jearim (Judg. 18:12) led to a mixing of the two tribes in this region. Eshtaol is tentatively located near modern Ishwa, about fourteen miles west of Jerusalem and about six miles slightly southwest of Kiriathjearim. D.R.B. Eshtemoa (esh'tuh-moh'uh). 1 A city in the hill country of Judah that was given to the Lévites (Josh. 21:14). David shared his booty with the city following his defeat of the Amalekites (1 Sam. 30:28). It is also called Eshtemoh (Josh. 15:50) and is tentatively identified as modern es-Samu, about ten miles south and slightly east of Hebron. 2 A son of Ishbah, descendant of Simeon (1 Chron. 4:17). It is not clear whether Eshtemoa the Maacathite (4:19) is the same person or of a different family since the text is disordered in these verses. Essenes (es'eenz), a sect of Judaism from the middle of the second century B.C. until the war with Rome in A.D. 66-70. They are described by the first-century A.D. authors Josephus and Philo and mentioned by some non-Jewish writers. They have been convincingly identified with the inhabitants of Qumran who wrote the Dead Sea Scrolls. The meaning of the Greek name "Essenes" is unclear; it may come from the Aramaic for "pious" or "healers." Archaeological research at Qumran, data from ancient sources, and cryptic allusions to

Aerial view of Qumran showing cave number four. Qumran is at the northwest edge of the Dead Sea. the sect's history in its writings suggest that the group, whose members were probably some of the Hasideans who supported the Maccabees, withdrew from Jerusalem and active participation in the Temple because Jonathan Maccabee assumed the high-priesthood in 152 B.C. though he was not from the correct, hereditary priestly family. The group was led by a prominent priest whose identity is hidden behind the designation "Teacher of Righteousness." The community built a complex of buildings on the cliffs around the Dead Sea at Qumran, between Jericho and En-gedi, and went through several stages of development there, including a refounding of the community after an earthquake in 31 B.C. The community was persecuted and attacked by Jonathan Maccabee, survived other pressures, but was finally destroyed by the Romans in A.D. 68. Some Essenes also lived in towns and cities, probably in small communities, and a few are mentioned by name in Josephus as playing a political role. The Qumran community was sharply divided into hereditary priests and nonpriests. They were ruled by an elaborate hierarchy of officers and councils and guided by a detailed set of rules based on biblical law. Numerous practices were peculiar to this sect. Property was held in common, celibacy was practiced, a high state of ritual purity was maintained, economic and social

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relations with nonmembers were greatly restricted, admission to full membership was preceded by three years probation, solemn ritual meals were held regularly, participation in the ritual of the Jerusalem Temple was forbidden for as long as the Temple was improperly run, and detailed rules of behavior supported a rigorous ethic that was sanctioned by judges and punishments, including excommunication. The Essenes who lived outside the Qumran community seem to have married, had private property, and engaged in some social relations with outsiders. Besides some OT books and other Jewish pseudepigraphical writings the Essenes had their own biblical commentaries, hymns, rules, and apocalyptic writings. Though Josephus compares them to the Greco-Roman Stoics, the Essenes were apocalyptic in their thought and orientation, maintaining ritual purity, ethical probity, and spiritual readiness for the intervention of God to destroy evil. No convincing evidence has been produced to demonstrate any dependence on Essene thought by John the Baptist, Jesus, or other early Christian leaders. The similarities that exist are more likely due to their common Jewish background than to any direct relationship. See also Qumran, Khirbet; Scrolls, The Dead Sea; Teacher of Righteousness. Bibliography Vermes, G. The Dead Sea Scrolls: Qumran in Perspective. London: Collins, 1977.

—.The Dead Sea Scrolls in English. 2d ed. New A.J.S. York: Penguin, 1975. Esther (es'tuhr), the name of a biblical book and its heroine, which is derived from the Persian stara ("star") and has its prototype in the name of the Babylonian deity Ishtar. This is typical of the book's and heroine's emersion in the Persian world. The book serves as a festal legend for Purim, the celebration of the deliverance of Jews in the eastern Diaspora from a pogrom. Some suggest the link between book and festival is secondary, the story serving to legitimize a popular festival that originated in Persian New Year celebrations (called Mordecai's Day in 2 Mace. 15:36). The story probably dates from the later Persian period (400-322 B.C.) and the book from the early Hellenistic period (322-200 B.C.). Form: The story is best described as a novella. Some suggest "historical novella," but while a historical core is possible, the events are not attested to elsewhere and such central figures as Esther, Mordecai, Haman, and Vashti have left no historical trace. Literary perspectives enrich readings of Esther more than concern about historical issues. As a novella it serves to entertain and to show how particular types of humans act and interact in particular situations. It represents a type of narrative popular in the ancient world that told of the adventures of certain figures in royal courts where great power and

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The Book of Esther I. Introduction to the Persian court and king (1:1-22) A. Ahasuerus's feast (1:1-4) B. The king's second feast and command to Vashti (1:5-11) C. Vashti's refusal and banishment (1:12-22) II. Esther becomes Ahasuerus's queen (2:1-23) A. The king searches for Vashti's replacement (2:1-5) B. Mordecai instructs Esther (2:6-11) C. Esther becomes queen (1:12-18) D. Mordecai uncovers a plot against the king (2:19-23) III. Elevation of Haman and his plans to destroy the Jews (3:1-15) A. Conflict between Haman and Mordecai (3:1-6). B. Royal approval for and determination of the day for the pogrom (3:7-15) IV. Haman's plot is thwarted (4:1-8:2) A. Mordecai stirs Esther to action (4:1-17)

B. Esther appears unsummoned before the king and her first soiree (5:1-8) C. Events of a fateful night (5:9-6:14) 1. Haman's scheme to hang Mordecai (5:9-14) 2. Royal insomnia (6:1-6) 3. Advice on how to rectify an oversight (6:7-9) 4. Mordecai's reward and Haman's shame (6:10-14) D. Esther's second soiree (7:1-8:2) 1. Haman's plot is revealed to the king (7:1-6) 2. Haman is hanged (7:7-10) 3. Mordecai is given Haman's office and estate (8:1-2) V. The pogrom is prevented (8:3-10:3) A. An edict allows Jews to defend themselves (8:3-17) B. The Jews are victorious (9:1-15) C. Letters fix the celebration of Purim (9:16-23) VI. Summary of a happy resolution (10:1-3) 308

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Events in the story of Esther: Ahasuerus selects Esther, Haman and Mordecai, and Haman hangs from the gallows; nineteenthcentury embroidered sheet.

wealth were rewards to be won or lost (cf. the story of Joseph in Gen. and Daniel in Dan. 1-6). A set of more or less archetypical characters interact within a plot that twists and turns, building and sustaining suspense. Esther (whose Jewish name is Hadassah) first appears quite passive, acted upon rather than acting, and living under the guidance of Mordecai. Yet once she resolves to appear unsummoned before the king, she takes charge as the primary instigator of actions that lead to Hainan's fall and the Jews' deliverance. Among the other characters, Haman is perhaps the most villainous figure in the Hebrew Bible. King Ahasuerus is invested with great authority but exercises minimal power, except as he is manipulated by others. Vashti and Zeresh make brief but telling appearances: the former creates an empirewide crisis that results in her banishment and opens the way for Esther to become the Persian queen; the latter announces and underscores Hainan's fall. Playing on a series of repetitions (especially of feasts), the plot builds to a climax through a series of delightful coincidences and juxtapositions. While sometimes condemned as harsh and vengeful, the story is nevertheless artfully told and rarely fails to delight. The story is laced with irony, as when on the fateful night between Esther's two soirees the king cannot sleep, Mordecai's past service to him is recalled, and failure to reward him is noted. Haman, coming to court for permission to hang Mordecai, is asked to advise on how the king might reward "the man whom the king wishes to honor (6:6)." Haman fatally misreads

the situation, and the tables begin to turn on him. The reader delights in the dramatic irony as Haman must lead in honor through the streets of Susa the very man he sought to hang. His fall is soon complete. He is hanged on the immense gallows he erected for Mordecai, and the reader experiences for a time in this story a universe that is ultimately just—a satisfaction real life rarely provides. Distinctive Aspects: Three aspects of this story call for special attention. First, the protagonist is a woman. Women's roles were quite circumscribed in diaspora Judaism, especially within public spheres. It is striking to find a woman playing the central role in a story of deliverance set in that most public of domains, the royal court with its many intrigues. It is a story told, moreover, within communities of Jews who were themselves often marginalized within the larger world (see also Jth.). Second, instructions from Torah that define Jewish life, for example in matters of diet, Sabbath, and marriage, are notable in their absence. Esther can keep secret her Jewish identity, and nothing about her or Mordecai's Jewishness inhibits full and effective activity in the Persian court. Third, God is not directly mentioned in this story of deliverance from danger in an alien context (cf. Exod.). The story is remarkably secular on the surface, even if the "other quarter" mentioned by Mordecai in 4:14 is an oblique reference to the deity. When read within its larger biblical context, however, such hints of providential design might be reinforced. Greek texts of Esther provide forms of the story that seem to engage these distinctive aspects. Segments of these Greek forms of Esther that are absent in the Esther of the Hebrew and Protestant Christian Bibles are found in the Apocrypha as "Additions to Esther" or "Rest of Esther." They serve to enhance the drama of the story (Esther's appearance unsummoned before the king provokes first rage and then, as she swoons, compassion), to bring it in line with Torah (Esther and Mordecai pray for divine aid and lament that they must violate Jewish practices involving diet and intercourse with pagans), to further villainize Haman (through copies of edicts), and to underscore divine knowledge and control of events (Mordecai has a dream at the outset predicting the course of events and recalls it at the end as he realizes all happened as predicted). Not only the form of the book to be included in Jewish and Christian canons, but its very place within these collections of Scriptures, was contested. Luther, for example, strongly denounced it; Maimonides, by contrast, placed it just after the Torah in importance. See also Ahasuerus; Haman; Lot, Lots; Mordecai; Persia. Bibliography Berg, Sandra Beth. The Book of Esther. Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1979.

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Brenner, Athalya, ed. A Feminist Companion to Esther, Judith, and Susanna. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995. Clines, David J. A. The Esther Scroll: The Story of the Story. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984. Fox, Michael V. Character and Ideology in the Book of Esther. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1991. Moore, Carey A. Esther. Anchor Bible. Garden W.L.H. City, NY: Doubleday, 1971.

The purpose of the additions is to give a more specifically religious cast to the book as well as to the festival of Purim associated with it. Since the Hebrew version of Esther never mentions God, its canonical status within Judaism was sometimes a matter of dispute. The additions attribute to God the deliverance of his people through the device of the apocalyptic vision and its interpretation, which now begin and end the book, as well as through the composition of prayers for Mordecai and Esther. Salvation now comes not as a consequence of Esther's courage and beauty, but as a result of her piety, in order to show that God answers prayer and protects his people. The vision draws upon the genre of the apocalypse current in Judaism of the Hellenistic age to suggest that God is in control of history, while the addition of prayers at appropriate places is another device used in the period to expand a text (cf. Jon. 2). The two decrees of Artaxerxes may have been composed in Greek with the intention of adding authenticity to the story. The other passages were probably written first in Hebrew. Along with 1 Esdras and the Additions to Daniel, the Rest of Esther suggests the fluidity of the biblical text within Judaism of the Hellenistic era. The colophon of the Greek version attributes translation of the book to a certain Lysimachus, apparently a Hellenistic Jew, and suggests that it was brought to Egypt in the fourth year of Ptolemy and Cleopatra (either 114 B.C., 77 B.C., or 44 B.C., depending upon which royal pair is intended) possibly in an effort to introduce Purim to the Alexandrian Jewish community. For Protestants, the Rest of Esther is included among the Apocrypha, isolated from the translation of the Hebrew version. Catholics consider it deuterocanonical and print it either at the end of Esther or, following the order of the LXX, interspersed with the passages of the Hebrew version. See also Apocrypha, Old Testament; Daniel, The Additions to; Esdras, The First Book of; Esther, The Book of; Purim, The Feast of. D.W.S.

Esther, the Rest of the Book of, five additions found in the Septuagint (LXX), or Greek, version of Esther but not in the original Hebrew. Jerome, in making his Vulgate translation of Esther, removed all but one of these passages and placed them at the end of the book, so that chapter and verse numbers in modern editions treat them as though they were an ending to Esther.

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The Rest of the Book of Esther The following outline shows the way in which the LXX intersperses the additions with the original text of the book (italics indicate additions). The LXX also embellishes the passages it translates from the Hebrew version, adding references to God and altering the plot at several points. I. Mordecai 's dream (11:2-12:6) A. An apocalyptic vision (11:2-12) B. Mordecai foils a plot against the king (12:1-6) II. Esther 1:1-3:13 (the beginning of the Hebrew version) III. Artaxerxes' decree enjoining the persecution of the Jews (13:1-7) IV. Esther 3 : 1 4 ^ : 1 7 (part of the Hebrew version) V. The prayers of Mordecai and Esther (13:8-15:16) A. Mordecai's prayer (13:8-18) B. Esther's prayer (14:1-19) C. Esther appears before the king (15:1-16; replaces 5:1-2 in the Hebrew version) VI. Esther 5:3-8:12 (part of the Hebrew version) VII. Artaxerxes' decree rescinding the persecution (16:1-24) VIII. Esther 8:13-10:3 (the ending of the Hebrew version) IX. Mordecai's dream interpreted (10:4-11:1) A. The apocalyptic vision explained with reference to the story of Esther (10:4-13) B. The colophon (11:1)

Etam (ee'tuhm). 1 The place where Samson defeated the Philistines and was subsequently delivered to them by the people of Judah (Judg. 15:8, 11). 2 A village in the territory of Simeon (1 Chron. 4:32), possibly identified with 3 A city near Bethlehem fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chron. 11:6). 4 The Israelites' first desert stop before turning back after they had left Sukkot (Exod. 13:20). It was located on the edge of the wilderness (Num. 33:6).

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eternal life, a life uninterrupted by death. It is surprising to learn that in ancient Israel there was no belief in a life after death. Ezekiel 37 speaks of life returning to dry bones, but that should be understood only as a metaphor for the restoration of Israel after the Exile.

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The Idea of an Afterlife: The idea of an afterlife or eternal life came late in postexilic times and is attributed to Jewish contact with Persian doctrines. Dan. 12:1-2 is conceded to be the first biblical reference to an afterlife (ca. 175 B.C.); it speaks of a time of terrible persecution of Jews by Antiochus IV Epiphanes who ordered loyal Jews to give up their ancestral faith or face death. He martyred many of them. Their survival of death is announced in Dan. 12 in terms of their resurrection, which is God's radical vindication of his faithful ones. The same historical background illuminates 2 Mace. 7 where the seven brothers die in defense of the Torah, confident that "the King of the universe will raise us up to an everlasting renewal of life, because we have died for his laws" (7:11). In the Wisdom of Solomon we are told that God created Adam deathless: "God created man for incorruption and made him in the image of his own eternity" (2:23). Death came because of sin: "The day you eat of it you shall die" (Gen. 2:17; 3:19). Yet the Wisdom of Solomon is unusual in Jewish literature for it speaks not of resurrection from death but of the immortality of the soul by which humankind survives after death: "Their hope is full of immortality" (3:4). The wicked would seem to vanish at death, while "the righteous live for ever" (5:15). Despite Daniel, 2 Maccabees, and the Wisdom of Solomon, however, not all Jews believed in life after death, whether by resurrection or through immortality. In describing the Sadducees and the Pharisees, the Jewish historian Josephus contrasted their views on postmortem existence. The Sadducees did not believe in the afterlife; God does not reward or punish and certainly not in the afterlife. The Pharisees believed in "an immortal soul," and so in an afterlife when God rewards the righteous and punishes the wicked [Bella Judaica 11.162-166; Antiquities XVIII.11-22). Acts 23:6-9 records a dispute between Sadducees and Pharisees over the resurrection (see also Mark 12:18-27). The Sadducean position is not so implausible when one recalls that until Daniel, there was no notion of an afterlife in the Hebrew scriptures. We know, moreover, from the targumic discussions of Gen. 4:8 (see Tgs. Yer. I, II Gen. 4:8), that the issue continued to be debated in Jewish circles. Eternal Life in Early Christian Preaching: Afterlife and eternal life become an essential part of Christian preaching in virtue of Jesus' resurrection from the dead. That survival of death enjoyed a variety of interpretations: it was the vindication of the Son of man (Mark 14:62), echoing God's vindication of the Maccabean martyrs in Dan. 7; it was a new creation in which the new Adam, who is sinless, is restored to deathlessness (Rom. 5:12-21); and it was a heavenly exaltation, an ascent like that predicted in Ps. 68:18 (see Eph. 4:6-8). NT authors regularly speak of the prophecy of the resurrection in the Scriptures (see Luke 24:44-46),

alluding to Psalms 110 and 16 as well as Hos. 6:1-3. But this is surely Christian commentary (midrash) on those texts. In Christian preaching, Jesus is said to offer his followers eternal life, not just in the future, but now: "he who hears my word . . . has eternal life; he does not come into judgment, but has passed from death to life" (John 5:24). In John, this mode of discourse is related to the claim that Jesus' truth, sacraments, and rites are superior to those of the synagogue: "This is the bread which came down from heaven, not such as the fathers ate and died; he who eats this bread will live for ever" (John 6:58). Thus, Christian baptism allows one to "have eternal life" (John 3:15); unlike Jacob's well, Jesus' waters will become a spring welling up to eternal life (John 4:14); unlike those who ate Moses' manna, those who eat Jesus' bread of life "have eternal life" (John 6:40, 47). This type of discourse, while understandable in its dialectical context in John, nevertheless led to problems. Some took the preaching literally and considered themselves already beyond death and in the resurrection (see 2 Tim. 2:17-18; perhaps also 1 Cor. 4:8). Some who took this literally were shocked by the death of a beloved disciple such as Lazarus (John 11). These problems led to adjustments in the understanding of eternal life. The importance of present conversion to Jesus' group is still underscored by the assertion that one has passed from death to life (1 Pet. 1:3); but this is balanced with other statements that remind converts that, while there is a realized aspect to this eternal life, it remains a promise to be realized fully in the future. Converts may have crossed from death to life in baptism, but it is also affirmed that Jesus "raises them on the last day" (John 6:40; 11:25). See also Death; Immortality; Resurrection; Soul. Bibliography Nickesburg, George W. E. Besurrection, Immortality, and Eternal Life in Intertestamental Judaism. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972. Stendahl, Krister. Immortality and Besurrection. New York: Macmillan, 1965. J.H.N.

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Etham (ee'thuhm), the first stopping place after Succoth used by the Exodus escapees from Egypt. Its location is not known, but it is said to be "on the edge of the wilderness" (Exod. 13:20; Num. 33:6), and is called an area of wilderness in or near which are located Pi-hahiroth and Baal-zephon (Num. 33:7-8). Recent suggestions include its identity as Pithom, possibly in the Wadi Tumilat lying between the eastern Nile Delta and the Sinai wilderness. Ethan (ee'thuhn; Heb., "enduring," hence "longlived"). 1 A wise "Ezrahite" (meaning uncertain), credited with Psalm 89 (see 1 Kings 4:31). 2 Grandson of Judah and Tamar through the line of Perez (1 Chron. 2:6-8). 3 A levitical musician

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from the Merarites in the time of David, possibly to be identified with Jeduthun (1 Chron. 15:17, 19; see 1 6 : 4 1 ^ 2 ; 25:1-2). 4 A levitical attendant from the line of Gershom (1 Chron. 6:42).

reverie, with the male and the female as equal partners reveling in the delights of each other's bodies. Justice. Justice is one of the most important aspects of OT ethics. Individuals as well as the society as a whole are expected to act justly, promoting proper relationships within the community (Mic. 6:8; Ps. 112; Job 31). God's great release of the Israelites from slavery in Egypt serves often as the basis for other efforts to overcome oppression and exploitation within the Israelite society. With no catalogue of an individual's inalienable rights, the OT focuses more on the moral responsibility that persons should have for each other. There are persons who are especially vulnerable and defenseless in society, such as the poor, the widow, the orphan, the slave, and the stranger, and protecting them is not just a moral requirement but also a religious duty as a reflection of God's compassion for the world. The problem was especially severe in the eighth century B.C. when the country experienced a fair degree of affluence, and prophets like Amos, Isaiah, and Micah were quick to criticize the wealthy who had no regard for the plight of those suffering economically. God, they maintain, is the guarantor of justice and will intercede on behalf of the poor by punishing the powerful if the community itself does not act morally in correcting the injustice. OT ethics is thus geared toward creating and maintaining right relationships—in the family, in the larger society, in business dealings, in government, and in other arenas. The covenant between God and Israel is a symbol of proper relations among humans, and because of the covenant God can command the people to practice a life of obedience and responsibility. At the base of this also is a fundamental affirmation of the goodness of life in this world (Gen. 1), a stance that means that it is urgent that persons act morally here and now, making this a just world rather than pinning all hopes on a world to come. In the NT; Jesus: In OT ethics morality is fundamentally interwoven with religion: that which is good and right to do has been commanded by God. The same is true in the NT. In preaching the coming of the Kingdom of God and the future hope, Jesus also teaches the importance of acting mercifully and responsibly to others in the present. At points it may seem that Jesus is thinking mostly about the future: he makes moral acts a strict requirement for admission to the Kingdom (e.g., Mark 10:24-25; Matt. 25:31-46), threatens persons with the final judgment (Mark 9:42-48; 12:40; Matt. 5:22), and promises final reward to those who act rightly (Mark 10:21; Matt. 6:19-21). However, it is clear from the range of Jesus' teachings that one's primary motivation for morality should be the desire to live in conformity to God's standards, not simply for one's own benefit and not merely in accord with common practices (Matt. 5:43-48).

ethics, human moral conduct according to principles of what is good or right to do. Ethical concerns occupy a central position throughout the Bible with respect to the actions of individuals as well as the whole community. At points this is presented in terms of general and absolute norms (as in the Ten Commandments), and in other places it can be discerned in the actions of people and the customs of the society. In the OT: It is clear from the OT that the people of Israel faced a full range of moral problems as well as dilemmas in which they had to make moral choices. Marriage and the family form one such sphere of morality, and here the cohesiveness and continuation of this basic unit are the highest values. Israelite society was structured on a patriarchal base, with primary power and legal rights vested in the male as head of the household. This colored marital and familial morality, as is often evident in laws and stories. A woman's legal rights were restricted in areas of property ownership, inheritance (Num. 27:1-11), and oath taking (Num. 30); essentially every female was under the protection and authority of some male, first her father and then later her husband. Divorce could be initiated only by the husband, but the law did attempt to ensure against unjust cause (e.g., Deut. 22:13-21) and required a "bill of divorce" (Deut. 24:1). Children were also under the authority of their parents, especially the father. A harsh law proscribing death for a stubborn child is mentioned in Deut. 21:18-21 (see also Exod. 21:15, 17), although there is no evidence that such a penalty was ever enforced. The fifth commandment (Exod. 20:12) may actually be directed toward adult children, charging them to "honor" their parents by, among other things, caring for them in their old age. Sexual Ethics. Sexual ethics in the OT is also affected by the patriarchal nature of that ancient society. Sexual license was granted much more to males than to females. Polygyny and concubinage were allowed, and going to prostitutes was apparently condoned for men (e.g., Gen. 38:12-26; Josh. 2), although prostitutes themselves were often stigmatized and prostitution became a prophetic metaphor for apostasy (Hos. 1-3; Ezek. 16; 23). Adultery, which in the OT refers to intercourse between a married or betrothed (engaged) woman and any man who is not her husband or her betrothed, is strictly prohibited and punishable by death (Deut. 22:20-27) or ordeal (Num. 5:11-31). However, by no means is the sexual ethics of the OT only negative and restrictive. Gen. 2:24-25 declares the intimate bond between a husband and wife to be completely appropriate and good. The Song of Solomon amounts to a virtual sexual 312

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Jesus' view of the OT law is positive, upholding it generally and departing from it usually only to make it more radical, as in his teachings on murder, adultery, divorce, oath taking, and retaliation (Matt. 5:21-42). Most fundamental in Jesus' ethic is the two-fold love commandment taken from the OT law—to love God and to love one's neighbor (Mark 12:29-31; from Deut. 6:4-5 and Lev. 19:18). With this as the primary principle Jesus proceeds, in his teachings and parables, to indicate concrete ways in which love should affect moral behavior: affirming marriage and discouraging divorce (Mark 10:2-9), granting women equality with men (note the role of women in Jesus' ministry, e.g., Luke 23:55-56), using wealth to benefit the poor (Luke 19:8), caring for anyone in need (the parable of the good Samaritan, which broadens the OT understanding of "neighbor"), loving one's enemies and avoiding violence (Matt. 26:52), giving proper support to the state (Mark 12:13-17), and living a life of service (Luke 22:26-27). Paul. For Paul the Christ event is fundamental to the Christian ethic in that it has direct implications for the understanding of human nature, the Law, and sin. Paul discusses this with considerable care in Romans 5-8. He maintains that the Christian is transformed by Christ, is free from the Law as a means of salvation, and yet still remains subject to the commandments of God (1 Cor. 7:19). Paul especially emphasizes Jesus' love commandment, "the law of Christ" (Gal. 6:2), as the basis for morality (Rom. 13:8-10; Gal. 5:14). In his letters to the churches Paul often responds to specific problems that must have existed among the early Christians, including relationships between men and women, the use of possessions, the issue of slavery, and the claims of the state. It is also apparent to him that Christians must search in harmony for God's will and for the specific ways to fulfill it (Rom. 15:5-6; Phil. 2 : 1 ^ ) . See also Ancestor; Covenant; Family, The; Women. Bibliography Harrelson, Walter. The Ten Commandments and Human Rights. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980. Houlden, J. L. Ethics and the New Testament. New York: Oxford University Press, 1977. Sanders, Jack T. Ethics in the New Testament: Change and Development. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1975. Zimmerli, Walther. The Old Testament and the World. Atlanta, GA: John Knox, 1976. D.A.K.

tions use the Greek word Aithiopia (for "Cush" in Gen. 2:13, see Gihon). For two hundred years, from about 1971 to 1786 B.C., Egyptian control and trading ventures penetrated farther and farther up the Nile but were then forced to withdraw. After expelling the Hyksos invaders (ca. 1550) the Egyptian rulers once more controlled Nubia, but during the period of the Israelite monarchy Nubia became the independent kingdom of Nabatea, which dominated Egypt. The Nubian ruler Taharka (RSV: "Tirhaka"; 690-664 B.C.) appears in both Assyrian and Judean records (Isa. 37:9) as the ally of Hezekiah, despite protestations from the prophet Isaiah (Isa. 18:1-2; 20:1-6). Egypt fell to the Assyrians in 670, but Nubia remained independent until it became part of the Persian Empire in the sixth century B.C. In Acts 8:26-40 the Ethiopian eunuch was probably a high official in the court of "the Candace," i.e., the queen mother. See also Hezekiah; Hyksos. D.B.

Ethiopia (ee'thee-oh'pee-uh) (or Nubia), the ancient name of the Nile valley region between the first and second cataracts south of Aswan. At the height of Ethiopian power, however, the name denoted an area reaching as far as the junction of the Blue Nile and White Nile at Khartoum (not to be confused with modern Ethiopia, i.e., Abyssinia). The Hebrew term is Cush, which the KJV keeps, but some transla313

Ethnarch (eth'nahrk), a title whose Greek etymology ("leader" or "ruler of a people") is clear but whose application and significance in the Hasmonean and Roman periods remain unclear. It occurs only once in the NT (2 Cor. 11:32), where the RSV, TEV, and NIV render it "governor." From other sources, it is known to be a title given to Simon Maccabeus, Hyrcanus II, and Archelaus. Perhaps it was a title given to rulers over their own people (e.g., the Jews) while under the overall rule of a foreign power (e.g., Rome), ranking somewhat lower than "king." See also Governor; Tetrarch. Eubulus (yoo-byooluhs), a Christian who, according to 2 Tim. 4:21, was with Paul during one of Paul's imprisonments. See also Claudia; Linus; Pudens. Eucharist (y oo Toih-rist). See Lord's Supper, The. Eunice (yoo'nis), Timothy's mother, who was born Jewish but became a Christian, the wife of a Gentile (Acts 16:1). Influenced by her mother, Lois, Eunice gave Timothy religious instruction (2 Tim. 1:5; 3:14-15), but he was not circumcised until he joined Paul's mission (Acts 16:3; cf. 2 Tim. 3:10-11). See also Timothy. eunuch (yoo'nuhk), a male who has been castrated. Eunuchs were in demand as guards of royal harems. Consequently, most biblical references to these persons who by accident or design had lost their capacity to procreate come from narratives about the kings and their courts. Although excluded from the sacred assembly (Deut. 23:1), eunuchs often received favorable report (one rescued Jeremiah; cf. the Ethiopian eunuch in Acts 8:27). Becoming a eunuch for religious reasons is mentioned in Matt. 19:12, although the exact meaning of that

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verse is unclear. It is probably metaphorical for remaining celibate to serve God better (cf. 1 Cor. 7:32-34).

third-story window, and was presumed dead; Paul intervened and the youth lived (Acts 20:7-12).

Euodia (yoo-oh'dee-uh; KJV: "Euodias," yoooh'dee-uhs), a woman in the church at Philippi who was urged by Paul to settle her dispute with Syntyche (Phil. 4:2). The dispute apparently troubled Paul, because, uncharacteristically, he opened the hortatory portion of his letter to the Philippians by referring to it. See also Philippians, The Letter of Paul to the; Syntyche.

evangelist (Gk., "one who proclaims good news"), a noun occurring only three times in the NT (Acts 21:8; Eph. 4:11; 2 Tim. 4:5); the idea of proclaiming the good news about God's Kingdom and about Jesus the Christ, however, is found throughout the NT writings. The cognate verb, evangelize (lit. "to proclaim good news"), is frequent, as is the Greek noun translated "gospel" or "good news," which comes directly into English as "evangel." In the earliest days of the church, the work of evangelism, that is, proclaiming the Christian gospel to those who had not heard, was carried out by the apostles and others (Philip is specifically labeled an evangelist in Acts 21:8). Later, as the church grew and spread and as time passed, "evangelist" came to designate a specific office (cf. Eph. 4:11). By the third century, the authors of the four canonical Gospels ("evangels") had come to be known as "Evangelists." Earlier, an identification was made between the Gospels and their authors, and the four living creatures of Rev. 4:7 (an identification not intended, however, by the author of Revelation). On that basis, the lion came to symbolize Matthew, the ox to symbolize Mark, the man to symbolize Luke, and the eagle, John. See also Apostle; Church: Gospel, Gospels; Philip. J.M.E.

Euodias (yoo-oh'dee-uhs). See Euodia. Euphrates (yoo -fray'teez) River, the largest river in western Asia. It was one of four rivers flowing from Eden (Gen. 2:14) in biblical tradition. It served as the northern boundary of Israelite territory under David (2 Sam. 8:3) but was terrain usually under Aramaean control. The headwaters of the system are two branches that originate in Armenia in eastern Turkey. The western branch (Kara Su) runs first westward from its source in a pond. The eastern branch (Murat Suyu) similarly runs westward, then both join north of Malatiya from which the course runs southeast and southwest into the Syrian plain. The Hellenistic city of Somasata was built near an important ford. Running south, the Euphrates passed Carchemish where Nebuchadnezzar decisively beat the EgyptianAssyrian alliance in which Neco of Egypt participated (Jer. 46; 2 Kings 24:7). Main tributaries from the north are the Belikh and the Khabur. Farther downstream were Dura-Europos, famous for a synagogue with Hellenistic painted scenes, and Mari, notable for its palace and library of texts. Continuing its southeast course the river divides just above Babylon. It reunites and then joins the Tigris for the last hundred miles before emptying into the Persian Gulf. The bed of the river ran somewhat higher than that of the Tigris, and this allowed ancient irrigation canals to carry Euphrates water across the land between the two rivers for agriculture and transport. The lower reaches provided some ten thousand square miles of land for such reclamation, allowing the foundations of cities and city-states in what we know as one of the earliest centers of civilization, Sumer. See also Damascus; Tigris River. R.S.B. Eurakylon (yoo-rahk'i-lon). See Euroclydon. Euroclydon (yoo-rokTi-don), in the RSV, JB, and NIV (Acts 27:14) "the northeaster," a violent, springtime, northeast wind that blew Paul's ship, en route to Rome, south of Crete. The best manuscripts read eurakylon (from Gk. euros, "east wind," and Lat. aquilo, "northeast wind"). Eutychus (yoo'tuh-kuhs), a youth who dozed during a long discourse by Paul, fell from a

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Eve (eev), the first woman, created by God (Gen. 2:21-22). The meaning of the name is uncer-

Eve spins while Adam digs; thirteenth-century stone relief, Sainte Chapelle, Paris.

EVERLASTING LIFE

EXILE

tain. In sound, but not in derivation, the name resembles the Hebrew word "life." The association pertains in Gen. 3:20, where the primal woman is designated "the mother of all living." Scholars speculate whether mythological images such as Earth Mother or Mother Goddess lie behind the figure. The story may suggest that by naming the woman Eve, the man rules over her and so corrupts their God-given relationship of equality (Gen. 2:23). In this context the name may be ironic. It suggests life even as life for the woman is diminished. Eve also appears in Gen. 4:1, 2 Cor. 11:3, and 1 Tim. 2:13. P.T.

imprisonment; the Judean king was given an allowance, and for the remainder of his life he dined at the Babylonian king's table (2 Kings 25:27-30; Jer. 52:31-34). Evil-merodach may have been trying to modify his father's policies; he was killed in a revolution. evil spirits. See Demon; Devil. ewe, a female sheep (Heb. rahel). Ewes are mentioned, for example, in Gen. 32:14, where Jacob presents Esau with two hundred ewes, and in Lev. 22:28, where it is forbidden to kill a ewe on the same day that her lamb is killed.

everlasting life. See Eternal Life. excavation. See Archaeology, Methods of. evil, a term with several nuances of meaning in the biblical writings. At base, the primary understanding evolves from a religious perspective, since all forms of evil are regarded as ultimately occasioned by the disobedience and rebellion of the human race with regard to God and God's will. Evil occurs where and when God's will is hindered by human sin. Bad situations or natural calamities were sometimes referred to as "evil," and such occurrences were frequently interpreted as having been sent by God as a punishment for sin (e.g., Deut. 31:17; Amos 3:6; Jer. 26:19). Moreover, if something did not function properly or could not be understood, this too was seen to be "evil" (e.g., Eccles. 6:1-2). Quite early in the development of Israel's religious understanding, evil came to be concretized in specific persons or events. Later, it came to be understood as a separate and pervasive power in the created order. This system of evil had a leader (Satan, the devil) who exercised control over numerous underlings (demons). However it was seen to be manifested in human experience, evil was interpreted as rebellion against God or the thwarting of God's will through actions (by humans or others) that were at odds with God's plans and purposes for the world. Various biblical passages locate evil in different places: the human will (e.g., 1 Sam. 24:13; Mark 7:20-23; cf. also Gen. 6:5), the desire for worldly wealth (e.g., 1 Tim. 6:10), or demonic powers that take control of human lives (cf. the stories of demon possession in the synoptic Gospels). Wherever evil originated, however, it was understood to be effective only as it took human form. It was clear from observation, if nothing else, that human beings are inclined toward, open to, and perpetrators of evil and that evil always has tragic consequences for the human race. See also Demon; Devil; Satan; Sin. J.M.E. Evil-merodach (ee'vuhl-mair'uh-dak), a NeoBabylonian (Chaldean) king (561-560 B.C.) and the immediate successor of Nebuchadnezzar II. Evil-merodach released King Jehoiachin from 315

Exile, a term used, often synonymously with "captivity," to refer to the period in the sixth century B.C. when part of the Judaean population was exiled to Babylonia. The term is not historically satisfactory, since it is too easily taken to suggest that the whole population was deported. Deportation as a policy was practiced by various ancient powers: Assyria deported part of the population of the Northern Kingdom (Israel) in

Two Judean captives of Sennacherib's conquest of Lachish, 701 B.C.; Nineveh.

722 B.C. 2 Kings 17:6 and 18:11 list places to which they were taken; their subsequent history is unknown. Sennacherib's siege of Lachish (701 B.C.) resulted in deportation of captives. Babylon deported Jehoiachin and other members of the royal family in 597 B.C., together with leading military men, military personnel, and craftsmen (2 Kings 24:15-16); a second deportation followed in 587 B.C. consisting of survivors in Jerusalem and deserters (2 Kings 25:11). Jer. 52:30 records a third deportation in 582 B.C. The

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numbers are differently computed: Jer. 52:30 gives a total for all three deportations of 4,600; 2 Kings 25:14 has 10,000 for 597 B.C. alone. Similar policies are attested for the Persians and for later Greek and Roman rulers. The Assyrians brought deportees from elsewhere to Samaria (2 Kings 17); the Babylonians appointed a Judaean notable, Gedaliah, to control the area (2 Kings 2 5 : 2 2 - 2 4 ) . The parallel in Jeremiah 40 implies a considerable population in Judah; 2 Kings 24:14 and 25:12 know only of "some of the poorest of the land" left to tend crops. 2 Chron. 36:21, taking up prophecies of total desolation (e.g., Jer. 7:34, cf. Lam. 1:3), clearly envisages a land emptied of population. This theological motif reflects the view that restoration came only from the exiles in Babylonia (cf. Jer. 24:5-7; 29:4-14; Ezek. 11). The biblical account provides no direct information about Judah during the exilic age. Jeremiah 41-44 implies that no population was left in Judah after Gedaliah's death. The accounts of restoration in Ezra are problematic, but hints appear of local inhabitants in addition to returned exiles (cf. also Hag. 2:4). Some continuity of population in Judah must be assumed. Conditions in Babylon are also poorly attested. Jer. 29:5-6 envisages settlement and some independence of life. Ezek. 8:1 and 20:1 refer to elders of the community meeting with the prophet. Ezek. 1:1; Ezra 1:4; and 8:15-17 suggest various settlements at which Jews were to be found; both Ezek. 11:16 and Ezra 8:17 may imply the existence of temples. That Jews continued to live in Babylonia is clear from renewed movements to Judah with Ezra and Nehemiah, the presence of some Jewish names in Babylonian documents of the fifth century B.C. (e.g., those of the firm of Murashu), and the later importance of Babylonian Jewry. Impetus to renewed faithfulness of Jewish customs evidently came from there on more than one occasion. Exile as a theological theme becomes clear in later writings. Thus, the sins for which the Exile is punishment are variously assessed and theologically justified; and various preconditions are given for the termination of the Exile, like divine grace, human repentance, or a combination of the two (cf. Jer. 24; 31; Ezek. 18; Lam. 5). In Jer. 25:11-12 and 29:10 (cf. Zech. 1:12) a seventy-year figure is used for the Exile; Ezek. 4:5-6 has a forty-year scheme, as well as 390 (or 150 or 190) for the Northern Kingdom. Dan. 9:2, 2 4 - 2 7 reinterprets the seventy-year period as 490 years, seeing the end of Exile as sequel to the desecration of the Temple in 167 B.C. The theme reappears in various intertestamental writings. Psalm 137 offers an interpretation of the experience in terms of desolation and hope. It would also appear that the Exile was a time when national traditions were consolidated and cadres of interpreters of Scriptures were trained (see Neh. 8).

Bibliography Ackroyd, P. R. Exile and Restoration. Philadelphia: Westminister Press, 1968. Bickermann, E. "The Babylonian Captivity." Cambridge History of Judaism. Vol. 1. Edited by L. Finkelstein and W. D. Davis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984. Pp. 342-358. Klein, R. W. Israel in Exile. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979. P.R.A. Exodus, the Book of, the second book of the OT and the story of Moses' call by God to rescue his people from oppression in Egypt. After encountering God and entering into covenant in the wilderness at Sinai, the Israelites constructed a portable shrine (tabernacle) and set out on a journey toward Canaan, the land promised by God to their ancestors as an inheritance. Exodus is the book's Greek title in the Septuagint (LXX); in Hebrew it was called (from its opening words) ve'elleh shemôth, "And these (are) the names," or simply Shemôth, "Names." The Event: The event was the successful escape of Semitic residents from hardship and forced labor in northern Egypt. According to the Joseph stories (Gen. 37, 39-50), they had entered the country considerably earlier to avoid famine in Canaan (perhaps as part of a larger population movement). The underlying historical events are now obscure. Later Israelites frequently retold their past and reenacted it in worship, but they inevitably expanded and modified the very traditions they preserved. Like the biblical accounts in their time, modern reconstructions of the Exodus event cannot avoid being partially subjective. Judgments about content or tone, about what is possible or likely depend on the evaluator's training, attitude, and experiences of God's presence in (or apparent absence from) human life. Different evaluations of the biblical record, while not compulsory, may lead to new insights or better understanding. The movement of Israel's ancestors into Egypt and out again is hard to reconstruct. Some groups may have gone there as early as the late eighteenth century B.C., at the start of foreign (Hyksos) rule; others may have arrived in the late fourteenth or early thirteenth century, only a few years before the oppression reflected in Exodus 1. Similarly, groups of these ancestors may have left Egypt at different times, separated by many years, and under varied circumstances. The later Israelites preserved few stories from the period of their ancestors' earliest movements into Egypt until the oppression and Exodus, but they knew it had been very long ("four hundred and thirty years," Exod. 12:40; "four hundred years," Gen. 15:13). If there were repeated departures from Egypt, surviving traditions merged them into one complex movement. That simplification, the distance in time between even the latest departures from Egypt (thirteenth century B.C.) and

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Akhetaton Tell el-Amarna) The map outlines the traditional route of the Exodus and also shows ancient routes of travel across the Sinai that Israelites may have used between Egypt and Canaan. the composition of the major literary sources for Exodus (tenth-sixth centuries, or later), and the likelihood that the biblical authors knew nothing of the geography of the Exodus events make it unwise to propose one route for the Exodus or to expect that all the Exodus stories will form a fully consistent narrative. The Exodus traditions are marked by humor and lively imagination (especially in the repeated confrontations between Moses and Pharaoh). The accounts of the covenant at Sinai represent varied theological understandings of its consequences for the people's life. The wilderness traditions have been shaped by later writers to provide useful perspectives on Israel's subsequent experiences in the land. Emphasis on the miraculous serves to highlight God's involvement in the people's deliverance. 317

Most scholars tend to date the (final) Exodus from Egypt early in the reign of Pharaoh Ramesses II (ca. 1290 B.C.), so that the oppression would have begun not long after the nineteenth dynasty took power (ca. 1350 B.C.), and the invasion of Canaan would have started some years before the end of Ramesses' reign (ca. 1230 B.C.). Another view is that the Hebrew tribes entered Egypt from Canaan at the time of the Hyksos, that the rise of the eighteenth dynasty (ca. 1580 B.C.) began the oppression, and that the Exodus occurred during the reign of Thutmose III (ca. 1450 B.C.). While this is in harmony with the statement (1 Kings 6:1) that the construction of Solomon's Temple (ca. 970) began 480 years after the Israelites left Egypt, that figure (twelve generations of forty years) is too exact and probably secondary.

EXODUS, THE B O O K OF

EXODUS, THE BOOK OF

Different routes have been proposed for the Exodus, as well. One route turns south after crossing the line of the modern Suez Canal (near the Bitter Lakes), parallels the eastern coast of the Gulf of Suez to the vicinity of the turquoise mines at Serabit el-Khadem, and continues inland to the traditional site of Mount Sinai at Gebel Musa. After the stay at Sinai, the people would have journeyed in a northeasterly direction to the northern tip of the Gulf of Aqabah, then around Edom and Moab, and on to Transjordan. While this route locates Mount Sinai at the place accepted since Byzantine times, it lacks earlier support and conflicts with the biblical view that the people first headed for Canaan and were only condemned to wander after they had been at Sinai and had rejected the report of the spies sent into the land from Kadesh in the wilderness of Paran (Num. 13-14). Another proposed route runs north (a little east of the present Suez Canal), turns east along the Mediterranean coast, and follows the narrow strip of land that divides Lake Sirbon from the sea. This allows Lake Sirbon to be identified as the sea where Israel was delivered and the Egyptian pursuers were drowned (Exod. 14-15). Unfortunately, there is neither any obvious route from Lake Sirbon to Kadesh nor any easy access across the sand dunes to Sinai proper. Consequently this route also has little to recommend it. At least three trails extend east-west across the northern half of Sinai: a coastal road just

south of Lake Sirbon and on past Gaza and Megiddo toward Damascus; a central route from Lake Timsah through Khatmia Pass, south of Gebel el Maghara, north around Gebel Halal, then southeast to Ain Qudeirat and Kadesh, and northeast toward Beer-sheba, Hebron, and Shechem; a southern road (the Darb el-Haij, or "Pilgrim's Road," to Mecca) from the northern end of the Gulf of Suez eastward through Mitla Pass and then southeast toward the northern end of the Gulf of Aqabah. Three other routes across Sinai connect those roads: one branching northeast off the road from Suez to Aqabah and extending to Kadesh; another heading southeast from Kadesh to Aqabah; and a third north from Aqabah to the southern end of the Dead Sea. The different pentateuchal sources may have put the route of the exodus on different combinations of these trails, but all apparently located it in the northern half of Sinai with a stop at Kadesh-barnea and an approach to the northern end of the Gulf of Aqabah. The Book: The book of Exodus is based on the unified J (Yahwist) source, supplemented by a number of E (Elohist) passages and a few D (Deuteronomist), with a new outline and a great deal more material from P (Priestly writer). While the details of source division are often disputed, and some scholars question even the main lines of the analysis, the general validity of the pentateuchal sources may be assumed. J's version of Exodus, part of a longer narrative extending from the creation account in

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The Book of Exodus

I. Introduction: the new threat (1:1-22) II. Moses (2:1-7:7) A. A child is found (2:1-10) B. Escape to Midian (2:11-22) C. Transition (2:23-25) D. Call and commission (3:1-4:17) E. Return to Egypt and encounter with Pharaoh (4:18-6:1) F. Covenant promises and commission (6:2-13) G. Genealogy and summary and transition (6:14-27) H. Renewed commission (6:28-7:7) III. Contest with Pharaoh (7:8-12:32) A. Rod to serpent (7:8-13) B. Plagues (7:14-10:29) C. Death of firstborn I (11:1-10) D. Interlude: Passover observance (12:1-28) E. Death of firstborn II (12:29-32) IV. Departure from Egypt (12:33-15:21) A. Initial haste (12:33-42) B. Regulations for Passover (12:43-13:16)

C. Divine guidance (13:17-22) D. Pharaoh's pursuit and defeat (14:1-31) E. Victory song (15:1-21) V. In the Wilderness (15:22-18:27) A. Water at Marah and Elim (15:22-27) B. Manna and quail (16:1-36) C. Water at Massah and Meribah (17:1-7) D. Victory over Amalek (17:8-16) E. Jethro's visit (18:1-27) VI. At the mountain (19:1-40:38) A. Preparations and Decalogue (19:1-20:21) B. The covenant (20:22-24:11) C. Moses and God (24:12-18) D. Prescriptions for the tabernacle (25:1-31:11) E. Sabbath observance and covenant provisions (31:12-35:3) F. The tabernacle (35:4-40:38)

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EXPIATION

Genesis 2 to the Balaam stories in Numbers 2 2 - 2 4 , presents a general theology of human life in covenant with God. People can on occasion acknowledge their weakness and their need of divine assistance, but more often they respond inappropriately to God and to the challenges of human life. Consequently, God appears as the dominant agent in J, Moses is more of a witness or messenger than a primary actor, and the people's role is to "stand firm, and see the salvation of the LORD, which he will work" (Exod. 14:13). The human propensity for failure or inappropriate response finds expression in disbelief, murmuring, even open rebellion against the Lord and his chosen representatives. The incident of the golden calf (Exod. 32) is an integral part of the J narrative and has been crafted to make two related points: first, the people's failure was present from the earliest moments of the Sinai covenant (but God's care for them continued); and, second, the Northern Kingdom's departure from the Davidic covenant after the death of Solomon is not the collapse of the divine plan, but another instance of the constant human tendency to reject the good. God's care will continue even now, and the divine assistance will be available for those who do not walk away (or who return). Even when the Exodus generation failed to trust the Lord's help and were excluded from entry into the promised land, God's promises remained in effect for their descendants (cf. Num. 13-14). The intent of the J narrative was to encourage and support faithful members of the covenant community discouraged at the covenant's apparent collapse in Jeroboam's revolt (ca. 924 B.C.) and the resulting split between north (Israel) and south (Judah) by suggesting that the crisis was neither unique nor definitive. Only God's reaction really matters, and God can be trusted to be faithful to the chosen ones. Elements from E are hard to detect, at least in Exodus, and no clear statement can be made about their nature and purpose. D materials in Exodus are also too limited for analysis here. P expanded the available J traditions and recast them into a new work with an entirely different intention. Thus the plague narrative (Exod. 7-12) becomes a dramatic contest between God's champions (Aaron and Moses) and those of Pharaoh (the magicians). Bit by bit the magicians are defeated and finally disappear from view. Somewhat earlier, in Exod. 6:14-25, P's genealogy of Moses and Aaron is carried down an extra generation to culminate in the birth of Aaron's grandson Phinehas; he will have a decisive role in the climactic incident where "the covenant of a perpetual priesthood" is promised to him and his descendants after him (Num. 25:6-13). The Sinai events are important to P primarily because they provide a context for the revelation of instructions for the proper performance of worship. Temple worship can be seen as the continuation and

completion of what was begun at Sinai, and consequently the absence of a Davidic ruler in the Exile or after the return is not particularly important for P or for the audience to which the P version is directed. Deliverance from bondage, protection in the wilderness, and the covenant at Sinai all find their deepest meaning and abiding value, for P, in the proper performance of the worship whose regulations were communicated through Moses at Sinai. This narrowing of focus stands in some tension with the J materials, and that tension is itself a part of the biblical challenge for readers of the present book of Exodus. Discovering how to respond to that challenge is the task that beckons each person who reads Exodus with care. See also Baal-peor; Canaan, Canaanites; Covenant; Hebrews; Hyksos; Jethro; Korah; Law; Manna; Moses; Pentateuch; Plagues; Quail; Sinai; Ten Commandments, The; Yam Suph. Bibliography Binz, S. }. The God of Freedom and Life: A Commentary on the Book of Exodus. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1993. Coats, G. W. Moses: Heroic Man, Man of God. Journal of the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 57. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1988. Gowan, D. E. Theology in Exodus: Biblical Theology in the Form of a Commentary. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1994. Marshall, J. W. Israel and the Book of the Covenant: An Anthropological Approach to Biblical Law. Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series 140. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1993. K.G.O. exorcism. See Magic and Divination. expiation, a term associated with the removal, cleansing, or forgiveness of sin; it is often confused with "propitiation" (cf. Rom. 3:25; 1 John 2:2; 4:10 [KJV: "propitiation"; RSV: "expiation"]). Both terms create confusion for many modern readers because of their infrequent occurrence in contemporary usage (even in translations of the Bible) or because of their apparent synonymity. They are to be differentiated, however, and their categorical distinction is of considerable importance. The root meanings in Latin (expiate: "to make satisfaction"; propitiate: "to cause someone to become favorably inclined") are of some help initially when translated into the context of atonement texts in the OT and the NT and the content of their practices and concepts. Both terms presuppose a common starting point as fundamental: God has established a covenant with his people; he is faithful to that covenant; the covenant people, on the other hand, are not faithful and sin against God corporately or individually, ritually or personally; but God provides a means for restoration to the right covenantal relationship, i.e., atonement is possible. The need for interpreting the atonement

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creates the occasion for use of the terms "expiation" and "propitiation." Expiation and propitiation provide two angles of vision: the former looks at the object causing the broken covenantal relationship (sin), while the latter looks at the subject initiating and sustaining the covenant (God). Propitiation as a category of interpretation tends to think in forensic, legal terms; i.e., it thinks of God as the injured party in a liability case. It adds to this perspective the theological dimension of the divinely instituted order. The human being has transgressed that order and the injured deity is justifiably angry with the transgressor. Punishment is to be expected. The fundamental notion is that God is going to remain angry until he is suitably appeased or placated. Propitiations ward off, or turn away, the divine wrath; they are apotropaic in function. Expiation, on the other hand, tends to concentrate on the transgression itself and the issue of how it is to be removed, cleansed, and forgiven. It does not specifically counter the notions associated with propitiation as though they were groundless, but as a matter of choice it declines to speculate about the degrees of divine anger or to calculate the proportions necessary to appease or satisfy God's wrath. On the whole, expiation as a category of interpretation is far more in keeping with the angle of vision taken by biblical writers of both Testaments (though not always for the theories of atonement in modern theological textbooks) than is propitiation. This judgment is based largely on the following consideration: the provision of a means for atonement is itself a strong indication that, while God's wrath over the transgression of his order and his covenant is real and justified, it is important to concentrate on the initiative taken to remove the transgression. This angle of vision seeks to honor the perspective of God who makes forgiveness possible because of his mercy, love, and grace. For the OT levitical sacrificial system, there were basically two types of expiatory offerings: the sin offering and the guilt offering (Lev. 4:1-6:7; 6:24-7:1). The former purified or cleansed in the area of ceremonial offenses, while the latter involved offenses in social intercourse (broken pledges, property violations, etc). As a rule, the object of the verb "to expiate" is not God; thus, the notion of appeasement should be avoided. In a few cases, an apotropaic, propitiatory notion is likely, however (Gen. 32:20; Num. 16:47-48; 25:11; 1 Sam. 26:19; 2 Sam. 21:3-4; 24:25; Prov. 16:14). Hence, propitiation may not be a useless category altogether; yet, as pertains to God it is an interpretive possibility where words are few and inadequate. In the NT, the Greek term variously translated as "expiation" or "propitiation" is applied to the work of Christ in four passages (Rom. 3:25; Heb. 2:17; 1 John 2:2; 4:10). In all of these pas-

sages, the RSV reads "expiation"; in all except the second, where it has "reconciliation," the KJV reads "propitiation." Taking Paul's theology of the cross as our angle of vision, we sense that there is something about the crucifixion of Jesus that is awe-inspiring, cosmic drama. What exactly happened there with regard to God's holy nature, his wrath at the presence of sin, and his will to destroy it is something into which human eyes cannot penetrate and human reason cannot discern (Rom. 3:21-26; 2 Cor. 5:21). It is perhaps not entirely inappropriate to leave open the possibility that a propitiatory moment is present in the atoning sacrifice of Christ, while mortals choose by necessity to focus their attention on expiation. See also Atonement; Blood; Forgiveness; Grace; Justification; Pardon; Reconciliation; Redemption; Salvation; Sin; Worship. Bibliography Goppelt, Leonard. Theology of the New Testament, Vol. 1. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1981. Pp. 193-199. Vol. 2, 1983. Pp. 87-106. Hengel, Martin. The Atonement: The Origins of the Doctrine in the New Testament. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1981. von Rad, Gerhard. Old Testament Theology, Vol. 1. New York: Harper & Row, 1962. Pp. 254-279. Vol. 2, 1965. Pp. 275-292. J.E.A. eye, an organ adapted to perceive light and darkness. In the Bible, the word can refer to the eyes of humans and animals (Gen. 27:1; Job 21:20) and appears in a number of combinations such as "raising one's eyes" (Gen. 18:2). "Eye" may also be used to refer to a person's look or appearance (Lev. 13:55). "Eye" also appears in a number of metaphorical senses. A person whose eye is "evil" is one consumed with jealousy, envy, or malice toward another (Ecclus. 14:10; Matt. 6:23; Mark 7:22). "Eye" can be used in connection with the heart or mind (Ecclus. 17:8; Eph. 1:18; Luke 19:42). Therefore, those who are without understanding can be spoken of as having their eyes blinded (Isa. 6:10; Mark 8:18; Matt. 13:15; John 12:40; Acts 28:27). God is often pictured with multiple eyes (Zech. 4:10). They rove over the world like the agents of the great king (cf. Job 1:6). A figurine of the goddess Ishtar shows multiple eyes on top of the goddess's head vanishing toward infinity. "Eye" also appears in the names of springs or fountains in the OT (Gen. 16:7; Num. 33:9). P.P. eye of a needle, the. See Needle's Eye. Ezekiel (i-zeeTcee-uhl), the Book of, an OT book of prophecies attributed to the sixth-century prophet Ezekiel (Heb., "God strengthens"). The Prophet: When King Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon captured Jerusalem in 597 B.C., he took many of the leading citizens of Jerusalem as hostages to Babylon, among whom was Ezekiel

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Ezekiel's vision of dry bones; a detail from a panel at the third-century A.D. synagogue at Dura-Europos. Ezekiel, touched by the hand of the Lord, stands among disjointed human remains; he is told to prophesy that the bones would live again (Ezek. 37:1-14). the priest, the son of Buzi (1:3). They were resettled at a place called Tel Abib (Heb. "mound of the flood") on the river Chebar, one of the tributary canals of the Euphrates River southeast of Babylon, near the ancient city of Nippur. It was there that Ezekiel received his call as a prophet of the Lord in 593 B.C. From then on, he prophesied intermittently until 571 B.C. Ezekiel seems to have been deeply affected by the message he was called upon to deliver. Following his initial call, he sat overwhelmed for seven days (3:15). He was given to extraordinary visions and engaged in prophetic symbolic acts, which must have appeared strange to many of his contemporaries (3:1-3; 4:1-17; 5:1-3). From the time of his call and until the final fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.C., he was a virtual recluse in his house and afflicted with fits of dumbness and immobility (3:24—27; 24:25-27; 33:21-22). The sudden death of his wife and his inability to mourn for her according to custom become a symbol of the sudden destruction of God's sanctuary in Jerusalem (24:15-18). His contemporaries viewed him as somewhat of a curiosity (33:30-33). Only in retrospect was his true greatness recognized and his words were preserved for posterity. We do not know when or under what circumstances Ezekiel died, though presumably it was in exile. The Book: Ezekiel gives evidence of having been shaped editorially by a school of disciples, who, however, were not far removed in time from the prophet himself. Its outline exhibits a clear threefold structure. Chaps. 1-24 consist

chiefly of oracles of judgment against Judah and Jerusalem prior to the fall of the city. This is followed in chaps. 2 5 - 3 2 by oracles against various foreign nations. After a transitional chapter (33) that links the first and third sections, there follow in chaps. 34-48 prophecies about the future restoration of the people in the promised land. The Message: Ezekiel was called to be a watchman in the service of God, whose chief task it was to warn his people in accordance with the words God had given him (3:16-21; 33:1-9). This he did faithfully throughout his ministry, irrespective of whether his compatriots heeded him or not. Ezekiel's message is imbued with a strong sense of the sovereignty of God and the self-directed purposefulness of God's activity in history, which cannot be thwarted by human failure. This divine activity in history involves both judgment and salvation and is designed to bring Israel and the nations to the true knowledge of God. Because of Israel's repeated failure and sin, God had resolved to destroy the nation. This decision was irrevocable (14:12-20; 21:1-7). Unlike Hosea and Jeremiah, who viewed Israel's history as one of initial faithfulness followed by disobedience, Ezekiel describes Israel's entire existence from Egypt on as one of disobedience and rebellion (20:1-38). The harlotry metaphor, already used by Hosea and Jeremiah to describe Israel's waywardness, is elaborated to the extreme by Ezekiel in chaps. 16 and 23. Ezekiel also attacks all false human hopes (12:21-28; 33:23-29), thereby preparing

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unclean land that the glory of the Lord was not tied to the Temple in Jerusalem but had traveled with them into exile (chaps. 1 and 10). God himself had even become their sanctuary for a while, until he would bring them back to their own land (11:16-17). Ezekiel gently reminds those crushed by a sense of guilt and despair (33:10) that the Lord takes no pleasure in the death of the wicked, but that he is more than willing and able to forgive penitent sinners and restore them to life even in exile (33:11-20). The sins of past generations could not prevent the present generation from making life-affirming choices (18:1-20); and the same truth was operative even within the life span of one human being or generation (18:21-32). God's intentions for humanity are fundamentally salvific (18:32; 33:11). Ezekiel goes on to speak of the future restoration of his people in their own land, where they would live in peace and security, under righteous rulers, and with God as their good shepherd (34; 35:1-36:15; 37:1-28). God's sanctuary would be restored in their midst and the glory of the Lord would return to the place from which it once had departed (40:1-43:5). Not only would the nation be restored outwardly, but God would also renew them inwardly through the gracious bestowal of his spirit and the renewal of the human heart (36:26-27; 37:14; 11:19-20). Bibliography Greenberg, M. Ezekiel 1-20. Garden City: Doubleday, 1983. Zimmerli, W. Ezekiel, vols. 1 and 2. PhiladelW.E.L. phia: Fortress, 1979, 1983.

The Book ofEzekiel I. Oracles of judgment against Judah and Jerusalem (1:1-24:27) A. Vision of God's glory and call of Ezekiel (1:1-3:21) B. Symbolic acts: the coming siege of Jerusalem (3:22-5:17) C. Oracles of judgment and announcement of its imminence (6:1-7:27) D. Abominations in the Temple: God's glory departs (8:1-11:25) E. Symbolic acts describing the Exile and sayings against unresponsive people and false prophets (12:1-14:23) F. Historical allegories and sermons: against the people, their kings, and individual wickedness (15:1-20:49) G. Further oracles of judgment (21:1-32:49) H. Symbolic acts: the siege begins (24:1-27) II. Oracles against foreign nations (25:1-32:32) A. Judah's immediate neighbors: Ammon, Moab, Edom, the Philistines (25:1-17) B. Tyre (26:1-28:26) C. Egypt (29:1-32:32) III. Prophecies of future restoration (33:1-39:29) A. Announcement of Jerusalem's fall: Ezekiel's role as watchman and importance of individual responsibility (33:1-33) B. Promises of deliverance from exile and restoration in the land (34:1-37:28) C. God and Magog: the enemy's ultimate defeat (38:1-39:29) IV. Program for reorganization of the restored community (40:1-48:35) A. Plans for new Temple: God's glory returns (40:1-43:12) B. Temple regulations and personnel (43:13-46:24) C. The healing waters of the Temple spring (47:1-12) D. Division of the land (47:13-48:35)

Ezem (ee'zuhm; Heb., "bone"), a town in southern Judah counted as belonging to both Judah (Josh. 15:29) and Simeon (Josh. 19:3). Since the tribe of Simeon was early assimilated into Judah, the town was probably originally assigned to Simeon but was absorbed into Judah as Simeon lost its identity (note Gen. 49:5-7). The site is unknown.

the ground for a hope based not on human merit or potential, but on God's own character and purpose (36:16-38). With the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B.C., Ezekiel's message of judgment received its ultimate validation. From that point on, the prophet's message increasingly focuses on the theme of hope and salvation. Ezekiel reminds those who felt cut off from God in a pagan and

Ezer (ee'zuhr), the English translation of two OT words. As a translation of the Hebrew word 'etser ("treasure") it is the name of a son of Seir and chieftain of the Horites, ancient inhabitants of Edom (Gen. 36:21). As a translation of the Hebrew word 'ezer ("help") it names the following: 1 A descendant of Judah in the clan of Hur (1 Chron. 4:4). 2 A Manassehite, the son of Ephraim; he was killed with his brother Elead in a raid against Philistine livestock at Gath (1 Chron. 7:21). 3 A Gadite who joined David's fighting men at Ziklag (1 Chron. 12:9). 4 The son of Jeshua; he helped rebuild the walls of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. 3:19). 5 A priest who took part in the dedication of the rebuilt walls in postexilic Jerusalem (Neh. 12:42); he is possibly the same as 4. See also Horites. D.R.B.

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Ezion-geber (ee'zee-uhn-gay'buhr), a town in Edom on the Gulf of Aqabah. It is listed in Num. 33:35-36 as a stopping place during the Exodus. Solomon "built a fleet of ships at Eziongeber" and sent them on profitable journeys to southern Arabia and East Africa (1 Kings 9:26-28; 10:11; 2 Chron. 8:17; 9:10-11). After Solomon's death (ca. 976 B.C.) the region reverted to Edomite control. It was reconquered by Jehoshaphat of Judah, who also built a fleet of ships that were, however, "wrecked at Eziongeber" (1 Kings 22:48; 2 Chron. 20:36). They may have been destroyed by the Edomites, or quite probably by a tempest, for although the average rainfall is only 2 inches (50 mm.), savage winter storms can bring floods from the Edomite mountains and, along the Arabah, howling gales stirring the sea to fury. The exact site of Ezion-geber is far from certain. Some authorities equate it with Elath (although Deut. 2:8; 1 Kings 9:26 [RSV: "Eloth"]; and 2 Chron. 8:17 [RSV: "Eloth"] speak of two separate places, suggesting that Ezion-geber was the Israelite name and Elath the Edomite), and identify the site with the oasis of Aqabah at the northeast corner of the gulf, an area with a good water supply and easy access to the Edomite plateau via the Wadi Ytem. Unquestionably, this is the obvious place for settlement, but there is, unfortunately, absolutely no evidence of Iron Age (1200-334 B.C.) occupation in this area, although it is possible that all vestiges of a settlement could have been washed away by flash floods. Those who believe that there were two distinct settlements usually place Elath at Aqabah and Ezion-geber at modern Tell el-Kheleifeh, which is located almost in the center of the northern tip of the gulf and 550 yards (457 m.) from the shore. This site was excavated by the American archaeologist Nelson Glueck between 1938 and 1940 and revealed five periods of occupation. The earliest structure, probably erected in the reign of Solomon, was a small well-built mudbrick building with a courtyard and massive southern gate. Glueck first equated this with Solomon's copper refinery, but the modern archaeologist B. Rothenburg has shown that the nearby copper mines are in fact some centuries earlier, and he suggests that the building was a Solomonic fort or caravanserai. Since the site is completely exposed to the occasional furious winter storms, it can hardly have served as an important anchorage for shipping; a military outpost to guard the south end of the Arabah seems far more probable. The second period had a much stronger building, with double mudbrick wall and massive four-chambered gate, probably belonging to the reign of Jehoshaphat. The last biblical mention of Ezion-geber occurs in connection with Jehoshaphat's rule (1 Kings 22:48), but Elath was recaptured for Judah either by Amaziah (2 Kings 14:22) or more probably by Uzziah (2

Chron. 26:2, RSV: "Eloth"), whose son Jotham appears to be mentioned on a seal found in the third period of Tell el-Kheleifeh. In about 733 B.C. Elath fell to the Edomites (2 Kings 16:6), who evidently rebuilt Tell el-Kheleifeh, for some Edomite jar handles have been found at the fourth level. The fifth and final occupation was sometime in the sixth century B.C. during the Babylonian and early Persian empires, but the site was abandoned in the early fifth century B.C.. See also Amaziah; Edom; Jehoshaphat; Solomon. D.B. Ezra (ez'ruh; Heb., "help"), an OT book and the person to whom it is ascribed. The Book of Ezra: What the English translations divide into the two books of Ezra and Nehemiah is traditionally only one book in the Hebrew Bible. Most of the book of Ezra in the English translations is also found as part of 1 Esdras in the Apocrypha. The first part of Ezra (chaps. 1-6) concerns the restoration of the Jewish community after the Exile and the second part (chaps. 7-10) the account of Ezra's mission (continued in Neh. 8-9). Chaps. 1-6 provide several different elements mainly concerned with the early years of the restoration of Israel under Darius and Cyrus (late sixth century B.C.). Chap. 1 relates a decree authorizing the rebuilding of the Temple and the handing of the sacred Temple vessels to Sheshbazzar. 2:1-3:1 interrupts the narrative with a list, found also in Nehemiah 7, said to be of those who returned to Judah; the list is composite and clearly includes material belonging to quite different stages. It ends in a narrative fragment that in its present form provides a lead-in to chap. 3 (2:70-3:1). 3:2-13 relates the restoring of the altar (vv. 2-7) and Temple (vv. 8-13), both attributed to Zerubbabel and Jeshua. The sequel appears to be in 4:1-4, which relates an attempt by "adversaries" to collaborate in the building of the Temple, a collaboration rejected by the leaders of the returned exiles. As a result, further building was prevented by the "people of the land" (4:4, local inhabitants). More probably the real sequel is in the Passover ceremony of 6:19-22. The intervening material is almost entirely in Aramaic, though the first two verses, 4:6-7 (in Hebrew), report two further initiatives against the returned exiles, addressed to Xerxes and Artaxerxes. 4:8-23 has a fuller account of opposition, particularly associated with the authorities in Samaria—there is no hint here of religious opposition—and concerned with the rebuilding of the city, not the Temple. 4:24 provides a link to 5:1-6:18, where another account of the Temple is given, in which the main activity is attributed to the elders supported by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah. An inquiry to Darius brings renewed authority to rebuild the Temple, work that is described as having continued without interruption from the days of Cyrus. It is clear that the various elements in

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these chapters do not provide a fully harmonized account of the restoration; distinct elements stand side by side, with some linkages between the various themes. For the relation between Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah, see Chronicles, The First and Second Book of the. The Man Ezra: The story of Ezra, priest and scribe (secretary), appears in Ezra 7-10 and Nehemiah 8-9. The setting is the time of Artaxerxes (7:1), but it is not clear which king of this name is intended. As the narratives now stand, the activities of Ezra and Nehemiah overlap, but there is no real contact between them and it is most often believed that they worked entirely separately. This had led to the proposal that Ezra should be placed later than Nehemiah, Nehemiah in the reign of Artaxerxes I and Ezra in that of Artaxerxes II, but there is no certainty here. If Ezra was active under Artaxerxes I the date of his journey to Jerusalem will have been 458 B.C.; if under Artaxerxes II, 398 B.C. A number of scholars, influenced by these uncertainties and the strange lack of reference to Ezra in other sources (e.g., the list of "famous men" in Ecclus. 44-50), have questioned his very existence, but this may be excessively skeptical. There is, however, genuine doubt whether his mission should be regarded as mainly politi-

cal—as a trusted servant of the Persian king sent to maintain order in a distant province—or mainly religious—as the instrument through whom the law of Moses was made available to the Jerusalem community. In the biblical tradition Ezra 7 describes his commissioning and sets out (in Aramaic, 7:11-26) his authority to impose the law within the Persian province "Beyond the River." Ezra 8 provides a list of those who went with him and gives an account of the journey. Ezra 9-10 deals with the problems created by marriages with women of foreign origin, and the action taken by Ezra to eliminate this religious danger. It incorporates a poetic prayer in 9:6-15. 7:27-9:15 is a first-person narrative, while the remainder of the Ezra material is in the third person. The story continues in Nehemiah 8, though this passage, dealing with the proclaiming and acceptance of the law, would more logically precede the material of Ezra 9-10. Nehemiah 9 has a short opening narrative (vv. 1-6), which appears to be a duplicate or summary of what precedes, followed by a long psalm-prayer that the Greek translators of the Septuagint (so too RSV) attribute to Ezra. Ezra is also mentioned in Neh. 12:26, 36, probably as a harmonizing addition to the Nehemiah narrative. The name appears also in lists in Neh. 12:13, 33. In 12:1, 13 he is named as a priestly leader. Ezra occupies a prominent place in later Jewish tradition, particularly in connection with the writing of the Scriptures; this tradition is evident in 2 Esdras (4 Ezra) 14, where he has become a prophet (2 Esd. 1:1) and is described as dictating the whole ninety-four books, to replace what had been lost in the Exile. Of these, twenty-four are canonical books, to be made public; the remaining seventy, presumably works like 2 Esdras itself, were to be kept secret for the "wise." Ezra thus becomes the preserver of the religious tradition from its earlier stages through to the forerunners of the great rabbis, and thus occupies a place in some respects similar to that of Moses. A markedly hostile view of Ezra is to be found in Samaritan tradition, which reflects the views of those who opposed the returned exiles and their attempt to assume the religious leadership of Palestine. See also Artaxerxes; Law; Nehemiah, The Book of. Bibliography Clines, D. J. A. Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1984. Williamson, H. G. M. Ezra, Nehemiah. Waco, TX: Word Books, 1985. . Ezra and Nehemiah. Sheffield: AcadeR.C. mic Press, 1987.

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The Book of Ezra I. Restoration of the community (1:1-6:22) A. Decree authorizing rebuilding (1:1-11) B. List of returnees (2:1-70) C. Restoration (3:1-13) 1. Altar (3:1-7) 2. Temple (3:8-13) D. Opposition to restoration (4:1-24) E. Restoration completed (5:1-6:22) 1. Temple completed (5:1-6:18) a. Work begun (5:1-2) b. Official reports (5:3-6:12) c. Work completed (6:13-18) 2. Completion celebrated (6:19-22) II. Ezra's mission (7:1-10:44) A. Ezra introduced (7:1-10) B. Ezra's commission (7:11-26) C. Ezra's departure (8:1-36) 1. Preparations (8:1-30) 2. Departure (8:31-36) D. The purity of God's people (9:1-10:44) 1. Mixed marriages: problem (9:1-2) 2. Mixed marriages: reaction (9:3-10:6) 3. Mixed marriages: action (10:7-19) 4. Mixed marriages: result (10:20-44)

Opposite: Fisherman with basket offish;decorated pottery oil lamp, first century A.D. 324

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fable, a short fictitious story that usually uses animals, plants, or inanimate objects as characters to teach a moral lesson. There are two clear examples of this form in the Bible: Jotham's fable of the thorn tree (Abimelech) that was chosen king instead of more worthy trees (Jerubbaal's sons; Judg. 9:7-15) and Jehoash's fable of the thorn bush (Amaziah) that arrogantly challenged the cedar of Lebanon (Jehoash) and was trampled (2 Kings 14:9: 1 Chron. 25:18). In some older English translations (e.g., KJV) "fables" (Gk. mythos) refer to false teachings that were being urged upon the early church (1 Tim. 1:4; 2 Tim. 4:4; 2 Pet. 1:16). Most newer translations use the word "myths." D.R.B.

Faith in the OT: It is important to recognize the context in which the concept of faith functions in the OT. God stands at the center; it is his initiative and faithfulness as described by the OT writers in creation, in the Exodus event, in the covenant and the subsequent history of Israel that allow his people to respond to his fidelity. Since God's promises are intended for his people, the emphasis of faith is not focused primarily on the individual, but on the relationship of the people of Israel to God. However, in the Psalms, and to a limited extent in DeuteroIsaiah (i.e., Isa. 40-55) and elsewhere, the individual expression of faith is given attention. The prophets intensify the covenant dimension of faith and in Isaiah the imagery of faith is given a new and creative impulse. Throughout the OT the focus of faith is exclusively on the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob: "And Israel saw the great work which the Lord did against the Egyptians, and the people feared the Lord; and they believed in the Lord and in his servant Moses" (Exod. 14:31). God's mighty acts allow and call for trust and belief in him. The Hebrew verb means, for the most part, "to be true"; lying behind this is the root meaning "solid," "firm." This sense of "to be true" is intensified in the passive (Niphal) form of the verb so that one can speak of a person as "trustworthy" or "reliable." The causative (Hiphil) form of the verb suggests the acceptance of someone as trustworthy or dependable. Thus, one accepts God as trustworthy and believes his word (Deut. 9:23) and his promises, as is the case with Abraham in Gen. 15:1-6: "And he believed the Lord; and he reckoned it to him as righteousness." It has been argued that it is the use of the verb in the causative form that encompasses the most personal relationship of faith between God and the believer. The primary nouns derived from the verb "to trust" {'aman) are "firmness, stability" {'emunah; Isa. 33:6: "and he will be the stability of your times . . . ") and "truthfulness, fidelity, faithfulness" {'emet; Ps. 71:22: "I will also praise thee with the harp for thy faithfulness, O my God"). Throughout the OT stability results in security and together they are signs of God's fidelity to his people. Another term used in this connection refers to Yahweh's loving-kindness in a covenant context {hesed: Ps. 33:18: "Behold, the eye of the Lord is on those who fear him, on those who hope in his steadfast love"). God chose Israel (Deut. 7:6-7: "the Lord your God has chosen you to be a people for his own possession . . . ") and his loving-kindness is demonstrated by the many blessings they have received. This covenant relationship presupposes a mutuality of obligation (Deut. 7:9: "Know therefore that the Lord your God is God, the faithful God who keeps covenant and steadfast love with those who love him and keep his commandments . . . " ) ; Israel's response of faith is possible only because of God's prior and continued faithfulness. Out of this mutuality

F a i r Havens (fair' hay'vinz), a bay on the south-central coast of Crete, where Paul's ship put in on his journey to Rome (Acts 27:8); it is still known by the same name in Greek. The nearby town of Lasea flourished in Roman times. The bay itself is protected by some small islands, the second largest of which is today known as St. Paul's Island. Weighing anchor here in the fall, Paul's ship, against his advice, made a run for the safer harbor of Phoenix to the west but was driven off course by a sudden northeast wind, the Euraquilo (KJV: "Euroclydon"; RSV: "northeaster"; Acts 27:9-15). See also Crete; Euroclydon; Paul; Phoenix. C.H.M. faith, in the Bible trust in, or reliance on, God who is himself trustworthy. The NT and the Greek OT express the understanding of faith primarily with two terms {pistis, pisteuein), which are related to the primary OT verb "to be true" or "be trustworthy" {'aman). The OT concept is considerably broader than this term and its cognates, yet 'aman remains the most profound expression to describe faith in the OT.

God ordering Noah to build the ark (Gen. 6:14-22) exemplifies the exclusive demand of obedience of the covenant relationship; ninth-century ivory plaque, Italy.

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of obligation the paradoxical relationship between faith and fear in the OT (Exod. 14:31 above) becomes more intelligible. The covenant relationship between God and his people results in an exclusive demand (Exod. 20:3; Deut. 6:5; 18:13; 1 Kings 8:61; Isa. 38:3) of obedience (Noah in Gen. 6:9, 22; 7:5; Abraham in Gen. 22:1-18; Joshua in 1:7-8; 24:22-31; Samuel in 1 Sam. 15:17-33) in which idols must be totally rejected (Isa. 42:17). In fact, the opposite of faithfulness is apostasy, as, for example, in Deut. 32:20, in which the phrase "children in whom is no faithfulness" is synonymous with idolatry. Since the faith of Israel is always reflective of God's fidelity and loving-kindness, it must be expressed not only in obedience but also in praise (Pss. 5:11; 9:10; 13:5; 18:1-3; 22:1-5; 27:14; 62:1, 5-8; 141:8). The prophets deepen the meaning of faith in several ways. For Isaiah (7:1-9) security does not rest in political power but in utter trust in God; in fact, the totality of life must be based on such trust in him (Isa. 7:9: "If you will not believe, surely you shall not be established"). This point is also stressed in Isa. 28:16, a verse of importance for the NT: "Therefore thus says the Lord God, 'Behold, I am laying in Zion for a foundation a stone, a tested stone, a precious cornerstone, of a sure foundation: "He who believes will not be in haste." ' " Deutero-Isaiah broadens the concept of faith in the direction of hope and knowledge. Typical of the former is Isa. 40:31: "But they who wait for the Lord shall renew their strength, they shall mount up with wings like eagles, they shall run and not be weary, they shall walk and not faint." Faced with difficult predicaments, the energy of faith results not in despair, but in hope. The broadening of faith in the direction of knowledge is particularly evident in Isa. 43:10: "You are my witnesses," says the Lord, "and my servant whom I have chosen, that you may know and believe and understand that I am He." Knowledge is not used here in a speculative sense; the reference is to the knowledge of God's fidelity and loving-kindness experienced in history. Faith in the NT: For the NT understanding of faith, Hab. 2:4 is an important reference: "Behold, he whose soul is not upright in him shall fail, but the righteous shall live by his faithfulness." Here the characteristic meaning of trust {'emunah) is well summarized: fidelity to God as the sign of the righteous person. Gcd alone can be the object of trust and faithfulness because he "is my rock, and my fortress, and my deliverer, my God, my rock, in whom I take refuge, my shield, and the horn of my salvation, my stronghold" (Ps. 18:2). In the NT the noun and verb denoting faith [pistis/pisteuein) appear frequently. In the synoptic Gospels, they are used least frequently, and among them it is used with least precision in the Gospel of Mark. Faith for Mark can have as its object God (Mark 11:22: "And Jesus an-

swered them, 'Have faith in God'") or faith in Jesus as the manifestation of God's power (Mark 5:36; 9:23-24). Closely related to this last usage are the direct references of Jesus to the faith of his audience (Mark 2:5: "And when Jesus saw their faith, he said to the paralytic, 'My son, your sins are forgiven'"; Mark 5:34: "And he said to her, 'Daughter, your faith has made you well; go in peace, and be healed of your disease'"; Mark 10:52: "And Jesus said to him [the blind man], 'Go your way; your faith has made you well'"). Finally, Mark can have the gospel, in a way not dissimilar to Paul, as the object of faith (Mark 1:15: "Jesus came . . . saying, 'The time is fulfilled, and the kingdom of God is at hand; repent, and believe in the gospel'"). Lack of faith can be referred to in a similar way (Mark 4:40: "He [Jesus] said to them, 'Why are you afraid? Have you no faith?'"). In the Gospel of Luke faith is often used in the most general sense of faithfulness (Luke 16:10-12; see also 1:20, 45: "And blessed is she who believed that there would be a fulfillment of what was spoken to her from the Lord"). In addition, faith is used with the verb "to save" (7:50: "And he said to the woman, 'Your faith has saved you; go in peace'"; 8:12: "believe and be saved"). The Gospel of Matthew further intensifies the theme of faith. At the conclusion of the story about the healing of the centurion's slave, Matthew adds the words: "And to the centurion Jesus said, 'Go; be it done for you as you have believed'" (Matt. 8:13). Similarly, Matthew modifies the Marcan and Lucan account of the healing of two blind men by inserting the question from Jesus: 'Do you believe that I am able to do this?' They said to him, 'Yes, Lord'" (Matt. 9:28). Other Matthean passages also emphasize faith. In the account of the Canaanite woman Matthew alters the Marcan account precisely for this purpose: "Then Jesus answered her, 'O woman, great is your faith! Be it done for you as you desire.' And her daughter was healed instantly" (Matt. 15:28). Similarly, in an encounter with the chief priests and the elders Matthew elevates the issue of faith: "Jesus said to them, 'Truly, I say to you, the tax collectors and the harlots go into the kingdom of God before you. For John came to you in the way of righteousness, and you did not believe him, but the tax collectors and the harlots believed him; and even when you saw it, you did not afterward repent and believe him'" (Matt. 21:31b-32; cf. Luke 7:29-30). In a polemical passage dealing with scribes and Pharisees Matthew accuses them of neglecting the weightier matters of "the law, justice and mercy and faith" (Matt. 23:23; Luke 11:42 does not contain the reference to faith). In the passage dealing with the false christs and false prophets Matthew twice uses the verb "to believe" while Luke does not (Matt. 24:23-25; Luke 17:23-24). This same pattern can be found in Matt. 17:19-20 and in Matt. 21:21. The former is an account of the boy possessed by a spirit who was healed by Jesus. Of the three

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evangelists, only Matthew adds this statement of Jesus by way of response to the disciples' question, "Why could we not cast it out?": "Because of your little faith." In Matt. 21:21 there is a clear intensification over against Mark 11:22. In Mark Jesus answers, "Have faith in God"; in Matthew Jesus answers, "Truly, I say to you, if you have faith and never d o u b t . . . " Paul's Concept of Faith: In the apostle Paul one finds the broadest and profoundest articulation of the concept of faith in early Christianity. Faith has as its object God (1 Thess. 1:8), specifically God's salvific manifestation through the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ (1 Thess. 4:14). This act of God in Christ is preached (Rom. 10:17: "So faith comes from what is heard, and what is heard comes by the preaching of Christ") and is received by faith (Rom. 3:25), a faith that rests "in the power of God" (1 Cor. 2:5). Those who have received the good news of God's act in Christ, namely, the gospel, are called "believers" (1 Thess. 1:7). There is only one gospel (1 Cor. 15:11) and its goal is salvation (1 Cor. 1:21). For Paul the concept of faith is a dynamic one. Thus, he can refer to the "activity of faith" (1 Thess. 1:23), an activity that manifests itself in love (Gal. 5:6: "faith working through love"). Faith involves "progress" (Phil. 1:25); it is not something static, captured once for all, but involves striving (Phil. 1:27: "with one mind striving side by side for the faith of the gospel . . . ") and it increases (2 Cor. 10:15) and it is an energy at work in believers (1 Thess. 2:13). Since faith is not a static possession, Paul urges that faith be established (1 Thess. 3:2) and made firm (1 Cor. 16:13; 2 Cor. 1:24), for it is possible not only to have deficiencies in faith (1 Thess. 3:10; Rom. 14:1) but also to believe in vain (1 Cor. 15:2; Rom. 11:20). Essential for Paul's understanding of faith is the conviction that God assigns to each the measure of faith he wishes (Rom. 12:3, 6; 1 Cor. 12:9). Yet no matter what that measure of faith is, the obedience of faith is expected from all (Rom. 1:5; 16:16). Paul on several occasions uses the triadic formulation "faith, love and hope" (1 Thess. 1:3; 5:8; 1 Cor. 13:13). On the one hand, as noted above, faith must be active in love; without love faith is empty. On the other hand, faith must be grounded in hope so that it recognizes that the first-fruits of God's promises manifested in the death and resurrection of Christ will be fulfilled on the last day (Gal. 5:5; Rom. 6:8; Rom. 15:13: "May the God of hope fill you with all joy and peace in believing, so that by the power of the Holy Spirit you may abound in hope". The specific hope of faith is rooted in the resurrection of Christ as an anticipation of the fulfillment of the last day (1 Cor. 15:14, 17; 2 Cor. 4:14: "knowing that he who raised the Lord Jesus will raise us also with Jesus and bring us with you into his presence"). Yet this faith that is received in baptism (Gal. 3:27-28) and allows one entrance into the body of Christ, the church, is a

faith that has as its model the suffering and death of Jesus and so during this earthly sojourn faith may well be called to a cruciform existence (Rom. 8:18; Phil. 1:29: "For it has been granted to you that for the sake of Christ you should not only believe in him but also suffer for his sake . . . "). Further, this new act of God in Christ received by faith involves not only new existence for the believer but for the world itself (Rom. 8:18-25). Particularly in Galatians and Romans Paul links his concept of faith to terms like the righteousness of God and justification and to a negative attitude toward the works of the law. This development of his thought is brought about, on the one hand, by his conflict with certain Judaizers, and, on the other hand, his reflections of the relation of Jews and Gentiles. Thus, in Gal. 2:16 he can write that "a man is not justified by works of the law but through faith in Jesus Christ..." and in Rom. 10:4 that "Christ is the end of the law, that every one who has faith may be justified." These points are articulated at length with much use of the OT, including Gen. 15:6, in such chapters as Galatians 3 and Romans 4. For Paul the villain is not the law, but sin, which renders its usefulness ineffective. Thus the basic dilemma of the human situation is captivity to sin (Rom. 3:9-18). Christ has come to free humanity from this captivity; whether Jew or Greek, all have sinned and all can come to God in Christ only through faith (Rom. 3:21). Thus Paul can ask rhetorically: "Wretched man that I am! Who will deliver me from this body of death? Thanks be to God through Jesus Christ our Lord!" (Rom. 7:24-25a). The same dynamic of faith is evident when Paul links faith with righteousness/justification language, as, for example, in Rom. 1:16-17: "For I am not ashamed of the gospel: it is the power of God for salvation to every one who has faith, to the Jew first and also to the Greek. For in it the righteousness of God is revealed through faith for faith; as it is written, 'He who through faith is righteous shall live.'" The righteousness of God, which faith receives as God's gift, is viewed as part of a much broader historical and eschatological context. It is for Paul God's sovereignty over the world that reveals itself eschatologically in Jesus. When Paul speaks of the "gift of righteousness" in Rom. 5:17 he is referring to a gift that is both present and future, already received and still expected. It is a gift that recognizes God's sovereign power and the fact that the believer is placed under that power in obedient service. For the person who is justified, who has received the gift in faith, salvation is not yet completed in the present; it has still to be consummated and fulfilled on the last day. Only as Christians wait and hope are they saved (Rom. 8:23-25; Gal. 5:5). It is precisely for this reason that the apostle is so careful in his language about present and future as, for example, in Rom. 6:8 ("But if we have died with Christ,

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we believe that we shall also live with him") and Rom. 5:9 ("Since, therefore, we are now justified by his blood, much more shall we be saved by him from the wrath of God"). This process of the Christian life is similarly emphasized in Philippians (2:12-13; 3:9-14). While the Christian life is for Paul a single process, he does stress three different nuances of the process: justification, an initiating event that is actualized and made concrete through sanctification; sanctification, a present process, dependent upon justification, that has future implications, namely, consummated salvation; and salvation, a gift to be consummated in the future, already anticipated and partially experienced in justification and sanctification and definitely dependent upon them. Other NT Writings: Other NT writings that stress the concept of faith include the Gospel of John, where only the verb form is found. The author describes his Gospel as intended to produce faith: "Now Jesus did many other signs in the presence of the disciples, which are not written in this book, but these are written that you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and that believing you may have life in his name" (John 20:30-31). This Evangelist's view of faith is very much linked to the contingency of his situation, especially his dialogue and polemic with Judaism, many of whom do not believe (9:18) and reject faith in Jesus (5:38) despite the signs performed (4:48) and the testimony of Scripture, Abraham, and Moses. The view of faith found in the Fourth Gospel is also closely linked to its understanding of Christology, namely, Jesus as the one sent by the Father as his revealer (John 6:29: "Jesus answered them, 'This is the work of God, that you believe in him whom he has sent'"). The Acts of the Apostles is also a rich witness to the NT concept of faith. Here the term "believer" is used with frequency (e.g., Acts 2:44) and the object of belief is the preaching of the apostles (Acts 4:1-4). In James 2:14-20, the view of faith that insists that faith without works is useless is most likely not a criticism of Paul, but of those who have lost sight of the Pauline relationship between the activity of faith and its expression in and through love. The oft-quoted verse from Hebrews, "Now faith is the assurance of things hoped for, the conviction of things not seen" (11:1), has no specific Christian emphasis as it stands; the entire chapter serves as a model for the purposes of exhortation and reaches its culmination and Christian interpretation in chapter 12: "Therefore . . . let us run with perserverance the race that is set before us, looking to Jesus the pioneer and perfecter of our faith, who for the joy that was set before him endured the cross . . . " (12:1-2). This reference to Jesus as "the pioneer and perfecter" of faith expresses concisely the dynamic conception of faith found in much of the NT. See also Hope; Love; Righteousness. K.P.D.

Fall, the, the original disobedience of Adam and Eve and the results of this disobedience, as depicted in Genesis 3. There are two different accounts of creation in Genesis 1-3. The second, found in 2:4b—3:24, is the older of the two and is considered part of an ancient history of Israel known as the Yahwistic history (dating from perhaps as far back as 950 B.C.). This history, designated "J," was one of the various collections of traditions later combined and edited to form the Torah or Pentateuch. The J creation story depicts God forming a male human being, placing him in a garden, and eventually creating a suitable mate for him. The subsequent disobedience of this human pair and their expulsion from the garden is usually designated as "the Fall." According to the story, the serpent {not Satan or the devil, as assumed by later interpreters) deceived the*woman into eating the fruit of the forbidden tree, that is, the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil, and she, in turn, gave the fruit to the man. The meaning of "knowing good and evil" may indicate the ability to make moral judgments, as some interpret it, but it more likely carries the connotation of "knowing everything." The central idea, however, is that human sin is rooted in the desire to "be like God," to usurp God's rightful place as Creator, and for humans to have life revolve around themselves and their own desires. Because of the Fall, the positive relationship the humans had with God was broken, and all evil and tragedy in the created order were explained as a result of this rebellion and disobedience. The Fall resulted in humanity being trapped in its sinful state, which issued in death, not simply (or primarily) physical death but rather spiritual separation from God. The doctrine of the Fall is never worked out in any systematic manner in the OT, but, in the NT, Paul alludes to the story, setting up a parallel between "the first Adam" and Christ as "the

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Serpent around the forbidden tree, Eve with hand outstretched, and Adam beside her; fifteenth-century relief, Italy.

FAMILIAR SPIRIT

FAMILY, THE

last Adam" (Rom. 5 : 1 2 - 2 1 ; 1 Cor. 1 5 : 2 1 - 2 2 , 45-49). In later Christian theology, the doctrine of the Fall is developed in great detail. See also Adam; Atonement; Creation; Death; Devil; Eden; Eve; J; Redemption; Salvation; Satan; Serpent; Sin; Sources of the Pentateuch. J.M.E.

sometimes lived together in adjoining houses, although this does not seem to have been common, and occasionally worked at the same trade or profession (1 Chron. 4:14, 2 1 , 23). The extended family acted as a corporate entity and was granted certain legal rights in order to maintain its solidarity. When one of its nuclear families was forced to sell property, the extended family had the right to redeem the property in order to keep it from leaving the family (Lev. 25:25; Jer. 32:6-15). Individuals threatened with being sold into slavery could be redeemed by a member of their extended family, and, at least in the early period, the family was allowed to avenge a wrong done to one of its members (Lev. 25:47-49). Power in the extended family was exercised by the ancestor from whom all of its constituent nuclear families were descended. If this individual was not living, then questions of authority were negotiated among the heads of the nuclear families. Clan and Tribe: Several extended families were sometimes linked together to form a clan. In this case they traced their genealogies to a single ancestor, although at the level of the clan factors other than genuine consanguinity often played a role in establishing group unity. Clan members usually lived in the same geographical area and sometimes made up an entire village (Judg. 18:11-13). Clans may have helped to protect their members against outside attack but otherwise seem to have had few social functions. The family metaphor was extended beyond the clan to include the tribe and the nation of Israel itself, so that the whole people could be seen as one enormous family represented by a complex segmented or branched genealogy (Gen. 46:8-27; Num. 26:5-62; 1 Chron. 1-9). Because of the large numbers of people involved in these groups, it is difficult to know how effectively they functioned as social units. Although some of the power of the tribes and clans was taken away by the monarchy, the nuclear and extended families seem to have survived intact throughout Israel's history. After the Exile caused many changes in Israel's structure, the family played an even greater role in maintaining the people's stability. In the NT: NT views of the family are somewhat different from those found in the OT. On the one hand, some of Jesus' sayings subordinate family loyalty to loyalty to the gospel (Matt. 10:34-39; 12:46-50; Mark 3:31-35; Luke 12:49-53). On the other hand, Jesus quoted approvingly the command to honor parents and thus supported the traditional Jewish family structure (Matt. 19:16-22; Luke 18:18-30). In the early church support of one's family was seen as a virtue (1 Tim. 5:8), but the traditional view of family was transformed by seeing the Christian community as a new family (Gal. 6:10; Eph. 2:19). See also Genealogy; Sociology of the Old Testament. R.R.W.

familiar spirit. See Magic and Divination. family, the (Heb. bayit, "house"; bet 'ab, "father's house"; mishpahah, "clan"), the basic social unit in Israel during the biblical period. The Nuclear Family: The smallest family unit was the nuclear family (the "house"), which usually occupied its own dwelling. The nuclear family normally consisted of parents and their unmarried children, although occasionally nonkin such as slaves or long-term visitors also shared the family's living quarters. Archaeological evidence suggests that no more than six or seven people occupied the average house on a regular basis. Within the nuclear family children were socialized by being taught the customs and lore of their people (Prov. 1:8; 6:20), including the story of God's dealings with Israel (Exod. 10:2; 12:26; 13:8; Deut. 4:9; 6:7, 20-25; 32:7, 46). Well into the monarchical period (ca. 1020-586 B.C.) each nuclear family was also a self-sustaining economic unit. Agricultural products grown by the family were stored in the house, and any animals that the family might own were quartered there. Living arrangements may have been different in the period before Israel's settlement in Canaan (thirteenth-twelfth centuries B.C.), but there is little firm evidence on this point. Most of the authority in the nuclear family belonged to the father, who exercised legal control over his children and wife, although his power was not absolute (Exod. 2 1 : 7 - 1 1 ; Deut. 21:15-21). Children were expected to honor and obey their parents, and failure to do so was considered a serious matter (Exod. 20:12; 21:15, 17; Lev. 20:9; Deut. 27:16; Prov. 30:17). The integrity of the family was further protected by harsh laws against adultery and incest (Exod. 20:14; Lev. 18:20; 20:10-21; Deut. 5:18; 22:22). However, families could be dissolved through divorce (Deut. 24:1-4). Children remained under their father's control until they were married, when they left home to start a new family unit. Marriages were carefully regulated (Lev. 18). In early Israel polygyny was common (Gen. 4:19; 16:1-2; 22:20-24; 2 5 : 1 , 6; 29:15-30), although by monarchical times this practice was limited primarily to the royal family. Even after marriage children were expected to honor their parents and were exhorted to care for them in their old age (Prov. 23:22). The Extended Family: The extended family (the "father's house") was composed of two or more nuclear families that claimed descent from the same ancestor. Members of the extended family

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FARMING

famine, a prolonged scarcity of food, accompanied by extreme hunger. It is listed as one of God's "four sore acts of judgment" along with the sword (war), evil beasts, and pestilence (Ezek. 14:21). It is also a divine judgment in Jeremiah, along with the sword (fourteen times), and with the sword and pestilence (fifteen times). In Deuteronomy 28, hunger (v. 48) is one of the many curses God will send for disobedience. Perhaps the most widely-known famine in the Bible is the one predicted by Joseph in his interpretation of Pharaoh's dream (Gen. 41). It, too, was sent by God (v. 25). Other periods of severe famine are recorded during the days of Abraham (Gen. 12:10), Isaac (Gen. 26:1), Elisha (1 Kings 7; 8:16), and Zedekiah after the siege of Jerusalem (2 Kings 25:3; cf. Lam. 5:10). Philistia was threatened with famine in an oracle from Isaiah (Isa. 14:30). Famine may lead to disease (Jer. 14:18) and, most gruesome of all, cannibalism of one's own offspring (Deut. 28:47-57). Other attendant judgments may be captivity (Jer. 15:2), exile (Ezek. 5:12), nakedness (Deut. 28:47), and earthquakes (Matt. 24:7). The prophet Amos speaks of a famine not of bread, nor of thirst for water, but "of hearing the words of the Lord" (Amos 8:11). The NT (Acts 11:27-30) refers to a worldwide famine at the time of the Roman emperor Claudius, prompting the church in the Roman world to send help to the Christians in Jerusalem at the hands of Barnabas and Saul (Paul). Paul also affirms that famine will not be able to separate believers from the love of God in Christ (Rom. 8:35-38). Famine is symbolized by the third horseman of the Apocalypse, who announces exorbitant prices for food and precedes the horseman named Death (Rev. 6:5-8). J.G.G. fan. See Winnowing Fork. Far cah, Tell el-. See Sharuhen; Tirzah. farming, the whole process of cultivating land and raising crops, from soil preparation to the storage and transport of crops to market. Archaeologists have discovered that farming has been practiced in Palestine for almost ten thousand years. If one includes the breeding of livestock, it is clear that agriculture has always been the basis of Palestine's economy. No human activity is as prevalent in the Bible as farming. Agricultural pursuits are mentioned in the opening pages of Genesis (2:15; 4:2; 9:20), and farming activities were important enough to be regulated by Mosaic law (e.g., Lev. 19:9; 25:3-5; Deut. 22:9-10). The orderly system used in working the land was attributed to God (Isa. 28:26), and Jesus used figures derived from farming to picture the coming of God's Kingdom (Mark 4:3-8, 26-29).

A farm near Jerusalem, dating to ancient times, is still under cultivation.

The most important crops were wheat, grapes, and olives (Ps. 104:15; Joel 2:19); other crops included barley, flax, lentils, chick-peas, cucumbers, onions, melons, dates, figs, and spices. Because of variations in soil productivity, temperature, and rainfall, certain areas of the country were better suited than others for specific crops, but a wide range of crops and trading and pastoral activities enabled farmers to provide for their families. Unlike their Egyptian and Mesopotamian counterparts, Palestinian farmers were not dependent upon irrigation to water crops; rainfall and dew usually sufficed (Deut. 11:10-11; 1 Kings 17:1). Naturally, ancient farmers contended with the elements, pests, and warfare, but the major enemy was drought (cf. Jer. 14:1-6). Farmers were occupied throughout the year with animal husbandry, and heavy field work never ended. Land was marked off with boundary stones (Prov. 22:28); ground was cleared of rocks and thorns (Isa. 5:2); fields, vineyards, and orchards were hedged and walled (Isa. 5:5; cf. Mark 12:1); and hillsides were terraced. Most farming activities, however, were controlled by the seasons. Plowing for winter crops did not begin until after the "early" or "former" rains of autumn (Prov. 20:4); only then could lightweight plows scratch the surface of sun-baked fields. Once the plowman and his team of draft animals had broken the soil, clods were pulverized and the surface flattened with hoes or harrows (Isa. 28:24-25). Sowing, which was usually accomplished by broadcasting seed, could precede or follow

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FATHER

plowing. Fields or individual plants were fertilized with dung (Jer. 9:22; Luke 13:8), and the rain and sun brought different crops to maturity at different times. Following the winter rains and the "latter" rains of March-April, barley was ready to be harvested in April and May, and wheat matured three or four weeks later. Grain was pulled up by the roots or cut with flint-bladed or iron sickles (Deut. 16:9). The harvested sheaves were spread out on a threshing-floor (i.e., a rock outcropping or a hard-packed earthen surface), and the stalk, chaff, and grain were cut apart by animal hooves (Deut. 25:4), flails (Ruth 2:17), or threshing sledges (Isa. 41:15). Grain was separated from the chaff by winnowing (Isa. 41:16), and the kernels were sifted to remove bits of straw (Luke 22:31). After a bumper crop, the threshing and winnowing process could last all summer. The finished product was bagged, hauled away for storage or sale, and the chaff was burned (Matt. 3:12). Meanwhile, summer crops had been planted after the winter rains; these plants were cultivated throughout the dry summer months. The harvesting of fruit, including olives and grapes, began in late summer and continued into fall. The Bible demonstrates that almost every aspect of agricultural work assumed a figurative meaning in the minds of ancient speakers and writers (e.g., Isa. 21:10; Amos 9:13; Mic. 4:12-13; Matt. 9:37-38; 13:3-32; Luke 9:62; 1 Cor. 9:9-11; Gal. 6:7; Rev. 14:14-20). See also Plow; Sowing; Winnowing. G.L.M.

he fasted at the outset of his ministry (Matt. 4:2). He does not, however, enjoin his disciples to fast as did John the Baptist (Mark 2:18-20). Later textual tradition adds "and fasting" to Jesus' assertion that certain kinds of demons could not be "driven out by anything but prayer" (Mark 9:29). In the early church fasting accompanied prayer prior to the consecration of teachers and elders (Acts 13:2-3; 14:23) and during times of severe trial (Acts 27:1-38). J.G.G.

farthing (fahr'filing). See Money. fasting, abstention from food. In the OT there are two kinds of fasting, public and private. Public fasts were periodically proclaimed (2 Chron. 20:3; Ezra 8:21-23; Neh. 1:4-11; Jer. 36:9). The fasts were always accompanied by prayer and supplication and frequently by wearing sackcloth as a sign of penance and mourning (Neh. 9:1; Dan. 9:3; 1 Mace. 3:47). In the tragic days surrounding the fall of Jerusalem, four fast days were proclaimed (Zech. 7:5; 8:19). "Humbling or afflicting oneself," synonymous with "fasting," is required on the Day of Atonement (Lev. 16:31-34). Public fasts ordinarily lasted a day, and offerings of various sorts were made (Lev. 16:1-5; Judg. 20:26; Jer. 14:11-12). The prophetic writings contain strong warnings against abusing the fasting rituals (Isa. 58:1-9; Jer. 14:11-12; Zech. 7:3-5; 8:18-19). The prophet Joel, however, unhesitatingly calls for a public fast and communal lamentation (Joel 1:8-2:17). Private fasts were observed as acts of penance (2 Sam. 12:15-23; 1 Kings 21:27; Ps. 69:1-15), when others became sick (Ps. 35:13-14), and when one was accused and scorned (Ps. 109:4-21). In the NT Jesus stresses that there should be joy in fasting (Matt. 6:16-18; cf. Zech. 8:19), and 332

fat (Heb. helev), greasy tissue of sacrificial animals burnt on the altar as an offering. Specifically, helev refers to the fat covering and surrounding the entrails and the fat on the kidneys (Lev. 3:3-4), but it also has a more general sense that includes the kidneys, liver appendage, and tail (of a sheep; Lev. 4:31; 7:3-^1). The fat of sacrificial animals must not be eaten (Lev. 7:23-25; cf. 3:17).The word is also used of human fat or fat in general (Judg. 3:22, 2 Sam. 1:22; Ps. 119:70) and can also be used to mean "best of" (Num. 18:12, 29-32; Pss. 81:16; 147:14). D.P.W. father, in the OT the immediate male progenitor, the head of a people or tribe (Gen. 19:37), the grandfather (32:9), or the founder of a town (1 Chron. 2:41-52) or a profession (Gen. 4:20, 21). The plural "fathers" refers to previous generations (Jer. 31:32; Ps. 22:4; Lam. 5:7). "Father" can be an appellation for advisors to the king or high governmental officials (Gen. 45:8; Isa. 22:21) or an honorary title given to prophets and priests (Judg. 17:10; 2 Kings 2:11; 6:21; 13:14). A father was permitted to arrange his daughter's marriage and receive her bride-price (Gen. 34:12; 1 Sam. 18:25), the fine of the seducer (Exod. 22:17; Deut. 22:19, 29), and the compensation of a gored child (Exod. 21:31). However, the patriarchal narratives indicate that it was the custom to ask the daughter if she agreed to a marriage (Gen. 24:57-58). The father also had the right to cancel his daughter's vows (Num. 30:4-6). Although the Torah forbade selling one's daughter into prostitution (Lev. 19:29), it did permit the selling of a daughter into servitude on the condition that she become the wife of her master or his son; if the condition was not met, she would be freed (Exod. 21:7-9). As in the ancient Near East, the father apparently could sell his sons into servitude for his debts (Isa. 50:1; cf. 2 Kings 4:1). But this practice was condemned by Nehemiah (Neh. 5:1-9). Deut. 24:16 decrees that children may not be punished for the sins of the parents (cf. 2 Kings 14:6) and vice versa, which was upheld by the prophets (Jer. 31:29-30; Ezek. 18:20). Whether or not Exod. 20:5-6 (Deut. 5:9-10) acknowledges such vicarious punishment by God is problematic; the text may refer to successive generations that continue to sin (but see Josh. 7:15, 2 4 - 2 5 ; 2 Sam. 21:6-9).

FEAR OF THE LORD

FEASTS, FESTIVALS, AND FASTS

The father was obligated to circumcise his sons (Gen. 17:12, 23; 21:4; Lev. 12:3), to redeem his firstborn son (Exod. 13:13), and to educate the children in the Torah (Exod. 13:8; Deut. 4:9; 6:7, 20-25; also Prov. 3:12; 4:1). The children were to revere and obey the father equally with the mother (Exod. 20:12; Lev. 19:3; Deut. 21:18, 20; cf. Exod. 21:15; Lev. 20:9). The father's love and blessing (Gen. 27:27-40; 49) is the basis for the image of God the Father of Israel (Exod. 4:22; Deut. 14:1; 32:6; Hos. 11:1; Jer. 3:4, 19; 31:9; Ps. 103:13) and David (2 Sam. 7:14; Pss. 2:7; 89:27-28). In the NT, "father" can refer to the male progenitor (e.g., Matt. 1:1-16; Mark 1:20; Acts 28:8), but in most instances it is used to refer to God. This Christian practice probably derives from the intimate term for father that Jesus used to address God (Heb. and Aram, abba; Mark 14:36; cf. Rom. 8:15; Gal. 4:6). "Father" is also the term for God Jesus used in the prayer he taught his followers (Luke 11:2). Rather than being derived from a human analogy, the term "Father" for God represents the ideal by whom every human father is to be judged (Eph. 3:14-15). See also Curse and Blessing; Family, The. J.U.

to be freed, and the land was to lie fallow (Lev. 25:8-17, 23-55). On the first day of each lunar month, a special series of sacrifices was to be made (Num. 28:11-15; cf. Ezek. 46:6-7). These new-moon festivals were days of feasting (1 Sam. 20:5, 18, 2 4 , 27) and apparently days of rest (Amos 8:5). Of the new-moon festivals, that in the seventh month (the Feast of Trumpets) was the most important (Lev. 23:23—25; Num. 29:1-6). Three festivals, called pilgrimage festivals, required the participation of Israelite males at the sanctuary (Exod. 23:14, 17; 34:23; Deut. 16:16-17): (a) the Passover and Feast of Unleavened Bread, which were celebrated from the sunset of the fourteenth to the twenty-first day of the first month (Exod. 12; 23:15; 34:18, 25; Lev. 23:5-8; Num. 9:1-14; 28:16-25; Deut. 16:1-8; Ezek. 45:21-24); (b) the Feast of Weeks, which occurred at the beginning of the wheat harvest seven weeks after the presentation of the barley omer (Exod. 23:16; 34:22; Lev. 2 3 : 1 5 - 2 1 ; Num. 28:26-31; Deut. 16:9-10); and (c) the Feast of Booths, which was celebrated on the fifteenth through the twenty-second days of the seventh month when the harvest and produce were gathered in (Exod. 23:16; 34:22; Lev. 23:33-36; Num. 28:12-39; Deut. 16:13-18; Ezek. 45:25). Beside the foregoing prescribed festivals, there are descriptions of other types of festivals and feasts in ancient Israel. Judg. 21:19-24 tells of a yearly festival in Shiloh. This may have been Shiloh's version of the Feast of Booths or it may have been a separate festival celebrating the new vintage. According to 1 Samuel 1 and 2, Elkanah and his family made yearly visits to the sanctuary at Shiloh to offer sacrifice and worship God. These visits may have been connected with the yearly festival mentioned in Judges 2 1 , but more probably they were separate family or clan celebrations in the sanctuary city (cf. 1 Sam. 20:5-6, 24-39). Public celebrations accompanied dedication or renovation of temples (1 Kings 8; 2 Chron. 29) and the coronation of kings (1 Kings 1:39^0; 2 Kings 11:12, 13, 20). Military victories were occasions of celebrations (1 Sam. 18:6-7; cf. 30:16). Families celebrated major events in the lives of their members such as the weaning of children (Gen. 21:8) or marriages (Gen. 29:22; Judg. 14:10-11; Tob. 10:7; Mark 2:19; John 2:1-2). Sheepherders, with families and friends, held festivals when flocks were sheared (1 Sam. 25; 2 Sam. 13:23-29; cf. Gen. 31:19; 38:12). Finally, sharing a sacrifice made to celebrate one's well-being with invited guests was a joyful festive occasion (cf. Lev. 3; 7:11-18; Deut. 12:6-7, 1 1 - 1 2 , 17-18; 1 Sam. 9:22-24; 16:2-5; Job 1:4). There were certainly festal observances in biblical times about which the Bible says little or nothing. The Temple Scroll from Qumran (columns 19-25) prescribes new-wine, new-oil, and wood-offering (cf. Neh. 10:35; 13:31) festi-

fear of the Lord, the awe that a person ought to have before God (Prov. 5:7; Eccles. 12:13). As such it can be said to constitute "true religion" (Ps. 34:11). This "fear of the Lord" is represented by the "fear and trembling" with which Paul exhorts the Philippians to work out their salvation (Phil. 2:12). It describes the piety of the growing church in Acts 9:31. However, it may also carry overtones of judgment (2 Cor. 5:11; lPet. 1:17). feasts, festivals, and fasts, activities that, in the Bible, are observed to commemorate or emphasize events in the relationship between God and human beings. In the OT, feasts and festivals were occasions of joy. They were times for thanking God for blessings and granting relief to the poor and oppressed. They were often accompanied by singing, instrumental music, dancing, elaborate meals, and sacrifices. Depending on the nature and the requirements of the occasion, they were celebrated either at a sanctuary or at a person's home. OT Feasts and Festivals: The Pentateuch prescribes the observance of several recurring festal or otherwise positive religious occasions: every seventh day was to be set apart as a Sabbath on which no work was to be performed (Exod. 20:8-11; Deut. 5:12-15). In every seventh year (Sabbatical Year), Israelite slaves were to be released (Exod. 21:2-6; Deut. 15:12-18), land was to lie fallow (Exod. 23:10-11; Lev. 25:1-7), and debts of Israelites were to be suspended or cancelled (Deut. 15:1-6). In every fiftieth year (Jubilee Year), property was to return to its original owner, Israelite slaves were

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vais in addition to the three pilgrimage festivals in the Pentateuch. These are probably not inventions but reflect ancient practice that was never codified in the Bible. Later Jewish religious victories gave rise to celebrations that have remained part of Judaism to this day. Hanukkah (the Feast of Dedication) commemorates the rededication of the Temple altar by Judas Maccabeus on the 25th of Kislev (December) in 164 B.C. (1 Mace. 4:36-59; 2 Mace. 10:6-8; John 10:22). Purim, celebrated on the fourteenth and fifteenth of Adar (Feb.—March), commemorates the deliverance from the persecutions of Haman as described in the book of Esther (cf. 9:19-28). Fasts: In contrast to feasts and festivals, fasts were times of mourning and self-denial arising from misfortune and sin. They could be single spontaneous responses of individuals, single spontaneous responses of the public, or recurring annual public observances. Individuals fasted to obtain divine aid (2 Sam. 12:16-23; Dan. 9:3), to repent (1 Kings 21:27), to mourn (Neh. 1:4), to obtain revelation (Exod. 34:28), or to express devotion to God (Ps. 35:13; Luke 18:12). Similarly, the community often undertook a single fast to obtain God's help or protection (Judg. 20:26; 1 Sam. 14:24; Joel 1:14; Esther 4:3; Ezra 8:21-23), to express repentance (1 Sam. 7:6; Jon. 3:5-10), or to mourn the death of leaders (1 Sam. 31:13; 2 Sam. 1:12).

The only prescribed annual fast is that on the Day of Atonement (Lev. 16:29-34; 23:26-32; Num. 29:7). It occurred on the tenth day of the seventh month. The people were to "afflict themselves," meaning they were to abstain from food and drink and other bodily gratifications (cf. 2 Sam. 12:16-20; Dan. 10:2-3). After the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple by the Babylonians (580 B.C.), fasts were annually held in the fourth, fifth, seventh, and tenth months to mourn this calamity (Zech. 7:3, 5; 8:19). A public fast preceded the festival of Purim on the thirteenth of Adar; Esther 9:31 apparently refers to this (cf. 4:16). In the NT: In the NT, the Gospels report that Jesus observed Jewish feasts (John 5:1; 7:2, 10; Matt. 26:17-18), and a tradition recorded by Paul reports that Jesus transformed Passover for his followers into a ritual remembrance of his death (1 Cor. 11:24). Aside from that, however, the NT contains few regulations pertaining either to fasts (Matt. 6:16-18 does not prescribe fasts, it simply gives advice to those fasting; but see Mark 2:20) or to festivals. Those that are observed by Christians have grown out of the traditions of the life and practices of Jesus and the experiences of the church: for example, Christmas, to celebrate Jesus' birth (Luke 2:1-20); Epiphany, the appearance of the Magi (Matt. 2:1-12); Lent, Jesus' temptation in the wilderness (Matt. 4:1-11; Luke 4:1-12); Easter, Jesus' resurrection (Mark 16:1-8); Ascension Day, his

The joyous festivities marking the occasion when David brought the Ark of the Lord to Jerusalem; from a thirteenth-century French miniature.

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ascent into heaven (Acts 2:9-10); and Pentecost, the gift of the Holy Spirit (Acts 2:1-11). Because the cardinal event of the Christian faith, the resurrection of Jesus, occurred on a Sunday, Christians turned to that day, rather than the Sabbath (Saturday), for their regular worship. See also Atonement, Day of; Easter; Esther; Fasting; Jubilee; Lord's Supper, The; Passover, The; Pentecost; Purim, The Feast of; Sabbath; Sabbatical Year; Tabernacles, Festival of; Trumpets, Feast of; Worship. Bibliography de Vaux, Roland. Ancient Israel. New York and Toronto: McGraw-Hill, 1965. Pp. 468-517. Milgrom, Jacob. "The Temple Scroll." Biblical Archaeologist 41 (1978): 105-120. D.P.W.

34:10). The prophets' experience of being commissioned by God suggests a special bond between the deity and his spokesmen (Isa. 6; Jer. 1; Ezek. 1), and the Davidic king is called God's son (2 Sam. 7:14; Ps. 2:7). In spite of all this, however, the Hebrew equivalent of the word "fellowship" is remarkably rare in the OT. In the NT, fellowship is the bond among Christians created by their common confession that Jesus is Lord. In Paul's Letters this fellowship is marked by the spiritual oneness effected by baptism and bestowal of the Spirit (Gal. 3:27-28; 1 Cor. 12). It is manifested by the gathered community at the Lord's Supper (1 Cor. 11:17-34) and characterized above all by self-giving love (1 Cor. 13). This fellowship of believers is dependent on—and an expression of—their fellowship with Christ. Eating the one loaf of the Lord's Supper makes the many into one body even as it enables the participants to commune with the Crucified One (1 Cor. 10:16-17). Fellowship with Christ means that believers share his death and experience the new life that corresponds to his resurrection (Rom. 6:1-11; Phil. 3:8-11), sustained by the hope that at his coming they will forever be with him (1 Thess. 4:13-17). The apostle stresses, further, that communion with Christ excludes other types of fellowship, for example, fellowship with prostitutes or demons (1 Cor. 6:15-17; 10:19-21). In the Gospel of John Christian fellowship is characterized by a perfect oneness grounded in the closest of relationships with the Father and the Son (17:11, 2 1 - 2 3 ; see also 1 John 1:3, 6, 7). Jesus is the true vine in which believers must "remain" if they would bear fruit—which is, above all, love for one another (John 15). See also Covenant; Friendship; Lord's Supper, The. S.K.W.

Felix, Antonius (fee'liks, an-tohn'ee-uhs), Roman procurator of Judea (ca. A.D. 52-59). According to the historians Tacitus and Josephus, he was brutal in his rule. He owed his position to his influential brother Pallas, but, because of immorality and incompetence, he was eventually replaced. According to Acts 23:23-24:27, Felix became involved with Paul when the apostle was sent to Caesarea for trial upon recommendation of Claudius Lysias, the tribune in Jerusalem. The writer of Acts indicates that Felix followed appropriate judicial procedure during Paul's hearing. After listening to Paul speak on matters pertaining to faith in Jesus Christ, however, he is pictured in unfavorable terms. Hoping for a bribe, which was not forthcoming, and "desiring to do the Jews a favor," he allowed Paul to languish in prison for the remaindei of his term in office. See also Claudius Lysias; Paul. A.J.M. felloe (fel'oh; KJV; RSV: "rim"), the edge of a wheel on the portable water stands in the Jerusalem Temple (1 Kings 7:33). fellowship, communal association for the mutual benefit of those involved. In the OT the Sinai covenant binds together all Israelites into what is, ideally, a grand fellowship of mutual obligation and concern. Furthermore, covenant images clearly suggest a kind of fellowship between God and his people. For example, Israel is the wife of God (Hos. 1-3; Jer. 2:2; Ezek. 16); God has "known" (chosen) Israel (Amos 3:2), and Israel is to "know" (acknowledge, obey) God. God's election of Israel is motivated by his love (Deut. 7:7), and Israel is to be his own possession among all peoples (Exod. 19:5). The language of petition and worship often reflects the close bond between ancient Israel and its God (e.g., Pss. 42, 46, 63), as do the rituals of sacrifice. Occasionally the Bible presents instances of a special fellowship with God enjoyed by individual persons. Enoch "walked with God" (Gen. 5:24); Abraham is called the "friend" of God (2 Chron. 20:7; Isa. 41:8); and Moses talks with God "face to face" (Exod. 33:11; cf. Deut.

feminist hermeneutics (huhr muh-nyoo'tiks), a mode or process of interpretation that rests on two frameworks: feminism and hermeneutics. Feminism is a political term identifying a movement that acts to "critique the oppressive structures of society" and works for transformation of these structures. In this sense feminism is a liberation movement that focuses on gender as a primary analytical category, making explicit the interconnections among all systems of oppression. Just as feminism reaffirms and promotes the full humanity of women, it rejects and denies anything that diminishes the full humanity and equality of women, as well as any dominance pattern that seeks to separate, alienate, and oppress. Feminism offers a broadbased critique built from the experience of women, but not exclusive to women. Hermeneutics, often translated as "interpretation," refers to the theory, practice, or art of interpretation based on interactions among the author,

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the text, and the reader. The reading strategies of the reader and the compositional techniques and style used by the author to create a text provide the necessary interplay between the act of communication and the making of meaning. In 1895, Elizabeth Cady Stanton's The Woman's Bible launched a public debate in the United States about the Bible and its authority. In this project Stanton saw how the issues of translation, canon, biblical authority, and the androcentric bias of the text had broad social and political implications in how the Bible was represented in the culture and used against women. In this period, women reading the Bible as women and offering, through their interpretations, a critique of society and cultural institutions was unpopular. For both past and present, then, feminist hermeneutics of the Bible is concerned with both the theory and the practice of interpretation as they embrace a variety of methodological approaches and disciplines and are attentive to the relation between interpretation and social location, particularly with reference to race and class. Women reading the Bible as women represent a diverse array of perspectives and address issues associated with the theory of interpretation from disparate standpoints; e.g., how one reads (interprets), what one reads (canon question), and what the reading process does to the reader and to the community in which a text is read (translation, authority). The feminist scholar approaches and studies these issues recognizing that the Bible is a product of ancient patriarchal cultures demonstrating both androcentric biases and patriarchal values. The practice of feminist hermeneutics recognizes that reading is a social activity, that texts have a political function, and that interpreting biblical texts has implications in and an impact on both ecclesial and cultural institutions. How the synagogue and the church use and read the Bible has religious, political, and cultural implications for women and for men. The issue of how one reads is further informed by who does the reading. Privileging women's experiences, concerns, and interpretations is at the heart of feminist hermeneutics. Recognizing that reading is not a value-neutral activity (readers always read from experience and read what they know how to read), feminist biblical scholars understand that gender, as a fundamental organizing category of experience, requires that women read the Bible with different interpretative lenses because their experience is different. Feminist hermeneutics is practiced in at least three modes, none of which is exclusive of the others. These modes—deconstructive, reconstructive, and constructive—are elastic categories that demonstrate something of the perspectives and the interests of feminist biblical scholarship. For example, those engaged in the deconstructive mode frequently reconstruct, and those engaged in the reconstructive mode must deconstruct cer-

tain elements of the text and historical world first. Both the deconstructive and the reconstructive modes provide the possibility for and contribute to the constructive mode. The Deconstructive Mode: Those engaged in the deconstructive mode suggest that one way to transform the present is to understand and alter the dynamics of the past and the patterns of dominance that result in the present situation. Two examples, translation theory and the history of biblical interpretation, serve to illustrate the contributions of feminist biblical scholarship in the deconstructive mode. In understanding Bible translation as a claim to authority issues and power relations, feminist scholars experienced (in culture and in ecclesial communities) that translation "has been a highly gendered activity" and by identifying patriarchialized interpretative traditions have exposed the fiction of "objective readings" as well as the pretense that interpretation is a value-neutral activity. The Reconstructive Mode: For many the biblical texts not only obscure women; they erase them from textual (and community) memory. The fragmentation of some stories of women and the eclipse of others prompt some feminist scholars to examine both ancient texts and the ancient social world in an attempt to recover and reconstruct the social, political, economic, communal, and ministerial legacy of women in the ancient world. Others are involved in charting women's history in the ancient world, noting how cultural values (particularly the male as normative) determine access to power, economic autonomy, and social and legal limitations, which in turn affect what stories are told, how stories are told, and who tells the story. Yet others are engaged in new interpretations of texts that specifically portray women, attempting to illustrate the overlooked, underrepresented, or hidden treasure of women characters or to demonstrate that the Bible contains "texts of terror" that continue to be used against women to defend patriarchal positions. The Constructive Mode: Women cannot claim a biblical literature of their own (in the canonical sense). The biblical texts about women were written by men and presume the values of patriarchal cultures, so for much of the last twenty-five years feminist scholarship has provided studies of texts that deal, explicitly or implicitly, with women. During this time a library of resources has appeared including countless journal articles, a few commentaries, and at least one introduction to the Hebrew Bible using feminist methods, but almost always such works were restricted to texts about women. The constructive mode is made possible because of the work done in both the deconstructive and the reconstructive modes, i.e., this feminist library of biblical research materials. And both the deconstructive and the recon-

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structive modes have affected, to some extent, how academic and ecclesial communities now approach, interpret, and translate the biblical texts. As feminist hermeneutics moves into the next decade, the constructive mode will increasingly be evident. In this mode feminist hermeneutics is moving toward producing scholarly resources that study the entire canon, that translate, analyze, and interpret the entirety of a work from a feminist perspective. This is a mode in which feminist hermeneutics (still attentive to both the deconstructive and the reconstructive modes) will contribute commentaries, dictionaries, translations, and other resource tools that will take their place on library shelves as perspectival studies next to the already existing perspectival studies (what is commonly called traditional research). See also African Americans and the Bible; Bible; Biblical Criticism; Canon; Hermeneutics; Liberation Theology, Hermeneutics of; Women. Bibliography Bellis, Alice Ogden. Helpmates, Harlots, and Heroes: Women's Stories in the Hebrew Bible. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1994. Fiorenza, Elisabeth Schiissler. In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins. New York: Crossroad, 1983. . Searching the Scriptures: A Feminist Introduction. Vol. 1. New York: Crossroad, 1993. Newsom, Carol A., and Sharon H. Ringe, eds. The Women's Bible Commentary. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1992. Tolbert, Mary Ann, ed. "The Bible and Feminist P.L.T. Hermeneutics." Semeia 28 (1983). fenced cities, a term used by the KJV where the RSV has "fortified cities" (Josh. 14:12; 2 Kings 18:13; 2 Chron. 8:5). See also Forts; Walls. Fertile Crescent, a term coined by the modern scholar J. H. Breasted to describe the crescentshaped area of fertile land extending from the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, commonly known as Mesopotamia, westward over Syria to the Mediterranean and southward through Palestine and the Nile Valley of Egypt. While the

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term does not appear in the Bible and is used less frequently today, it is a convenient term to use for this important strip of land in which some of the earliest sedentary cultures emerged. The ancient cities in this region included Ur, Mari, Nuzi, and Alalakh. Sumerians, Assyrians, and Hittites passed through this land. Hebrew tradition developed here. The region also provided a bridge between Africa, Asia, and Europe for armies, merchants, and pilgrims and continues to do so in the twentieth century. See also Hittites; Mari; Mesopotamia; Nuzi; Sumer; Ur. K.H.R. fertility cult. See Worship. Festus, Porcius (fes'tuhs, pohr'shuhs), the Roman procurator over Judea who replaced Antonius Felix (ca. A.D. 59). According to the historian Josephus, he was a competent public official. He died in office several years after his appointment. According to Acts 25:1-26:32, Festus encountered Paul, a prisoner in Caesarea, when Festus arrived as procurator. He was bewildered by Paul's religious convictions. After Paul appealed his case to Caesar in Rome, Festus arranged for a hearing in the presence of the visiting King Agrippa II and Bernice, where Paul again gave a defense of his belief in Jesus. Again, while Festus was incapable of perceiving anything worthwhile in Paul's preaching and declared him mad, neither could he find any reason to imprison him or put him to death (26:30-32). Nevertheless, because Paul had appealed to Caesar, he was sent, under guard, to Rome (Acts 27-28). See also Agrippa II; Bernice; Felix, Antonius; Paul. A.J.M. fig [Ficus carica), a fruit tree common in both wild and cultivated forms throughout the Near East since ancient times. It is a beautiful shade tree whose large palm-shaped leaves were said to have been used to cover the nakedness of Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen. 3:7). The pear-shaped fruit, which is produced more than once during the year, has a high sugar content and is very sweet when ripe. It is eaten fresh or dried into cakes, which like those made from dates are storable and thus an ideal food for travelers (1 Sam. 25:18). The fertilization of the fruit is dependent on a tiny wasp, which carries pollen into the inner parts by boring into the center of the fruit. The fig tree therefore will not bear fruit if the wasp is absent and may even require hand-fertilization by incision. The fig also has medicinal properties as a poultice applied to wounds and boils (2 Kings 20:7; Isa. 38:21). The beauty and shade quality of the fig tree, as well as the popularity of the fruit, makes it a favorite even today in house gardens and orchards where it is often planted alone in a corner. The fig is often associated with the grape vine as a symbol of peace and

FIGURINES

FIRMAMENT sacrifices for human consumption and for burning incense. Of much greater importance in the Bible, however, is its symbolic meaning. Fire is a common symbol of holiness and in some cases of protection (cf. Zech. 2:5). It represents divine action, with God himself presented as "a consuming fire" (Heb. 12:29; cf. Deut. 4:24). Fire is God's servant (Ps. 104:4; Heb. 1:7), and his word is like fire (Jer. 23:29). In reference to God's action, fire is most frequently a symbol of destruction associated with the wrath of God and his jealousy. As a metaphor of God's holiness, however, it may also purge or purify. The Babylonian exile is described as purification by fire (Ps. 66:12; Isa. 43:2), and certainly the Day of the Lord will purify Israel (Zech. 13:9; cf. 1 Cor. 3:13-15). Fire is a central element of the description of theophany throughout biblical literature. God's appearance for covenant with Abraham (Gen. 15:17), the appearance in the burning bush (Exod. 3:2), the leading of Israel with the pillar of fire by night (Exod. 13:21-22), and the appearance in fire on Mount Sinai (Exod. 19:18) are central elements in Israel's faith. Such fiery theophanies continue in the NT as well. Christ's appearance in the vision of John is with "eyes of fire" (Rev. 1:14; 2:18), and the descent of the Holy Spirit is accompanied by "tongues of fire" D.L.C. (Acts 2:3). See also Theophany.

Fig.

prosperity, providing shade and sustenance for the family it protects (1 Kings 4:25). A fig tree that failed in its purpose of bearing figs was cursed by Jesus (Matt. 21:18-19) perhaps as a metaphor for the destruction of the Temple that similarly failed to bear proper religious fruit (cf. Mark 11:12-25). See also Mulberry; Sycamore. P.L.C.

fire, tongues of. See Tongues as of Fire. firebrands, usually pieces of wood set on fire. They were used by Samson in his revenge against the Philistines (Judg. 15:4); they were tossed over the city wall in time of military siege, as were the olive boughs during the attack of Lachish; or they were hurled as missiles by madmen (Prov. 26:18). Plucked by God "from the burning," they symbolized individuals rescued by the Lord (Amos 4:11).

figurines, small carved or molded figures that function in ornamental or symbolic fashion. The teraphim (Gen. 31:19, 34; Lev. 26:1) is an example. Probably small representations of divinities, they were a form of protection in the Greco-Roman world (Acts 19:24), as well as in more ancient Palestine (Jer. 10:24). They have been found in almost every era of occupation in a number of archaeological sites.

firepan, a portable metal pan for carrying hot coals on which incense was placed as an offering (Lev. 16:12-13; Num. 16:46). Firepans were made for use with the lampstand and the burnt offering altar (Exod. 25:38; 27:3).

fine, a verb (KJV) that designates the process by which impurities are removed from precious metals (RSV: "refine," Job 28:1; see also Prov. 25:4; 27:1). As an adjective it means of good and delicate or firm quality (Gen. 41:42) or composed of extremely small particles (Exod. 9:9). finer (KJV; RSV: "smith"), one who processes metals by purifying ore (Prov. 25:4). fining-pot. See Crucible. fire, combustion giving off light, flame, and heat. Besides normal domestic uses (cooking, heating, lighting), it was used in the refining of metals, in various crafts, in the waging of war, and in sending messages. Fire also had specialized uses in worship. A perpetual fire burned in the Temple, and fire was used both for roasting

firkin (fuhrTdn). See Gallon. firmament, God's division between cosmic waters on the second day of creation (Gen. 1:6-8), forming the sky. One must here imagine a flat earth and a domed expanse of heavens holding back celestial waters from terrestrial. The Hebrew term raqia' suggests a thin sheet of beaten metal (cf. Exod. 39:3; Num. 17:3; Jer. 10:9; also Job 37:18). Similar metaphors for sky are found in Homer and Pindar. Job 26:13 depicts God's breath as the force that calmed (or "spread," "smoothed" or "carpeted") the heavens. Luminaries were set in the firmament on the fourth day of creation (Gen. 1:14-19). Rains

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24:1), upon which humans are mere tenants (thus, Abel's offering is preferable to Cain's, Gen. 4:3-5). This transfer invokes God's blessing on the rest of the produce (Lev. 19:24-25; Prov. 3:9-10). The male firstborn of humans and beasts in Israel become dedicated to God because he saved them from the slaughter of the firstborn of Egypt (Exod. 13:14-15). This plague, in turn, was brought upon the Egyptians for enslaving Israel, God's own appointed firstborn (Exod. 4:22; cf. Jer. 2:3; 31:9). Israel's firstborn status is reflective of sociolegal realities. The firstborn son inherits a double portion of his father's estate (Deut. 21:15-17; Isa. 61:7), the paternal blessing (Gen. 27), and succession to authority (Gen. 27:29, 37; 37:21-22; 2 Kings 2:9). The Davidic king is also viewed metaphorically as God's firstborn (Ps. 89:28), an appellation the NT applies to Jesus (Heb. 1:6). See also J.U. Curse and Blessing; Priests; Worship.

THE GREAT DEEP

The Hebrew universe. The ancient Hebrews imagined the world as flat and round, covered by the great solid dome of the firmament which was held up by mountain pillars (Job 26:11; 37:18). Above the firmament and under the earth was water, divided by God at creation (Gen. 1:6, 7: cf. Pss. 24:2; 148:4). The upper waters were joined with the waters of the primordial deep during the Flood; the rains were believed to fall through windows in thefirmament(Gen. 7:11; 8:2). The sun, moon, and stars moved across or werefixedin thefirmament(Gen. 1:14-19; Ps. 19:4, 6). Within the earth lay Sheol, the realm of the dead (Num. 16:30-33; Isa. 14:9, 15).

fir tree, a general term often mentioned in the book of Isaiah in reference to coniferous evergreens, such as the cypress, juniper, and pine. Specifically, "fir tree" most likely refers to the stately Aleppo pine [Pinus halepensis), a tree common to the arid hilly regions of Palestine and Lebanon. It is often found growing mixed with cedars (Isa. 60:13; 2 Kings 19:23 KJV; RSV: "cypress") and was one of the trees sent by Hiram to Solomon for the construction of his Temple (1 Kings 5:10; 2 Chron. 2:8; RSV: "cypress"). Aside from its use in architecture, the fir tree was also cut into planks for shipbuilding (Ezek. 27:5) and made into some musical instruments (2 Sam. 6:5). See also Cypress; Forest; Pine; Woods. P.L.C.

were believed to fall through sluices or windows in its surface (cf. Gen. 7:11). During the Flood, the upper waters joined with the waters of the primordial deep (Heb. tehom). In more pacific contexts, the firmament, or its pattern of luminaries, is said to declare the praises of God (Ps. 19:1; cf. 150:1). In Ezekiel's "chariot" vision, a crystal firmament supports the divine throne (Ezek. 1:22, 25, 26), just as something resembling a pavement of lapis lazuli is said to lie at the feet of Yahweh's throne in Exod. 24:10. Dan. 12:3 alludes to the "radiance" (Heb. zohar) of the firmament. Rabbinic sources regarded the firmament as the chief source of light for heavenly denizens. See also Creation; Genesis. J.W.R.

Fir (Aleppo pine).

firstborn, first fruits, firstling, the firstborn male child (Exod. 13:12-15; Num. 18:15-16), the seasonal initial produce of agriculture (Exod. 23:19; Lev. 23:10; Num. 15:20-21; Deut. 26:1-11) and food products (Num. 18:12-13; Deut. 18:4; Ezek. 44:30), and the first offspring of domesticated pure and impure animals (Exod. 13:12-13; Lev. 27:26-27; Num. 18:16-18; Deut. 15:19-23). These three "firsts" are all accorded a sanctified status in the Hebrew Bible (and were also often similarly regarded in other cultures of the ancient Near East). The first fruits of agriculture are given to God in religious ritual in acknowledgment of his ownership of the earth (Ps. 339

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fish, aquatic gilled animals. The Bible takes fish and fishing for granted and makes no distinction between fresh- and salt-water fish, access to both of which was readily available in certain parts of the country. The major salt-water fish sources were the long coast of the Mediterranean Sea and the waters of the Gulf of Aqaba. The primary source of fresh-water fish was the Sea of Galilee and some of the reaches of the Jordan River. Archaeological recovery of both salt- and freshwater fish bones used as food, jewelry, or both indicates that they were shipped considerable distances, illustrated for instance by both Mediterranean and Red Sea (Gulf of Aqaba) species recovered at Tell Hesban in Moabite Transjordan, east of the Dead Sea. The main fresh-water species available in the Sea of Galilee included the mouth breeding Cichlidae, of which two varieties of Tilapia [Tilapia galilaea and Tilapia nilotoca) were common, Cypinidae, including two common carp [Barbus canis and Barbus longiceps), and Siluridae, the catfish Clarias lazera. Levitical law considered fish with fins and scales to be clean, but others unclean (Lev. 11:9-12). Catfish were thus spurned among the fresh-water species, but salt-water eels, sharks, rays, and lampreys were also shunned. In addition to the "fish of the sea" (Gen. 1:26), the Bible recognized the habitats offish to include the Nile (Exod. 7:18; Num. 11:5), streams (Ezek. 29:4), the Mediterranean ("Great Sea," Ezek. 47:10) and the Sea of Galilee (Luke 5:1-11, "Gennesaret"). Methods of catching fish mentioned include dragnet (John 21:8), angling with hook (Job 41:1; Amos 4:2; Matt. 17:27), harpoons and spears (Job 41:7), and thrown hand-nets (Matt. 4:18). While the primary use of fish was for food (Luke 11:11; Mark 6:41), preparation of which included broiling (John 21:9), the symbolism of fish included the death of the plagues (Exod. 7:21) and the death of drought (Isa. 50:2) as well as untimely death (Eccles. 9:12). Fish being caught symbolized the helplessness of humans before the power of God (Hab. 1:14-16). The techniques of fishing became a model for the work of Jesus' disciples as "fishers of men" (Mark 1:17; Matt. 4:19). One of the gates of Jerusalem was named the "Fish Gate" (2 Chron. 33:14; Neh. 3:3; 12:39; Zeph. 1:10) in postexilic reconstruction, possibly in the north wall of the Mishneh or Second Quarter of the city. Sometime in early church life, the figure of a fish took symbolic value as the sign of the Christ. The acrostic derived from the Greek letters of the word "fish" [ichthys) were understood to stand for the Greek words for "Jesus [i] Christ [ch], God's [th] Son [y], Savior [s]" and the use of the symbol persists to this day in Christian iconography. R.S.B.

dicoccoides. In Isa. 28:25, 27 it probably designates black cumin (RSV: "dill") or "nutmeg flower" [Nigella sativa) rather than the true cumin with which it is paired. True dill, Anethum graveolens, and true cumin, Cuminum cyminum, were both cultivated as condiments. Fitch is also an archaic term for "vetch," a group of plants in the Vicia genus. flagon, a vessel for storing and/or serving liquids. The word appears four times in the OT, in three instances paired with bowls, thus suggesting complete service for food and drink in ritual contexts (Exod. 25:29; 37:16; Num. 4:7). In Isa. 22:24, flagons are referred to metaphorically for the weight of the responsibility placed on Eliakim as royal vizier to his ancestral house, a house that will perish with his downfall. flags (KJV; RSV: "reeds" in Exod. 2:3, 5; Job 8:11 or "rushes" in Isa. 19:6), a variety of plants growing in marshy or river bank locations, such as iris or cattails. The Hebrew term suph ("soof ') is used for the reeds or rushes at the edge of the Nile in the story of Moses' infancy (Exod. 2:3, 5) and is the name of the "Sea of Reeds" through which Moses led the Israelites out of Egypt (Exod. 13:18), although the latter is translated by the Septuagint as "Red Sea." In Job 8:11 the watery matrix needed by the plants is cited, and in Isa. 19:6 the decay of the plants is a sign of R.S.B, desolation and destruction. flax [Linum usitatissimum), a delicate plant with beautiful blue flowers. It has been known since prehistoric times in the Near East. It is the earliest known cultivated fiber plant and was

fitch, a designation (KJV) for two plants. In Ezek. 4:9 it designates an inferior species of wheat (RSV: "spelt"), either Triticum spelta or Triticum 340

Flax.

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used to make linen. Linen of varying quality was used for Temple vestments (Exod. 25:4) as well as for ordinary garments, sails, nets, and even twine. It was also the wrapping cloth used for the dead (Matt. 27:59). The harvested flax plants were soaked in water in order to separate the fibers and then spread to dry, the hot exposed rooftops being an ideal place for such activity (Josh. 2:6). Linseed oil is extracted from the seeds, and the dregs are then given to the animals as fodder. See also Linen. P.L.C.

In Paul's writings, the contrast between the Holy Spirit and flesh (often as the sinful urge) looms larger than the distinction between the human spirit and the physical flesh it animates (in some passages, however, it is unclear whether God's Spirit or the human spirit is intended). Paul associates the Spirit favorably with faith, the flesh unfavorably with the works of the law (Gal. 3:2-3). Isaac, freeborn according to the Spirit, represents God's gracious promise; Ishmael, slaveborn according to the flesh, represents the law, which brings a curse (Gal. 4:21-31). The spiritual person is determined by God's Spirit; the fleshly person behaves like unbelievers, who do not have the Spirit (1 Cor. 2:12-3:4). Vices (nonphysical as well as physical) are the works of the flesh; virtues are the fruit of the Spirit (Gal. 5:16-25). Fleshly behavior leads to death; behavior according to the Spirit leads to eternal life (Gal. 6:7-8; Rom. 8:1-17). In the Gospel of John, the gift of the divine Spirit makes up for what is lacking in merely human (but not evil) flesh (John 3:3-8; 6:52-63). See also Flesh; Holy Spirit, The; Human Being. R.H.G.

flesh, the soft material of the body (Job 10:11). More narrowly, it can refer to the penis (Exod. 28:42), foreskin (Gen. 17:9-14), and hence sexual union (Gen. 2:24) and generation (John 1:13). More broadly, it refers to the whole body or person as represented by the body (John 1:14), to one's kin (Rom. 9:3), to humanity and therefore what is human (Isa. 40:5; Phil. 3:3-4), and to humans and animals (Gen. 6:17-20). Animal flesh is "meat" (Dan. 10:3) or the meaty part of a sacrifice (Lev. 6:24-27). "Flesh" connotes sensitivity (Ezek. 11:19), superficiality (John 8:15), weakness (2 Chron. 32:8), and mortality (Ps. 78:39). Paul uses "flesh" for the urge to sin (Gal. 5:19-21). See also Body; Flesh and R.H.G. Spirit; Human Being. flesh and spirit, complementary and contrastive terms whose meaning must be derived from the context in which they are used. The phrase "the spirits of all flesh" (Num. 16:22; 27:16) refers to human beings as animated physical bodies. Their spirit, or breath, comes from God. He can withdraw it from flesh so as to produce death (Gen. 6:3) or grant it to flesh so as to produce life, even life after death (Ezek. 37:1-14). Thus, in the NT, Jesus' resurrection by the Spirit is more impressive than his fleshly descent from David (Rom. 1:3-4; cf. 1 Tim. 3:16). Since flesh connotes weakness (Ps. 56:4; Rom. 8:3) and spirit connotes power (Zech. 4:6; Luke 24:49; Acts 1:8), the two stand side by side for the contrast between weak human beings and Almighty God (Isa. 31:3). Similarly, acceptable worship of God in the Spirit contrasts with unacceptable attempts to please God in the flesh (Phil. 3:3). But the weakness of flesh (simple tiredness) can prove stronger than the human spirit's will to pray (Mark 14:38, a will some people think refers to the Holy Spirit's desire). According to 2 Cor. 7:1, sin may defile both the flesh (in the sense "body," as in the RSV) and the spirit (not the Holy Spirit, which is hardly the object of defilement). One can be absent in flesh (again in the sense "body," as in the RSV) but present in spirit (Col. 2:5). At the last day, the spirit may be saved even though the flesh (presumably the present mortal body, though some think the sinful urge) has to be destroyed prematurely in punishment for a heinous and unrepented sin (1 Cor. 5:5).

fleshhooks, forklike implements used by priests for sacrifices (Num. 4:14; 1 Sam. 2:13-14, which speak of their having three prongs), now usually translated "forks." Those in use at the Jerusalem Temple were made of gold (1 Chron. 28:17) and bronze (2 Chron. 4:16). flint, an impure quartz rock, usually gray, brown, or black, abundant in Palestine. It fractures on conchoidal lines, and holds an extremely sharp edge, either smooth or serrated. It was used for a variety of tools from the earliest tool-making period and continues in use to the present. It was especially efficient for awls, axes, knives, picks, scrapers, sickles, and weapons (arrowheads and spear points). Knives used for circumcision were made of flint (Exod. 4:25; Josh. 5:2, 3). Flint serves as a metaphor for sharp-cutting destructive power (Isa. 5:28) and stubborn faithfulness (Isa. 50:7) and is a dubious source of water (Ps. 114:8; Deut. 8:15). It can be manipulated by humans (Job 28:9) but is a most unlikely source of any nourishment (Deut. 32:13). Flint tool technology is an increasingly helpful datum for dating prehistoric cultures, and archaeological research is adding constantly to such resources and their precise use in identifying historical epochs. R.S.B. flock. See Sheep. Flood, the, the catastrophic excess of water described in Genesis 6-8. The biblical story of the Flood relates how God destroyed the existing world but saved Noah and his family and representatives of each animal species in an

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Dove with olive leaf, which indicated to Noah that the waters had subsided from the earth (Gen. 8:11); panel from the Verdun Altar, 1180.

ark. After the waters subsided and the ark rested on Mount Ararat (8:4), Noah sent out a raven and then a dove (which brought back an olive branch); seven days later he sent out another dove, which did not return (8:6-12). Noah disembarked, offered sacrifices, and formally rebegan the world by a contract (covenant) in which Noah and his sons received instructions and God promised not to bring a flood again (8:13-22; 9:8-17), a promise signaled by the appearance of the rainbow. The OT word for the cosmic flood is mabbul, which also refers to the heavenly ocean (cf. e.g., Ps. 29:10). The Flood was an undoing of creation: the cosmic waters overwhelmed the earth, coming through the windows of the sky and the fountains of the great deep beneath the earth (7:11; cf. 8:2). Thus, return to the primeval watery condition set the stage for a new beginning for the world (cf. Gen. 1:2, 9). Mesopotamian Flood Stories: The meaning of the Flood story is illuminated by comparative studies. Although there are many Flood legends throughout the world, particularly in America, Australia, and the Pacific Islands, the many parallels between the biblical and Mesopotamian Flood stories (most strikingly the sending of the birds) indicate that these stories come from the same literary tradition. There are three major cuneiform retellings of the Flood: the Sumerian Flood story (which is somewhat fragmen-

tary), the Gilgamesh Epic, and the Atrahasis Epic. In the Gilgamesh Epic, the survivor of the Flood, Utnapishtim, tells Gilgamesh about the Flood in order to show him how his own attainment of immortality was unique. Although this tale tells little about the significance of the Flood, it shows a contrast in the concept of the survivor. In the Gilgamesh Epic and the Sumerian Flood story (Atrahasis is broken at this point), the hero-survivor is rewarded with immortality. In the Bible, by contrast, Noah has a more human fate: he becomes drunk, is sexually embarrassed or abused by his own son, and ultimately dies (9:20-28). The Atrahasis Epic presents the Flood in the context of a primeval history of humanity. In this story, the creation of humanity caused a problem that prompted Enlil and the gods to send plague, drought, saline soil, famine, and ultimately a Flood to destroy humankind. One god, Enki, helped people escape the early problems and then had Atrahasis build an ark; after the Flood he created barrenness, miscarriage, and stillbirth in women, celibate women, and additional provisions that are now lost. It seems that the Flood was seen as the result of an overpopulation problem that could not be permanently solved by the "natural disasters" but that could be controlled by the permanent population safeguards initiated by Enki after the Flood.

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The Biblical Story and Its Meaning: The biblical story is emphatically not about overpopulation, for people are strongly commanded to be fruitful, multiply, and fill the earth (8:1). As in Atrahasis, however, the biblical Flood came because of a problem for which God provided a remedy after the Flood. In the Bible, the problem was the progressive pollution of the earth by the misdeeds of humanity (6:5-7). Immediately after the Flood, therefore, God gave Noah and his sons several laws. The difference between the ante- and postdiluvian worlds is in these laws, for laws are considered the sine qua non of humanity's ability to continue to live on the earth. There are three laws presented in Genesis 9: an iteration and reiteration of the commandment to multiply (vv. 2, 7); permission to eat meat accompanied by an injunction not to eat blood or eat from a living animal (vv. 3-4); and a demand for capital punishment for murderers (vv. 5-6). These are important principles in biblical law: the Pentateuch prohibits eating the blood of animals six times (Gen. 9:4; Lev. 3:17; 7:26; 17:10-14; Deut. 12:16; 12:23-24). The reason is that blood is the life of the animal; the penalty was death (Heb. karet, "to be cut off"). The inviolability and incomparability of human life is one of the fundamental axioms of Israelite religious law. Capital punishment was never invoked for property offenses, and homicide could not be compensated for by the payment of a monetary fine—it could only be rectified by the execution of the murderer, even if the murderer were an animal (for example, a goring ox, Exod. 21:29). Despite its importance, this demand for execution of murderers was a postdiluvian provision, for both Cain (Gen. 4:8-16) and Lemech (4:23-24) were kept alive under divine protection. This had disastrous consequences for the earth. The ground on which Abel was killed became barren (Gen. 4:10-12), and by the time Noah was born the barrenness had become widespread. Noah was to bring relief (LXX: "give rest") from human toil on the land that God had cursed (Gen. 5:29), for by the time of the Flood the whole earth had become polluted (Gen. 6:11-12). The Flood was a means of getting rid of a polluted world and starting again with a well-washed one. Then, since God had recognized humanity's evil impulses, he gave Noah the basic laws, particularly the strict instructions about the shedding of blood in order to prevent the earth's becoming so polluted again. The idea that moral misdeeds can contaminate the earth is an important idea in biblical thought, for Israel believed that it had inherited the land after the previous inhabitants had polluted it and it had "vomited them out," and that it too might lose its land for the same reason (Lev. 18:24-28). Israel worried that it might contaminate the land because of unsolved murders (Deut. 21:7-8), the failure to execute murderers (Num. 35:31-34) or sexual impropriety (Jer. 3:1). Ultimately, the

prophets came to believe that Israel had polluted its land (Jer. 2:7) and was therefore exiled (Ezek. 36:18). Israel's retelling of the flood story showed a cosmic parallel to Israel's pollution, purgation, and ultimate restoration. There are several allusive references to the Flood in the first nine chapters of Ezekiel, which portray Israel just before the destruction, and the one explicit biblical reference to the Flood outside of Genesis (Isa. 54:9) promises that like the Flood, Israel's exile was a unique occurrence, not to be repeated. Despite numerous attempts to find archaeological evidence for a universal deluge, one has not been found, although localized flood levels have been discovered in various Mesopotamian cities. The tradition of the flood, which may have been very old, was retold in Mesopotamia to illustrate Mesopotamia's concern with overpopulation and was retold in the Bible as a dramatic portrayal of Israel's concern with misdeeds, pollution, and the destruction they can bring. Bibliography Frymer-Kensky, Tikva. "Pollution, Purification and Purgation in Biblical Israel." The Word of the Lord Shall Go Forth. Ed. C. Meyers and M. O'Connor. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbranus, 1983. Pp. 399-414. . "The Atrahasis Epic and its Significance for Our Understanding of Genesis 1-9." Biblical Archaeologist 40 (1977): 147-155. Lambert, W. G., and A. Millard. Atrahasis: The Babylonian Story of the Flood. Oxford: The University Press, 1969. T.S.F. floor, a flat, sometimes enclosed area. In biblical usage the term designated primarily the "threshing floor" (Gen. 50:10; Judg. 6:37; Ruth 3:14; 2 Sam. 24:21; Hos. 13:3; Matt. 3:12; Luke 3:17). In ancient as in modern times, it was usually a flat rock surface large enough to accommodate piles of grain from individual farmers with sufficient space to allow each farmer to drive a threshing sledge over the grain at the edge of his harvested pile to shred it prior to winnowing. It was usually a communal installation, although individual farmers may have had their own spots for their operations. Of the references to floors of structures, those included are of the tabernacle (Num. 5:17, evidently an earthen floor), a roof chamber (Judg. 3:25, possibly a rolled earthen or plastered floor), Solomon's Temple (1 Kings 6:15, described as partly overlaid with gold [6:30]), and the Temple in Ezekiel's specifications (Ezek. 41:16, 20). Archaeological evidence indicates that floors were built of various materials, from plain tamped or rolled earth, to pebble, cobble, unfitted and fitted slab stone paving (see John 19:13), to plain, geometric, and elaborately decorated and inscribed mosaic tile. Floors and the artifacts associated with their construction and use form part of the data most helpful to archaeologists for dating the construction and use of a building. R.S.B.

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flour. See Bread; Mill. flowers (Heb. nitsanum), a general term referring to the colorful array of blossoms that abound in the Holy Land, especially when the rains of winter and the warmth of spring combine to bring new life to the land (Song of Sol. 2:12). The previously arid and parched fields, waste places, and desert areas burst into a showy display of color that persists until the summer droughts again desiccate the landscape. The earliest flowers of spring are diverse in form and color. The pink, white, and lilac blossoms of the cyclamen appear as early as January. The various shades of reds and pinks of the abundant crown anemones, poppies, and mountain tulips successively dominate the landscape. The flowers of the diverse tuberous plants of the lily family also add their array of colors to the mosaic. As the summer progresses, the short-lived delicate blossoms of spring are replaced by fields of yellow and white daisylike flowers of chamomile and chrysanthemums. The less showy yellow, blue, white, pink, and purple flowers of the various hardy thorny shrubs and plants remain through the summer to decorate the dry hills, rocky terrain, and waste places (Hos. 10:8). Since flowers are referred to in general terms in the Bible, the specific identity of individual species is difficult to ascertain. Although context often may elucidate which flowers are indicated, it is not enough to identify a specific plant. Even in those cases where specific flowers such as lilies or roses are named they are not necessarily botanically correct designations. In general, the term "lily" applies to the family of plants that have bulbs, tubers, or rhizomes as roots [Liliaceae). Such plants commonly found in the Holy Land are the true lilies, such as the white Madonna lily and the deep red Martagon lily. The tulip, asphodel, Star of Bethlehem, hyacinth, and related narcissus, daffodil, crocus, and iris inhabit the rocky ground and dry places of the hill country. The "lily of the valleys" of the Song of Sol. 2 : 1 - 2 is probably the blue hyacinth. The lilies of the field of Matt. 6:28-30, however, are most likely not true lilies but rather one of the numerous showy spring flowers such as the crown anemone. As is the case with the lily, the specific references to the rose do not necessarily indicate a true rose, but rather a showy, colorful, flower. The true roses of the Holy Land, such as the wild Phoenician rose, may have been the "rose plants in Jericho" (Ecclus. 24:14). Fruit-bearing shrubs such as raspberry and blackberry blossom along watercourses. Fruit trees such as the apple, plum, cherry, apricot, and almond (genus Prunus) are also of the rose family and display light pink and white clouds of blossoms in the spring time. The rose of Sharon (Song of Sol. 2:1) may also have been one of these or one of the more common 344

flowers such as the tulip or narcissus, both of which grow profusely on the plains of Sharon. The showy roselike flowers of the woody shrubs of the rock rose family [Cistaceae], which adorn the rocky and dry areas in the spring and early summer, may also be candidates. Flowers enter many aspects of life in the Holy Land. The flowering trees and shrubs, the flowers of the fields, and the less showy blossoms of various herbaceous plants such as mints and mustards provide nectar for the bees in this land of milk and honey (Isa. 7:22; Num. 13:37). Their fragrances are extracted as essential oils to form the basis for various perfumes and unguents. Their scents freshen homes and garments, and their colors decorate in garlands of blossoms. The forms of the flowers provide inspiration for decorative motifs as well. The columns of King Solomon's Temple are capped by lilies, probably the lotus seen in Egyptian design (1 Kings 7:19, 26). Various references to flowers in the Bible are symbolic as well as literal. The flowers of spring signify renewal (Song of Sol. 2:12) as well as the fragility and transience of life (Isa. 40:6-7; 1 Pet. 1:24; Job 14:2). The qualities of beauty, purity, and sweetness are also likened to flowers (Song of Sol. 2:1-5; 5:13; Isa. 28:4). See also Lily; Rose; and such individual entries for plants and trees as P.L.C. Almond; Fig; Flax; Mustard. flute. See Music. fly, a small flying insect. Many species of flies are known in Palestine and Egypt. In the Bible two Hebrew words mean "fly." 1 'arôb, the flies visited on the Egyptians as the fourth plague (Exod. 8:20-32; alluded to in Pss. 78:45; 105:31). The species of fly involved in this plague is uncertain; it may have been the Tabanid fly (Stomoxys calcitrans). 2 zebub (Eccles. 10:1; Isa. 7:18), probably the ordinary housefly [Musca domestica). Baal-zebub, "lord of flies," was a deity worshipped at Ekron, whom King Ahaziah wanted to ask whether or not he would recover from his final illness (2 Kings 1:2-6, 16). See also Plagues. J.M.W. food, one of the necessities for the sustenance of life. The chief staple in biblical times was bread, as suggested by the fact that the Hebrew word for bread [lekhem) can also designate food in general. Barley, wheat, and emmer were the most common varieties of grain from which bread was baked. Besides their use in flour, these cereals were also eaten in roasted form, either whole or crushed (Josh. 5:11; Lev. 2:14). Next to bread, fruits, vegetables, and dairy products were the most important staples of the Israelites. Common fruits were grapes, olives (used mostly in the form of oil), figs, dates, apples, and pomegranates. Among the vegetables, beans, cucumbers, lentils, onions, leeks, and garlic were most commonly grown. Dairy products, derived more from goats than cows,

FOOD

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Geese being presented, possibly as payment of taxes; ivory from Megiddo, thirteenth-twelfth century B.C.

were consumed chiefly in the form of cheese, curds, and butter. Meat was also part of the diet, but for the ordinary Israelite only on special occasions, since it was too expensive for daily fare. Both domesticated and wild animals, such as deer, gazelle, fish, and fowl, were used for food. Boiling or roasting were the preferred methods of preparing meat, from which all blood had to be drained carefully, since blood was considered sacred as the seat of life which belonged to God alone (Gen. 9:4-6; Lev. 17:10-11; Deut. 12:23-25; Acts 15:19). Certain animals considered ritually unclean could not be consumed (see Lev. 11:1-47). The Israelite diet was rounded out by spices and other natural products such as salt and honey. Those Christians who lived in the Holy Land will have had similar food available, although the category of "unclean" was eliminated (Mark 7:14-20; Acts 10:9-15; Rom. 14:20). Because Christians were of all nationalities and were scattered throughout Europe and the Mediterranean basin, their eating habits reflected those of their respective native lands. Availability: While the food supply was generally adequate, famines, caused either by natural calamities, such as drought and locusts, or by human warfare, were not infrequent in biblical times (Gen. 26:1; 43:1; Amos 4:6-9). Some regions of the country were more fertile and productive than others. Thus, for instance, the tribe of Asher, situated on the northern coast of Palestine, was known for its abundance of food (Gen. 49:20); and the Transjordanian region of Bashan was blessed with very fertile soil, which made possible the raising of herds of cattle known for their sleekness (Amos 4:1). The adequacy of one's diet also depended to a large extent upon one's wealth and social status. Kings and nobles usually ate better than peasants. The 345

quantity of food consumed at Solomon's court was enormous, as suggested by the following list of daily provisions: "And Solomon's provision for one day was thirty cors [ca. 330 bushels] of fine flour, and sixty cors [ca. 660 bushels] of meal, ten fat oxen, and twenty pasture-fed cattle, a hundred sheep, besides harts, gazelles, roebucks, and fatted fowl" (1 Kings 4:22-23). Significance: Besides its obvious function for the maintenance of physical life, food had other functions and uses in the Bible. It was a means of bonding social relationships and of establishing covenants (Gen. 31:54; Exod. 24:11). Food was also used as presents or as tribute (Gen. 32:13-18; 1 Sam. 25:18; 2 Sam. 16:1; 1 Kings 14:1-3). It was also used for making loans (Deut. 23:19) and as wages or payments for goods and services rendered (1 Sam. 2:5; 1 Kings 5:9-11; Ezra 3:7; Matt. 10:10). Not eating was a sign of grief (1 Sam. 1:7), scant rations were a means of punishment (1 Kings 22:27; Amos 4:6), and feasting on an abundance of food was a sign of joy and celebration (Isa. 25:6; Luke 15:23). Food was also used for religious purposes, such as the bringing of offerings (Lev. 1-7; 1 Sam. 2:12-17; 1 Cor. 8) and in sacred communal meals (Exod. 12; 1 Sam. 1:4-5; Matt. 26:17-29; Acts 2:46). God, however, does not need or partake of food (Ps. 50:12-13). Because food was of such fundamental significance, it could easily be misused or be given undue importance. Consequently, the Bible also warns against the misuse of food and reminds us that there is more to life than food and drink. While humans may produce bread from the earth, God is seen as the ultimate source of all food (Pss. 104:14; 136:25; 147:9; 2 Cor. 9:10). Furthermore, human beings do not live by

FOOD OFFERED TO IDOLS

FOOT

bread alone, but by everything that proceeds out of the mouth of the Lord (Deut. 8:3; Luke 4:1-4). The absence of God's life-giving word may cause a famine as severe as any lack of food (Amos 8:11-12). Life consists of more than food (Matt. 6:25), and the kingdom of God does not consist of food and drink, but of righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Spirit (Rom. 14:17). In the kingdom of God, one's food is to do the will of God (John 4:34; 6:27), and citizens of that kingdom are enjoined to progress from simpler to more solid forms of spiritual food (1 Cor. 3:2; Heb. 5:12-14). See also Bread; Feasts, Festivals, and Fasts; Meals. W.E.L.

perior "knowledge" (1 Cor. 8:1b) and criticizing those brothers and sisters as persons "weak" in conscience (1 Cor. 8:7) who declined to eat what had been offered in sacrifice. In 1 Cor. 8:1-11:1, Paul responds to this situation without either appealing or alluding to the prohibition reported in Acts 15:29. Instead, the apostle insists that neither eating nor abstaining from food offered to idols is in itself consequential (8:8). Thus, he thinks it unnecessary that Christians inquire about the origin of the meat they are considering purchasing in the market or that pagan friends serve at a private dinner (10:25-27). Paul also insists, however, that this Christian freedom must always be exercised in love (note 8:1c; 10:23-24) and without endangering one's partnership in the body of Christ (note 10:18-22). He understands this to exclude a Christian's participation in any pagan sacrificial meals (10:14-22) and to require abstention from what has been sacrificed previously whenever eating it might be injurious to other Christians or confusing to nonbelievers (8:7-13; 10:28-29a). It may be that Romans 14 refers to the same problem, although the reference to "meat" is more general. See also Idol; Jezebel; Love; Worship. V.P.F.

food offered to idols, the English translation of one Greek word that was used first by Greekspeaking Jews to refer to the sacrifices (often of animals, thus the reference to "meat" in 1 Cor. 8:13) that were regularly a part of pagan cultic observances (see 4 Mace. 5:2). The classical Greek term for such sacrifices meant, literally, "(something) offered to a deity," and in later Greek a related term meant, simply, "(something) offered to a divinity." The latter occurs in 1 Cor. 10:28, where Paul quotes what someone might say to a Christian dinner guest about the food being served. Sacrificial offerings were customarily divided into three portions: part was burned on the altar, part was placed on a special table for the deity, and part was allotted to the worshipers for their consumption within the temple precincts. What was left was sold in the public market. According to Acts, when a special Jerusalem meeting of apostles and elders agreed to endorse the preaching of the gospel to the Gentiles, several restrictive provisions were laid down. One was that Gentile converts to Christianity should abstain from eating anything that had been offered in sacrifice to idols (Acts 15:29; cf. 21:25). The Nicolaitans opposed in Rev. 2:14-15 (cf. Num. 2 5 : 1 - 2 ; 31:16) and the Christian prophetess (perhaps their leader) opposed in Rev. 2:20 are accused of laxity in exactly this regard. Despite what Acts reports about Christian strictures on eating food that had been sacrificed in pagan rites (Paul never mentions the decree of the Jerusalem leaders in his letters), some members of Paul's Corinthian congregation saw nothing wrong in doing so. They apparently reasoned that, because the only true God is the one known in Jesus Christ, other "socalled gods" had no real existence and sacrifices made to them had no real significance (1 Cor. 8:4-6). Perhaps these folk occasionally ate in pagan temples (see 1 Cor. 8:10), or their eating of sacrificial food could have been done at the quasi-religious dinners of fraternal associations or at meals hosted by pagan friends or relatives who had offered some special sacrifice. Whatever the particular setting(s) may have been, they seem to have participated with a certain bravado, alleging their possession of a su-

fool, foolishness, folly, terms referring to the lack of wisdom. Since wisdom, however, has so many different connotations and nuances, there are numerous characteristics of a life of foolishness or folly. In general, a fool in the Bible is a person who lives life as if God and God's will were of no consequence: "The fool says in his heart, There is no God'" (Pss. 14:1; 53:1; cf. Prov. 1:7). A fool can be recognized by various characteristics: lack of intelligence or experience, sometimes without being aware of it (Prov. 12:15; Eccles. 5:1; Luke 12:20); an inability to be cautious in speech (Prov. 18:6-7); or pursuing courses of conduct or action that ultimately prove to be harmful (2 Sam. 24:10). There is another aspect of foolishness or folly that is even more insidious: the actions of one who deliberately sins against God's laws (Jer. 29:23; Deut. 22:21; 2 Sam. 13:11-14). A fool is one who, either by ignorance or by deliberate and calculated premeditation, follows a lifestyle or commits specific acts that are detrimental for the person or for society. Such actions and lifestyles can be described as foolishness or folly. In the Bible these characteristics stem from the lack of a proper relationship with God. In Matt. 5:22, Jesus warns that anyone who calls another person a "fool" is in danger of eternal punishment. See also Wisdom. J.M.E. foot, a body part used in a variety of figurative ways in the Bible. God required Moses to go barefoot on the holy ground of Horeb (Exod. 3:5). Barefootedness was part of David's mourning (2 Sam. 15:30). God commanded Isaiah to

346

FOREIGNER

FOOTMAN walk barefoot as a symbol of future captivity (Isa. 20:2-4). Placing the foot on the neck of the vanquished enemy indicated victory (Josh. 10:24; Ps. 110:1; Matt. 22:44); God's placing all things "under the feet" expresses absolute dominion (Ps. 8:7; 1 Cor. 15:27; Eph. 1:22; Heb. 2:8). Listeners and pupils sat at their master's feet: Mary at Jesus' feet (Luke 10:39); Paul at Gamaliel's feet (Acts 22:3). Love is shown Jesus by the washing, kissing, and anointing of his feet (Luke 7:38, 44-47; John 12:3). Jesus washed his disciples' feet as an example of humble service (John 13:5-17). Homage is shown Jesus by falling down at his feet (Mark 5:22; Luke 8:41). Jesus heals those placed at his feet (Matt. 15:30). The disciples are to shake the dust from their feet to reject inhospitality (Matt. 10:14; Mark 6:11; Luke 9:5; 10:11). ' J.P.H.

Armed Lagashite warriors wearing tightfitting helmets that nearly cover, but reveal the shape of, their foreheads; detail from Eannatum's stele, ca. 2450 B.C.

footman (KJV), an infantry soldier. The RSV has variously men "on foot" (Num. 11:21), "foot soldiers" (1 Sam. 4:10), "footmen" (2 Kings 13:7), or "guard" (1 Sam. 22:17).

forehead, the portion of the face between eyebrows and hairline. The Bible depicts the forehead or brow as a significant spot due to its location and visibility. As represented in ancient Near Eastern art, the upper portion of the forehead was often covered by hair, a headband, or some type of head covering; but the lower portion was generally visible. Even soldiers' helmets sometimes left the lower brow somewhat vulnerable (which is also evident from the story of Goliath, 1 Sam. 17:49). The following passages illustrate the visual prominence of the forehead. The phrase "Holy to the Lord" was to appear over the high priest's forehead (Exod. 28:36-38). God struck Uzziah with leprosy on his forehead (2 Chron. 26:19, 20; see also Lev. 13:41-43). A frontlet or phylactery was to be worn "between the eyes," a phrase referring to the forehead (Exod. 13:9, 16; Deut. 6:8). In visions of the future, allegiance to God was often represented by a mark or seal on the forehead (Ezek. 9:4; Rev. 7:3; 9:4; 14:1; 22:4); association with "the beast" was likewise depicted in such a manner (Rev. 13:16; 14:9; cf. Rev. 20:4).The term "forehead" was also used figuratively to represent persistent obstinancy (Isa. 48:4; Ezek. 3:7-9) and shamelessness (Jer. 3:3; this allusion probably derived from an actual mark; cf. Rev. 17:5). See also Phylacteries. D.M.P.

footstool, a royal symbol (see 2 Chron. 9:18), most often used figuratively for the Ark (1 Chron. 28:2), the Temple (see Isa. 60:13), or even Zion (Lam. 2:1). Elsewhere and in response to this view, the entire earth is described as God's footstool (Isa. 66:1; cf. Matt. 5:35; Acts 7:49). The term is also used to represent vanquished enemies in Ps. 110:1 (cf. Matt. 22:44; Acts 2:35; Heb. 10:13). forbearance, divine patience in refraining from angry or vengeful, but deserved, punishment. In Jer. 15:15 it describes God's allowing his prophet added life to complete his mission. In Rom. 2:4 God's patience is held up for celebration and imitation, not despising, because it is intended to lead to repentance. In Rom. 3:25 Christ's atoning work is the result of divine forbearance displayed by God's passing over former human sins. ford, shallow crossing place in marsh, river, or stream where firm footing is available. Until Roman occupiers built the first bridges in Palestine, all crossings of water were by boat or through available fords. Bridges and fords had been constructed by the Persians in much of Asia Minor in their control of territories from the sixth through the fourth centuries B.C. Such ford crossing points mentioned in the biblical stories include one on the Jabbok, an eastern tributary of the Jordan (Gen. 32:22), crossed by Jacob and his family. There were also fords on the Jordan itself, crossed by various groups (Josh. 2:7; Judg. 3:28; 12:5, 6; 1 Sam. 13:7), fords "of the wilderness" (2 Sam. 15:28; 17:16), the ford of the Arnon, an eastern river draining into the Dead Sea (Isa. 16:2), and fords leading to Babylon (presumably through the Euphrates River; Jer. 51:32) R.S.B.

foreigner, one not native to a land. Any nonIsraelite having temporary contact with Israel was considered a "foreigner" and if friendly was entitled to hospitable treatment. In contrast, a "sojourner" was a resident alien who enjoyed some social and religious privileges. This distinction is frequently blurred in translation. For example, the KJV rarely uses the word "foreigner," but often translates the Hebrew terms for both "foreigner" and "sojourner" as "stranger."

347

FORERUNNER

FORGIVENESS

The RSV, while delineating more clearly, occasionally uses "stranger" to render both terms. Another Hebrew term with the general meaning of "stranger" adds to this confusion. Israelites were frequently warned that extended contact with foreigners would lead to religious corruption (Exod. 23:31-33; Isa. 2:6-8); thus the directive against foreign wives (1 Kings 11:1-4; Neh. 13:26-27). Also, foreigners were not permitted to participate in ritual festivities (Exod. 12:43; Neh. 9:1-3), nor could their animals be used for Israelite sacrifices (Lev. 22:25). In economic dealings, interest was chargeable on loans to foreigners, but not on those to fellow Israelites (Deut. 23:19, 20), and a foreigner's debt was not remitted in a year of release (Deut. 15:2, 3). References to foreigners as enemies occur in passages such as Obadiah 11 and Lam. 5:2 (RSV: "aliens"; NEB and NIV: "foreigners"). NT writings continued the OT usage of "foreigner" (Luke 17:18; Acts 26:11). However, as nationality became less of a guide to religious affiliation, terms such as "foreigner" and "sojourner" developed a theological orientation as well. Eph. 2:19, for example, states that those accepting Jesus as Christ are "no longer strangers and sojourners, but. . . fellow citizens with the saints" (RSV; KJV: "strangers and foreigners"). See also Gentile; Stranger. D.M.P.

newed loyalty to the ancestral covenant with God. See also Circumcision. R.S.B

forerunner (translates the Gk. for "one who goes before"), in antiquity a military term for soldiers who ran ahead of the regular army either to announce (herald) or to prepare for (scout) its arrival (cf. Wisd. of Sol. 12:8). Heb. 6:20 refers to Jesus entering the Holy of Holies as forerunner, thereby preparing for the access of others to God's presence. John the Baptist serves as forerunner (although the term itself is not used) to Jesus by announcing and preparing for God's kingdom (Matt. 3:1-12; 11:10; Mark 1:2-8; Luke 3:1-18; 7:27; John 1:6-8, 19-34; cf. Isa. 40:3-11; Mal. 3:1). See also John the Baptist. foreskin, a portion of loose skin, also called the prepuce, located at the end of the human male penis. Hebrew ritual law specified that it should be surgically removed ("circumcision") from every male child eight days after birth (Lev. 12:3), although the practice attributed to Abraham, is performed at different ages (Gen. 17:11, 14, 2 4 - 2 5 ) . It is also attributed to Zipporah, Moses' wife, in the context of marriage rites (Exod. 4:24-26). Also in arranging for David's marriage to Michal, one of King Saul's daughters, a bride price of a hundred Philistine foreskins was required and delivered (1 Sam. 18:25, 27; 2 Sam. 3:14). Removal of the foreskin can be used symbolically as a sign of authentic membership in the Israelite community; such a use is found when the people are admonished to circumcise the foreskin of their hearts (Deut. 10:16; Jer. 4:4). Such symbolic circumcision is a call to re-

forest, a general term for the once extensive wooded areas of the Levant. In ancient times forests were a source of timber for both local use and foreign export. Wood was important for a wide range of uses such as domestic and industrial fuels, the construction of buildings, and the manufacture of furniture and household items. The highlands of Lebanon boasted forests of majestic cedars, while oak and pistachio, the characteristic trees of the Mediterranean region, were especially common in the northern hill country. Stands of Aleppo pine, mixed with components of the oak forest, existed in Galilee, Samaria, and Judea. Scrub forests in the foothills, composed of mixed evergreens, once provided shelter for wild animals such as boar and lions (Ps. 80:13; Amos 3:4). Biblical references to specific stands of trees such as the forest of Hereth (1 Sam. 22:5), the forests of the south (Negeb; Ezek. 20:46-47), the forests of Arabia (Isa. 21:13), the king's forest (Neh. 2:8) and the forest (wood) of Ephraim (2 Sam. 18:6), indicate the importance of these natural resource areas. In modern times little evidence remains of the past luxuriant tree growth. Centuries of overgrazing by sheep and goats, decimation for timber and fuel, the clearing of land for agriculture (Josh. 17:17-18), and the modern felling of timber for railroad ties have depleted the once prevalent forests. Recent replanting schemes have been unable to replenish the original tree cover but have nevertheless once again brought areas of green to the hills and plains of the Holy Land. See also Woods. RL.C. forgiveness, a term denoted in the OT by words that mean "send away," "cover," "remove," and "wipe away." In the NT "send away" is used most often; forgiveness is also communicated by words which mean "loose" (Luke 6:37), "be gracious to" (Luke 7:43; 2 Cor. 2:7), and "pass over" (Rom. 3:25). The Bible records human sinfulness, God's eagerness to forgive, and frequent calls by the prophets, Jesus, and Jesus' followers for repentance from sin and return to God. The OT system of worship provides sacrifices for expiating the guilt of those who have sinned unwittingly or repented of their sins (Lev. 4-5), but sacrifice must always be accompanied by a proper disposition (1 Sam. 15:22; Hos. 6:6). The prophets testify repeatedly that God desires to forgive human sins and asks for repentance (Isa. 1:18-19; Hos. 12:2-3; Joel 2:13) as a prerequisite for a renewed relationship between God and Israel. The NT continues the tradition of God's mercy shown in forgiveness of sins. God initiates contact with humans (Gal. 1:4; 2 Cor. 5:19; Rom. 9:23-26) and forgives sins through the death of Jesus (Rom. 3:21-26; 4:25; Mark 10:45;

348

FORKS

FORTS

Gal. 1:4; Acts 13:38). God's forgiveness is variously described as justification, salvation, and reconciliation. It is associated with the celebration of the Lord's Supper (Matt. 26:28) and in some passages Jesus himself forgives sins (Mark 2:5-6; Acts 5:31). Members of the Christian community also have a role in the forgiveness of each other's sins (John 20:23; James 5:13-16). Community relations depend on members forgiving one another (Matt. 18:21-35; Luke 17:3). The Lord's Prayer makes divine forgiveness dependent on forgiveness of others (Matt. 6:12, 14-15; Luke 11:4) and another Gospel saying instructs early Christians to be reconciled before offering sacrifice to God (Matt. 5:23-24; Mark 11:25). See also Justification; Mercy; RepenA.J.S. tance; Salvation; Sin.

In the NT, almost any form of sexual misconduct (that is, sexual activity outside the marriage relationship) could be designated as fornication or "immorality" (cf. 1 Cor. 6:9; 2 Cor. 12:21; Eph. 5:5; Col. 3:5; 1 Thess. 4:3; 1 Tim. 1:10; Heb. 13:4; Jude 7). See also Adultery; Family, The; Harlot; Homosexuality; Marriage; Sodomy. J.M.E.

forks. See Fleshhooks. form criticism. See Biblical Criticism; Oral Materials, Sources, and Traditions. fornication, any type of illicit sexual activity. Included in the realm of sexual misconduct in the OT are seduction, rape, sodomy, bestiality, certain forms of incest, prostitution (male or female), and homosexual relations (cf. Lev. 18; 19:20-22, 29; 20:10-21). The specific sin of adultery, related to marriage, was considered more serious than the others, however, so that a special set of laws governed it.

fortification. See Defense; Fenced Cities; Forts; Walls. forts, fortified locations, often towns. A series of forts usually implies a regional if not a state authority. A fortress system did not appear in Israel until the monarchy (eleventh-tenth centuries B.C.), although individual forts were known in the period of the judges. According to the OT, David garrisoned troops in outlying areas to ensure his political control (2 Sam. 8:6). Solomon had cities for his chariots (1 Kings 9:19), and archaeological investigations have dated several forts in the Sinai to the period of David and Solomon. The presence of trade routes in the Sinai required some kind of military watch and control, and whenever the fortunes of Judah increased, parts of both the Sinai and the Negev were under Judean control. The fortress of Arad is a good example of a Judean site used for regional control and administration. Originally constructed under David or Solomon's rule, its successive strata give a good

Battered brick tower of ancient fortification system excavated at Tell el-Hesi, biblical Eglon(?), in the district of Lachish.

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indication of the type of fortifications used throughout the history of the monarchy in Judah. A number of fortified cities guarded important passes into the heartland of either Israel or Judah. In addition to Arad, which guarded the southern approach to Jerusalem, Judah was defended by several other fortresses (2 Chron. 11:5-11), including the imposing site of Lachish, which guarded an approach into the Judean hill country from the southwest. Israel possessed several highly fortified sites, including Megiddo and Hazor. Megiddo guarded the western entrance into the Jezreel Valley and Hazor guarded the approach from southern Syria into Israelite territory. In the TransJordanian kingdoms of Ammon, Moab, and Edom, archaeologists have discovered various fort systems ranging from watchtowers and what could be termed police outposts to regional garrisons and even double-walled fortresses. Because of the trade routes running north-south through these kingdoms and the agrarian, pastoral nature of their economies, these different types of forts were necessary for what little security they could ensure. J.A.D.

stone closely fitted. As references to the cornerstone indicate, it was important to all wall foundations, and frequently served as a repository for inscriptions or other commemorative goods. To improve a cornerstone's stability, it would frequently be worked even in a wall of unworked stone. For storage buildings foundations were made rodent tight by use of plaster in the chinks. For more modest housing, stone foundations one course high and one or two courses thick were minimal. Leveling in the foundation trenches was frequent, using gravel or small R.S.B. rock. See also Cornerstone.

Fortunatus (for'chuh-nay'tuhs), one who with Achaicus and Stephanas brought information to Paul in Ephesus about troubles in the church at Corinth (1 Cor. 16:17). Perhaps they came as emissaries, bearing a letter from some in the Corinthian church (1 Cor. 7:1). See also Achaicus; Stephanas. forum. See Architecture. foundations, constructions providing a stable base for any superstructure. Translating a variety of biblical terms, the word is used both literally and figuratively. Thus it occurs referring to natural formations (Deut. 32:32) or humanly prepared anchorages for buildings (Solomon's Temple, 1 Kings 5:17; its rebuilding, Ezra 3:10; a house, Luke 6:48; a prison, Acts 16:26; and city walls, Rev. 21:19 [where it refers to the new Jerusalem but reflects real construction procedures]). Such foundations could be elaborate and costly (1 Kings 7:10-11) or dust (Job 4:19), each yielding its appropriate durability (Luke 6:48-49). Among the figurative uses, the word refers to universal stability (2 Sam. 22:16; Pss. 18:15; 82:5), the righteousness and justice of God (Ps. 89:14), God's redemption (Isa. 28:16), the beginning of things (Matt. 13:35; John 17:44), prior Christian work (Rom. 15:20), Jesus Christ (1 Cor. 3:11), the apostles, prophets, and Jesus (Eph. 1:4), God's work (2 Tim. 2:19), and a permanent basis of life because it is crafted by God (Heb. 11:10). Archaeological evidence shows that bedrock was preferred for major construction, but if such were not available the next best was a solid stone platform constructed of layers of blocks of

founder, the (KJV's) archaic word for a "smelter" or "refiner," i.e., a metal-smith (Judg. 17:4; Jer. 6:29; 10:9, 14; 51:17). fountain, a spring or source of flowing water. The RSV uses "spring" and "fountain" in an indiscriminate way to translate a number of Hebrew and Greek terms. It is clear, however, that the ancients distinguished between a natural outflow of water, an artificial water-storage system (i.e., cisterns and reservoirs), and a manmade well. Palestine's geological structure is conducive to the formation of springs (Deut. 8:7). Campsites and permanent settlements were often located in close proximity to springs; this situation is reflected in place names beginning with the syllable en, a prefix derived from a Hebrew word translated as "fountain" (e.g., En-gedi). Springs represent divinely bestowed security and bounty (Ps. 104:10-13; Isa. 41:17-18; Ezek. 34:13), especially when water symbolizes eschatological blessings (e.g., Ezek. 47:1-12; Joel 3:18; Zech. 14:8; Rev. 21:6; 22:1-2). The Lord is described as "the fountain of living waters" (Jer. 2:13), a symbol that Jesus later applied to himself (John 4:10-15). While copious springs symbolize God's favor, reference is still made to water that quenches thirst, physically or spiritually. The fountain also symbolizes the source of something besides water, e.g., descendants (Deut. 33:28), wisdom (Prov. 18:4), and forgiveness (Zech. 13:1). God was praised as "the fountain of life" (Ps. 36:9). See also Cisterns; Water. G.L.M. Fountain Gate (RSV; KJV: "Gate of the Fountain"), a city gate in the southeast sector of Jerusalem opening either to Gihon or to Enrogel spring (Neh. 2:14; 3:15; 12:47). It was repaired by Nehemiah. It may be identical to the "gate between the two walls" (2 Kings 25:4). fowl, in its wider sense a collective term for edible birds. Fowls are represented by the Hebrew word meaning "flyers" {'oph) (see Lev. 7:26; Neh. 5:18). Fowl in the narrower sense of domesticated poultry is mentioned in the NT, either referring to the hen gathering her young (Matt. 23:37) or the crowing of the cock (Matt.

350

FOWLER

FREEMAN, FREEWOMAN

religious context. Exod. 30:34-38 contains the recipe for a frankincense-based incense dedicated for ritual use. No other incense was permitted on the altar (Exod. 30:9) and secular use of the sacred recipe was absolutely forbidden (Exod. 30:38). Offerings of frankincense were made at the Temple (Isa. 43:23; 66:3; Jer. 17:26; 41:5) where it was stored for later use (Neh. 13:5, 9; 1 Chron. 9:29). Frankincense was set beside the Bread of the Presence (Lev. 24:7) and accompanied cereal offerings (Lev. 2 : 1 - 2 , 14-16; 6:14-18). It was prohibited with a sin offering (Lev. 5:11) or a cereal offering of jealousy (Num. 5:15). Frankincense was among the gifts offered to the infant Jesus by the Wise Men (Matt. 2:11). Rev. 18:13 lists frankincense as part of the cargo of the merchants who weep for the fallen city. See also Sheba, Queen of; Worship. M.A.S.

A seal found in a grave at Tell en Nasbeh depicts afightingcock; sixth century B.C.

26:34). When the chicken first appeared in Palestine is unknown, but a Hebrew seal from Tell en Nasbeh from the sixth century B.C. depicts a fighting cock. fowler, a person who hunts birds. Hunting birds may be done by bait, lure, or snare for food or sport. Biblical usage sees it as a metaphor for danger (Prov. 6:5; Pss. 91:3; 124:7), even from fellow humans (Jer. 5:26). fox, a carnivorous doglike mammal. Three species of fox live in Palestine: the European fox [Vulpes vulpes) dwells in temperate zones, and the desert fox {Vulpes ruppeli) and the fenek [Fennecus zerda) are desert-adapted species; any one or all three may have been there in biblical times as well. In the NT the fox is mentioned in connection with its habit of burrowing holes (Matt. 8:20; Luke 9:58). It is also used in the Bible as a symbol for slyness; in Luke 13:32 Jesus calls Herod Antipas, the ruler of Galilee, a fox. Similarly, in Ezek. 13:4, false prophets are termed foxes. frankincense, a fragrant gum resin exuded in large, light yellowish-brown tears from Boswellia trees [Boswellia Carterii, Boswellia Papyrifera, Boswellia Thurifera) which grow in South Arabia, Ethiopia, Somaliland, and India. Frankincense was imported into Judah by camel caravan from Sheba (Isa. 60:6; Jer. 6:20), a trade connection that originated with the queen of Sheba's visit to Jerusalem in the reign of Solomon (1 Kings 10:10; 2 Chron. 9:9). Frankincense could be used for secular purposes as a perfume (Song of Sol. 3:6; 4:6, 14), but it appears most frequently in the Bible in a 351

Boswellia Thurifera, a source of frankincense.

freedman (KJV: "libertine"), a person in the Greco-Roman world who had been a slave but had secured release from that status by purchasing freedom or working to achieve it. When Jewish slaves in the world of that time, especially from the city of Rome, won their freedom, many of them went to Jerusalem. Consequently, a synagogue was established there for them. Acts 6:9 reports that "some of those who belonged to the synagogue of the Freedmen" argued with Stephen. See also Freeman, Freewoman; Liberty; Slavery; Stephen. freeman, freewoman, a person who had been born free. One of the most fundamental distinctions of status (and hence of rights and duties)

FRET

FUELS

in the Roman world was that of slave or free. Those who were free persons might either be free by birth (Lat. ingenui), that is, freemen or freewomen, or free because they had received a grant of freedom from slavery, that is, freedmen or freedwomen (Lat. liberati). The latter remained bound to their former masters (see 1 Cor. 7:22). If they died without an heir, their property was given to the master. They were not eligible for the higher ranks in the army or frète to embark upon an official career of public of\ fice holding, though there were influential freedmen at the imperial court. However, children born after a slave had been freed were considered to be free born. Paul enunciated a major tenet of the early Christian faith when he declared that in Christ all such differences among P.P. people had been nullified (Gal. 3:28).

"beloved disciple," are the objects of Jesus' special affection (11:3, 36; 13:23; 19:26; 20:2; 21:7, 20). Jesus says that his disciples are his friends if they do what he commands; he calls them friends because he has revealed to them what he heard from his Father (15:14-15). To be Jesus' friend is to love one another (cf. 15:12-14). In a saying highly reminiscent of the Greek tradition, Jesus declares that the supreme manifestation of love is a person's willingness to give his life for his friends (15:13). S.K.W. fringes (tassels, borders, hems), a common decoration on Near Eastern garments. The oldest rule about fringes in the OT says simply, "You shall make yourself tassels on the four corners of your cloak with which you cover yourself" (Deut. 22:12). The more elaborate command in Num. 15:38-40 says that the tassels shall be of blue cord and function as a reminder to obey the commandments. In the Gospels the woman with the hemorrhage touches the fringe of Jesus' garment (Matt. 9:20; Luke 8:44) and other sick wish to do likewise (Mark 6:56; Matt. 14:36). Jesus criticizes Pharisees for hypocrisy in wearing ostentatious fringes (Matt. 23:5). The Talmud commands the wearing of fringes as part of its devotion to God through Torah (observing God's teachings, and thus obeying his will). The Talmud allows white threads to be used, specifies that each tassel have eight threads, and describes the knots that must be tied. Over the centuries tassels were transferred to the prayer shawl and to a linen vest worn under the outer AJ.S. garment.

fret, an act of causing unease, used in the Bible as a reflexive imperative verb: "fret not yourself" (Ps. 37:1, 7, 8; Prov. 24:19). friendship, a relationship of mutual trust and congeniality. While many biblical writers realized that friendship enriches human life, as a subject of serious reflection the theme of friendship is not developed in the Bible—in sharp contrast to the Greek and Roman traditions. Thus, although Deuteronomy characterizes a friend as a person "who is as your own soul" (13:6), the mutual affection and devotion of David and Jonathan strike the readers of the OT as extraordinary (see 1 Sam. 18:1; 19:1; 20:17; 2 Sam. 1:26). Where the covenant concept prevails, natural attraction and personal preference appear to be less important than covenant obligations as the bases of relationships between persons. The benefits and requirements of friendship are among the subjects addressed by Israel's wise men, especially in Proverbs and Ecclesiasticus. The sage stresses loyalty and steadfastness as marks of the true friend (Prov. 17:17; 18:24; Ecclus. 6:14-16) but warns that poverty or adversity often reveals people to be friends in name only (Prov. 19:4, 6-7; Ecclus. 12:9; 13:21; 37:4-5). An irony of the book of Job is that Job's three friends, in their frenetic attempts to effect his repentance, intensify rather than relieve his suffering. Because they are more loyal to their theological certainties than to Job, they are unable to attain the genuine sympathy that marks real friendship. The special bond between God and a person chosen as his instrument is occasionally described as friendship. God spoke to Moses face to face, "as a man speaks to his friend" (Exod. 33:11), and Abraham is called God's friend (2 Chron. 20:7; Isa. 41:8; see also James 2:23). In the NT, Jesus' effort to mirror God's love and mercy even to religious outcasts earns him the epithet "a friend of tax collectors and sinners" (Matt. 9:11; Luke 7:34). In the Gospel of John, two persons, Lazarus and the unnamed

frog, a tailless amphibian especially of the family Ranidae, common in Egypt and Palestine. As a second plague on the Egyptians, God threatened to send hoards of frogs out of the water and into their homes, even into Pharaoh's bedroom (Exod. 8:1-15; alluded to in Pss. 78:45; 105:30). When the frogs came, Pharaoh appealed to Moses and Aaron and promised to let the Israelites go if the frogs were removed. However, after the frogs died, Pharaoh refused to let the Israelites leave. See also Plagues. frontlet, a headband, the most common form of headdress worn in Syria and Palestine in OT times. The Torah enjoins that certain of God's teachings (Deut. 6:8; 11:18) and rites commemorating the Exodus (Exod. 13:16, cf. v. 9) are to "be as frontlets between [the Israelites'] eyes" (i.e., on their foreheads, cf. Deut. 14:1). See also Phylacteries. fruit. See Food; also such individual entries as Fig; Pomegranate. fuels, materials used to start and maintain fires. Wood and charcoal were the most common fuels in antiquity, the latter becoming more important with the advent of metallurgy and other

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crafts because of its higher burning temperature. Other fuels were thorny shrubs (Nah. 1:10), withered sticks and twigs, straw or stubble from the fields (Exod. 15:7), fat remains, date kernels, dung of cattle, bones of fishes, birds, and animals (Ezek. 24:5-10), logs (Gen. 22:3; Lev. 1:7) and chips from the carpenter's shop (Wisd. of Sol. 13:12). Figuratively, "the fuel for the fire" in Ezek. 21:32 is Israel. The NT knows braziers with charcoal or charcoal fires R.A.C. on the ground (John 18:18; 21:9).

from Jericho, and at Abu Matar near Beer-sheba (ca. 3500 B.C.), to the late medieval period (A.D. 1450) at Mugharat Wardeh in the Gilead mountains (Ajlun district) of Jordan. Perhaps the best examples of early copper furnaces are from Timna in the southern Negeb. Iron-smelting furnaces were used in Palestine in the twelfth and eleventh centuries B.C. The furnace site at modern Tell el-Kheleifeh excavated by Nelson Glueck and once thought to be "the Pittsburgh of ancient Palestine" is now known to have been used as early as the Chalcolithic period (4000-3000 B.C.) and as late as the Roman (63 B.C.-A.D. 324) but is not likely to be Solomonic in origin. A number of smithing furnaces dating from twelfth century to 870 B.C. were found at Gerar (modern Tell Jemmeh). See also Metals. R.A.C.

fuller, a person whose occupation it is to clean, whiten, bleach, thicken, shrink, or dye cloth. The fuller cared for newly shorn wool or woven garments. The process varied but generally included washing with lye (Mai. 3:2) and cleansing by pressure, usually the treading of feet, as the Hebrew word implies (Exod. 19:10; 2 Sam. 19:24). The cloth was then spread out on the ground to be bleached by the sun. There were areas outside the city, the fuller's field (2 Kings 18:17; Isa. 7:3), designated for these professional laundering and cleaning services. A fuller apparently was also one who traded in textiles (2 Kings 18:17; Isa. 7:3; 36:2). Biblical writers found the fuller's profession to be an apt metaphor for purity (Ps. 51:7; Jer. 2:22; 4:14; Zech. 3:3; Rev. 4:4). Christ's transfiguration garments were whiter than any fuller could bleach them (Mark 9:3). " S.L.R. funeral. See Burial. furlong, one-tenth of a mile. Used only once in the RSV (Matt. 14:24) in a phrase of uncertain textual origin, it is a measurement no longer in common use except in horseracing. See also Weights and Measures. furnace, an installation for containing fire, whether for domestic or industrial purposes. The word is used in the Bible for various installations employed in daily life, and metaphorically for God's presence (Gen. 15:17), for the judgment or redemption of his people (Deut. 4:20; 1 Kings 8:51; Isa. 48:10; Jer. 11:4; Ps. 102:3; Isa. 33:14), for the refining of God's word as silver is worked in a crucible (Ps. 12:6), and in the NT for the fires of hell (Matt. 13:42, 50; Rev. 9:2) and the appearance of Christ's feet (Rev. 1:15). Six words in Hebrew and one in Greek lie behind the word "furnace." The most common OT term (Heb. tannûr) is an oven, often of the kind used for baking bread (Ps. 21:9; Dan. 3:6). Other terms refer to a pottery or lime kiln (Gen. 19:28; Exod. 9:8; 18:18) or a smelter or refining installation for metals (Prov. 17:3; 27:21; Ezek. 22:20). Archaeological and metallurgical researchers in Palestine have uncovered numerous furnaces of antiquity from the Chalcolithic period (fourth millennium B.C.) at Teleilat et-Ghassul in the southeast Jordan rift, across the valley 353

furnishings. See Furniture. furniture, equipment for basic human actions such as sitting, lying, eating, worshiping, and the like. In the Bible, it usually describes the equipment (also called "furnishings") of the tabernacle (Exod. 25:9; 40:9; Num. 1:50; 3:8; 4:15; 7:1) or a person's dwelling (tent, Num. 19:18; or house, Neh. 13:8). "Furniture" applies to the equipment of the Temple (1 Chron. 9:29) as well. The KJV also uses it (RSV: "utensils") when speaking of the tabernacle table (Exod. 31:8), lampstand (Exod. 35:14), or altar of burnt offering (Exod. 31:9). Archaeological and artistic evidence indicates that the most common furnishings in wealthy homes were tables, beds, chairs, and storage chests. Royal tomb fittings from Ur in Mesopotamia and from Egypt show that such items of wood were frequently inlaid, carved, gilded, and otherwise embellished with ivory, precious metal, and precious stones. That such opulence was imitated by Solomon may be reflected in the records concerning his palace (1 Kings 7 : 1 - 1 1 ; see also Amos 6:4a). The largely intact materials of the tomb Clay model of a bed; found at Gezer, from ca. 3000 B.C.

FUTURE LIFE of Tutankhamen of Egypt excavated by Howard Carter beginning in 1922 have given us spectacular samples of such furniture in remarkable states of preservation. The ordinary family furniture in a typical Palestine home is less clearly evident. Such a room as Jesus directed the disciples to locate (Mark 14:15; Luke 22:12) may have had a table and some stools, but it also may have had only mats for seating, a lamp, and serving vessels for bread and wine. Other contexts suggest that furnishings in such a home included sleeping mats or rolls (Mark 2:9), grinding equipment (Matt. 24:41), a broom (Luke 15:8), a niche or stand for a lamp (Matt. 5:15), and water storage vessels (John 2:6). Special accommodations for a guest might include a bed, table, chair, and lamp (2 Kings 4:10). Because wood and cloth decay rapidly, they seldom survive in archaeological ruins. The most commonly recovered furnishings are cookpots, lamps, bowls, and grinding stones. R.S.B. future life. See Eschatology; Eternal Life; Hades; Heaven; Hell.

Opposite: The traditional symbols of the four Gospels: (clockwise) the winged human (or angel), Matthew; the winged lion, Mark; the eagle, John; the winged ox, Luke; from the eighth-century Book of Kells. 354

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Gaal (gay'uhl; Heb., possibly "beetle"), the son of Ebed who lived in Shechem and usurped leadership from Abimelech (Judg. 9:26-33). This usurpation caused Abimelech to retaliate in force, destroying the city (9:34—49) before further expanding his conquests (9:50-57). Gaal was apparently a Canaanite and may have been a native of Shechem, although the action above is set on his "return" to the city. Both he and Abimelech (half Israelite, half Shechemite) offer competing credentials for royal political leadership. In the framework of Judges, chap. 9 is intended to demonstrate the futility of life under a king for the Israelite tribes. Both Gaal R.S.B. and Abimelech led them to disaster. Gaash (gay'ash), a mountain in the territory of Ephraim. It is a landmark for the burial location of Joshua (Josh. 24:30; Judg. 2:9) at Timnathheres, "north of Mount Gaash." It also marked the location of some "torrents of Gaash" (2 Sam. 23:30), identified as the home of Hiddai, one of David's "Thirty," an elite force or bodyguard. The "wadis of Gaash" are identified as the home of Hurai, one of David's warriors (1 Chron. 11:32), although the name may simply be a variant for Hiddai. No certain location is known for Mount Gaash. Speculations locate it some twenty miles southwest of Shechem. The torrents and wadis are probably runoff features of the mountain, water rushing through gullies in heavy rainstorms. R.S.B. Gabbatha (gab'uh-thuh), a term that appears but once in the NT in John 19:13 as the Hebrew (actually Aramaic) equivalent of the Greek term lithostrôton, "the pavement" (which does appear in the other Gospels) where the hearing of Jesus before Pontius Pilate was held. The firstcentury Jewish historian Josephus [Wars 2.14.8) refers to a paved yard adjacent to Herod's palace where court was held, but no paved court has yet been discovered there, even though some still hold this area, today part of the citadel adjacent to Jaffa Gate, to be the most likely site of Jesus' trial. The other probable location of the lithostrôton is what would have constituted the courtyard of the fortress Antonia, a garrison Herod constructed on the northwest corner of the Temple Mount, a site that is today visible in the basement of the Convent of the Sisters of Zion on the Via Dolorosa. Some 2,500 square yards of pavement made of large flagstones, averaging 4 feet by 3.5 feet by 2 feet thick, and having incised treads to prevent animals from slipping, have been excavated here, together with a Roman gaming board that illustrates the narrative about Roman soldiers on capital punishment details in the Gospels (e.g., Matt. 27:35), and large Herodian cisterns. See also F.S.F. Antonia, Tower of. Gabriel (gayTjree-uhl), one of the archangels in Jewish and early Christian thought. In the OT, 356

A gaming board scratched into the flagstone pavement of the courtyard of Herod's Antonia fortress, excavated in Jerusalem.

Gabriel appears only in Dan. 8:15-26 and 9:21-27, and, in the NT, only in Luke 1:11-20, 26-38. In these passages, Gabriel appears as a messenger ("angel") from God and an interpreter for the people to whom he is sent. In the apocryphal and pseudepigraphical writings, angels were organized into categories with specific duties and status before God. In Tob. 12:15, for example, "Raphael" is mentioned as "one of the seven holy angels who present the prayers of the saints and enter into the presence of the glory of the Holy One" (cf. also Rev. 8:2). In 1 Enoch 40, Gabriel is considered one of the top four in rank, perhaps second only to Michael. Gabriel's duties included intercession on behalf of God's people [1 Enoch 9:1; 40:6) as well as being the instrument for destruction of the wicked [1 Enoch 9:9-10). Tradition associated Gabriel with the archangel whose trumpet blast would announce the return of Christ (cf. 1 Thess. 4:16; Matt. 24:31). See also Angel; Michael. J.M.E. Gad (gad; Heb., "luck"). 1 Canaanite god of fortune (Isa. 65:11). 2 Son of Jacob and Zilpah (Gen. 30:9-11); eponymous ancestor of the Israelite tribe of that name. Gad occupied territory between the Jabbok and Arnon rivers, which it shared with the tribe of Reuben. The Jabbok served as the boundary between Gad

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and the half-tribe of Manasseh. Mesha, king of Moab, ca. 830 B.C., conquered Ataroth, which "the men of Gad inhabited from of old." Sometime afterward the territory of Gad was overrun by Hazael of Damascus (2 Kings 10:32-33). The region may have been restored to Israel by Jeroboam II (2 Kings 14:25), but it was lost again to the Assyrian conqueror Tiglath-pileser, who deported its population (1 Chron. 5:26). 3 A prophet-seer of David (2 Sam. 24:11). In Poetry: In the Blessing of Jacob (Gen. 49:19), by means of an alliterative play on the name "Gad," the poet alludes to military tactics of the tribe. In the Blessing of Moses (Deut. 33:20-21) Gad is described as a lioness who tears both arm and head and is praised for having performed the righteous ordinances of Yahweh. In the Song of Deborah (Judg. 5:17) Gad, under the designation Gilead (cf. Judg. 12:7), is listed among those tribes that failed to participate in the war against Sisera and is chided for having remained across the Jordan. See also Mesha; Tribes, The. S.G.

Gauls, a Celtic tribe famed for warcraft and cunning, from the third to the first century B.C. 2 Roman province after the first century B.C. that included the traditional Galatian territory plus portions of other ethnic territories, especially to the south.

Gadara (gad'uh-ruh; inhabitants: Gadarenes [gad'uh-reenz]), site (modern Umm Qeis) of Jesus' healing a demoniac (Mark 5:1-10); one of the hellenized cities of the Decapolis in which Jesus is reported to have ministered (Matt. 4:23-25; Mark 7:31). It lies about six miles southeast of the Sea of Galilee. A number of Cynic philosophers, orators, and poets are associated with the city. One of the love poems of Meleager of Gadara (first century B.C.) mentions the Jewish Sabbath: "If your love is a 'sabbath-keeper,' no great wonder. Not even love burns on cold Sabbaths." The city was granted to Herod by Augustus. In an inscription from the Hellenistic period it calls itself "cultivator of the arts." There seems to have been only a small Jewish population in the city. P.P. Gaius (gay'yuhs), a common masculine name (a Latin praenomen) in NT times, apparently used to refer to several people in the NT. 1 A person in Corinth baptized by Paul (1 Cor. 1:14); he likely was partial to Paul's position in the church disputes in Corinth. He may be the same Gaius identified as "host to me and to the whole church" in Rom. 16:23. 2 A traveling companion, with Aristarchus, of Paul mentioned in Acts (19:29). Coming from Macedonia, they were caught up in a riot provoked by Paul's missionary work in Ephesus. This may be the same Gaius mentioned as a traveling companion of Paul in Acts 20:4, although this Gaius is identified as being from Derbe (in Asia Minor). 3 A recipient of 3 John (v. 1). His leadership is favored over that of a certain Diotrephes (vv. 9-10). See also Aristarchus; Diotrephes; Paul. A.J.M.

Because Galatia can refer both to the territory and to the province, it is difficult to know in which sense the word is used in the NT. 1 Pet. 1:1 and 2 Tim. 4:10 (if one prefers the reading "Galatia" to the variant "Gaul") surely refer to the province, but there remains doubt concerning the other four references (Acts 16:6; 18:23; 1 Cor. 16:1; and Gal. 1:2), all of which relate to Paul's ministry. Some think they refer to the province (the "south Galatian hypothesis"), arguing that Acts records no mission to north central Asia Minor but does record Paul's visits to Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, cities outside the Galatian territory but inside the province. Those who think the texts in question refer to the territory (the "north Galatian hypothesis") argue that Acts 16:6 should be read "Phrygia and the Galatian region" (cf. 18:23), thereby referring to territories, since there was no Phrygian province. The issue may be insoluble. Paul's letter to the Galatians is silent about their ethnic composition and location, and scholars reasonably doubt the reliability of Acts for reconstructing Paul's itinerary. See also Galatians, The Letter of Paul to the. D.R.M.

Galatia (guh-lay'shuh). 1 Territory located in north central Asia Minor dominated by the 357

Galatians (guh-lay'shuhnz), the Letter of Paul to the, the ninth book in the NT and one of the most important historical and theological documents from early Christianity. Chaps. 1-2 especially are the only extant primary source of information concerning the earliest period of primitive Christian history. Theologically, the

GALATIANS, THE LETTER

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Letter to the Galatians is the first complete statement of gentile Christian theology and thus its oldest self-definition, in which the new Christian religion is separated (as far as we can tell, for the first time) from Judaism. Written by Paul (1:1; 6:11-18) between A.D. 50 and 55 (from Corinth? Ephesus?), the letter is addressed to a group of congregations, "the churches of Galatia" (1:2). Scholars are still debating whether these churches were located in central Anatolia (the so-called North Galatian hypothesis) or, as seems less likely, farther to the south (the socalled South Galatian hypothesis, by which the churches may be connected with the cities of Antioch, Lystra, Derbe, and Iconium mentioned in Acts 13-14). Paul himself names the cause for writing his letter (1:6-7): the newly founded churches are about to shift their allegiance away from their apostle and founder to his opponents, who are competing Jewish-Christian missionaries. Paul's letter is designed to prevent such a shift. Its thoroughgoing argument amounts to a defense of the gospel as he preached it and as gentile Christians had accepted it. In order to understand the Letter, today's reader must comprehend the rather complicated theological arguments made and presupposed in the text. Paul's explicit argument attempts to reassure the Galatian readers that the gospel they have received from Paul is fully sufficient for their salvation. After hearing this gospel (3:1-5), they received the Holy Spirit (3:2-3, 14; 4:6) and became partakers "in Christ" (3:26-28). Paul assures them that they, equipped with the benefits of justification by faith in Christ (1:4; 2:15-16), can look forward with confidence to their eternal inheritance, the kingdom of God (3:29; 5:5; 6:8,16-18). Embedded in the Letter we also discover an implicit argument being used by the Jewish-Christian missionaries against Paul, according to which the Galatians have come to doubt Paul's message when they were faced with "transgressions" in their midst (6:1). Apparently, Paul's opponents have helped them understand these transgressions as evidence that they were still "sinners" outside salvation (2:15-17, 21), and the opponents have almost persuaded them to accept circumcision (2:3; 5:2-3, 6; 6:12-13, 15) and the Jewish Torah (3:2, 5; 4:9-10, 21; 5:2-4, 18). The Opposition to Paul: The problem of who Paul's opponents were has been the subject of much discussion for almost two centuries. Were there two oppositional fronts (W. Lutgert) or just one? Were they Christian or non-Christian Jews, or were they Gentiles attracted to Judaism ("Judaizers")? Were they resident Galatians or outside intruders? F. R. Crownfield held them to be Jewish-Christian syncretists (those who took elements from one religion into another) interested in circumcision as a symbolic ritual. J. Munck took them to be Gentiles who had recently become converts of a Judaizing Christian movement in Galatia, a "heretic" offshoot of

Paulinism. W. Schmithals advanced the hypothesis that they were (Christian or non-Christian) Jewish Gnostics who practiced circumcision as a magically potent ritual, but who were otherwise "libertines." Schmithals's hypothesis was later modified by G. Bornkamm, K. Wegenast, H. Koester, and D. Georgi, all of them assuming that the opponents of Paul were Jewish-Christian missionaries representing some kind of Asia Minor syncretism. A further problem is the connection between Paul's opponents and the "men from James" and Jerusalem (Gal. 2:11). Were they agitators moved by political nationalism in Jerusalem (D. B. Bronson)? Did they try to ease the pressures the church in Jerusalem suffered from the hands of the Zealots by organizing a campaign to "Judaize" gentile Christians in Asia Minor (R. Jewett)? H. D. Betz proposed that 2 Cor. 6:14-7:1, a section that had long been identified as non-Pauline, be regarded as a piece of antiPauline theology compatible or even identical with that of Paul's opponents in Galatia. G. Liidemann has shown that these opponents must be seen in connection with the history of anti-Paulinism in Asia Minor in the first two centuries of the Christian era. Composition: Galatians is an apologetic letter, the epistolary "frame" consisting of the prescript (1:1-5) and the postscript (6:11-18). The prescript follows the basic Pauline pattern with the superscription (Lat. superscripts, i.e., opening words; l : l - 2 a : the name of the principal sender, his official title and the definition of the title, and stating the [unnamed] co-senders); the ascription [adscriptio, i.e., those to whom the letter was addressed; 1:2b); and the greetings, or salutation [salutatio; 1:3-4), expanded by Christological and soteriological formulas indicating the major concerns of the letter and ending in a doxology with the concluding "amen" (1:5). The postscript, written in Paul's own hand (6:11), presupposes that the preceding parts of the letter (1:1-6:10) show the hand of an amanuensis (cf. Rom. 16:22). The postscript authenticates the letter and sums up its major points, thus serving as the recapitulatio (summary) and peroratio (conclusion). The body of the Letter (1:6-6:10) is composed as an apologetic speech with its traditional rhetorical parts. The introductory statement [exordium; 1:6-9) names the problem [causa; 1:6-7) and presents Paul's immediate response, the reissuing of a previously issued curse against apostates (1:8-9). The defense arguments are presented in four major sections: first, the narrative [narratio; 1:12-2:14) gives account of the events preceding and leading up to the present situation. These events are of course told with a partisan slant so as to assist the defense; they end with the dilemma the Galatians are now facing (2:14). Second, the statement of the problem [propositio; 2:15-21) sets forth the major points of agreement and disagreement be-

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tween the author and his readers. Third, the demonstration, or proof [probatio; 3:1-4:31), includes an interrogation (3:1-5) and arguments from Scripture and tradition. The final section (5:1-6:10) is exhortation, with three subsections, each beginning with the restatement of the doctrinal presupposition (5:1a, 13a, 25a). Reading the Letter Today: Modern readers will have to learn how to read Galatians as a piece of ancient epistolary literature. In these terms, the letter represented the author, Paul, who was physically absent and had to communicate despite the limits of a written text (cf. 4:18-20). His letter carried his entire defense speech to the readers, who, reading it aloud, transposed it into oral speech. They then had to make up their minds whether Paul's line of argument was convincing. Whatever they decided would activate the conditional curse and blessing (1:8-9; 6:16) that was also carried to them by the letter. The same situation must be faced by modern readers: the Letter again confronts readers in every age by arguing the central points of

Paul's theology and by presenting to them the fateful choice between salvation and condemnation. See also Circumcision; Faith; Flesh and Spirit; Galatia; Gentile; Gnosticism; Holy Spirit, The; Justification; Kingdom of God; Law; Paul; Syncretism. Bibliography Betz, H. D. Galatians: A Commentary on Paul's Letter to the Churches in Galatia. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979. Dunn, J. D. G. A Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians. London: Black, 1993. Longnecker, R. Galatians. Dallas, TX: Word, 1990. Lùdemann, G. Opposition to Paul in Jewish Christianity. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 1989. Sanders, E. P. Paul, the Law, and the Jewish People. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983. H.D.B.

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

galbanum (galTjuh-nuhm), a gum resin derived from several plants (such as Ferula galbaniflua). It is an ingredient in incense (Exod. 30:34) for use in worship. Yellow or greenish brown, it had a prominent aroma and a bitter taste. In Ecclus. 24:15 it is one of a list of sweet spices that symbolize wisdom. Galilean (gal'uh-lee'uhn), inhabitant of Galilee (Matt. 26:69; Acts 1:11; 2:7; Mark 14:70; Luke 13:1, 22:59; 23:6; John 4:45; 7:52). The term appears as an epithet for the insurrectionist Judas (Acts 5:37). The regional accent of Galilean speech apparently enabled others to identify their origin by it (Matt. 26:73).

The Letter of Paul to the Galatians I. Epistolary prescript (1:1-5) II. Introduction [exordium; 1:6-11) III. Statement of facts [narratio; 1:12-2:14) A. Thesis (1:12) B. First part: from Paul's birth to mission in Asia Minor (1:13-24) C. Second part: Paul's second visit in Jerusalem (the Jerusalem conference; 2:1-10) D. Third part: conflict at Antioch (2:11-14) rV. Proposition [propositio; 2:15-21) V. Proofs [probatio; 3:1-4:31) A. First argument: the Galatians' experience of the Spirit (3:1-5) B. Second argument: God's promise to Abraham (3:6-14) C. Third argument: common human practice of law (3:15-18) D. Digression: Jewish Torah (3:19-25) E. Fourth argument: Christian tradition (3:26-4:11) F. Fifth argument: friendship (4:12-20) G. Sixth argument: allegory of Sarah and Hagar (4:21-31) VI. Exhortation [exhortatio; 5:1-6:10) A. Warning against acceptance of Jewish Torah (5:1-12) B. Warning against corruption of flesh (5:13-24) C. Recommendations for the Christian life (series of sententiae; 5:25-6:10) VII. Epistolary postscript (6:11-18)

Galilee (gal'uh-lee; Heb. galil), the region of northern Palestine that is situated between the Litani River in modern Lebanon and the Jezreel Valley in modern Israel. The designation "Galilee" first occurs as a proper name in Joshua (20:7; 21:32) and in Chronicles (1 Chron. 6:76) in reference to the site of Qadesh of Naphtali. It occurs with the definite article in 1 Kings 9:11, "in the land of Galilee." From Isa. 9:1 we learn it was known as a land of foreigners. The proper name occurs regularly in the writings of the firstcentury historian Josephus and the NT (Gk. galilaia). This tiny region, approximately forty-five miles long north to south, is first mentioned by Pharaoh Thutmose III in 1468 B.C. when he captured twenty-three Canaanite cities there. From the time of the Israelite settlement (late thirteenth-early twelfth century B.C.) Galilee is associated with the tribes of Naphtali, Asher, Issachar, and Zebulun; the tribe of Dan eventually moved there. The reorganization into administrative districts under King David saw a consolidation of Israelite presence there. King Solomon, however, returned some twenty Galilean cities to Hiram, king of Tyre, in payment for building materials (1 Kings 9:10-11). During the period of the Divided Monarchy (924-586 B.C.) Galilee was invaded by Pharaoh 359

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Shishak in 924 B.C. in the fifth year of Rehoboam. In ca. 885 during the reign of Israel's King Baasha, Ben-hadad of Damascus captured Ijon, Dan, Able-beth-maacah, and "all the land of Naphtali" (1 Kings 15:18-20). The confrontation of Ahab, king of Israel, with Shalmaneser III of Assyria at Qarqar in 853 B.C. ultimately led to the confrontation at Mt. Carmel in 841. Tiglathpileser III, also of Assyria, however, took much of Galilee in 732 B.C. when he captured thirteen of its cities (2 Kings 15:29) and united it to Assyria as a province. From then on Galilee as a region became known as the Assyrian province of Megiddo. Galilee's history remains obscure until the Greek conquest by Alexander the Great in 332 B.C. Jewish settlement in Galilee followed the Maccabean revolt in 164 B.C. Galilee was annexed by Judah Aristobolus I in 104 B.C. His brother and successor Alexander Jannaeus further extended the borders of Galilee during his reign. With the Roman conquest of Palestine in 63 B.C. Pompey recaptured many Galilean cities and incorporated them into a new Roman administration. Under Herod the Great (40-4 B.C.), Galilee, together with Judea and Perea, formed a large portion of the new Judea. Upon Herod's death in 4 B.C. Galilee and Perea were made part of the tetrarchy of Herod Antipas, his son. Galilee constitutes the area in which Jesus conducted the major part of his ministry. His youth and early ministry took place in Nazareth in Lower Galilee; much of his public ministry was located at the northwestern end of the Sea of Galilee, at Capernaum, which was known as Jesus' own city (Matt. 9:1). Galilee is also the area in which Judaism assumed its definitive form, ultimately producing the Mishnah and Palestinian Talmud there. The first-century historian Josephus [Life 45.235) maintains that there were 204 villages in all Galilee. Archaeology has shown that that figure is not improbable. In Lower Galilee the major centers in the first centuries A.D. were Tiberias and Sepphoris. In Upper Galilee, called Tetracomia ("Four Villages") by Josephus, Gush Halav (Gischala) and Meiron were certainly among the largest villages. Jewish population in both areas of Galilee, however, did not fully accelerate till after the two devastating wars with Rome in A.D. 66-73 and 132-135. It was in the aftermath of these debacles that Jews as well as Christians relocated themselves there. E.M.M. Galilee, S e a of, a harp-shaped fresh-water lake in the district of Galilee in northern Palestine, given various names throughout history: "the Sea of Chinnereth" (or "Chinneroth"), from the Hebrew word for a harplike instrument (Num. 34:11; Josh. 12:3; 13:27); "the Sea of Tiberias" (John 6:1; 21:1); "the Lake of Gennesaret" (Luke 5:1); and "the waters of Gennesaret" (1 Mace. 11:67). Elsewhere, it is referred to simply as "the lake" 360

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(Luke 5:2; 8:22-33) or "the sea" (John 6:16-25). It appears as "the Sea of Galilee" in Matt. 4:18; 15:29 and Mark 1:16; 7:31. Along with the Jordan River and the Dead Sea, this body of water is an integral part of the SyroAfrican rift, a geological fault that extends from Syria in the north to the northeastern part of Africa in the south. The lake is approximately 700 feet below sea level and has a maximum depth of 150 feet. The Jordan River, carrying the melted snows of Mt. Hermon, enters the lake from the north, flows through its thirteen-mile length, and continues its course after leaving the lake along the southwestern shoreline. The water surface of the lake varies according to the season and the amount of rainfall. At its widest part, the lake measures about eight miles, and its circumference is about thirty-two miles. Due to the height of the hills (1,200 to 1,500 feet) surrounding the below-sea-level lake, abrupt temperature shifts occur, causing sudden and violent storms, as the NT accounts indicate (Matt. 8:23-27; Mark 4:35-41; Luke 8:22-25; Matt. 14:22-33; Mark 6:45-52; John 6:16-21). The northern end of the lake has little protection and remains subject to strong winds. Nevertheless, the natural features of climate, fertile soil, and abundance of water attracted inhabitants from prehistoric times to the present day to settle along the shores of the lake. The main route of an international highway known as the Via Maris followed a portion of the western coast of the lake, helping the area to develop as one of the larger population centers in NT Palestine. Fishing, agriculture, and fruit growing added to the attraction of the area. Some forty different species of fish inhabit the waters, and salted fish were exported widely throughout the Roman Empire. Fishing remains

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an important occupation of the region today. Some of the towns and areas near the Sea of Galilee that are mentioned in the Gospels are Bethsaida, Capernaum, Chorazin, Gadara, Gennesaret, Magdala, and Tiberias. Numerous hot mineral springs near Tiberias, Gadara, and Tabgha, combined with the tropical climate around the lake, have made the area a natural health spa throughout the centuries. See also Bethsaida; Capernaum; Chorazin; Gadara; Galilee; Magdala; Tiberias; Winds. M.K.M.

There are no further references to Gallio in the NT. Roman sources indicate that, after spending time in Achaia and Egypt, he returned to Rome to take an official position. After his brother Seneca's death in a conspiracy against Nero in the early 60s, Gallio fell into disgrace and ultimately committed suicide. Gallio is important to biblical studies because his stay in Corinth is generally regarded as providing important extrabiblical evidence for establishing the chronology of Paul's activities. An inscription discovered at Delphi mentions Gallio as proconsul of Achaia at the time of the twenty-sixth accolade (an honor given to Roman officials) of the Emperor Claudius. It is not clear whether this was A.D. 52/53 or 51/52, but most scholars prefer the earlier date. Thus, according to Acts 18:12-17, the inscription, and Paul's own writings (1 Cor. 3:5-15), it would appear that Paul was in Corinth ca. A.D. 51/52 and that he founded the church there. If Acts 18:1-17 is read as an accurate account of Paul's first visit to Corinth, it could be concluded that Paul founded the church there ca. A.D. 5 1 - 5 3 . It is possible, however, that the text has condensed the accounts of several visits of Paul to Corinth, and thus the links between the Gallio inscription and Paul's activities in Corinth may not be as sure an indicator as some suppose regarding the date when Paul founded the church in Corinth. See also Achaia; Chronology, New Testament; Corinth; Paul; Tribunal. A.J.M.

gall, liver bile (Job 16:13) or venom ("gall of asps," Job 20:14). It is used as a metaphor for bitter punishment for evil (Job 20:25). It is also an herb both bitter (Matt. 27:34) and poisonous (Ps. 69:21). It stood for bitterness (Acts 8:23) and in Lam. 3:19 it is paired with wormwood as the extremity of bitter experience. The "poisonous weeds" of Hos. 10:4 (KJV: "hemlock") may possibly be Conium maculatum, such as Socrates reportedly drank. Gallio (garee-oh), the son of the Roman rhetorician Seneca, brother of Seneca the philosopher, and holder of several important civil positions in the Roman Empire. His full name was Lucius Junius Gallio Annaeus. According to Acts 18:12-17, Paul was brought before Gallio's judgment seat in Corinth (discovered in recent times in the old city) when Gallio was proconsul in Achaia. After a perfunctory hearing, Gallio perceived that the dispute between Paul and his Jewish accusers was over an internal religious matter and refused to proceed with the case. In this account, Gallio is characterized as one possessing no inclination, in the case either of Paul or of the subsequent beating of Sosthenes, to make official intervention in what he perceived as strictly internal Jewish issues.

An inscription discovered at Delphi mentions Gallio as proconsul of Achaia during the reign of the emperor Claudius, important extrabiblical evidence for establishing the date of Paul's presence in Corinth.

gallon, a word appearing only in John 2:6, where the RSV converts a Greek term (translated "firkins" in the KJV) into an approximate equivalent in gallons. The Greek term equals about nine gallons. See also Weights and Measures. gallows, a device for execution by hanging. Most gallows comprise a platform from which a vertical support ascends to anchor a horizontal arm from which the strangling rope descends. Biblical law made no provision for such a form of execution, and it figures exclusively in the book of Esther. In that account, Bigthan and Teresh, who had plotted to assassinate the Persian king, were hanged once their threat was found to be true (Esther 2:23). A gallows "fifty cubits high" is built for the execution of Mordecai at the instigation of Haman on a similar charge (5:14). The remaining five references show how Haman and his sons are executed for their deceitful evil plotting against the Jews (chaps. 6-9). These events provide the setting for the Feast of Purim. Gamaliel (guh-may"lee-uhl; Heb., "recompense of God"). 1 The son of Pedahzur, a prince of Manasseh on the march through the wilderness (Num. 1:10; 2:20). 2 A Pharisee in the Sanhédrin, honored by all the people, who counseled letting the apostles out of prison

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(Acts 5:34-39) and a teacher of the law who instructed Paul (Acts 22:3). In rabbinic literature Gamaliel is identified as Gamaliel I or the Elder, who flourished in the mid-first century. Little is known of him reliably; the list of princes or patriarchs of Judaism in Pirke Abot (part of the Mishnah) lists him after Hillel. 3 Gamaliel II (late first and early second century), the leader of the rabbinic assembly which gathered after the destruction of the Temple in A.D. 70. To him and his predecessor or colleague, Johanan ben Zakkai, are credited many of the adaptations made by Judaism in response to the loss of TemA.J.S. ple and priesthood in A.D. 70.

cluded foot races, horse races, chariot races, boxing, wrestling, the discus throw, and the javelin throw, among others. Paul frequently uses the metaphor of sporting events. He speaks of running a race (1 Cor. 9:24-27; Gal. 2:2; 5:7; Phil. 3:14) and of fighting a good fight (1 Tim. 1:18; 2 Tim. 4:7). Board games, though not mentioned specifically in the Bible, have been found in a number of archaeological excavations. In the NT, the soldiers cast lots for Jesus' garments, probably gambling with dice (Matt. 27:35). Inlaid gaming boards were known from Ur as early as the twenty-sixth century B.C. Likewise, game boards and boxes have been uncovered from Egypt dating to the third and second millennia B.C. One Egyptian set is fully preserved. Of the ten ivory playing pieces five were carved with dogs' heads and five with jackals' heads. These pieces were apparently moved around a playing board with numerous holes for the pieces. Three astragali (animal knuckle bones) served as the dice to determine moves. Game boards have also been found in Palestine. An ivory board from Megiddo is largely circular with fifty-eight holes for pieces to move along. A limestone game board from Tell Beit Mirsim has fifteen ruled squares and ten playing pieces of blue faience, five cone-shaped and five tetrahedrons. It also has a small die in the shape of a truncated pyramid, with numbers on the four sides. Unfortunately, no evidence remains to indicate how these games were played. However, games must have been enjoyed as much in biblical times as checkers, chess, backgammon, and similar games are today. J.F.D.

game, the meat of any of a variety of wild animals hunted for food. Jacob prepared a dish of game (KJV: "venison") for his father Isaac as part of his plot to gain the birthright of his brother Esau by trickery (Gen. 25:28; 27:3-33). games, activities of varying degrees of structure and organization that are pursued for pleasure. Gaines in biblical times may be categorized as mental exercises, sporting events, or board games. The riddle proposed by Samson (Judg. 14:12-14) is an instance of a mental exercise. Riddles were widely known in the ancient Near East but were supposed to deal with common experience or knowledge. One reference to a sporting event in the OT, described in 2 Sam. 2:12-17, set twelve of Joab's men against twelve of Abner's men. The contest, which was probably intended to be wrestling, had, however, a fatal outcome. The NT shows the influence of Greek culture and Greek games on Palestine. These games in-

A game board decorated with shells found in a tomb at Ur. Although not specifically mentioned in the Bible, game boards date as far back as the twenty-sixth century B.C.

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garden, a plot of cultivated land enclosed by walls made of stones, mudbrick, or hedges. Entrance was normally through a gate which could be locked (Song of Sol. 4:12; 2 Kings 25:4). Located near ample supplies of water, gardens were lush and desirable pieces of property used both for decorative and utilitarian purposes (Gen. 13:10; Num. 24:6; Jer. 31:12). Vegetables, spices, fruit trees, and flowers were grown in them (1 Kings 21:2; Jer. 29:5; Song of Sol. 4:12-16; Luke 13:19). Gardens were also used as meeting places for social occasions and for meditation and prayer (Esther 1:5; John 18:1). Occasionally, idolatrous religious practices were carried on in gardens (Isa. 65:3; 66:17). Ancestral tombs were often located in gardens. Thus, many Judean kings were buried in garden tombs (2 Kings 21:18, 26), and the body of Jesus was placed to rest in a garden tomb belonging to Joseph of Arimathea (John 19:41-42). The care of gardens might require the employ of a gardener (John 20:15). The word "garden" is also used metaphorically and symbolically in the Bible. Thus, in the Song of Solomon, the word refers to the young woman or bride whom the lover comes to court (Song of Sol. 4:12; 5:1; 6:2). Elsewhere, the word refers to the mythical "garden of God" or "garden of the Lord," also known as "Eden," where God walked among the trees in the cool of the day and from which the primordial human beings were banished (Gen. 2:15; 3:1, 2, 3, 8, 10, 23, 24; Ezek. 28:13; 31:8-9). In this latter sense it is also used as a simile to describe the eschatological restoration of the land of Israel (Isa. 51:3; 58:11; Ezek. 36:35). See also Eden; Paradise. W.E.L.

783-742 B.C.). However, there is no corroboration of those conquests in the Deuteronomistic history (Joshua-2 Kings). We know from ancient Near Eastern sources that Sargon II of Assyria destroyed the city (ca. 712 B.C.). Gath is a common place name. The biblical references given do not make for an easy or certain determination as to which site was ancient Gath. W. F. Albright identified it with Tell eshSheikh Ahmed el-Areini, but this has not received much support in recent years. Some have argued in favor of Tell en-Nagileh. Y. Aharoni and A. Rainey have proposed Tell es-Safi as S.B.R. the correct site.

garment. See Dress. gate. See Walls. Gate, Beautiful. See Nicanor. Gath (gath), one of the Philistine Pentapolis cities located on the coastal plain in southern Palestine (Josh. 13:3). It, like Ashdod, was one of the remaining homes of the Anakim (giants; see Josh. 11:22; 2 Sam. 21:22). The city is mentioned twice in conjunction with the stories about the Ark of the Covenant (1 Sam. 4-6; 2 Sam. 6). The Philistine inhabitants of Ashdod sent the Ark to Gath (1 Sam. 5:8; 6:17; 7:14). Gath was also the home of Goliath the Philistine (1 Sam. 17:4, 23). David befriended Achish, the king of Gath, during his period of social banditry (1 Sam. 27:2-11). However Gath continued as a center of opposition to the Hebrews, and it provided fighting men who opposed the Hebrews (2 Sam. 15:18; 21:20). During the reign of Joash (ca. 800-785 B.C.) Hazael, king of Damascus/Syria, took the city (2 Kings 12:17). According to the Chronicler, the city was captured by David (2 Chron. 26:6) and recaptured by Uzziah (ca.

Gath-rimmon (gath-rim'uhn; Heb., "the winepress of Rimmon"), a city originally assigned to Dan but later given to the Lévites (Josh. 19:45; 21:24). In a parallel account it is listed as being given to the Lévites from the tribe of Ephraim (1 Chron. 6:69), but the Chronicles account omits a verse preserved in Joshua (21:23) that specifies that the city is in Dan. A second Gathrimmon given to the Lévites from the half-tribe of Manasseh is also recorded (Josh. 21:25), but in the parallel account (1 Chron. 6:70) the city is called Bileam. There is probably only one Gathrimmon and the confusion in the accounts is usually attributed by scholars to scribal errors. The city is thought to be located northeast of Joppa, although the exact site is not known. Perhaps the fact that this area is near the borders of Dan, Ephraim, and Manasseh contributed to the confusion in the accounts. D.R.B. Gaza (gay'zuh), a settlement about three miles from the Mediterranean coast, marking the southern border of Canaan. It was captured by pharaoh Thutmose III (ca. 1469 B.C.). It is also mentioned in the Tell el-Amarna tablets and Taanach tablets as an Egyptian administrative center. It was captured by men of the tribe of Judah (Judg. 1:18) and was included in the allotment given to that tribe (Josh. 15:47). It was part of the Philistine Pentapolis, the southernmost city in that league of five cities (Josh. 13:3; 1 Sam. 6:17; Jer. 25:20). The city was later taken by Tiglath-pileser III, king of Assyria. We also have an account of Hezekiah's conquest of the city (2 Kings 18:9). Pharaoh Neco II occupied the city briefly in 609 B.C. It was a royal fortress under the Persian control of the area, according to the Greek historian Herodotus (2.159); it was called Kadytis. It was the only city in its area to oppose Alexander the Great (332 B.C.). Later on, it was an outpost of the Ptolemies, who were the ruling power in Egypt during the Hellenistic period, until its capture in 198 by Antiochus III, the Seleucid king who was in control of Syria. The Seleucid city was subsequently attacked by Jonathan the Hasmonean (145 B.C.; see 1 Mace. 11:61-62). During the Hasmonean civil war, the city was taken by Alexander Jannaeus in 96 B.C.

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The Roman Pompey restored the city and Galbinius, also a Roman official, rebuilt the city (ca. 57 B.C.). King Herod the Great held the city for a short time, but after his death it came under the authority of the Roman proconsul of Syria. It flourished as a Roman city and remained a center for the Jewish community and the emerging Christian community throughout the Roman era (63 B.C.-A.D. 324) and continuing into the Byzantine period (324-1453). As part of the Philistine Pentapolis, Gaza played an important role in the Samson saga (Judg. 13-16). Modern Tell Harube has been identified as ancient Gaza. It was excavated by W. J. Phythian-Adams in 1922 for the Palestine Exploration Fund. In 1965, a mosaic pavement was discovered by the Egyptian Department of Antiquities. In 1967 A. Ovadiah excavated the area and discovered a synagogue from the sixth century A.D. There appears to have been continuous occupation from the Late Bronze era until the Byzantine period (ca. 1500 B.C.-A.D. 632). S.B.R.

game animal, regularly supplied at Solomon's table (1 Kings 4:23), though they were difficult to catch because of their swiftness (2 Sam. 2:18;1 Chron. 12:8).

gazelle, an antelope-like creature. Three species of these antelope lived in Palestine: the Dorcas gazelle [Gazella dorcas) in the deserts, the mountain gazelle [Gazella gazella) in the hillier areas, and the goitred gazelle [Gazella subgutturosa) east of the Jordan. They were symbols of love and beauty for the Hebrews (Song of Sol. 2:9, 17). They were also a major A gazelle tended by a western Asiatic; detail of a wall painting from a tomb at BeniHasan, Egypt, second millennium B.C.

Geba (geelmh), a town to the northwest of the Dead Sea given to the Lévites from the tribe of Benjamin (Josh. 21:17). It guarded the Michmash pass and was the scene of Israelite battles with the Philistines (1 Sam. 13:3). It is sometimes confused with Gibeah and Gibeon in the Hebrew text. Geba was later fortified by Asa (1 Kings 15:22) and was repopulated in the postexilic period (after mid-sixth century B.C.) (Neh. 11:31). See also Gibeah; Gibeon; Michmash; Philistines. Gebal (geelauhl; Heb., "mountain"). 1 A Canaanite and Phoenician port about twenty miles (32 km.) north of Beirut, known to the Greeks as Byblos, from which comes our word "bible," and today called Jebail. Mentioned in Josh. 13:5 as part of "the land that yet remains" to be conquered, it was famous for its craftsmen: stonemasons and carpenters who helped construct Solomon's Temple (1 Kings 5:18), and shipwrights (Ezek. 27:9) who used cedar, spruce, and cypress from the high mountains immediately east of the city. Excavations by P. Montet (1921-1924) and M. Dunand (since 1925) reveal a long and fascinating history. First settled in the pre-pottery Neolithic period as early as ca. 8000 B.C., it was already important during the Chalcolithic period (ca. 3500-3100 B.C.). In the Bronze Age (ca. 3000-1200 B.C.) Gebal traded as far afield as Anatolia, Mesopotamia, and the Sudan, not only in lumber, but also in such goods as wine, leather and oil. So important was the wood for Egypt, which had none of its own, that whenever strong enough it maintained control there. However, between ca. 1800 and 1500 B.C. Gebal fell to the Hyksos, who fortified it strongly. Egypt regained control after 1500 but never attained its earlier authority. The Tell el-Amarna Letters indicate that Rib-Addi of Gebal alone remained faithful to Egypt, but his repeated appeals for help apparently evoked no Egyptian response. Despite the defeat of the Sea Peoples by the pharaoh Rameses III (ca. 1175 B.C.) Egyptian dominance came to an end, and an account of how an Egyptian official, Wen-Amon, was rudely received in ca. 1000 B.C. vividly reveals Gebal's complete freedom of action. To the following century belongs the fine sarcophagus of King Ahiram, bearing the earliest known Phoenician alphabetic inscription. In fact, almost all early Phoenician inscriptions so far discovered come from Gebal. Although the city strongly supported the coalition against the Assyrian invasion at Qarqar in 853 B.C., it was already being supplanted by Tyre and was never again so

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powerful. It remained an important trading center until the Byzantine period (A.D. 324-632), but suffered a sudden eclipse after the Muslim conquest in A.D. 636. In 1103 it was captured by the Crusaders, whose strong citadel still stands, but it fell to Saladin in 1189. 2 A tribal area south of the Dead Sea mentioned in Ps. 83:7 in connection with Moab and Edom; some modern scholars equate it with 1 above. See also Egypt; Hyksos; Mesopotamia; Temple, The. D.B.

Maacha (1 Chron. 8:31; 9:37). 6 The residence of Jehoram (1 Chron. 12:7).

Geber (geeTDuhr; Heb., "vigorous"), the son of Uri; he was Solomon's provisions procurement officer in Gilead (1 Kings 4:19). Gedaliah (ged'uh-li'uh), the son of Ahikam son of Shaphan, who was appointed by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar as governor of Judah after its capture in 586 B.C. (1 Kings 25:22). Gedaliah was a member of a prominent Jerusalem family; his father and grandfather had served in Josiah's court (2 Kings 22:3, 14). He, too, may have been a royal official, if he is identical with "Gedaliah, the royal steward" whose name appears on a stamp seal discovered at Lachish. Though viewed with suspicion by his contemporaries as being a Babylonian collaborator, Gedaliah succeeded in restoring order to the countryside with the support of former army officers and the prophet Jeremiah. But his tenure at Mizpah, the provincial capital, was cut short by a conspiracy led by Ishmael, son of Nataniah, of the royal line. Despite prior warnings, Gedaliah and his entourage were slaughtered; the conspirators escaped across the Jordan to Ammon (Jer. 40-41). A national day of fasting and mourning was inaugurated among the exiles to mark his tragic murder (Zech. 7:5). See also Nebuzaradan. M.C. Gederah (gi-dee'ruh; Heb., "a wall"), a city in the lowlands of Judah noted for its royal potters (Josh. 15:36; 1 Chron. 4:23). It was also the home of Jozabad, one of David's warriors (1 Chron. 12:4) and of Baal-hanan, an agricultural official under David (1 Chron. 27:28). The site is unknown. Gedor (gee'dor; Heb., possibly "stone pile"). 1 The name of a town inherited by Judah (Josh. 15:58), possibly Khirbet Jedur southwest of Bethlehem and northwest of Hebron. 2 A son of the Judahite Penuel (1 Chron. 4:4) who, it has been suggested, may have been the founder of the town inherited by Judah. 3 A son of the Judahite Jered (1 Chron. 4:18). 4 The name of the entrance to some rich grazing land (1 Chron. 4:39). Suggestions have been made that, in this case, "Gedar" should be changed to read "Gerar." 5 A son of the Benjaminite Jeiel and

Gehazi (gi-hay'z/; Heb., "valley of vision"), the servant or younger associate of Elisha the prophet. In the story of the wealthy Shunammite woman (2 Kings 4:8-37), Gehazi is portrayed as Elisha's faithful messenger and perhaps overzealous protector (v. 27). Some time later Gehazi is in conversation with the king of Israel when this same woman appears seeking recovery of her property after a sojourn in Philistia (2 Kings 8:1-6). In the story of Naaman (2 Kings 5) Gehazi is portrayed as greedy and deceitful and is cursed with Naaman's leprosy by Elisha. A rabbinic tradition suggests the identification of the four lepers at the gate who discover the mysterious rout of the Syrians (2 Kings 7:3-8) with Gehazi and his three sons. D.L.C. Gehenna (gi-hen'uh), hell or hellfire. The word is derived from Hebrew ge-hinnom, meaning "valley of Hinnom," also known in the OT as "the valley of the son(s) of Hinnom." Located west and south of Jerusalem and running into the Kidron Valley at a point opposite the modern village of Silwan, the valley of Hinnom once formed part of the boundary between the tribes of Judah and Benjamin (Josh. 15:8; 18:16; Neh. 11:30). During the monarchical period, it became the site of an infamous high place (called "Topheth" and derived from an Aramaic word meaning "fireplace"), where some of the kings of Judah engaged in forbidden religious practices, including human sacrifice by fire (2 Chron. 28:3; 33:6; Jer. 7:31; 32:35). Because of this, Jeremiah spoke of its impending judgment and destruction (Jer. 7:32; 19:6). King Josiah put an end to these practices by destroying and defiling the high place in the valley of Hinnom (2 Kings 23:10). Probably because of these associations with fiery destruction and judgment, the word "Gehenna" came to be used metaphorically during the intertestamental period as a designation for hell or eternal damnation. In the NT, the word is used only in this way and never as a geographic place name. As such, Gehenna is to be distinguished from Hades, which is either the abode of all the dead in general (Acts 2:27, 31; Rev. 20:13-14) or the place where the wicked await the final judgment. By contrast, the righteous enter paradise, or a state of bliss, immediately upon death (Luke 16:19-31; 23:43; 2 Cor. 12:3). Jesus warned his disciples of committing sins that would lead to Gehenna (Matt. 5:22, 29-30; 23:33; Mark 9:45; Luke 12:5). In the NT, Gehenna designates the place or state of the final punishment of the wicked. It is variously described as a fiery furnace (Matt. 13:42, 50), an unquenchable fire (Mark 9:43), or an eternal fire prepared for the devil and his angels (Matt. 25:41). See also Hell, Sheol. W.E.L.

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Gemariah (gem'uh-ri'uh). 1 The son of Shaphan, of an influential Jerusalem family of scribes in the early sixth century B.C. The scroll of Jeremiah's collected prophecies was first read in Gemariah's chamber in the Temple precinct (Jer. 36:10). Later, Gemariah appears among the prophet's supporters at the court of Jehoiakim. 2 The son of Hilkiah, who carried Jeremiah's letter to the exiles in Babylonia (Jer. 29:3).

The NT genealogies of Jesus in Matt. 1:1-17 and Luke 3:23-38 seek to establish above all his Davidic descent (Matt. 1:1, 6, 17; Luke 3:31). Matthew's also establishes his descent from Abraham (1:1-2,17), while Luke's traces his descent to "Adam, the Son of God" (3:38). Although both genealogies cover the span from Abraham to Jesus, they cannot be harmonized. Matthew computes three groups of fourteen generations each for this span (1:17), although only forty-one (not forty-two) names actually appear (inclusive of Abraham and Jesus), while Luke lists fifty-seven names. The names are mostly the same from Abraham to David in both (Luke 3:33 adds Ami and Admin), but thereafter only three names appear in common (Shealtiel, Zerubbabel, and Joseph). In spite of attempts to explain the discrepancies, these genealogies should be seen as containing some historical information but designed primarily in light of the intent of the Evangelists: to establish that Jesus fulfills the messianic hopes of Israel. See also A.J.H. David; King; Messiah; Priests.

genealogy, a history of the descent of a person or group (family, tribe, or nation) from an ancestor. The term appears in both the OT and the NT (1 Chron. 5:1, 7, 17; 2 Chron. 31:16; Ezra 2:62; Neh. 7:5, 64; 1 Tim. 1:4; Titus 3:9; also Matt. 1:1 RSV [KJV: "origins"]). The OT contains about two dozen genealogical lists. The first is at Gen. 4:17-22 (from Cain through seven generations). Other prominent lists are the generations from Adam to Noah (Gen. 5:1-32), the descendants of Noah (Gen. 10:1-32), the generations from Shem to Abraham (Gen. 11:10-26), the descendants of Jacob (Gen. 46:8-27) and Levi (Exod. 6:16-25), and the list of persons and families of the postexilic community who continue the line from preexilic times (Ezra 2:2b-61). The most extensive genealogy is in 1 Chron. 1:1-9:44 (Adam to the descendants of Saul). These genealogies vary in historical value and purposes. The aim of constructing genealogies was to establish descent and thereby one's identity. Certain generations and individuals, however, were omitted. For example, Exod. 6:16-20 identifies Moses as the great-grandson of Levi, which is hardly possible in a strict sense, since the time span is over four hundred years (cf. Exod. 12:40). The earliest sources of the Pentateuch (J and E) contain relatively little genealogical material (Gen. 4 : 1 , 19-24; 9:20-27). These serve chiefly to account for differences among peoples and cultures. The impetus for genealogies arises above all after the Deuteronomic reform (seventh century B.C.), which stressed purity of the community (Deut. 7:1-4; 23:1-8). This was intensified in the postexilic era when ethnic purity had to be documented and foreign influence had to be removed (Ezra 2:59-63; 10:9-44; Neh. 13:23-28). Moreover, genealogies were constructed for the Aaronic priesthood (restricted to descendants of Levi; Exod. 28:1-29:44). Since royal succession in the Southern Kingdom was determined by Davidic descent, a royal genealogical record had to be kept. Furthermore, it was expected (although not in all circles) that the Messiah would be a descendant of David (Isa. 11:1-5), whose "house" and "throne" had been established forever by divine promise (2 Sam. 7:16; Ps. 89:3-4).

general Letters, the seven NT Letters attributed to James, Peter (2), John (3), and Jude, also known as "catholic Epistles." The Letters are written either to a general audience or to an individual not otherwise identifiable (2 and 3 John). See also Epistle; Letter. generation (Heb. dor), the period of time between the birth of parents and the birth of their children; all of the people alive during that time. The OT uses "generation" only loosely as a measure of time, and it is therefore difficult to use the term in exact chronological calculations. Although a generation sometimes covers up to a hundred years (Gen. 15:13, 16; Exod. 12:40), most biblical writers seem to consider thirty to forty years to be a normal generation (Deut. 2:14; Job 42:16; Ps. 95:10). Usually "generation" simply refers to all of the people at a given time (Gen. 6:9; Pss. 14:5; 24:6; 49:19; 24:6; 112:2; Jer. 2:3). Some English translations use "generations" to translate the Hebrew word toledot, a term that refers to a sequence of people or events and that might better be translated "genealogy" or "story." In Genesis the formula "these are the generations of X" is used to give structure to the book. Sometimes the formula introduces genealogies that summarize a history of events, trace the transmission of something from one generation to another, or relate characters to each other (Gen. 5:1; 10:1; 11:10; 25:12; 36:1). Elsewhere the formula introduces a new block of narrative (Gen. 2:4; 6:9; 11:27; 25:19; 37:2). Outside of Genesis, the word "generations" usually introduces or concludes a genealogy (e.g., Exod. 6:16, 19; 28:10; Num. 3:1; 1 Chron. 5:7; Matt. 1:17). See also Genealogy. R.R.W.

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GENESIS

Bible of Charles the Bald (ninth century) shows (top) the creation of man and woman, (middle) eating the fruit of the forbidden tree, and (bottom) the banishment of Adam and Eve from the Garden of Eden.

Genesis (jen'uh-sis), the first book of the Bible; it is the narrative account of both the world's and Israel's inception. Content: The book divides into two major sections, the primeval or world history in Gen. 1-11 and the family history of Israel's ancestors in chaps. 12-50. The former begins with the creation of the cosmos. Unique among the traditions of the ancient Near East, the biblical view of creation begins with a series of divine commands that systematically bring about and structure all of creation. The creation of human beings in God's image, male and female, on the sixth day, marks the final creative act (1:26—27). The pinnacle of creation, however, is the Sabbath, the seventh day on which God rested (cf. Exod. 20:8-11). With creation comes blessing in the command to "be fruitful and multiply" (Gen. 1:22, 28), the great commission of the OT, as it were. All of creation is declared "very good" (1:31), but the approbation does not last. After the creation of the first man and woman described in 2:4-25, primordial harmony is disrupted with the disobedience of the first couple, resulting in ejection from the Garden, followed by fratricide (4:1-16) and a general increase in wickedness and violence (6:5, 11). Yet coupled with this downward spiral of violence and sin is the steady progress of blessing, which en-

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dures even through the Flood with the family of Noah (see the genealogical lists of 5:1-32; 10:1-32; 11:10-31). Moving from world history to family history, the remainder of the book focuses upon the adventures and hardships of Israel's ancestors: Abraham and Sarah (Gen. 12—25), Isaac and Rebekah (Gen. 25-26), Jacob ("Israel") and Rachel (Gen. 25-36), and Joseph (Gen. 37-50). Tracing four successive generations, this family history begins when Abraham and Sarah are called to journey to an unknown land to bear God's promise of blessing for all the families of the earth (12:1-3). Wandering throughout the lands of Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Canaan, these fallible ancestors of Israel share in common God's promise to bless them with land and posterity (e.g., 13:15-17; 15:5, 7, 1 8 - 2 1 ; 17:2-8; 2 2 : 1 7 - 1 8 ; 26:2-4; 28:3-4, 1 3 - 1 5 ; 50:24). Critical Study: Scholars have long noted the diverse array of traditions, genres, and literary sources that make up this extensive work: divergent accounts of creation in Gen. 1:1-2:4a and 2:4b-25, genealogical lists (cf. 4:17-26; 5:1-32), poetic blessings (27:27-29, 39-40), cycles of narrative tradition (chaps. 25-36), and even a smattering of mythology (6:1-4). In addition, the literature evinces a long and complex history of transmission, from the earliest oral traditions to the final edited version. Noting changes in style and content, scholars have traditionally identified four literary layers or sources: J, E, D, and P. However, new gains in this area of study are mounting, placing into question some of the once well-accepted theories about the book's development. The literary extent, social provenance, and dating of the literary sources, for example, are increasingly open to question. Scholars are noting a creative, literary logic behind the countless stylistic shifts and repetitions (doublets) in the book. In any case, like the Pentateuch in which it belongs, the book of Genesis is essentially a pastiche of various kinds of literature and traditions joined together like finely woven tapestry. Theology: Genesis is first and foremost an account of God's ardent initiative to create and bless the world. Divine discourse commences as well as directs the course of history. God's character as depicted in Genesis is full and complex: God creates, deliberates, and recreates (Gen. 1:26; 11:6-7; 18:17). Resolute in intent, God is also stricken with grief (Gen. 6:6). Utterly transcendent, God enters into the fray of earthly existence, blessing and guiding human beings through the travails of history. God both acts and reacts to the choices human beings make (e.g., Gen. 11:1-9). The story of the Flood marks a watershed in this sweeping narrative, for here God must begin anew the whole creative enterprise. Yet God never relents in blessing and renewing life.

GENESIS

GENESIS OUTLINE OF CONTENTS Genesis

I. Primeval history: creation and human history (1:1-11:32) A. Creation and its goodness (1:1-2:25) 1. Creation of the world (1:1-2:4a) 2. Creation of man and woman (2:4b-25 [cf. 1:26-27]) B. Creation gone awry (3:1-4:16) 1. Disobedience in the Garden (3:1-24) 2. Strife among brothers (4:1-16) C. Life before the Flood (4:17-6:4) D. The Flood story (6:5-9:29) 1. Human corruption and divine resolve (6:5-22) 2. The coming of the Flood (7:1-24) 3. The resolution of the Flood (8:1-22) 4. The covenant of rainbow (9:1—17) 5. The family of Noah (9:18-29) E. The generations of the sons of Noah (10:1-32) F. The Tower of Babel (11:1-9) G. The generations of Shem (11:10-32) II. The family history of Israel's ancestors (12:1-50:26) A. Stories of Abraham and Sarah (12:1-25:18) 1. The initial call and promise (12:1-9) 2. At residence in Egypt (12:10-20) 3. Division of the land with Lot (13:1-18) 4. Victory over the kings (14:1-24) 5. The covenant of land and progeny (15:1-21) 6. Sarah and Hagar (16:1-16) 7. The covenant of circumcision (17:1-27) 8. The promise of a son (18:1-15) 9. Sodom and Gomorrah (18:16-19:38) 10. At residence in Gerar (20:1-18) 11. Isaac's birth and Hagar's dismissal (21:1-21) 12. The covenant at Beer-sheba (21:22-34) Attesting to God's intent to lead history toward its consummation and to return it to its glorious beginning, the rest of Scripture continues the message of Genesis. This first book of the Bible sets the stage for the ongoing course of history as well as prefigures history's fulfillment. The prophetic visions of the final days reflect God's plan to bring about a new creation, a creation that is anticipated "in the beginning" and yet exceeds it (e.g., Zech. 14:6-8; Rev. 21:1-27). See also Patriarch; Pentateuch.

13. The testing of Abraham (22:1-24) 14. The death of Sarah (23:1-20) 15. The marriage of Isaac and Rebekah (24:1-67) 16. Abraham's genealogy and death (25:1-18) B. Stories of Isaac and Jacob (25:19-36:43) 1. The birth of Jacob and Esau (25:19-34) 2. At residence in Gerar (26:1-30) 3. The blessings of Jacob and Esau (27:1-40) 4. Jacob's journeys and residence in Haran (27:41-31:55) 5. Jacob and Esau reconciled (32:1-33:20) 6. Jacob's children at Shechem (34:1-31) 7. Various Jacob traditions (35:1-29) 8. The descendants of Esau (36:1-43) C. The story of Jacob's sons: Joseph and his brothers (37:1-50:26) 1. Joseph's dream and trouble (37:1-36) 2. Judah and Tamar (38:1-30) 3. Joseph's rise to power in Egypt (39:1-41:57) 4. Joseph and his brothers (42:1-44:34) 5. Joseph's self-disclosure (45:1-28) 6. Jacob's settlement in Egypt (46:1-47:26) 7. The blessing and last days of Jacob (47:27-50:14) 8. Joseph forgives his brothers (50:15-21) 9. Joseph's last days (50:22-26) Bibliography Brueggemann, Walter. Genesis. Atlanta, GA: John Knox, 1982. Mann, Thomas W. The Book of the Torah. Atlanta, GA: John Knox, 1988. von Rad, Gerhard. Genesis: A Commentary. Rev. ed. Translated by J. J. Marks. Old Testament Library. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1972. Westermann, Claus. Genesis 1 - 1 1 . Translated by J. J. Scullion. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg, 1984. W.P.B.

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GENTILE

An inscription forbidding non-Jews (i.e., Gentiles) from entering the Temple in Jerusalem; cast of the original stone, which dates to 20 B.C.

Gennesaret (gi-nes'uh-ret). See Galilee, Sea of. Gentile (from Lat. gens, "nation"), a non-Jew. The distinction has its roots in the OT in the seven nations (Heb. goyim) not driven completely from the land (Josh. 24:11). According to several traditions, the Israelite was enjoined to maintain strict separation from them in matters of religion, marriage, and politics (Exod. 23:28-33; Deut. 7:1-5; Josh. 23:4-13), although, historically speaking, the amount of interchange between Israel and the peoples of the land seems to have been considerable. Only in postbiblical Hebrew did it become possible to speak of an individual "Gentile" [goy] as, after Ezra, the Jewish community began to close ranks in the wake of the Exile. Jew and Gentile: The distinction between Jew and Gentile is related to a tension between universalism and particularism. The Isaianic tradition spoke of Israel as "a light to the nations" (Isa. 42:6; cf. 60:3). In the latter days, the nations would flow to Jerusalem to learn Torah (Isa. 2:2-4) or to participate in the coming reign of God (45:22-24; 51:4-5). On the other hand, in an effort to establish a separation between Jew and Gentile, Ezra and Nehemiah commanded Jews in Jerusalem to divorce their nonJewish wives—not just those of the seven nations (Ezra 9-10; Neh. 10:30; 13:23-31). Ruth and Jonah seem to be parables written to protest this action in the name of a more universal understanding of God's care for his human creation. The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha give evidence of a wall being erected between Jew and Gentile (see 2 Mace. 14:38), although expressions of universalism are still found. The claim that the world was created for Israel alone [T. Moses 1:12; 2 Esd. 6:56) contrasts sharply with

echoes of the Isaianic "light to the nations" [T. Levi 2:11; 14:4; Tob. 13:11; T. Judah 24:5-6; 1 Enoch 10:21). Ecclus. 11:34 warns against receiving a stranger into your household, lest your way of life become alienated. The prohibition of mixed marriages became a central concern (Tob. 4:12-13; T. Levi 9:10; 14:6). Other areas in which separateness was particularly apparent include food (Dan. 1:8-15; Tob. 1:10-12), circumcision (1 Mace. 1:11-15), and avoidance of the idolatry characteristic of gentile society (1 Mace. 3:48). 1 Mace. 1 presents in bold relief the contrast between life according to Jewish and gentile law and custom. While it was possible for a Gentile to become a proselyte, many of those attracted to Jewish monotheism became "God-fearers" (Acts 10:2; 13:16) rather than undergo circumcision and keep the food laws required of full converts. Rabbinic attitudes toward Gentiles vary depending upon the conditions of Jewish life. The righteous Gentile was expected to keep the seven Noachian laws [Gen. Rab., Noah, 34:8) and, according to some, would be given a place in the world to come [t. Sanh. 13:2). The Jew was to deal honestly with Gentiles in order to avoid profanation of the name of God [Abod. Zar. 26a) and was obligated to relieve their poor {Gittin 61a). The charging of interest to Gentile as well as Jew was prohibited [B. Mes. 70b-71a). On the other hand, one finds polemics directed against Gentiles for their idolatry and immorality as well as regulations designed to maintain Jewish separateness—for example, prohibitions against wines and cooked foods prepared by Gentiles. In the Early Christian Community: The development of Christianity, which began as a Jewish movement, was profoundly affected by the success of the gentile mission undertaken by the apostle Paul and others. The Jerusalem conference of about the year A.D. 49 determined that gentile converts to Christianity did not have to become Jewish proselytes (Gal. 2:1-10; Acts 15:1-35), thus opening membership in the Christian community to those who might otherwise have remained "God-fearers." Paul fought efforts to distinguish between Jew and Gentile in the Christian community (Rom. 3:29-30; Gal. 2 : 1 1 - 2 1 ; 3:26-29). He was opposed by the Judaizers or "circumcision party" (Gal. 2:12), Christians who insisted that gentile converts become Jewish proselytes. Paul's practice furthered the success of Christianity within the empire and led to its emergence as a distinct religion by the end of the first century. As a result of the controversy over the role of Gentiles in the church, it is difficult to determine the attitude of Jesus himself, since both sides seem to have affected the preservation of the Jesus tradition. Some scholars suggest that Jesus understood the activity of the Messiah in traditional terms as directed toward the Jewish people (Matt. 10:5-6; 15:24) with, perhaps, the inclusion of the Gentiles in the final rule of

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GERAR

God. On the other hand, Jesus does not seem to have been a supporter of Jewish nationalism, and some of his more radical sayings and actions (Matt. 21:31; Mark 11:15; Luke 10:30-35) suggest that he proclaimed a kingdom that confronted men and women rather than Jew and Gentile. See also Monotheism; Paul; Proselyte; Stranger. Bibliography Jeremias, Joachim. Jesus' Promise to the Nations. Translated by S. H. Hooke. Naperville, IL: Allenson, 1958. Manson, Thomas Walter. Jesus and the NonJews. London: Athlone, 1955. Montefiore, Claude G., and Herbert Loewe. A Rabbinic Anthology. New York: Schocken, 1974. D.W.S.

Benjamin whose exact genealogy was not known. 6 A member of Saul's family and father of Shimei, the man who pronounced a curse on D.R.B. David (2 Sam. 16:5; 19:16).

Gentiles, Court of the. See Temple, The. Gera (gee'ruh). 1 A son of Benjamin (Gen. 46:21). 2 A son of Bela and grandson of Benjamin (1 Chron. 8:3). 3 A second son of Bela and grandson of Benjamin (1 Chron. 8:5). 4 A Benjaminite, the father of Ehud (Judg. 3:15). 5 A Benjaminite, son of Ehud (1 Chron. 8:7). It is difficult to separate these names and assign them to specific persons. They may all represent the same person whose ancestry has become confused in the records; or the name may represent an ancient clan within the tribe of

gerah (gee'ruh), measure of weight comprising one twentieth of a shekel (Exod. 30:13; Lev. 27:25; Num. 3:47; 18:16; Ezek. 45:12). Recovered samples to date indicate an average weight of 0.565 grams. See also Weights and Measures. Gerar (gee'rahr), a town in the Negev whose exact location remains undetermined. Abraham visited the town and entered into some type of agreement with the king of Gerar, Abimelech (Gen. 20:1-2). However, the bulk of episodes in the OT involving Gerar are in the Isaac stories (Gen. 26). This has led some scholars to argue that the Isaac stories originated in that region. The only other references to the town are in 2 Chronicles (14:9-14). Here we have a story of Asa's (905-874 B.C.) defeat of Zerah, an invading Ethiopian. The stories about Gerar are of such a sort that it is difficult, if not impossible, to discern its location with any certainty. W. M. F. Pétrie identified modern Tell Jennah as Gerar during his 1927 excavation. W. J. Phythian-Adams had excavated the site in 1922 for the Palestine Explo-

Remains of public buildings from the first and second centuries A.D. excavated at Gerasa, one of the three greatest cities of Roman Arabia.

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GESHEM

ration Fund. This site has been by and large discarded as a possible candidate for Gerar. Y. Aharoni argued in 1956 that modern Tell Abu Huweirah was ancient Gerar. The fact is that the excavation of the site by D. Alon, which turned up Middle Bronze material, does not clearly demonstrate that Tell Abu S.B.R. Huweirah is Gerar.

has found Hadrian's temple foundations, elevated on a podium that may encase the Samaritan sanctuary platform. On the main summit, a half mile south, are ruins of Zeno's Maria Theotokos Church, built ca. A.D. 484 and fortified by Justinian ca. 532. Adjacent is the Samaritan celebration site, still in use for Passover by modern descendants. Stretching southwest from this cluster on the summit is the ruin field of a Hellenistic town (Loza of Eusebius?). Under excavation since the mid1980s, it has a fortification wall enclosing over one hundred acres of houses as well as a precinct separated by its own wall, within which is a fine paved court with steps up to it—another nominee for the ancient Samaritan high place. Aramaic and Hebrew inscriptions point to a sacred use. Coinage and pottery are confined to the second century B.C., ending with violent destruction around 110 B.C. at the hands of John Hyrcanus I. See also Covenant; Ebal; Samaritans; Shechem. E.F.C.

Gerasa (gair'uh-suh; modern Jerash), one of the three greatest cities of Roman Arabia. It is thirty-three miles southeast of the Sea of Galilee in the mountains of Gilead. Hence Luke's identification of it with Jesus' healing of the demoniac (8:26) cannot be correct. The city was administered by an appointee of the legate of Syria and officially known as "Antioch on the Chrysorrhoas." Excavations have revealed extensive remains of public buildings from the first and second centuries A.D. The city wall, gates, and towers, several main streets, the forum, as well as remains of the hippodrome, theaters, triumphal arch, and temples of Zeus and Artemis have been found. A coin from the reign of Commodus attests that the city was founded by Alexander the Great. The earliest dates for the city come from the second century B.C. Josephus, a Jewish historian, reports that the Jews living in the town were spared by the gentile population when the city was attacked by Jewish rebels during the Jewish revolt [War 2.480). P.P. Gergesenes Gerasa.

Gershom (guhr'shuhm). 1 Moses' eldest son, born to Zipporah in Midian (Exod. 2:22). The name, popularly explained as "sojourner there" (Heb. ger sham), may be based on the verb garash ("drive away"), used for Pharaoh's release of Israel from Egypt (Exod. 6:1; 11:1) and for the expulsion of earlier inhabitants from Canaan (Exod. 23:28-31 and elsewhere). It also recalls Moses' rescue of Zipporah and her sisters from the shepherds who "drove them away" from the well (Exod. 2:17). This Gershom is the ancestor of the priest at Dan (Judg. 18:30). 2 A descendant of Phinehas (Ezra 8:2). The Gershom of 1 Chronicles 6 (cf. 15:7) is a scribal error. See also Gershon. K.G.O.

(guhr'guh-seenz). See Gadara;

Gerizim (gair'uh-zim), the bulky mountain (summit 2800 feet above sea level) opposite Ebal in the central Samaritan highlands; in the pass between Ebal and Gerizim lies Shechem, at the intersection of main north-south and east-west roads. Deut. 11:29; 27:12; and Josh. 8:33 portray a ceremony of blessings shouted from Gerizim, curses from Ebal: the consequences of covenantal loyalty or disloyalty. In Judg. 9:7 Jotham speaks his fable from Gerizim, perhaps from the ruined seventeenth- or sixteenth-century B.C. sanctuary on the knoll called Tananir one-quarter mile southeast of Shechem, elevated 300 feet above it. Judg. 9:37 mentions Tabbur-erez, the "navel" of the land, suggesting that Gerizim was for some the mythic meeting place of heaven and earth. For Samaritans, Gerizim is the highest of all mountains, the place to worship God (John 4:20). Josephus, the first-century A.D. Jewish historian, reports that the Samaritans built a temple there in the fourth century B.C. In the second and third centuries A.D., coins and contemporary writings attest a peristyle temple built by Hadrian ca. A.D. 130 on Gerizim above Neapolis (Nablus). Excavation on Tell er-Ras, the Gerizim spur nearest the Shechem/Nablus pass,

Gershon (guhr'shuhn), the first son of Levi, followed by Kohath and Merari (Gen. 46:11 and elsewhere). The name appears as Gershom several times in 1 Chron. 6 (cf. 15:7), but this is an error. Numbers 4 and Joshua 2 1 list Gershon's descendants between Kohath's and Merari's, while 1 Chron. 15:5-7 and 2 Chron. 29:12 put them third. Num. 7:7-9 allocates two wagons to Gershon's sons and four to Merari's (for carrying sections of the tabernacle), but none to the sons of Kohath (for the smaller tabernacle furnishings). Gershon's two sons are Libni (Exod. 6:17; Num. 3:18) or Ladan (1 Chron. 23:7; 26:21) and Shimei. See also Gershom. K.G.O. Geshem (gesh'uhm), an Arab opponent of Nehemiah who ridiculed the plan to rebuild Jerusalem's walls and subsequently plotted against him (Neh. 2:19; 6:1-9). We may assume that he was the ruler of the Persian province of Arabia, south of Judah. This position may explain his motivation to interfere in Judah's domestic affairs.

371

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Geshur (gesh'uhr). 1 A small ancient kingdom whose territory formed part of southern Golan, east of the Sea of Galilee (Josh. 12:5; 13:11). During the wars of conquest (late thirteenthearly twelfth centuries B.C.) it proved difficult for Israel to win (Josh. 13:11, 13), and it remained an independent Aramean kingdom in the time of David. Seeking to establish political relationships with this kingdom, David married Maacah, the daughter of Geshur's king, Talmai (2 Sam. 3:3). She bore him Absalom who, after killing Amnon, fled to his grandfather's territory (2 Sam. 13:37-38). 2 A region in the south of Palestine, mentioned in Josh. 13:2 as yet to be won and in 1 Sam. 27:8-11 as conquered by David while he was with the Philistines. Y.G.

unconscious expression of emotions and ideas are today referred to under the rubrics of body language, kinesics, nonverbal communication, and semiotics. Research in these fields has demonstrated, among other things, that gesticulation is universal among humans; that no gesture has precisely the same meaning in every culture; and that the pattern of gesticulation within a given culture operates in consonance with the spoken language to effect a two-channel communication. These findings have put to rest the assumption, widely held until recently, that the Bible frequently refers to gestures, postures, and facial expressions because the Bible is a product of the Middle East, whose inhabitants, it was alleged, being less civilized than the peoples of northern Europe, exert less control over the spontaneous physical expression of their emotions. Prayer Gestures: The prayer gesture most frequently mentioned in the OT is "spreading the palms" (Exod. 9:29, 33; 1 Kings 8:22, 38, 54; 2 Chron. 6:12, 13, 29; Ezra 9:5; Job 11:13; Ps. 44:21; Isa. 1:15; Jer. 4:31). Apparently this gesture was employed with prayers of petition to suggest that God fill the hands of the petitioner with the requested benefit. This gesture is probably to be distinguished from "lifting up the hands" toward the holy place or sanctuary (Pss. 28:2; 134:2). While in both its attestations the latter gesture was directed toward an earthly sanctuary, Akkadian, Ugaritic, Greek, and Roman parallels suggest that it originated as a salute to God in his heavenly temple. Prayer Postures: Bending over is the posture of worship prescribed for one who presents the first fruits of the harvest in Deut. 26:10 and for one who approaches any of the gates of the Temple in Ezekiel 46, but bending over is associated with idolatrous worship in Lev. 26:1 and Ezek. 8:16. Other OT references to bending over in the worship of the Lord include 2 Kings 18:22; Pss. 5:8; 22:28; 86:9; 132:7; 138:2; and Isa. 66:23. Other postures of worship mentioned in the Bible include stooping (1 Kings 8:54; 19:18; 2 Chron. 29:29; Ezra 9:5; Ps. 22:30; Isa. 45:23), falling on the face (Gen. 24:26, 48; Exod. 4:31; 12:27; 34:8; 2 Chron. 29:30; Neh. 8:6; Ezek. 44:4; Matt. 26:39; Mark 14:35; Rev. 1:17), throwing oneself down (Deut. 9:18, 25; Ezra 10:1), and bowing the head (Isa. 58:5; Mic. 6:6). Kneeling, to be distinguished from stooping, is mentioned as a posture of prayer in 2 Chron. 6:13; Ps. 95:6; Dan. 6:11; and Luke 22:41. Standing is attested as a posture of prayer to God in Neh. 9:2; Ps. 106:30; Jer. 18:20; Matt. 6:5; and Mark 11:25 and as a posture of idolatrous worship in Dan. 2:3. King David is portrayed as praying to God in a seated position in 2 Sam. 7:18. Reading and Teaching Scripture: While no specific posture is prescribed for the septennial reading of the Torah in Deut. 31:10-13 (contrast

gestures, movements of the hands and other parts of the body by which humans and other primates consciously or unconsciously express attitudes or feelings. The Bible, like other literatures from the earliest antiquity to the present day, employs words and phrases to enable readers to visualize gestures, postures, and facial expressions. In many cases the words and phrases in the Bible that refer to gestures can be correlated with specific gestures illustrated in sculptures, seals, reliefs, and tomb paintings from the ancient Near East. The analysis of gestures, postures, and facial expressions and the systematic investigation of their role in the conscious or Kneeling figure, probably Hammurabi, in a gesture of prayer;fromLarsa, ca. 1750 B.C.

372

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m. Sota 7:8), Nehemiah 8-9 states that when Ezra read from the Torah both he and the congregation were standing. Luke 4:17-20 informs us that Jesus stood to read from the book of Isaiah in the synagogue at Nazareth but that he afterward sat down to teach. According to Matt. 5:1, Jesus was seated while preaching the Sermon on the Mount, while Luke 6:17 asserts that Jesus stood on that occasion. Matt. 26:55 and Luke 2:46 both refer to Jesus' sitting while teaching in the Temple. Postures of Entreating Jesus for Healing: According to Matt. 8:2 and Mark 1:40 the leper kneels in supplication before Jesus while in Luke 5:12 the leper falls on his face in entreaty. According to Matt. 15:25 the Phoenician woman kneels when asking Jesus to exorcise the demon from her daughter, while in Mark 7:25 she falls at Jesus' feet. Entreating Jesus for healing in a kneeling posture is attested also in Matt. 17:14 and Matt. 20:20, while falling on the face while supplicating Jesus for healing is mentioned in Mark 5:22; Luke 8:41; and Luke 8:28. Obeisance: One bends over (Gen. 23:7,12; 33:3, 6, 7; 37:10; 2 Sam. 9:6; 14:22; Isa. 49:23), stoops (Esther 3:2, 5), or falls down (Gen. 50:18; Esther 6:13) before sovereigns or grasps their feet (2 Kings 4:27) in order to acknowledge that one is beneath them in rank.

13; 33:4; 45:15; 48:10; Exod. 4:27) or taking leave (Gen. 31:28; 32:1; 50:1; Ruth 1:9,14). The purely erotic kiss is mentioned in the Bible only in Prov. 7:13 and Song of Sol. 1:2; 8:1. The kiss of betrayal is attested only in 2 Sam. 20:9 and Matt. 26:49 (parallels, Mark 14:45; Luke 22:47). In the NT the kiss is a greeting exchanged between Christians (see Acts 20:37; Rom. 16:16; 1 Cor. 16:20; 2 Cor. 13:12; 1 Thess. 5:26; 1 Pet. 5:14). Sadness: Sadness is expressed by the fallen face (Gen. 4:5-6; Mark 10:22), the "changed countenance," i.e., the gloomy face (Job 14:20; Eccles. 8:1; Dan. 5:6, 9, 10; 7:28), and darkened eyes (Lam. 5:17). "The face is bad," i.e., "the face is gloomy" (Gen. 40:7; Neh. 2:2; Eccles. 7:3) and weeping (Gen. 27:38; 42:24; 50:17; Ezra 3:12; Ps. 126:6) also show sadness. Happiness: Contentment, joy, and kind disposition to others are associated with one's face being lit up (Job 29:24; Isa. 60:1), the head (Pss. 3:4; 110:7) or face (Num. 6:26; Deut. 28:50) being lifted up, and shining eyes (1 Sam. 14:27, 29; Pss. 13:4; 19:9; Prov. 29:13; Ezek. 9:8). Anger: One of the most common expressions for being angry in the OT Hebrew is a phrase that means literally "the face burns." This expression reflects the well-known reddening of the face of angry persons. It is applied to persons (Gen. 39:19; Judg. 9:30; 14:19; 1 Sam. 11:6) and, by extension, to God (Exod. 4:14; Num. 11:10; 12:9; 25:3; 32:10,13; Deut. 29:26; 2 Sam. 6:7). Descriptions of divine anger that reflect the angry person's increase in body temperature include Isa. 30:27: "Behold, the name of the Lord comes from far, burning with his anger, and in thick rising smoke; his lips are full of indignation, and his tongue is like a devouring fire" (see also Deut. 32:22). Frowning is referred to as "stiffening the face" in Mic. 7:18 and as "hardening of the face" in Ps. 90:11. Fuming in anger is referred to in 2 Sam. 22:9 (Ps. 18:9); Ps. 74:1; and Isa. 65:5. Patience: Just as anger is referred to in the OT primarily by reference to its manifestation on the countenance, so is patience referred to primarily by a phrase whose literal meaning is "broadness of face." Examples include Exod. 34:6; Num. 14:18; Ps. 86:15; Prov. 14:29; Joel 2:13; and Jon. 4:2. Judicial Postures and Gestures: Because one lifted one's hand, thereby pointing to God's heavenly throne, when taking an oath (Deut. 32:40), swearing came to be referred to simply as "lifting the hand" (see Gen. 14:22; Exod. 6:8; Ezek. 20:5, 6, 15, 23, 28, 42). That the judge was seated while hearing cases is reflected in Exod. 18:13, which also informs us that the litigants stood during the legal proceeding (see also Judg. 4:4; Ruth 4:2; Ps. 9:8; John 19:13). See also Dancing; Mourning Rites; Prayer. Bibliography Gruber, M. I. Aspects of Nonverbal Communication in the Ancient Near East. Studia Pohl, no. 12. 2 vols. Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1980. M.I.G.

A courtier kisses the ground in a gesture of obeisance; bas-relief from Hermopolis, Egypt. Greeting: Lev. 19:32 prescribes that when younger persons encounter their elders the former should stand. In 1 Kings 2:19 King Solomon stands up to greet his mother. Job tells us that before disaster befell him he was so highly esteemed in the community that even the elderly when encountering him "rose and stood" (Job 29:8). An alternative posture for greeting high-status persons is bending over (Gen. 19:1; 43:28; 1 Sam. 25:41; 2 Kings 2:15). Kissing: While 1 Sam. 20:41 and 2 Sam. 19:40 show that close friends might kiss upon taking leave of each other, kissing is generally reserved in the OT for greeting close relatives (Gen. 29:11,

373

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Gethsemane (geth-sem'uh-nee; Heb., "oil press"), the site mentioned twice (Mark 14:32, Matt. 26:36) where Jesus prayed in lonely anguish just before his public betrayal and subsequent arrest there. Its precise location is not known. Mark and Matthew refer to a "place" called Gethsemane and imply it was near the Mount of Olives. Luke does not mention Gethsemane, suggesting instead that these events took place on the mount itself. Though John records neither name nor anguished prayer, he locates the betrayal in a "garden," which he locates across the Kidron Valley from Jerusalem and thus on the western slopes of the Mount of Olives. Today authenticity is claimed for several sites on or near this mountain, but none can trace their claim back earlier than the fourth century. Heb. 5:7-8 interprets the events in Gethsemane as proof of the "godly fear" and "obedience" that formed a prelude to Jesus' perfection. See also Jerusalem; Olives, Mount of. J.M.B.

the first modern excavations in Palestine, directed by R. A. S. Macalister for the Palestine Exploration Fund from 1902 to 1909. It was dug again briefly by A. Rowe in 1934. From 1964 to 1973 the first large-scale American excavations in the state of Israel were directed at Gezer by G. E. Wright, W. G. Dever, and J. D. Seger. These excavations, sponsored by the Hebrew Union College, Harvard University, and the Smithsonian Institution, pioneered in new stratigraphie and scientific methods.

Gezer (gee'zuhr; also Tell Jezer, Gazru), a 33acre mound, five miles south-southeast of Ramleh, one of the largest Bronze and Iron Age sites in ancient Palestine. It is situated on the last of the central foothills sloping down to the northern Shephelah, guarding the crossroads of the Via Maris and the trunk road to Jerusalem, at the entrance of the Valley of Aijalon. Identified with biblical Gezer by C. Claremont-Ganneau in 1871, the site was the scene of

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Occupation began ca. 3500 B.C. in the Late Chalcolithic period, and Gezer continued as a small village throughout most of the Early Bronze Age until a gap ca. 2400-2000 B.C. Beginning in the subsequent Middle Bronze Age, Gezer gradually grew into the most massively fortified site in Palestine, with a three-entryway,

The six-chambered gate at Gezer with the entrance at the far end. Solomon similarly fortified Hazor and Megiddo (cf. 1 Kings 9:15-17).

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two-story gate and an inner stone and mudbrick city wall more than 50 feet thick at one point. An outdoor alignment of ten large stelae may be a Canaanite "high place" of the type recalled in the Bible (e.g., 2 Kings 18:4; Jer. 32:35). Gezer was finally destroyed ca. 1482 B.C. by Pharaoh Thutmose III, whose inscription on the walls of the Temple of Karnak records this victory. In the late Bronze Age, ca. 1500-1200 B.C., Gezer was largely under Egyptian domination. Ten letters from three successive kings of Gezer, written to the pharaohs of Egypt, were found in the famous archives at el-Amarna in Egypt. The outer city wall was built in the fourteenth century B.C., enclosing an even larger area, but Gezer declined toward the end of the thirteenth century B.C. It seems to have been partially destroyed in 1208 B.C. by Pharaoh Merneptah, whose well-known "Victory Stela" mentions both Israel and Gezer. In the twelfth and eleventh centuries B.C. Gezer remained a Canaanite outpost. It was not taken by the incoming Israelites, although the king of Gezer was killed at the battle of Lachish (Josh. 10:31-33). Philistines, possibly Egyptian mercenaries, are attested by Philistine bichrome pottery, a granary, and several patrician houses. After several destructions within the Philistine period, Gezer was partially destroyed in an Egyptian punitive raid ca. 950 B.C. The pharaoh then ceded it to King Solomon as a dowry in giving his daughter to the Israelite king in marriage. The historical note in 1 Kings 9:15-17, recording these events and Solomon's subsequent fortification of "Jerusalem and Hazor and Megiddo and Gezer," has been dramatically confirmed by archaeology. A magnificent fourentryway city gate and a double wall—identical to those at Megiddo and Hazor—have been brought to light immediately above a destruction layer. Gezer remained an Israelite site, albeit rather unimportant, until its destruction by the Assyrians ca. 734 B.C., attested both by archaeological remains and a relief of Tiglath-pileser III (ca. 745-728 B.C.) depicting the siege of "Gazru."

The site recovered, as several Neo-Assyrian cuneiform inscriptions found there indicate, but it was destroyed again by the Babylonians ca. 587 B.C. There are only scant remains from the Persian and early Hellenistic periods. In the Maccabean wars of the second century B.C., however, Gezer became the residence of Simon Maccabeus (RSV: "Gazara," 1 Mace. 13:43-48), and the city gate and walls were repaired for the last time. Gezer then fell into decline, and by the first century A.D. its lands had become a private holding of a certain "Alkios," as a series of boundary inscriptions shows. The Muslim wêli (shrine) was built in the sixteenth century A.D., and the modern Arab village of Abu Shusheh (now destroyed) was established in the nineteenth century A.D. Bibliography Dever, W. G., et al. "Excavations at Gezer." The Biblical Archaeologist 30 (1967): 47-62. . "Further Excavations at Gezer, 1967-71." The Biblical Archaeologist 34 (1971): 94-132. . Gezer I. Preliminary Report of the 1964-66 Seasons. Jerusalem: Hebrew Union College, 1974. . Gezer II. The 1969-71 Seasons in Field VI, the "Acropolis." Jerusalem: Hebrew Union College, 1985. Dever, W. G. "Solomonic and Assyrian Period 'Palaces' at Gezer." Israel Exploration Journal 35 (1985): 217-230. W.G.D. Ghor (gor), the. See Jordan River, The. ghost, a disembodied spirit. Belief in disembodied "shades" is attested both in biblical writings and in their cultural contexts. "Shades" (Heb. rephalm) inhabit Sheol (Job 26:5; Ps. 88:10; Prov. 2:18; 9:18; 21:16; Isa. 14:9; 26:19; cf. 29:4, "a ghost [Heb. ohb] from the ground"). Samuel's shade is summoned up (1 Sam. 28:12-14). A nocturnal "spirit" [ruach] terrifies Eliphaz and he sees a "form" (Heb. temunah) (Job 4:15-16). Jesus' disciples, seeing him walking on water (Mark 6:49; Matt. 14:26) or risen (Luke 24:37), think it is a "ghost" (Gk. phantasma). See also Death; Magic and Divination; Sheol.

375

giant, a term used by the Greek translators of the LXX in the third and second centuries B.C. and by English translators until recently to render several different Hebrew words. Hebrew gibbor, one of the words translated "giant," is more accurately "mighty man, warrior," in Gen. 10:8, 9 and in Job 16:14, with the RSV and other modern translations. The RSV is cautious with another term, Nephilim, transliterating rather than translating it in its only two occurrences (Gen. 6:4; Num. 13:33). In Gen. 6:4 the Nephilim are the offspring of the sons of God and the daughters of men, part of the formidable

GIBBETHON

GIBEON

race of humans before the Flood. Num. 13:33 says that the sons of Anak, ancient inhabitants of Canaan so huge that the Israelite spies felt like grasshoppers in comparison, were part of the Nephilim of olden times. Other passages also speak of the ancient inhabitants of Canaan, traditionally rendered as "giants" (Deut. 2:11, 20; 3:11, 13; Josh. 12:4; 13:12; 15:8; 17:15; 18:16). Another Hebrew word often rendered "giants" is rephaim. The precise meaning of the word is uncertain; it has been suggested that it means "the hale ones" and describes a group of gods, and sometimes humans, who are related to "The Hale One," El, the high god of Canaanite mythology. Biblical rephaim may well have been an elite group of warriors, men with sufficient wealth to provide chariots and other weapons of war for themselves; there is some evidence that the rephaim met together for feasting. The Israelites might have encountered these military guilds and attributed to them great size and power. At any rate it is clear that the people of the Bible, like many of their neighbors, believed that there were giants of old in the land. There is no archaeological evidence to support the view that the pre-Israelite inhabitants were giants; to attribute great size to them was probably a narrative way of expressing RJ.C. their military prowess.

more modest quality. The site was finally abandoned. In the biblical tradition, Gibeah was the location for Saul's association with a band of prophets (1 Sam. 10:1-10), an event related to selection of Saul as king. From this site Saul engineered a liberation of Jabesh-gilead from the Ammonites (1 Sam. 11:1-11) as well as a contest of strength with the Philistines (1 Sam. 14). From this site, Saul sought help in his search for David. Ironically, some of David's associates were from this site (2 Sam. 23:29). The most important tradition about Gibeah unrelated to Saul is the account of inhospitable reception for an Ephraimite, including the rape and murder of his concubine, and the ensuing war between Ephraim and Benjamin (Judg. 19-20). Perhaps the parallel between this violation of the rules of hospitality and the notorious violation of the same principle in Sodom (Gen. 19) points to a folk tradition about the evil quality of Gibeah's residents (including Saul?). Perhaps use of the word in reference to the site where David discovered the Ark, in preparation for establishing Jerusalem as the religious center of his kingdom, should be taken as a place name, not simply a noun (2 Sam. 6:3). Such a combination would reflect an attempt in tradition to unify David and the circles associated with Saul. It could also suggest that the Ark functions as a symbol of unity between the traditions about Saul and those about David. See also Saul. G.W.C.

Gibbethon (gib'uh-thon; Heb., "mound" or "height"), a city originally assigned to Dan and later given to the Lévites (Josh. 19:44; 21:23), although by the time of King Asa of Judah (ca. 900 B.C.) it was in Philistine hands (1 Kings 15:27). It was the site of the assassination of Nadab, king of Israel (Northern Kingdom) by his general Baasha during an attempt to take the city from the Philistines (1 Kings 15:27). It was also the site twenty-four years later of a revolt against Zimri by his general Omni during another siege of the city (1 Kings 16:15). It is identified with modern Tel el-Malat, about four miles northeast of Joppa, although the location is not certain. D.R.B. Gibeah (gib'ee-uh), a Hebrew word meaning "hill," in contrast to "mountain." As a name it is attached in OT tradition to a site in Benjamin, the home of Saul and center for his career as king (1 Sam. 10:26). Under the modern name Tell el Ful the site, located about five miles north of Jerusalem, reveals a succession of occupations that, at least in part, corresponds with the OT's account of Saul's residence. The earliest relevant level, destroyed by fire in the twelfth century B.C., provides the context for a more extensive and fortified construction from the Early Iron Age. The most important building from this level is an eleventh-century structure, a fortress with casemate wall and corner tower, perhaps the "rustic palace" of King Saul. Successive constructions suggest that some violent destruction occurred, with rebuilding in 376

Gibeath (gib'ee-uhth), the KJV term for Hebrew spelling of Gibeah in Josh. 18:28. Gibeon (gib'ee-uhn), a town identified with modern el-Jib, five and a half miles (9 km.) northwest of Jerusalem. The identification was made when excavations there from 1956 to 1962 by J. Pritchard uncovered over fifty jar handles of the seventh and sixth centuries B.C., many of which were inscribed with the name

The spiral staircase cut along the edge of the shaft of the pool of Gibeon becomes a tunnel at the bottom and provided access to the water table during times of siege.

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Gibeon. Towns associated with the Gibeonite enclave were Chephirah, Beeroth, and Kiriathjearim (Josh. 9:17). During the conquest of Canaan the Gibeonites, who are described as Hivites (Josh. 9:7) or Amorites (2 Sam. 21:2), tricked the Israelites into making a treaty not to harm them. It was upheld, but the Gibeonites were reduced to becoming hewers of wood and drawers of water (Josh. 9:3-27). In an ensuing battle near Gibeon (Josh. 10:1-14), the Israelites defeated a coalition of Canaanite kings led by Adoni-zedek of Jerusalem. Although Gibeon figures prominently in these narratives of the conquest, an event often dated to the thirteenth century B.C. (the Late Bronze Age), no evidence for a settlement at el-Jib during that period has been found. Later (eleventh century B.C.) King Saul broke the treaty with the Gibeonites when he attempted to annihilate them, an act that caused famine during David's reign. The Gibeonites gained revenge by impaling seven of Saul's sons on the mountain of Yahweh (2 Sam. 21:1-15), possibly the high place at Gibeon. At the beginning of his reign Solomon traveled to Gibeon to sacrifice at what was called the great high place (1 Kings 3:4-15). The great stone at Gibeon (2 Sam. 20:8) may be associated with this high place. In the time of King David young warriors led by Joab and Abner fought on the edge of a pool at Gibeon (2 Sam. 2:12-17). A circular shaft identified as the pool was found cut into bedrock at a point immediately inside the city wall. It is approximately 36 feet (11 m.) in diameter and 36 feet (11 m.) deep. Cut along its edge is a stairway that spirals down to the bottom of the shaft. Thereafter the stairway continues to descend in the form of a tunnel, to a room whose floor is 1.5 feet (.5 m.) below the modern water level. The purpose of such shafts was to provide access to the water table or springs from inside the city during times of siege. It was still a landmark in the early sixth century B.C. (Jer. 41:12). During the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. there was a winery, attested by inscribed and stamped handles of wine jars and clusters of rock-cut pits that functioned as wine cellars. Over fifty tombs were found dating from the third to the first millennia B.C., attesting to the length of time there were settlements on this site. T.L.M.

narrative describing his exploits (Judg. 6:11-8:32) does not refer to him as such. There is scholarly disagreement concerning the sources of the Gideon story and their dates of composition. Nonetheless, the placement of Gideon after Deborah appears logical, since Deborah's victory over the Canaanites may have opened the door to incursions by desert nomads. These incursions were common in times of political and military weakness. The story of Gideon is prefaced by the camel-mounted invasions of the Midianites, Amalekites, and "children of the East" who looted the Israelite crops and animals (6:1-6). It is at this time of dire circumstances and impoverishment (6:2, 6, 11) that Gideon receives his call to action by an angel (6:11-23). His hesitancy (6:15-21) is reminiscent of the call to Moses (Exod. 3-4), while his confrontation of the divine "face-to-face" (6:22) recalls Jacob's wrestling with the angel (Gen. 32:30; thereby, the author indicates to the reader that Gideon will be one of the great heroes of Israel). The building of the altar (6:24) indicates Gideon's preparedness. His first act is a religious revolt—an attack on the local BaalAsherah cult (6:25-32), which is deemed to be at the root of Israel's suffering (6:1, 7-10). Battle Against the Midianites: After the initial success, Gideon began preparation for his battle against the Midianites, which occupies the main body of the story (6:34-8:21). He gathered together men from the tribes of Manasseh, Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:36-40). In order to emphasize God's might (and not the people's), Gideon's army was pared down from thirty-three thousand (7:3) to ultimately only three hundred—the most courageous and able warriors (7:2-8). That night Gideon and a servant gathered intelligence information (by way of a dream interpretation, 7:8-15) at the Midianite camp at En-dor between the hill of Moreh and Mt. Tabor (7:1; Ps. 83:11). That same night, using psychological warfare, surprise, and darkness, Gideon and his band attacked the Midianites with maximum effect, causing them to flee toward the Jordan Valley (7:16-22). Soldiers from the tribes of Naphtali, Ephraim, Asher, and Manasseh (the thousands sent back to lie in ambush?) cut the Midianites down at the Jordan fords and two Midianite princes, Oreb and Zeeb, were killed (7:23-25; Ps. 83:12-13). After calming down the Ephraimites who complained of not being included in the initial preparations (8:1-3), Gideon and his three hundred pursued the kings of Midian, Zebah, and Zalmunna beyond the Jordan. On the way, Gideon requested food for his men from Succoth and Penuel but was rebuffed (8:4-9). At Karkor, once again using stealth and surprise, Gideon fell upon the remnants of the Midianites (8:10, fifteen thousand out of a hundred and twenty thousand!) and captured the two kings (8:10-13). After exacting punishment

Giddel (gid'uhl). 1 The ancestor of a family of Temple servants (Ezra 2:47; Neh. 7:49). 2 The name of an ancestor of a family of Solomon's servants (Ezra 2:56; Neh. 7:58). Gideon (gid'ee-uhn; from the Heb. root meaning "to cut off"; also called Jerubaal, Judg. 6:32), the son of Joash the Abiezrite of the town of Ophrah in the tribal area of Manasseh. Gideon is counted among the major judges although the 377

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upon Succoth and Penuel (8:14-17), Gideon, acting as the blood-avenger for his brothers' deaths, killed Zebah and Zalmunna (8:15-21). The fame of this victory over the Midianites is attested by its reference in other biblical sources (Isa. 9:3; 10:26; Ps. 83:10-12; cf. 1 Sam. 12:11; Heb. 11:12). Gideon's humility (cf. 6:15) and religiosity are evinced by his refusal to accept hereditary rulership over Israel with the immortal words, "I will not rule over you, and my son will not rule over you; the Lord will rule over you" (8:23). This incident illustrates the need for a stable leadership that eventually culminated in the monarchy as well as the view of the religious elite during the period of the judges that Israel could have only one king who was the permanent ruler—God; any attempt to create a human kingship was perceived as a revolt and rejection of God (1 Sam. 8:7). Despite Gideon's rejection, after his death his son Abimelech tried to take the kingship for himself (Judg. 9). One element of Gideon's religiosity is criticized: his fashioning of an ephod out of the spoil of the golden earrings (cf. Exod. 32:2-3), which became the people's fetish (8:24-27). The editor's conclusion mentions Gideon's seventy sons and his burial in the crypt of his father (8:29-32). See also Abimelech; Chronology, Old Testament; Jotham; Judges, The Book of; Midianites. J.U.

cause of the steepness of the slope the spring was outside the town walls at the summit, and although water was normally obtained by carrying jars down to it, perhaps using donkeys, in times of siege the jars could apparently be lowered down a vertical shaft ("Warren's Shaft"). Another, less deep, shaft exists, which was perhaps used at an earlier date when the water table may have been higher. Probably Warren's Shaft was the one by which David was able to capture Jerusalem (2 Sam. 5:8). Gihon is Jerusalem's only immediate source of water and could support a population of about twenty-five hundred. As were a great many other springs in a land where water is often scarce, the Gihon fountain was evidently a sacred place, and for this reason Solomon (and probably also later rulers) was anointed king there (1 Kings 1:32-40). That anointing was accomplished to thwart Adonijah, who had offered a sacrifice at En-rogel, a spring somewhat further down the valley (1 Kings 1:9-10). Later in the monarchy the supply of water from Gihon seems to have been supplemented by water brought from a greater distance along a conduit, perhaps to the "upper pool," where Isaiah met and rebuked King Ahaz (Isa. 7:3). Hezekiah, who succeeded Ahaz, was confronted by the danger of Assyrian invasion and therefore sought not only to prevent the invaders from obtaining water in the vicinity of Jerusalem (2 Chron. 32:4) but to ensure the security of the city's own supply. This he did by means of his celebrated tunnel, 1,750 feet (533 m.) long, leading from Gihon to the Pool of Solomon, then possibly an underground cistern. The tunnel was carved from both ends simultaneously and follows a curiously winding course, perhaps to permit cutting a vertical shaft from inside the city to reach the water in a crisis. See also Adonijah; Ahaz; En-rogel; Hezekiah; Kidron; Siloam Inscription; Solomon. D.B.

Gideoni (gid'ee-oh'ni), the Benjaminite father of Abidan. His son was appointed to assist Moses in the wilderness with the census as head of the Benjaminite clan (Num. 1:11). The son also led the marching Benjaminite group (Num. 2:22), presented the Benjaminite offering on the ninth day of the dedication of the altar (Num 7:60, 65), and supervised the Benjaminite encampment (Num. 10:24). gier (jihr) eagle (KJV; RSV: "vulture," Lev. 11:18, or "carrion vulture," Deut. 14:17), a bird considered unclean by the Hebrews. gifts of the Spirit. See Spiritual Gifts. Gihon (gi"hon; Heb., "a bursting forth"). 1 The second of the four rivers flowing "out of Eden to water the garden. . . . it is the one which flows around the whole land of Cush" (Gen. 2:10, 13). Once Gihon was equated with the Nile on the assumption that Cush meant Abyssinia, but it almost certainly indicates a now unidentifiable irrigation channel in southern Iraq, "Cush" being the land of the Kassites. 2 A pulsating spring in Jerusalem, south of the temple area on the west side of the Kidron Valley, called in Arabic by the Muslims Ain Umm el-Daraj, "spring of the steps," and by Christians Ain Sitti Maryam, "the Virgin's Fountain." Be-

Gilboa (gil-boh'uh), modern Jebel Fuqu'ah, a hill opposite the Hill of Moreh. Together Gilboa and Moreh guard the eastern pass from the Plain of Esdraelon into the Valley of Jezreel, the main access from the coastal plain to the Jordan Valley. Gilboa rises to a height of 1,696 feet above sea level, but plunges abruptly 2,000 feet below on the east to the Jordan. Its more gradual western slopes are probably where Saul fought his last battle with the Philistines: his three sons were killed and Saul took his own life after he was seriously wounded (1 Sam. 31). In his lament over Jonathan David levels a curse upon the scene of his death (2 Sam. 1:22). See also Esdraelon; Jezreel; Moreh. N.L.L.

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Gilead (gil'ee-uhd), a region in Transjordan (modern Jordan) from the Arnon to the Yarmuk rivers, between Bashan and Moab. Its name, which in Hebrew means "rugged," describes it

GILGAL

GLORY

well: it is mountainous, and in antiquity was densely forested (see Jer. 22:6). The major trade route in Trans Jordan, the King's Highway, which went from the Gulf of Aqaba to Damascus, passed through Gilead, and the inhabitants of the region thus controlled this important thoroughfare. Southern Gilead (from the Arnon to the Jabbok) was under the control of Sihon, the king of the Amorites in the Mosaic period (thirteenth century B.C.). It was assigned to the Israelite tribes of Reuben and Gad in the division of the land, and later corresponded approximately to the kingdoms of the Ammonites, with their capital at Rabbath-ammon (modern Amman), and Moab. This area was especially well suited for herding (Num. 32:1; Song of Sol. 6:5). Northern Gilead (from the Jabbok to the Yarmuk) was assigned to Manasseh, and remained under Israelite control until the Assyrian conquest (721 B.C.), although both the Ammonites to the south and the Aramaeans to the north occupied it at times (see Judg. 10:8; 1 Kings 22:3; Amos 1:3). In the Persian period (ca. 538-333 B.C.) Gilead was a separate province, and in the Roman period Gilead was subdivided into the districts of Perea and the area controlled by the Decapolis. Major cities in Gilead include Heshbon and Rabbath-ammon (later Philadelphia) in the south, and Pella, Gerasa, Gadara, Abila, Jabesh-gilead, and Ramoth-gilead in the north. The exact composition of the proverbial "balm of Gilead" (Jer. 8:22; cf. Gen. 37:25) has not been definitely esM.D.C. tablished. See also Cities; Perea.

sent village of Khirbet 'Alyata about seven miles north of Bethel. 3 Gilgal near Dor mentioned in a list of conquered Canaanite kings in Josh. 12:23 (RSV: "Galilii"). Probably the modern village of Jiljulieh, about five miles north of F.S.F. Antipatris [Ras el-'Ain).

Gilgal (gil'gal; Heb., "circle," probably of stones), the name of several towns in the OT, at least three of which have been identified with some certainty. 1 Gilgal between Jericho and the Jordan, the Israelites' first encampment after crossing the Jordan (Josh. 3-4), which became Joshua's base of operations. This Gilgal is probably modern Khirbet el-Mafjir, about one and a quarter miles from ancient Jericho, or possibly Khirbet en-Nitleh, about two miles southeast of Jericho. In the tribal period and the early monarchy (thirteenth-eleventh centuries B.C.) it became an important political, religious, and military center, especially for the tribe of Benjamin. It was one of the places visited by Samuel on his yearly circuit (1 Sam. 7:16). A number of the early traditions about Saul are set here. It was a rallying point in Saul's campaigns against the Philistines (1 Sam. 13:4-7). It is here that he was affirmed by the people as king (1 Sam. 11:14-15) and it was here also that the kingship was taken from him (1 Sam. 13:8-15) for presuming on Samuel's priestly prerogatives. This Gilgal is denounced by the eighth-century prophets as the site of a national sanctuary under royal patronage with a corrupt sacrificial cult (Hos. 4:15; 9:15; 12:11; Amos 4:4; 5:5; Mic. 6:5). 2 Gilgal of Elijah and Elisha (2 Kings 2:1-4; 4:38), probably the pre379

girdle. See Apron; Dress. Girgashites (guhr'guh-shits), one of the peoples whom God displaced for the Israelites at the time of Joshua (Gen. 15:21; Josh. 3:10). According to the genealogy in Gen. 10:16 these nations are the offspring of Canaan. The personal name Girgishi is also known from Ugarit. Some texts of the NT include a reference to the Gergesenes at Mark 5:1 and its parallels. Gittite (git'it), someone who lives in or is from Gath. Gath was one of the five major cities of the Philistines located in the coastal plain of southwestern Judah. The giant Goliath and his brother Lahmi were Gittites (2 Sam. 21:19; 1 Chron. 20:5), as were Obed-edom, whose house was the temporary resting place of the Ark of the Covenant (2 Sam. 6:10-11; 1 Chron. 13:13), and Ittai, the refugee who joined David and became one of his military commanders (2 Sam. 15:19-22; 18:2). See also Gath; Philistines. Gittith (git'ith), a Hebrew word appearing in the phrase al ha-gittith. Of uncertain significance, it appears at the beginning of Psalms 8, 81, and 84. It is often left untranslated ("according to the Gittith"), though some translators have sought to explain the term via the Hebrew gath "(wine-)press" or the Philistine city of Gath. Like the similar (and equally mysterious) phrase al ha-sheminith ("on the eighth"), this phrase has been taken to refer to a musical mode, such as exist in traditional Arabic music, or to a particular musical instrument, or even to a particular well-known song that served as a contrafact for the psalms in question. See also Psalms, The. J.L.K. glass. See Mirrors. gleaning. See Farming. glede (gleed; KJV; RSV: "buzzard," Deut. 14:13), a word derived from an Old English root meaning "to glide," it applies especially to the red kite, Milvus milvus. glory, an important theological term in both the OT and the NT. The most important Hebrew word for glory, kabod, means "weight" or "importance." Thus, to have glory is to be weighty or important to oneself or others. In the OT, glory is applied to humans, showing their significance in the world (Job 19:9; Prov. 16:31; 20:29; Isa. 8:7). Frequently, it is also applied to God. God's

GLOSSES AND INTERPOLATIONS

GNOSTICISM

glory is particularly God's visible manifestation to humans (Num. 16:19, 42; Ps. 102:16; Ezek. 10:4). At the giving of the law at Mount Sinai, God's glory appears as or in a cloud and as fire (Exod. 16:10; 24:16-17). It is associated with the tabernacle and the Temple (Exod. 40:34; Num. 20:6; Pss. 24:7-10; 78:60-61). God's glory frequently appears in Ezekiel's visions (Ezek. 10:4; 28:22; 43:2-5). Finally, glory may refer to God's future eschatological appearance (Isa. 4:5; 60:1-2). The appropriate human response to God is to ascribe glory to him (Pss. 22:23; 29:2; 86:9; Isa. 66:5). The NT continues OT meanings of glory. Occasionally, it is applied to humans (Luke 12:27; John 7:18). More often, it is applied to God: God's glory is seen (Luke 2:9; John 11:40; Acts 7:55; Rev. 15:8). People are to give glory to God (Acts 12:23; 1 Cor. 10:31). The NT also extends OT usages referring to God to include Christ: glory is applied to the risen Christ (1 Cor. 2:8; Heb. 2:7, 9; 1 Pet. 1:11; Rev. 5:12-13) and to Christ's Second Coming as Son of man (Matt. 25:31; Mark 8:38; cf. Titus 2:13). The latter often draws on the OT image of clouds (Matt. 24:30; Luke 21:27). The Gospel of John develops furthest the notion of glory as applied to Christ's human existence. God's glory appears in Jesus (John 13:31; 17:5). Christ is the Word incarnate: "we have beheld his glory, glory as of the only Son from the Father" (John 1:14). Glory is revealed through Christ's miracles (John 2:11; 11:4). It is also closely associated with his death as his hour of glorification (John 12:23; 17:1). Finally, both the Gospel of John and Paul extend the OT eschatological hope of seeing God's glory to the hope of participating in it (John 17:22; Rom. 5:2). See also Shekinah. J.D.

1 Cor. 14:34-35; 2 Cor. 6:14-7:1). See also Texts, Versions, Manuscripts, Editions. W.W.

glosses and interpolations, additions to a text made by someone other than the author. Although a distinction must be made in principle between a "gloss" and an "interpolation," the distinction sometimes becomes blurred. A gloss is a brief explanatory note or comment, usually written in the margin or between the lines of a manuscript by a scribe or copyist; an interpolation is foreign material, usually more extensive than a gloss, that is actually incorporated into the text of a document. At times, however, glosses were copied into the texts by later scribes, in which cases the glosses became interpolations. There is no definitive method for identifying a gloss or an interpolation; indeed, the arguments often become circular. Text-critical evidence is best, but sometimes the apparent intrusiveness of the material may indicate a gloss or interpolation. An example of a gloss is the expansion of "Father" to "Our Father who art in heaven" in a number of manuscripts of Luke 11:2 (Luke's version of the Lord's Prayer). A number of possible interpolations have been identified, particularly in the Pauline Letters (e.g., Rom. 13:1-7; 1 Cor. 11:3-16;

glossolalia (glos'uh-laylee-uh). See Tongues, Speaking with. gnat, a nonspecific term referring to gnats, lice, mosquitos, or sand flies. It probably includes all such blood-sucking, two-winged insects. In Exod. 8:16-18 gnats are the third plague upon the Egyptians. In Matt. 23:24 scribes and Pharisees are charged with straining out the gnat and swallowing the camel, that is, paying close scrutiny to details of ritual impurity while neglecting the ethical demands of justice, mercy, and faith. Gnosticism (nos'tuh-siz-uhm), a generic term for a variety of religious movements of the first centuries of the Christian era. Although the theology, ritual practice, and ethics of these groups differed considerably, all purported to offer salvation from the oppressive bonds of material existence through gnosis, or "knowledge." Such knowledge was diverse, although it regularly dealt with the intimate relationship of the self to the transcendent source of all being, and this knowledge was often conveyed by a revealer figure. What is known about Gnosticism traditionally depended upon reports in the church fathers such as Irenaeus, Hippolytus, Tertullian, Origen, and Epiphanius, who were opponents of Christian Gnostic teachers. Since the eighteenth century, several original Gnostic works have been discovered, including Codex Askew, Codex Bruce, the Berlin Gnostic Codes and, most recently, the Nag Hammadi collection. The relationship between Gnosticism and early Christianity has been a controversial issue. Against the patristic view that Gnosticism was a Christian heresy begun by Simon Magus, many modern scholars have held that it was originally an independent movement. Earlier expressions of this opinion, which posited at the core of Gnosticism a redeemed-redeemer myth of possible Iranian origin, have proven questionable. Primarily on the basis of the Nag Hammadi evidence, many today hold that Gnosticism first emerged in the late Hellenistic or early Imperial period among speculative and syncretistic Jews. By the second century, Gnosticism achieved its classical form among both Christian and non-Christian exponents. One example is found in the teachings of the Valentinians, Christian Gnostics who held that the world emerged from a primordial pair, or "syzygy," Depth and Silence, from which emanated a complex spiritual world or "Pleroma." One element or "aeon" in that world, Sophia, fell and produced from her passion and repentance the psychic and material realms of existence. In a movement that typifies the whole soteriological process,

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Christ came to restore her to her original condition. Humanity is composed of the results of this process, having spiritual, psychic, and material components. The gnosis provided by Jesus, a being separate from Christ, awakens the awareness of the spiritual component of humanity about its essential identity with the Godhead and leads to ultimate restoration. Despite its suppression by ecclesiastical authorities in the third and fourth centuries, Gnosticism continued in the guise of Manichaeism and Mandaeism and in various medieval speculative movements. See also Gospel of Thomas, The; Nag Hammadi; Simon Magus. H.W.A.

demanded (Lev. 4:28; 5:6). The efficacy of such sacrifices was rejected by the early Christian community, however (Heb. 9:12-13, 19; 10:4). That they were nevertheless common in Palestine at that time is attested by Jesus' reference to them in one of his parables (Matt. 25:32-33). I.U.K.

goad, an implement used to control oxen. Acquaintance with ox goads in daily life (1 Sam. 13:21) gave rise to figurative speech, where the teachings of the wise were said to stimulate thought in others (Eccles. 12:11), although these words of wisdom prodded thoughtful persons. Refusing to acknowledge the obvious or to act on one's insight constituted kicking against the goads (KJV: "pricks"; Acts 26:14). At least one judge, Shamgar, is reputed to have used an ox goad as a weapon (Judg. 3:31). goat, a ruminant mammal related to the sheep. The goat [Capra hircus) is one of the most versatile of domestic livestock animals. It has always been of special importance in the Near East, to whose arid climate it is excellently adapted. Goat bones attributed to domesticated animals are the most frequently found faunal remains on the Early Neolithic sites of the southern Levant, as at Jericho, Beidha, and Ain Ghazal. They testify that humans started herding goats in this area about 9,000 years ago. At the beginning goats were kept mainly for their meat, but it is thought that by the Chalcolithic period (ca. 4000 B.C.) they were also used for milk, with hair and skin being useful by-products. Goats are very hardy beasts that can live off shrubs and the scanty vegetation of the desert, thereby utilizing areas that are useless for agriculture. Even today they form the basis for the nomadic existence of many bedouins, who live in tents woven from black goat hair, eat goat milk, butter, yoghurt, and cheese, sell goat meat, and use goat skins as containers. It seems that the bedouin life style has hardly changed since biblical times, since numerous references are made in the Bible to the same usages of the goat. Lev. 7:23 and Deut. 14:4 mention its meat, while Deut. 32:14 and Prov. 27:27 report that it provided milk. Gen. 21:14 and Josh 9:4 refer to goatskin bottles. 1 Sam. 19:13 implies that goat hair was processed into fabric. The roof of the tabernacle was made of goat hair (Exod. 26:7; 36:14-15). The goat was also of importance as a sacrificial animal. Male animals were preferred (Lev. 1:10; 22:19), but sometimes female goats were

God (god), a general term for the deity (or, in the plural, deities). In the Bible, the word is used to refer both to the deity worshiped in the Judeo-Christian tradition (God) and to deities worshiped by other peoples (god or gods). In the OT: In the OT, the word "God" most often translates the Hebrew El (or the plural form, Elohim), the general Semitic term for deity which is probably derived from a root denoting power or strength. Although Israel's faith apparently emerged from a polytheistic environment as a strong henotheism (i.e., worship of only one among a plurality of deities) and evolved into a highly developed ethical monotheism, the frequently used plural form should not be understood as a residue from an earlier period. The form is the plural of majesty (magnitude) and a sign of honor paid to the Deity. The authors of the Bible do not concern themselves with abstract questions of definition (i.e., about the existence or nature of God) but rather portray God through a series of images or incidents in which God becomes the subject of the narrative rather than an object of thought. In the OT God is presented as the Creator and Sustainer of the world, who enters into covenantal relationship with a chosen people, Israel, and who guides the history of that people toward a redemptive goal. Although masculine images for God dominate (e.g., king, judge, father, brother, shepherd, etc.), it must be recognized that feminine images are also frequently used to describe God's activity. Among these are images related to feminine anatomy (e.g., womb and breasts) and feminine function (e.g., conception, pregnancy, childbirth, maternal nurture, etc.). It may be suggested, therefore, that any comprehensive understanding of the way in which God is portrayed in the OT must be grounded in an equally comprehensive understanding of Israel's history, since history is seen as the primary locus of God's self-revelation. In that history, the events surrounding the revelation of the divine name, the Exodus, and the establishment of the covenant at Sinai occupy a special place. In these incidents, many characteristics of God, more fully developed in other narratives, are illustrated. For example, the transcendent Deity, who controls both nature and history, draws near to Israel in a highly personal, even intimate, way. In the covenant, the past beneficence of God and a concern for all people are connected with an emphasis on the holiness, justice, righteousness, and wrath of a Deity who alone is to be worshiped. It is, indeed, the story of this Deity, first known

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only partially, then by name (Yahweh) as the God of Israel (henotheism), and ultimately as the one true God (radical monotheism), that unfolds in the pages of the OT. In the NT: In the NT, the word "God" translates the Greek theos, also a general term for deity and used in the Septuagint to translate El and Elohim. Since much has been written drawing sharp contrasts between "the God of the OT" and "the God of the NT," it may be well to comment that in most respects there is a remarkable consistency in the portrayal of God throughout the Bible. Certainly, there is no solid ground for contrasting a God of wrath (OT) with a God of mercy (NT), for mercy and judgment are among the characteristics of God in both Testaments. The major difference is that the NT reflects the conceptual world of the late Hellenistic and early Roman periods (i.e., 100 B.C. to A.D. 100), a later stage in intellectual history than that of the OT. Further, belief in the incarnation substantially changes the understanding of God presented in the NT. For Christian thought, the primary locus of God's self-revelation is not in the events of the history of a people but rather in the person of Jesus Christ (e.g., Matt. 1:23; John 14:9; 20:28-29). For this reason, the dominant image used to refer to God is the language of familial intimacy: Abba, Father. Although reference to God as Father is not unique to Christianity (it is found in the OT, in late Judaism, and in other religions), it may be suggested that the doctrine of the incarnation brought new meaning to this familiar terminology. It seems likely that Christian use of this image originated in the teaching and practice of Jesus and was enriched as the first stages of trinitarian thought developed during the first century A.D. In the NT, although there are passages stressing the unity of Father and Son, a clear distinction is also drawn between the two. As in the OT, there is a balance between immanence and transcendence. While drawing near in the incarnation, God remains the Deity who alone is worshiped as Creator and Ruler of the world. See also Abba; El; El Shaddai; Holy Spirit, The; Incarnation; Jesus Christ; Names of God in the New Testament; Names of God in the Old Testament; Revelation; Son of God; Trinity, The. T.R.W.L. God, Kingdom of. See Kingdom of God.

God, names of in the New Testament. See Names of God in the New Testament.

God, names of in the Old Testament. See Names of God in the Old Testament. godlessness, a mode of thinking or being that excludes God from life and ignores or perhaps even deliberately violates God's laws and commandments. There are, of course, numerous characteristics that can demonstrate the god382

lessness of a person, including worthlessness, ruthlessness, wickedness, pride, impiety, and the like. In the KJV, the various Hebrew and Greek designations for "godless" or "ungodly" are frequently translated as "hypocrite." Hypocrisy was, indeed, one of the manifestations of godlessness, but the state should not be understood as identical only with hypocrisy. Basically, the godless or ungodly person is one who lives, acts, and thinks as though God could be ignored or spurned. For some illustrations of the varieties of godlessness, see Deut. 8:11-20; Job 8:13; Ps. 119:51; Rom. 1:18-32; 4:5; 5:6; 1 Tim. 1:9; 4:7; 6:20; 2 Tim. 2:16; 2 Pet. 2:5-6; and Jude 4, 15. See also Evil; Fool, Foolishness, Folly; Hypocrisy; Sin. J.M.E. godliness, godly, the English translation of a Greek root (also translated as "religion, religious," "piety, pious," "devotion, devout," or "worship, worshipper") common in the NT world to describe respect for Greek and Roman gods and for the orders of society. This may be why the term seldom appears either in the Septuagint (LXX) or in the NT. Biblical writers prefer such words as "righteousness," "faith," "steadfastness," "holiness," etc., to describe the faith and life pleasing to God. In the OT, true godliness or piety usually finds expression as covenant loyalty, steadfastness, faithfulness, kindness, goodness, or holiness: "Help, LORD, for there is no longer any that is godly; for the faithful have vanished . . . " (Ps. 12:1); "But know that the LORD has set apart the godly for himself" (Ps. 4:3); God desires "godly offspring" (Mai. 2:15). Faithfulness to God is expressed in faithfulness to covenant partners. In Acts 3:12, Peter denies that "our own power and godliness" (RSV: "piety") healed a lame man. Only in the later Letters of the NT (the Pastorals and 2 Peter) does the term occur as a description of Christian life, and then it is linked with such characteristic biblical words as "righteousness," "faith," "love," "steadfastness," and "gentleness" (1 Tim. 6:11). Similarly, 2 Pet. 1:5-7 links godliness with "faith," "virtue," "knowledge," "self-control," "steadfastness," "brotherly affection," and "love." The adjectival form of the root, sometimes rendered as "devout" (e.g., Acts 10:2, 7), is, at times, linked more specifically with Christian behavior: "the grace of God has appeared . . . training us . . . to live sober, upright, and godly lives in this world, awaiting our blessed hope" (Titus 2:11-13). Godliness is more than correct behavior; it is possible to have "a form of godliness" (RSV: "form of religion") while denying its power (2 Tim. 3:5). That power is found in Christ; thus, 1 Tim. 3:16 calls an early confession of faith "the mystery of godliness" (RSV: "the mystery of our religion"). Only through Christ is true godliness possible, for God's power "has granted to us all things that pertain

GOG

GOLD

to life and godliness" (2 Pet. 1:3). See also Religion, Religious; Worship. J.F.J. Gog (gog), historically probably Gyges, a seventh-century B.C. king of Lydia. Whatever his origin, he has been transformed in Ezekiel 38-39 into an apocalyptic figure who marches from the north (Ezek. 38:6,15; 39:2) and ravages Israel before being destroyed by God (Ezek. 38:19-22; 39:3-5). The sources for the description of Gog's attack and defeat include Jeremiah's "enemy from the north" (Jer. 1:14; 4:6; 6:1, 22; 10:22; 13:20) and the Isaianic motif of the destruction of Israel's foes on the mountains of Israel (Isa. 14:24-25; 17:12-14; 31:8-9). Gog reappears in the NT (Rev. 20:18-20), paired with Magog; in Ezek. 38:2 Magog is probably equivalent to a phrase in the Akkadian language, mat Gog ("land of Gog"). See also Ezekiel, The Book of. J.S.K. Golan (gohluhn; Heb., "circuit"?), part of the plateau of Bashan between Mt. Hermon and the Wadi el-Yarmuk east of the Jordan River. It was called Gaulanitis by the historian Josephus. Golan is also the name of a city of refuge in Manasseh assigned to the levitical family of Gershon (Deut. 4:43; Josh. 20:8; 21:27; 1 Chron. 6:71) in this region. See also Bashan. gold, the precious metal most often named in the Bible (385 times). It was imported from the yet to be located sites named Uphaz (Jer. 10:9), Raamah (Ezek. 27:22), Sheba (1 Kings 10:2), Havilah (Gen. 2:11), and Ophir (1 Chron. 29:4; 2 Chron. 8:18). Occasionally gold was acquired as booty (Exod. 12:35; Judg. 8:26) but more often through commercial enterprises (1 Kings 10:14-24). Ancient sites outside Palestine proper knew of gold and early learned to work it beautifully, as the excavations at Ur in ancient Sumer demonstrate (ca. 2500 B.C.). There the archaeologist Woolley found fluted vases, bowls of pure gold, intricately fashioned ornaments, and 9 yards of gold ribbon in a headdress. At Ebla (modern Tell Mardikh; ca. 3200 B.C.) in Syria excavators found objects of gold such as a ceremonial hammer and wooden frames overlaid with gold. Also at Ebla commercial texts report a caste or guild of smiths including goldsmiths. Precious metals measured in bars with specific weights given in minas (a mina equaled 47 grams) were held in an Eblaite storehouse. One text showed the tribute paid by the kingdom of Mari to include 134.26 minas of gold. More well-known and much later is the golden treasure of Egypt's Tutankhamen (mid-fourteenth century B.C.). The Bible employs thirteen different words for gold in a variety of forms and usages. Jewelry made of gold includes necklaces (Song of Sol. 1:11), rings (James 2:2), and other unspecified items (Exod. 3:22). 383

Above: A gold-leaf figurine, probably of the Canaanite goddess Astarte, found at the excavations at Gezer dates to the sixteenth century B.C. Below: Gold cup from the royal tomb at Ur, third millennium B.C.

GOLDEN RULE

GOSHEN

In public worship gold played a part in both idolatry such as the calf fashioned by Aaron (Exod. 32:2-4; cf. Deut. 29:17; 1 Kings 12:28; Isa. 2:20; Rev. 9:20), and in the worship of God in both the tabernacle and later in the Solomonic Temple in Jerusalem. The Ark was covered with gold (Exod. 25:11). Most of the furniture was gold-plated, while the vessels and other articles of pure gold included the high priest's clothing, crown, ephod, and breastplate (Exod. 39:2-30). In Solomon's Temple the entire inner sanctuary was overlaid with gold, as were the cherubim, carved palm trees, and flowers (1 Kings 6:14-31). While valued as a standard of importance (Isa. 60:17; Hos. 2:8; 1 Pet. 1:18), gold is less worthy than wisdom (Job 28:15, 17; Prov. 3:14; 8:10; 16:16), faith (1 Pet. 1:7), and knowledge (Pss. 19:10; 119:72; Prov. 20:15). One should not put one's trust in gold (Job 31:24) for it can become a stumbling block (Ezek. 7:19) and finally is of no value at all (Isa. 46:6; Ps. 135:15; 1 Tim. 6:9). Nevertheless, the Bible recognizes its value as a gift since one of the Wise Men laid gold before the infant Jesus (Matt. 2:11); elders will wear golden crowns (Rev. 4:4); metaphorically gold is spiritual wealth (Rev. 3:18); and the new Jerusalem will be constructed of pure gold (Rev. 21:18). R.A.C.

Gomer (goh'muhr). 1 A son of Japheth (Gen. 10:2) and the ancestor of a people from southern Russia called Gimirrai by the Assyrians and Cimmerians. 2 The harlot wife of Hosea (Hos. 1:3), who bore him three children.

Golden Rule, a modern term (first attested in English in the seventeenth century as "golden law") for a saying of Jesus regarded as of inestimable ("golden") and universal importance: "Whatever you wish that persons would do to you, do so to them" (Matt. 7:12; Luke 6:31). Similar statements, in negative form, are found in Judaism and Confucianism. Golgotha (gol'guh-thuh). See Calvary. Goliath (guh-li'uhth), a Philistine champion from Gath. He was defeated by David in single combat in the Valley of Elah according to 1 Sam. 17, where the might of the seasoned Philistine warrior is contrasted with the vulnerability of the callow Israelite shepherd, who fells his heavily armed opponent with a sling stone. According to 2 Sam. 21:19, however, Goliath was defeated by Elhanan, one of David's warriors. Perhaps the name of the Philistine slain by David was not given in an older tradition, and the name of Elhanan's victim was substituted for the anonymous adversary of the better-known David. According to an old textual tradition of 1 Sam. 17:4 (preserved at Qumran, in Josephus, and some LXX versions)* Goliath was a giant "four cubits and a span" (6 feet, 9 inches) in height. An exaggerated figure is found in the received Hebrew text (MT) where Goliath's height is recorded as "six cubits and a span" (9 feet, 9 inches)! See also David. P.K.M.

Gomorrah (guh-mor'uh). See Sodom. Good Friday, the Friday immediately before Easter on which Christians memorialize the day Jesus was crucified (see Mark 15:42). Good Samaritan, the man who, by aiding a Jew who had been wounded by thieves, proved neighbor in Jesus' famous parable (Luke 10:29-37). A "good Samaritan" would have been a contradiction in terms for most Jews of Jesus' day, because of the centuries-long mutual hatred between Jews and Samaritans. See also Samaritans. gopher wood, the material Noah was instructed to use in building the ark (Gen. 6:14). Its identification is uncertain. Goshen (goh'shuhn). 1 The fertile region in the eastern Nile delta of Egypt (modern Wadi Tumilat) where the family of Jacob was allowed to settle (Gen. 47:28-29, 34). Also known as "the land of Rameses" (Gen. 47:11), this territory was well suited for grazing, as evidenced both in the Egyptian sources and in the Bible (Gen. 47:3-6). Goshen (evidently not called by that The four Evangelists as represented by their symbols in one of two Evangelist pages from the eighth-century Book ofKells.

GOSPEL, GOSPELS

GOSPEL, GOSPELS

promised through the prophets; its content is Jesus, a descendant of David according to the flesh, designated Son of God in power by the resurrection. This Risen Lord appeared to chosen witnesses. Paul speaks of "my gospel" (Rom. 2:16; 16:25) and "our gospel" (2 Cor. 4:3) and affirms that there is no other gospel (Gal. 1:7). The one gospel was disclosed to Paul when God revealed his Son to him (Gal. 1:16). Paul's gospel is not a human affair; it has its origin in God (Gal. 1:11-12). Consequently, the apostle strives to prevent his audience from turning to false versions of the gospel (2 Cor. 11:4; Gal. 1:6). The true gospel demands obedience (Rom. 10:16), and Paul does everything for its sake (1 Cor. 9:23), even surrendering his legitimate rights so that the gospel can be preached free of charge (1 Cor. 9:18). Among the Evangelists, only Mark and Matthew employ the noun "gospel." Mark begospel, Gospels, the English translation of the gins his narrative, "The beginning of the gospel Greek euangelion, which means "good news." of Jesus Christ, the Son of God." Here, gospel does not refer to a literary genre but the message In the NT, it refers to the good news preached by that is proclaimed in the narrative that follows. Jesus that the kingdom of God is at hand (Mark The gospel is the proclamation of the kingdom, 1:14-15) and the good news of what God has announced by Jesus (Mark 1:14—15) and now done on behalf of humanity in Christ (Rom. 1:1-4). The background for the noun is found in proclaimed by the church. In Mark 8:35 and 10:29, the gospel is equated with the person of the Greek version of the OT, the Septuagint Jesus, and in Mark 13:10 and 14:9 with the story (LXX), where the verbal form, "to bring good of Jesus. news" or "to announce good news," appears rather than the noun. Thus, in Isa. 40:9; 41:27; The literary genre of the Gospels has been the 52:7; and 61:1 the messenger announces the focal point of an intense scholarly debate. On good news of Israel's redemption from Exile. In the one side stand those who see analogues to Luke 4:18-19, Jesus quotes Isa. 61:1-2 to an- the Gospels in Jewish literature (apocalypse, binounce his glad tidings, and in Matt. 11:5 and ography of a righteous individual, biography of Luke 7:22, Jesus tells the messengers of John the a prophet) or literature of the Greco-Roman Baptist that the poor have the good news world (popular biography, laudatory biography, preached to them, thereby affirming his messi- aretalogy, tragedy). On the other side are those ahship. In addition to this background, the NT who argue that the Gospels represent a new litreflects Hellenistic usage. The Roman procon- erary genre, most likely created by the author of sul Paulus Fabius Maximus, for example, honMark. Here, different theories abound. For ored Caesar Augustus by reckoning Caesar's some, the Gospels are the end product of an evobirthday as the beginning of the new year. In lutionary process that began with the preaching doing so, he called the day of Caesar's birth of the Christian kerygma (message). For others, "good news" [euangelion) for the whole world. the Markan Gospel is a narrative retelling of the Although "gospel" is commonly associated church's earliest proclamation as represented in with the four documents Matthew, Mark, Luke, Acts (10:36^13). Although the Gospels bear and John, Paul uses the noun more than any some resemblance to ancient biographies and other writer of the NT. On several occasions, he histories, they are a new literary genre inasmuch simply refers to "the gospel" (Rom. 10:16; as no one has been able to produce a convincing 11:28; 1 Cor. 4:15; 9:14, 18), suggesting that his analogue to them from the ancient world. Nevaudience readily understood its content. At ertheless, one must keep in mind that the writother times, he speaks of "the gospel of God" ings of this "new genre" are heavily dependent (Rom. 1:1; 15:16; 2 Cor. 11:7), "the gospel of upon earlier oral and written traditions, and to Christ" (Rom. 15:19; 1 Cor. 9:12; 2 Cor. 2:12; this extent the Gospels are not a wholly new 9:13; 10:14; Phil. 1:27; 1 Thess. 3:2), or "the creation. gospel of his Son" (Rom. 1:9). "The gospel of In addition to the four canonical Gospels, God" refers to the origin of the gospel (God), other Christian writings are called Gospels. while "the gospel of Christ" and "the gospel of Five writings bear the title "Gospel" among the his Son" point to its object (Christ). In Rom. Nag Hammadi documents, as do numerous 1:1-6 and 1 Cor. 15:1-8, Paul describes the apocryphal writings from the second century, gospel further: it comes from God; it was e.g., the Gospel of Peter. Many of these writings, name except in the Bible) was apparently somewhat of a hinterland to the Egyptians, perhaps because of its distance from the network of Nile irrigation canals (cf. Gen. 46:34). The Hebrews were still dwelling in the region at the time of the plagues (Exod. 8:22; 9:26). From this territory Moses led the Israelites out of Egypt (Exod. 4-13). 2 A geographical region between the southern hill country of Judah and the Negev, mentioned only in Josh. 10:41 and 11:16. Its precise delineations are unknown. Possibly it should be related to 3. 3 A city in the southern hill country of Judah, in the same district as Debir (modern Khirbet Rabud), Anab, Socoh, and Eshtamoh (Josh. 15:41). Its identification is unknown. Proposals include such modern locations as Tell Beit Mirsim, Dhahariya, and, more recently, Tell el-Kheleifeh, all sites near the southeast edge of the Judean hill country. See also Egypt; Exodus; Patriarch. D.A.D.

385

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however, are merely collections of Jesus' sayings or revelatory discourses and do not share the genre of the canonical Gospels. The formation of the Gospels encompassed three stages. In the first, Jesus gathered disciples who heard his teaching and witnessed his deeds. In the second, a period of oral tradition between the death of Jesus and the first written Gospel (A.D. 30-70), the church assembled collections of Jesus' words and deeds, e.g., his sayings, parables, miracles, and the passion narrative. The collections were employed for liturgical, catechetical, apologetical, and missionary use. In the third stage, the Evangelists gathered these diverse collections to form their Gospels. Most scholars believe that the first to do so was the author of Mark, about the year 70. Fifteen to twenty years later, the authors of Matthew and Luke, independently of each other, wrote their Gospels using the Gospel of Mark as a primary source. Each also had access to a collection of Jesus' sayings unknown to Mark. In addition, each had special material, such as is found in their infancy narratives. Because Matthew and Luke depend upon Mark as their primary source, there is a striking similarity among the first three Gospels, for which reason they are called "the synoptic Gospels." The Gospel of John was composed toward the end of the first century. Although it manifests some knowledge of the synoptic tradition, it is different in style, tone, and theology, focusing upon the person of Jesus more than the kingdom of God. Written in a deceptively simple style and making abundant use of dramatic irony, the Fourth Gospel presents a profound theological meditation upon the person of Jesus. See also Apocryphal New Testament; John, The Gospel According to; Kingdom of God; Luke, The Gospel According to; Mark, The Gospel According to; Matthew, The Gospel According to; Synoptic Problem, The. Bibliography Aune, E. David. The New Testament in Its Literary Environment. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1987. Koester, Helmut. Ancient Christian Gospels: Their History and Development. Philadelphia: Trinity, 1990. Sanders, E. P., and Margaret Davies. Studying the Synoptic Gospels. Philadelphia: Trinity, 1989. Stuhlmacher, Peter, ed. The Gospel and the Gospels. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1991. F.J.M.

Kings 7:24; 2 Chron. 4:3). A "wild gourd" (only in 2 Kings 4:39) had poisonous fruit.

gossip. See Talebearing. gourd, a hard-rinded inedible fruit of the genus Lagenaria (large) or of the species Cucurbita pepo (small), used both as utensils (dippers, cups, storage vessels) and for ornamentation. In Jon. 4:4-10 the KJV has "gourd" where the RSV has "plant" due to uncertain identification. Gourd motifs decorated the Temple interior (1 Kings 6:18) and the bronze sea in the Temple (1 386

government, the administration of society by those in power. The form varies greatly with village assemblies, heads of familial and tribal associations, intertribal judges, theocratic kings, and worldly emperors with their representatives (procurator or subordinate king) and local council (Sanhédrin). The purpose and dangers of government, however, receive attention, particularly in relationship to the king. Government, uniquely representing God, the ultimate source of justice (Ps. 72:1-4; cf. Rom. 13:1, 4), is responsible for justice for the weak (1 Kings 10:9; Prov. 31:8-9; Ezek. 34:1-6, 23; even secular governments: Dan. 4:27). Executing justice requires power (Ps. 101:1, 5, 8; conversely, Isa. 3:4-5). Government needs limits; rule is a function, not a status or class (Deut. 17:14-20). The people are not mere subjects but are also participants, even in the covenantal aspects of kingship (2 Kings 11:17; 23:1-3). See also King; Law; S.CM. Procurator; Sanhédrin. governor, the ruler of a Roman province, usually a former consul. Pilate was governor over the province of Judea when Jesus was crucified (Matt. 27:2). In the larger senatorial provinces a governor would usually serve for three years. Governors of provinces in which two to four legions were stationed held an important military command. Entrusted with the responsibility of maintaining peace, they would investigate any potential source of difficulty, such as the dispute between Paul and his enemies (Acts 24:1; 25:1-4). Gozan (goh'zan; Akkadian Guzana), a city (modern Tell Halaf) on the Habor (Heb. Khabur) River, the city and its surrounding region which became part of the Assyrian Empire in the ninth century B.C. (alluded to in 2 Kings 19:12; see Isa. 37:12). Gozan was one of the places to which the Israelites were deported after the capture of Samaria (2 Kings 17:6; 18:11; 1 Chron. 5:26); texts from Tell Halaf mention some of the exiles' descendants. See also Habor. grace, the English translation of a Greek word meaning concretely "that which brings delight, joy, happiness, or good fortune." Grace in classical Greek applied to art, persons, speech, or athletics, as well as to the good fortune, kindness, and power bestowed by the gods upon divine men, moving them to miraculous deeds. The LXX employs this word to translate the Hebrew root meaning "favor." Thus, Noah found favor before the Lord (Gen. 6:8); Jacob sought favor in the eyes of Esau (Gen. 32:5). Similarly, those showing favor do gracious deeds. For example, showing kindness to the poor (Prov. 14:31) or generosity to all living (Ecclus. 7:33) was an act of grace. Likewise, the

GRACE

GRAVING, ENGRAVING, INCISING

Psalms speak confidently of God's graciousness in hearing prayers, healing (6:2; 41:4), rescuing the oppressed (9:13), giving the Law (119:29), forgiving sin, rescuing the weak, and the like. Even where the vocabulary of grace is absent, God's actions are suffused with grace. God loved Israel in spite of its puny numbers (Deut. 7:6-9) and rescued the community from the howling wilderness, encircling it with care (Deut. 32:10). God kept covenant with Israel even when the covenant was violated by the people (Ezek. 16:8) and brought the captives home from Babylon (Isa. 49:14-18). Promises abound in the OT that flow from God's graciousness. In the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, grace was synonymous with divine mercy on the elect (Wisd. of Sol. 3:9). For deliverance from the flood, Noah prayed: "For Thy grace has been great towards me, And great has been Thy mercy to my soul" {Jubilees 10:3). The Qumran community used "covenant loyalty" synonymously with grace: "Behold you have begun to show covenant loyalty to your servant. You are gracious to me with your mercies" [Thanksgiving Hymn 16:8-9). Even while relying on God's grace, the community strictly hewed to the Law with no sense of contradiction. The way of grace and the demand of the Law were integral to the one path to salvation. Except for its emphasis on Jesus, the NT understanding of grace resembles that just surveyed. In Luke and Acts, power from the divine realm infuses god-like men, moving them to perform miraculous deeds. The divine grace rests on the infant Jesus (Luke 2:40), who subsequently grows in grace (2:52), speaks gracious words (4:22), and, like a divine man, passes unharmed through a hostile mob (4:30). Followers of Jesus, such as Stephen, full of "grace," do signs and wonders (Acts 6:8; cf. 14:3). Likewise, Paul assumes that recipients of God's grace will perform deeds of grace. The gracious gift he received is apostleship (Rom. 1:5; 12:6-8); the range of gifts ("graces") others receive runs from esoteric, ecstatic speech to mundane, administrative skills, but all are deemed important (1 Cor. 12:4-31). Elsewhere, grace connotes God's favor shown sinners through Jesus Christ. Historically condemned as "sinners," Gentiles gain entrance to the messianic community through the "gift" (Rom. 3:24) or "free gift" (Rom. 5:15) of grace (Gal. 2 : 1 7 - 2 1 ; Rom. 4:16). While Paul forbade no Jewish Christian to observe the Law, Christ revalued the Law. Although he disassociated grace and Law observance for Gentiles (Galatians), Paul, like the Qumraners, expected obedience to accompany the life of grace. Repeatedly, Paul cautioned against using grace as a license to sin, lest believers "accept the grace of God in vain" (2 Cor. 6:1). Paul also used grace to mean "thanks to God" (Rom. 6:17; 7:25; 1 Cor. 15:57), a thank offering, or an acknowledgment of God's good gifts. In

the opening of his Letters, Paul offers the traditional Greek greeting, "grace" (coupled with the Hebrew "peace" wish), expressing delight at touching the addressee's world. The letters characteristically close with a petition for divine favor, "grace," on the recipients. See also Covenant; Forgiveness; Love; Mercy; Promise; Spiritual Gifts. C.J.R. gracious, to be kindly disposed or to show favor and mercy to someone, usually by a person of superior position and power to a person of inferior position and power. Thus, Potiphar dealt graciously with Joseph (Gen. 39:4), Ruth found favor in the eyes of Boaz (Ruth 2:10), and Esther was treated graciously by King Ahasuerus (Esther 2:17; 5:2). In the Bible, it is above all God who is gracious toward human beings, as stated in the ancient liturgical formula: "The Lord, the Lord, a God merciful and gracious, slow to anger, and abounding in steadfast love and faithfulness" (Exod. 34:6; see also Pss. 86:15; 103:8; 145:8). This is one of the few doctrinal statements about God in the OT in adjectival form. In the NT, the adjective "gracious" is virtually absent; the noun "grace," however, is used frequently in salutations (Rom. 1:7; Eph. 1:20), but most often to describe what God has done in Christ for humanity (Rom. 5 : 2 , 1 5 , 1 7 ; 1 Cor. 15:10; Eph. 2:8). See also Grace; Mercy. W.E.L. graft. See Olive. grain, a general term used throughout the Bible to indicate the seed of cultivated cereal grasses such as wheat, barley, millet, and sorghum. Ground into flour, it was the major component of breads and other cooked foods. See also Barley; Corn; Millet; Rye; Spelt; Wheat. granary, a storage facility for threshed and winnowed grains such as wheat and barley. The facility ranged in size and format from an entire building of rooms or compartments to plastered or unplastered pits or silos to individual jars or containers. The presence of large granary structures in the ancient Near East implies a surplus production of wheat to guard against famine years as well as some type of organized system for redistribution of the grain (see Jer. 50:26; Joel 1:17; Matt. 3:12; Luke 3:17). grape. See Vine. grasshopper. See Locust. grave. See Architecture; Burial. graven images. See Idol. graving, engraving, incising, the practice of impressing deeply in metal, clay tablets, or stone with an iron tool or stylus. The OT men-

387

GREAT ASSEMBLY

GREEK, N E W TESTAMENT

tions an engraver who did work for the Temple (2 Chron. 2:7), one Huramabi by name (2 Chron. 2:13-14), but the OT also contains a prohibition against making graven images (Exod. 20:4). Engraving was done on a gold plate for Aaron's turban with the inscription, "Holy to the Lord" (Exod. 28:36; 39:30). On bronze stands in the Temple cherubim, lions, palm trees and wreaths were engraved (1 Kings 7:36; 2 Chron.

ship probably varied considerably from 500 to 200 B.C. See also Sanhédrin. A.J.S. greave, armor protecting the lower leg. The ones Goliath wore were made of bronze (RSV; KJV: "brass," 1 Sam. 17:6). Grecia (gree'shuh), an archaic form of "Greece," found in the KJV (e.g., Dan. 8:21; Zech. 9:13; Acts 20:2). Similarly "Grecians" is the archaic form to describe the inhabitants of Greece (KJV, Joel 3:6; Acts 9:29), in modern parlance "Greeks." See also Greece.

3:7). Isa. 8:1 mentions clay tablets and Jer. 17:1 engraving with a pen of iron with a diamond point. Exod. 28:9, 11 and 39:6, 14 refer to two onyx stones with six Israelite tribal names incised on each. Job 19:24 mentions an incised tablet with lead-filled letters. Zech. 3:9 speaks of a seven-faceted stone engraved with an inscription. Artifacts such as seal cylinders and stamps for impressions on documents are relatively frequent. Inscribed Egyptian and Hyksos scarabs can be used for dating archaeological finds. Paul assures his listeners they can learn nothing about God from the result of the engraver's technique. R.A.C.

Greece (grées), a country that lies at the terminus of the central mountain structure of southern Europe. By the eighth century B.C. city-states built around a fortress on the acropolis (Gk., "high city") had replaced the older tribal states or villages. Between 750 and 500 B.C. Greeks, pressed for land, founded numerous colonies in the Aegean, along the Black Sea, in Cyrenaica, Sicily and southern Italy as well as Asia Minor. By 500 B.C. Sparta had united most of the Peloponnesus. After defeating the Persians, the Athenians united most of the Greeks in the Aegean as well as those along the coast of Asia Minor. Athens's defeat by Sparta ended this league, though attempts would be made to form new leagues around prominent cities. In the north, Greece had remained divided into weak tribal monarchies until Philip II of Macedon consolidated power in the region. Philip defeated Athens and a weak coalition of cities at Chaeronea in 338 B.C. The Romans gained control of Greece in 146 B.C. Greece is mentioned only in two later OT books (Dan. 8:21; 10:20; 11:2; Zech. 9:13). It figures prominently in the NT, however. Three of the cities to which Paul addressed letters were in Greece (Corinth, Philippi, Thessalonika), and he visited other cities there as well (see Acts 16:9-18:18; 2 Cor. 2:12). P.P.

Great Assembly, a succession of Jewish scholars in the sixth to the third centuries B.C. The chain of tradition in the Mishah tractate Abot (also called Pirke Abot and the Chapter of the Fathers) traces the handing on of Torah from Moses to the rabbis of the second and third centuries. The gap in the chain between the traditional last prophets (Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi) and Simeon the Just, high priest ca. 200 B.C., is filled by the "men of the Great Assembly" (Heb. keneset), sometimes referred to as the Great Synagogue. Talmudic authors (third century A.D. on) identified this group with the assembly in Nehemiah 8-9 and attributed various legal and ritual enactments to it. Though scholars have argued about the nature of this institution, it is unlikely that any historical institution is remembered here. Organs of community leader-

Greek, New Testament. History of the Ancient Greek Language: All the books of the NT were written in Greek. The exact nature of NT Greek, however, has long been a subject of scholarly controversy. The major issues are the relationship of NT Greek both to antecedent dialects and to contemporary secular Greek of the first century A.D., and the extent of Hebrew and Aramaic influence on the language of the NT. The historical roots of the Greek language can be traced to the arrival of Indo-European peoples called Achaeans as reported in the Iliad. Their migration, which is usually dated to the beginning of the Middle Helladic period (ca. 1900 B.C.), produced the Greek dialects of Aeolic and Ionic. A second major wave of IndoEuropean invaders occurred at the beginning of the Iron Age (ca. 1100 B.C.). These invaders introduced the Doric dialect and forced many of

A reed stylus ready to engrave a clay tablet typifies those used widely throughout the ancient Near East.

388

GREEK, N E W TESTAMENT

GREEK, N E W TESTAMENT

the Achaeans to resettle on the western coast of Turkey, subsequently referred to as Ionia. The Iliad (ca. 750 B.C.) and the Odyssey (ca. 700 B.C.) were composed in an early form of Ionic. The Histories of Herodotus, a native of Halicarnassus, were written in new Ionic at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War (ca. 430-425 B.C.). The writings of Plato, Thucydides, Euripides, and Demosthenes, to name a few, were composed in Attic, the dialect of Athens. (As a result of their literary influence, Attic Greek is the "standard" form of the language still taught in elementary Greek courses and is referred to as classical Greek.) Because of the political dominance of Athens in fifth-century B.C. Greece, Attic became the lingua franca of the Delian League, serving as the basis of communication for both merchants and soldiers who spoke different Greek dialects. This transformation of Attic into a common Greek dialect, called Koine ("common") Greek, was one of the reasons for Alexander the Great's success in conquering the Persian Empire and for the subsequent spread of Hellenic culture over the Middle East during the last three centuries B.C. Koine Greek (also called Hellenistic Greek) was a "common" dialect in both senses of the word: it became the universal language of late antiquity, serving as the lingua franca for over a millennium (fourth century B.C.-sixth century A.D.), and it was simplified into a colloquial idiom by both non-Attic-speaking Greeks and non-Greeks for whom Koine was a second language. Some literary purists such as Dionysus of Halicarnassus and his circle resisted this transformation (from their viewpoint, "vulgarization") of Attic into Koine and, especially in the second century A.D., consciously imitated the Attic of the Classical period in their writings (this phenomenon is called "Atticism," and it influenced the writing and editing of some parts of the NT). A major boon to the study of Koine Greek has been the discovery during the past century of tens of thousands of papyrus documents, mainly in Egypt, as well as inscriptions and ostraca unearthed during archaeological excavations. Scholars now possess a wide spectrum of written materials from late antiquity, thus permitting a comparative analysis of NT Greek with secular Koine Greek documents of the time. As a result, most NT Greek scholars now view NT Greek as more closely related to the Koine vernacular of the first century A.D. than to literary Attic. Nevertheless, NT Greek differs somewhat from Koine Greek owing not only to the influence of Hebrew and Aramaic patterns on the NT authors (such patterns are referred to as "Semitisms" and come both from the translation patterns preserved in the Septuagint and from the Aramaic background of the oral tradition), but also to the new connotations of Greek words generated by the process of community formation in early Christianity. Moreover, NT Greek

varies from book to book as a result of each author's educational level and familiarity with Koine Greek (these variations are referred to as "stylistic" differences). Description of NT Greek: The earliest extant Greek texts were written in a script called Linear B and are dated to the Late Helladic period (1400-1200 B.C.). This script was adapted from a Minoan form of writing, Linear A, which is evidently based on a syllabic system employed by western Semitic language groups of the Levant. Sometime after 1000 B.C., Linear B was transformed into an alphabetic system that Herodotus (5.58) attributes to Phoenician influence. The alphabets of most European languages were, in turn, derived from the Greek alphabet. Several of the Greek letters were lost during the Archaic period so that the official alphabet (the name itself is derived from the first two letters, alpha-bet[a], of the Greek alphabet) adopted in Athens at the end of the Peloponnesian War, and used by NT authors, contained twenty-four letters (see the table which includes the English equivalents). In addition to the vowels alpha (a), iota [i), and upsilon (u), the Greek alphabet has separate letters for long ê [êta) and à [omega] and for short e [epsilon] and o [omicron), thus totaling seven vowels. The exact pronunciation of ancient Greek sounds is no longer known. The examples listed in the table therefore represent a more or less arbitrary system of pronunciation that derives from the Renaissance scholar Erasmus.

Greek Form Capital

P

rA

y ô

E Z H

€

a

£ V

e I

e

K A M N

K

O

n

p

Name

i

A M V

ê o

TT

i

P cr,

T Y

V

T

alpha bêta gamma delta epsilon zêta ëta thêta iôta kappa lambda mu nu xï omicron Pi rhô ç sigma tau upsilon

$

4>

X

X

^

*

a

(X)

Translit- Approximate eration

Small

A B

HI

389

THE GREEK ALPHABET

phi chi psï ômega

a b

g d

e z ê th i k,c

1

m n x 0 p r s t u.y Ph

ch

ps ô

Pronunciation

drama bible glucose decalogue ego Zeus they theist intrigue crisis logic mother anti axiom apology poet catarrh syntax topic tu (French) Tiir (German) phonetic chasm apse ode

GREEK, N E W TESTAMENT

GREEK, N E W TESTAMENT

Two guidelines are helpful in pronouncing ancient Greek words: first, every letter is vocalized; and second, words should be divided into the same number of syllables as there are separate vowels or diphthongs, e.g., a-pe-cri-thë, a-lêthei-a, pro-phê-tës, with the consonant(s) beginning the next syllable. Linguists divide languages into three major types: isolating (all words are separate roots), agglutinative (words are formed by combining separate morphemes), and inflectional (words are formed by modification of stems or word bases with prefixes, suffixes, or internal changes). Ancient Greek is an example of a highly inflected language like Latin and German. There are three major inflectional patterns (called declensions) in the nominal system, divided according to stem endings: nominal stems ending in a or è belong to the first declension, those ending in o to the second declension, and those ending in consonants to the third declension. Suffixes are added to nominal stems according to regular patterns in each declension and signal the following grammatical information: gender (each nominal word is masculine, feminine, or neuter and is so indicated by the corresponding article in a Greek dictionary), number (singular or plural; the dual number of classical Greek has disappeared in Koine Greek), and case (in general, the nominative case signals the subject, the accusative the direct object, the dative the indirect object, and the genitive the possessive case; separate case endings for the vocative of direct address, ablative signaling origins, and instrumental and locative functions have become almost fully assimilated to the nominative, genitive, and dative cases respectively in Koine and NT Greek). Greek verbs are also divided into inflectional patterns (called conjugations) according to which vowel or consonant occurs at the end of the verb base. By the presence or absence of a variety of prefixes, infixes, and suffixes, each verb form signals the following grammatical information: person (first, second, or third), number (singular or plural), voice (active, middle, or passive), mood (indicative, subjunctive, optative, imperative, infinitive, or participle), and tense (both as time: past, present, or future, and as type of action: punctiliar, durative, or completive). Because Greek is so highly inflected, there is the possibility that each verb can occur in more than six hundred separate forms. While Greek morphology contains a large number of variables, the advantage is soon apparent: first, because there is a separate form to indicate each nuance of meaning in the nominal and verbal systems, translation from Greek to English, for example, is relatively free from ambiguity and far "easier" than from a less fully inflected language (though translators still differ over a number of "hard" passages in the NT). Second, because the grammatical function of

words in Greek is indicated by their inflectional signals rather than by word order, subject, verbs, and predicates can occur in a variety of sequences in Greek texts, reflecting compositional style and emphasis. Third, the full contours of a highly inflected language began to erode already in the Koine, and modern Greek is far less inflected than its ancestor dialects. The following modifications of the inflectional patterns described above can already be observed in the Koine: (1) the substitution of prepositional phrases for oblique (genitive, dative, and accusative) case endings to indicate syntactical relationships within the predicate; (2) a decline in the use of the middle voice to indicate that the subject has a special interest in the verbal action, and its replacement with the active voice and a reflexive pronoun; (3) the gradual domination of regular over irregular conjugation patterns; (4) the loss of distinction in the protasis ("if" clause) of a conditional sentence between probable (subjunctive mood) and doubtful (optative mood) conditions so that the optative is very rare in the NT; (5) an increase in the use of periphrastic constructions (auxiliary verb plus participle) in place of the appropriate tense stem; (6) a decline in the use of the imperfect and pluperfect tenses to distinguish different kinds of action in the past; and (7) confusion among subordinating conjunctions and prepositions so that syntactical distinctions between contrasting pairs are blurred. In sum, the historical changes in the Greek world after Alexander the Great, despite the archaizing efforts of the Atticists, produced a movement away from the intricate structure of classical Greek toward simpler phonological, morphological, and syntactical forms of expression in the Hellenistic period. Implications for the Study of the NT: Study of the Greek language is helpful, if not crucial, for the interpretation of the NT at a variety of points. First, knowledge of Greek enables the scholar or preacher to compare the variant readings contained in the multitude of manuscripts of the NT books and to establish the text that will serve as the basis for a commentary or sermon. Having constructed the text, the translator can then craft his or her own equivalent meaning in the target language. Second, attention to an author's compositional style often illuminates the strategy and purpose in writing. The Pauline Letters, for example, while presumably composed with some urgency and in a conversational style to reflect Paul's apostolic presence, contain arguments and rhetorical conventions reminiscent of contemporary Stoic-Cynic preachers and orators such as Seneca. The author of the Gospel of John, on the other hand, employs a very different compositional strategy only fully evident in the Greek text. He frequently strings together simple sentences with the conjunction kai ("and"): "After these things Jesus and his disci-

390

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pies went into the land of Judea and he stayed there with them and he baptized. And John was also baptizing at Aenon near Salim because there was much water there, and they [the people] came and they were baptized" (John 3:22-23). As a result of this paratactic style, the Greek of the Fourth Gospel is often judged to be the closest to the vernacular and NT Greek textbooks usually begin with passages from John. Yet the author sprinkles his work with double entendres and symbolic terms that can trap those who, like Nicodemus in John 3, take the simple style literally, i.e., as an indication of conceptual simplicity. Whether Jesus taught in Aramaic or Greek is another critical issue relating to the language of the NT. Because Aramaic was the native language of Palestine in the Persian and Hellenistic periods, some NT scholars have argued that the canonical Gospels are Greek translations of a primitive Aramaic Gospel. While most contemporary NT scholars have abandoned this hypothesis, there is still considerable debate over the extent to which the peculiarities of NT Greek are the result of Semitisms and whether the sayings of Jesus are translations from Aramaic. Some scholars, on the basis of inscriptional evidence from first-century Palestine that show how common Greek was, have recently argued that Jesus was bilingual and, on the grounds that the parables are so poetic that they must have been composed in Greek, that he may even have taught in Greek. These three examples illustrate how a study of the language of the NT can illuminate key issues in the interpretation of its contents. See also Aramaic; Hebrew; Septuagint; Texts, Versions, Manuscripts, Editions. Bibliography Blass, R, and A. Debrunner. A Greek Grammar of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961. Moule, C. F. D. An Idiom-Book of New Testament Greek. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963. Sevenster, J. N. Do You Know Greek? How Much Greek Could the First Jewish Christians Have Known? Leiden: Brill, 1968. Voelz, J. W. "The Language of the New Testament." In Aufstieg und Niedergang der Romischen Welt. Vol. 2.25.2. Principat. Edited by W. Haase. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1984. Pp. 893-977. L.C.M. Greeks, persons of Greek descent, language, and culture as opposed to non-Greek "barbarians." In a broader sense, persons, whatever their origins, who had come under the influence of Greek culture and who lived in the hellenized cities of the Roman Empire as opposed to the rustic, rural population could be called Greek. In the Bible, "Greeks" may refer to pa-

gans in contrast to Jews (2 Mace. 4:36; Acts 9:29). From a Jewish standpoint the expression "Jews and Greeks" embraces all of humanity (Acts 14:1; Rom. 2:9-10; Gal. 3:28; Col. 3:11; 1 Cor. 12:13). The expression "pious Greeks" can be used for proselytes or God-fearers, Greeks who converted to Judaism or were interested in P.P. it (Acts 17:4). grisled ("grizzled"), a term meaning "graystreaked" or "roan," the archaic KJV translation for "mottled" (Gen. 31:10, 12) or "dappled" (Zech. 6:3, 6). grove, a cluster of trees or a resting spot such as an orchard or an oasis. The sacred places referred to in the Scriptures are probably groves of oaks (Josh. 24:26). Often designated as "high places," they are the places of worship of the pagan gods Baal and Astarte (Deut. 12:2-3; 2 Kings 17:10, 16). The grove planted by Abraham in Beer-sheba was of tamarisk trees (Gen. 21:33). See also Oak; Trees; Woods. grudge, a feeling of anger, prohibited by Lev. 19:18, although elsewhere God is said to maintain his anger (Nah. 1:2), albeit not forever (Jer. 3:5, 12; Ps. 103:9). Ungrudging behavior is encouraged in Deut. 15:10 and 1 Pet. 4:9. The word translated "grudge" in the KJV of Ps. 59:15 and James 5:9 is better understood as "grumble" or "complain." guard, bodyguard, a person or persons assigned to the protection of an important person or group of persons. Both OT and NT give evidence of persons who functioned in these capacities. In the OT various royal figures are depicted as having guards (Gen. 37:36; Dan. 2:14; 2 Kings 25:8-21). David had an elite troop of Cherethites and Pelethites who served as his bodyguard (2 Sam. 8:18; 23:23). As "foreigners" these soldiers would have personal loyalty to their employer and would be less likely to be influenced by competing internal political factions. The Temple area in Jerusalem also required guards (1 Kings 14:27-28; 2 Kings 11:19). During the Roman occupation of Palestine the Temple area had at least two different sets of guards. One set of Roman soldiers was stationed in the fortress of Antonia (see Acts 21:30-34) and the priestly officials had levitical "security officers" as well. Roman guards watched the tomb of Jesus (Matt. 27:65-28:4) and supervised the house arrest of the apostle Paul (Acts 28:16). J.A.D. guest, one invited to a feast (1 Kings 1:41; Matt. 22:10-11) or to lodge overnight (Luke 19:7). In the ancient Mediterranean world, it was considered obligatory to lodge travelers and strangers (Judg. 19:15-21; Heb. 73:2).

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guest chamber. See House. guilt, a concept that is difficult to define precisely and with every nuance present in the various writings of the Bible. For the biblical writers, guilt is not understood primarily as an inward feeling of remorse or a bad conscience, but rather as involving a situation that has arisen because of sin committed against God or one's neighbor (sin either of commission or of omission). Thus, in the Bible, guilt appears to have two primary presuppositions for its existence: first, human beings are responsible and accountable for their actions, thoughts, and attitudes; and second, these actions, thoughts, and attitudes constitute a state of guilt when relationships between human beings and God or other human beings have been broken because of sin. Responsibility: The principal ingredient in the biblical concept of guilt appears to be the dimension of responsibility. Human beings are accountable for what they do and for the consequences of what they do. This accountability lies at the center of the biblical understanding of guilt. So great was this sense of responsibility that people could be guilty without even being aware that they had done anything wrong (e.g., Lev. 5:17-19). When a person sinned, guilt was the natural consequence. Often guilt was depicted in the OT as a burden or weight that could crush a person (e.g., Ps. 38:4, 6), or as a cancer that could destroy a person from within (e.g., Ps. 32:3-4), or as a debt that must be paid (e.g., Lev. 5:1-6:7; Num. 5:5-8). Reconciliation: Because of these understandings that all people were guilty before God and each other, there developed in Israel a system of sacrifices and rituals that were designed to "purify" the people involved by their paying a penalty for the wrong done. This ritual was not designed simply to relieve the conscience of the guilty party but rather to make restitution, to lay aside the burden of guilt, and to restore the broken relationship caused by the guilt. The system was designed, in part at least, to establish a reconciliation between the guilty party and the party sinned against. In the NT, Paul makes frequent use of this idea (e.g., Rom. 5:6-11; 2 Cor. .5:16-21; cf. Col. 1:19-20). Collective and Individual: Because of the biblical understanding of the importance of the community, i.e., the people of God, guilt could be both collective and individual. What one person did could cause guilt to come upon an entire group of people (cf. esp. the story of Achan, Josh. 7). The basis for this view was the Hebrew belief in corporate solidarity, the essential importance of the people as a whole, not just as an aggregate of individuals. Individuals might sin, however, and bring guilt and the consequences of sin upon themselves. The famous lament and confession of sin in Psalm 51 points to such a situation, as does the well-known challenge of Ezekiel to the people in Exile (chap. 18).

Guilt brought with it serious consequences, such as separation from God and one's neighbors and specific penalties for sins committed. The NT writers used a particular word (Gk. enochos) with regard to guilt, which usually means "deserving of punishment" (e.g., Matt. 26:66; 1 Cor. 11:27; James 2:10). According to Paul, all human beings are guilty before God (e.g., Rom. 1:18-3:20). In both the OT and the NT, it is only because of God's grace that guilt can be set aside through God's forgiveness. See also Atonement; Evil; Expiation; Justification; Reconciliation; Sanctification; Sin; Worship. J.M.E. guilt offerings. See Worship. Guni (gyoo'ni). 1 A son of Naphtali who settled with Jacob's family in Egypt (Gen. 46:24) and became the head of the Gunite clan (Num. 26:48). 2 A descendant of Gad (1 Chron. 5:15).

Opposite: Hittite warrior taken prisoner by the Egyptians at the battle of Kadesh;froma relief ca. thirteenth century B.C.

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HABAKKUK, THE BOOK OF

H, the siglum for the "Holiness Code," a modem term for the material contained in Leviticus 17—26, which consists of regulations Israel is to observe so it may separate itself from those practices not pleasing to God. To be separated for God in that way is what "holy" means. See also Holiness.

that they apply to the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar. A liturgical summons to keep silence before God introduces the prayer of Habakkuk in chap. 3. The prayer is actually a hymn with strong mythological overtones, describing God's appearance to do battle with his enemies (cf. Judg. 5; Deut. 33; Ps. 68). This graphic depiction of God the Warrior, which is presumably the content of the vision written down by the prophet, serves as the decisive resolution to the protests raised by Habakkuk. The lament-response form of chaps. 1-2 and the psalmlike hymn in chap. 3 may indicate that the book took shape as a liturgy for use in the Temple. Other prophets whose work is probably to be related to the Temple worship are Nahum, Obadiah, and Joel. It is equally possible, however, that the book was composed simply as a prophetic reflection and that the "prayer" was secondarily adapted for use in worship. However that may be, the text of the hymn now contains technical notes concerning its (musical?) performance, such as one finds in the book of Psalms. In the first century B.C. the Qumran community (responsible for preserving the Dead Sea Scrolls) produced a commentary on Habakkuk 1—2, relating it to historical events in its own time. The prophet Habakkuk also appears as a character in the apocryphal story Bel and the Dragon (second century B.C.), where he is whisked off to Babylon by an angel in order to deliver a meal of stew and bread to Daniel, who is imprisoned in the lions' den. See also Bel and the Dragon; Chaldea; Jeremiah, The Book of; Nahum, The Book of; Scrolls, The Dead Sea.

Habakkuk (huh-bak'uhk), the Book of, the thirty-fifth book in the Christian OT and one of the twelve Minor Prophets. Nothing is known about the prophet Habakkuk except what can be deduced from his oracles. The reference to the coming of the Chaldeans in 1:6 makes it likely that Habakkuk was active in the last quarter of the seventh century B.C. The oracles of Habakkuk were probably composed at different times during his prophetic career and only later assembled to form a reflection on the problem of divine justice, perhaps after 597 B.C. The book consists of two distinct parts, each with its own heading. Chaps. 1-2 are identified as an "oracle" or "pronouncement" (Heb. massa'), and chap. 3 as a "prayer" [tephillah). Despite the separate headings and the difference in form, the two sections are part of a unified composition. The "prayer," which is a vivid poetic description of God as Divine Warrior, is probably to be taken as the content of the "vision" referred to in 2:2—3. The parts of the book are related as follows. After the heading in 1:1 there is a lament concerning the success of the wicked and the inaction of God (1:2-4). It is unclear to whom Habakkuk refers as "the wicked." It may be the Assyrians, who ruled Judah until their defeat by the Babylonians in 612 B.C. (an event referred to in the book of Nahum, written at about this time). On the other hand, Habakkuk may have been referring to corrupt Judean nobles, perhaps those who supported King Jehoiakim (criticized also by Jeremiah, a contemporary of Habakkuk). God responds in 1:5-11 that he is raising up the Chaldeans (i.e., Babylonians), whose cruel power is irresistible. In 1:12-18 the prophet renews his complaint, protesting against the Babylonians' cruelty, which God seems to ignore. Although the notion that God might use a foreign enemy as a means of judgment against Judah is found in Isaiah and in Jeremiah, Habakkuk appears to argue against the injustice of such a method of punishment. God responds a second time in 2 : 1 - 5 , instructing Habakkuk to "write [down] the vision." The content of the vision is not specified at this point, but God insists that despite the apparent delay, the fulfillment of the vision will be accomplished in its proper time, and the righteous who remain faithful will be preserved (Paul quotes Hab. 2:4b with an altered sense in Rom. 1:17 and Gal. 3:11). A series of five threats against the wicked (each introduced by "woe to" ["alas for"]) follows in 2:6-19. Although the object of these threats is not specifically named, the context indicates 394

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The Book of Habakkuk

I. Title (1:1) II. Dialogue-lament (1:2-2:19) A. Lament on the success of the wicked (1:2-4) B. God's response (1:5-11) C. Lament on the success of Babylon (1:12-17) D. God's response (2:1-5) E. Five woes against the wicked (2:6-19) III. Hymn on God's victory over his enemies (2:20-3:19) Bibliography Achtemeier, E. Nahum-Malachi. Atlanta, GA: John Knox, 1986. Gowan, D. The Triumph of Faith in Habakkuk. Atlanta, GA: John Knox, 1976. Roberts, J. J. M. Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1991.

HABERGEON

HADES

Szeles, M. E. Wrath and Mercy: A Commentary dated his control over both southern Syria and on the Books of Habakkuk and Zephaniah. Grand the Transjordan. His tactics included hamRapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1987. C.A.N. stringing his enemy's horses to cripple their defensive power (1 Chron. 18:4). habergeon (hab'uhr-juhn), the KJV's term for the RSV's "garment" (Exod. 28:32; 39:23), H a d a d - r i m m o n (hay'dad-rim'uhn), a name, "javelin" (Job 41:26), and "coat of mail" (2 probably a combination of the names for the Chron. 26:14; Neh. 4:16). It was a short coat of Syrian gods Hadad and Rimmon. Hadad was mail, part of defensive armor. the storm god Baal of the Ugaritic texts. Rimmon, an alternate name for Hadad, was worshiped in Damascus (2 Kings 5:18). The Habiru (hah-bee'roo). SeeKhapiru. mourning to come in Jerusalem is compared to the ritual mourning for Hadad-rimmon at Habor (hayljor), ancient and modern Habur (Khabur), a major tributary of the Euphrates Megiddo (Zech. 12:11). See also Baal; Hadad; Ras-Shamra; Rimmon. River, which it enters from the northeast below modern Deir ez-Zor. The Habor was a major route in antiquity and was densely settled, as Hadar (hay'dahr). See Hadad. the many tells that dot its banks show. In the OT the Habor is called the river of Gozan and is Hadassah (huh-das'uh), another name for Esnamed as one of the places to which the Is- ther (Esther 2:7), probably her given Hebrew raelites were exiled in 722 B.C. (see 2 Kings name. "Esther" is a Babylonian or Persian name 17:6; 18:11; 1 Chron. 5:26). See also Gozan. (the goddess Ishtar or "star"), which may have been the name given her in the royal court (see Esther 2:8-9) or a name adopted in conformity Hachilah (huh-kiluh), an unidentified hill in with Persian style. southern Judah in the wilderness of Ziph not far from Hebron. David hid there from Saul (1 Sam. 23:19; 26:1), and Saul encamped on that very Hades (hay'deez), a Greek god whose name hill in his search for David (26:3). See also Ziph. means "The Unseen." He was lord of the underworld, the abode of the dead. The Greek word Hadad (hay'dad), a Semitic storm god, also "Hades" was used to translate several Hebrew known as Haddu, Adad, and Addu. The meaning words in the Bible, namely, "the pit," "stillof the name is unclear, but it may be connected ness," "death," "those who bring death," "deep with the noise of a storm. A late folk etymology darkness," and, most commonly, "Sheol." erroneously took the name to signify "the "Sheol" probably derives from the verb "to ask unique." or inquire" and thus refers to the realm of the dead as the place from which oracles were The veneration of Hadad is attested by some sought. The seeking of such oracles was forbidof the earliest Mesopotamian texts. Apparently den by the Torah (Deut. 18:11) but was apparof West Semitic origin, the god found a special ently practiced (1 Sam. 28:3-25). following in Assyria (both early and late) and among the Aramaeans. At Ras-Shamra (Ugarit), Sheol sometimes refers to a place (Gen. 37:35) Hadad (Haddu) passes as the storm deity Baal and sometimes to a being (Job 26:6). As a place, and is once called "the shepherd." An Aramaic Sheol was a watery abyss (Job 26:5; 2 Sam. inscription from Zinjirli dedicates a statue of 22:5), the waters of chaos confined beneath the the god, to whom the local king Panammuwa earth that corresponded to the waters of chaos owed personal thanks. Lucian, a Greek author above the firmament. As a being Sheol is porof the second century A.D. (or Pseudo-Lucian), trayed with an immense, devouring mouth and treats the cult of Hadad in his work on the Syras insatiable (Isa. 5:14; Prov. 30:15-16). This ian goddess Atargatis; at Hierapolis Hadad was imagery derives from Canaanite myths about coupled with Atargatis (Anat?), just as earlier at Baal, Anath, and Mot (Death). Mot reigns over Ras-Shamra Baal (Haddu) was coupled with the underworld and swallows Baal and all who Anat. die. In the Bible, "Hadad" survives chiefly in perThe dead are referred to as "shades," pale resonal names (Gen. 36:35, 39; 1 Kings 11:14-22; flections of the men and women they had once 1 Chron. 1:30). The book of Zechariah once con- been (Isa. 14:10; Eccles. 9:10). Existence in Sheol is characterized by forgetfulness and indemns the practice of offering lamentations for Hadad-rimmon, a god behind whose name we activity (Ps. 88:12; Eccles. 9:10). Sheol is not a recognize the storm deity (Zech. 12:11). See place of punishment in the OT. also Anat; Baal; Ras-Shamra. R.M.G. In the NT likewise, Hades appears both as a place (Acts 2:31) and as a being (Rev. 6:8). As a Hadadezer (hay'dad-ee'zuhr; Heb., "Hadad is place it is the abode of the dead (Acts 2:27, 31). help"), the king of Zobah who was defeated by The notion that the realm of the dead had one or more gates controlling movement into and out of David in various campaigns against Aramaean it is a very ancient one. It appears in the OT (Isa. resistance (2 Sam. 8:3-12; 10:15-19; 1 Chron. 38:10) and in the NT (Matt. 16:18). In Rev. 1:18 18:3-11; 19:16-19). David's victory consoli395

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the risen Christ says that he has "the keys of Death and Hades." The saying implies that Christ is able to unlock and lock the gates of Hades, that he has power over life and death. The saying in Matt. 16:18 means that the powers of death and other God-opposing forces will not triumph over the church (the community of believers in Jesus as the Christ). Gehenna is the word most commonly used in the NT for the place where sinners will be punished after death (Matt. 5:22). In one passage Hades is presented as a place of torment (Luke 16:23). See also Abyss; Death; Gehenna; Heaven; A.Y.C. Hell; Sheol.

water to drink. Ishmael grew up and became an archer in the Wilderness of Paran and married an Egyptian woman. These stories show that Ishmael's descendants, the bedouins living to the south of the Israelites, were of the same stock as the Hebrews but from a religiously less important branch of the family. The inferiority of Hagar and Ishmael is used allegorically in the NT by Paul (Gal. 4:21-31). A.B.

Hadoram (huh-dor'uhm). 1 A son of Joktan, descendant of Shem (Gen. 10:27). 2 The son of Tou (Toi), king of Hamath; he was sent with gifts to congratulate David on his victory over Hadadezer (1 Chron. 18:10). He is also called Joram (2 Sam. 8:10). 3 An official of King Rehoboam (926-910 B.C.) of Judah; he supervised the conscripted labor force and was stoned to death by the people of Israel (the Northern Kingdom) when he attempted to enforce the harsh policies of Rehoboam (2 Chron. 10:18). He is called Adoram in the Hebrew text of 1 Kings 12:18, but Adoniram in the Greek text (Septuagint), and he may be identical with persons of both these names (1 Kings 4:6; 5:13-14). See also Adoniram; Adoram. D.R.B. Hagar (hay'gahr), the Egyptian maidservant whom Sarah gave to Abraham as his concubine; she bore him Ishmael. There are two stories concerning Hagar, both showing the rivalry between her and Sarah. In the first (Gen. 16:1-16) Sarai (Sarah) was barren and, in accordance with custom, gave her maidservant to her husband so that she could bear a child in place of her mistress. When Hagar became pregnant, she acted arrogantly towards Sarah and so Sarah, with Abraham's permission, dealt so harshly with her that Hagar fled into the Wilderness of Shur. There she met an angel who announced that she should return to her mistress and that she would bear a son, to be named Ishmael, from whom would spring many descendants. In Gen. 21:8-21 Hagar is back in Abraham's household. Some time has passed and Sarah has given birth to Isaac. Sarah felt that Ishmael threatened Isaac's position as heir, so she urged Abraham to expel Hagar and Ishmael. He acquiesced only after God assured him that he should heed Sarah, for Abraham's main line of descent was to be through Isaac, although God would also make a nation from Ishmael's descendants. Hagar was sent away with some bread and water and her child. When the provisions were used up and the child's death seemed imminent, an angel appeared and reassured Hagar that the child would produce a great nation. A well of water appeared and she gave her son

Haggadah (huh-gah'duh; Palestinian Talmud: "Aggadah"), the interpretation of the historical and religious passages of Jewish Scripture that are not legal in character. Haggadic texts often supplement the biblical narrative. A rich variety of Jewish "retelling" of the tradition comes under the category "Haggadah." Chronicles is sometimes described as a "historical midrash" (i.e., commentary) on the earlier historical writings. Hellenistic Jewish historians such as Josephus and Philo and writings such as the Apocrypha, the Pseudepigrapha, and the Dead Sea Scrolls all contain a wealth of haggadic material. Many stories and legends came to be told about such central figures in Israel's history as Adam, Enoch, Abraham, Joseph, and Moses. Some NT examples of haggadic material about Moses show that its writers were familiar with such traditions. 2 Tim. 3:8 gives the names of the Egyptian sorcerers defeated by Moses, namely, Jannes and Jambres. Several writers refer to a tradition that the Law was given by angels rather than God (Gal. 3:19; Acts 7:53; Heb. 12:2). The water-giving rock is said to have accompanied the children of Israel on their journey (1 Cor. 10:4). Jude 9 refers to a legend that the archangel Michael and Satan struggled over the body of Moses. Unlike the strict logic of legal interpretation, Haggadah could give free play to the imagination. Haggadic expositions are not bound to the previous tradition. However, the story had to remain within the bounds of what was acceptable to the religious community. See also Halakah. P.P. Haggai (hag'i; Heb., "festal," "of a festival"), an OT prophetic book and the prophet named in that book who, with Zechariah, is also mentioned in Ezra 5:1 and 6:14; he is one of the twelve so-called minor prophets. There is no biographical material given in either book and, as a result, we know little more than the prophet's name. The framework to the book associates the message with dates in the second year of Darius I (about 520 B.C.). The similarity of this material to elements in the Priestly Code, the last of the four Pentateuchal sources, and also to Chronicles, suggests that this framework may be of later, editorial, origin. The message is given to Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest, and (in 1:12; 2:2) to the

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"remnant of the people." The first section (1:2-11) associates failure to rebuild the Temple with drought and agricultural disaster which has its origin in divine judgment. The second section (1:12-14) tells of the rebuilding as the response of leaders and people to the divine messenger (v. 13). The date in 1:15 is fragmentary and does not enable us to date the material with any accuracy. The next section (2:2-9) develops the Temple theme. The contrast between the glorious former Temple and the modest restored Temple will be reversed in the splendor of the new building. Both 2:6-7 and 2 : 2 1 - 2 2 , with their picture of upheavals among the nations, may reflect the political uncertainties in Darius I's struggle to achieve supremacy. They also suggest a theophany, a divine intervention in human affairs. 2:10-14 use a priestly decision to comment on the people's life. While these verses can be interpreted in a variety of ways the most probable interpretation is that they criticize false trust in the rebuilt shrine. 2:15-19 speaks again of former disasters and present blessings (see 1:2-11). The book concludes (2:20-23) with a strongly worded hope centered on Zerubbabel as the divinely chosen Davidic leader, the "servant," the "signet ring," royal executive of God. Central to Haggai's message is a concern for the priority of the rebuilt Temple and for a purified and faithful community. This message is set in the framework of this community as the true remnant of God's chosen people and as the recipient of glorious hopes for the future. Because Haggai emphasizes that God will keep his promises, later readers can also find a message of hope for their own day. See also Darius; Sources of the Pentateuch; Temple, The; Zechariah; Zerubbabel. Bibliography Coggins, R. J. Zechariah, Malachi. Sheffield: Academic Press, 1987. Meyers, C. L. and E. M. Haggai, Zechariah, 1-8. P.R.A. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1987.

Haggith (hag'ith; Heb., "festive"), one of David's wives and the mother of his fourth son, Adonijah (2 Sam. 3:4).

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The Book of Haggai I. God's call to repair the Temple (1:1-11) A. The need to repair it (1:2-6) B. Problems caused by failure to repair it (1:7-11) II. Response to God's call (1:12-15) III. Future glory of the Temple (2:1-9) A. God will fulfill his promise (2:1-5) B. Future splendor of the Temple (2:6-9) IV. God's promise of blessing to come with Temple repair (2:10-19) A. Former misery (2:10-17) B. Future blessing (2:18-19) V. God's confidence in Zerubbabel (2:20-23)

Hagiographa (hag'ee-og'ruh-fuh; Gk., "sacred writings"), the final section of the Hebrew Bible in the tripartite arrangement attested before the rise of Christianity and maintained in Jewish versions to this day. This arrangement apparently reflects the three stages whereby the canon came into being. The Greek-derived name corresponds to the Hebrew Kethubim ("writings"), reflecting the miscellaneous character of these books, which include what the early rabbis called the "three big writings" (Psalms, Proverbs, Job), the later collection of "five scrolls" (Heb. megilloi) arranged in order of the holidays at which they are read in the synagogue (Song of Songs, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, and Esther), and historical-narrative books (Daniel, Ezra-Nehemiah, and Chronicles). The section is called by a variety of names in the earliest sources, including "wisdom of the ancients" (Ecclus. 39:1), "writings of David" (2 Mace. 2:13), "Psalms" (Luke 24:44), and "other books" (introduction to Ecclus.; see also Josephus Against Apion 1:8 and Philo On the Contemplative Life 3), reflecting its still fluid contents, a condition that may also be mirrored in rabbinic uncertainty as to the canonicity of Song of Songs, Ecclesiastes, and Esther. The sequence of this group of eleven books, which does not exist as a discrete entity in the Christian canon where the books are arranged generically, was still not fixed in the Middle Ages. See also Bible; Canon; Old Testament. F.E.G. Hagrites (hag'rits), the name of a tribe with whom the eastern Israelite tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the eastern half-tribe of Manasseh fought and whom they eventually defeated in the time of Saul (ca. 1000 B.C.). Their territory lay east of the Jordan beyond Gilead in northern Arabia (1 Chron. 5:10, 19-20). The similarity of the names Hagrite and Hagar, Sarai's handmaid who bore Ishmael to Abraham (Gen. 16:1, 15), suggests to some scholars that the early Jewish historians saw some connection between this tribe and the Ishmaelites; however, such a connection is not certain. The Hagrites are listed with the traditional enemies of Israel, including the Ishmaelites (Ps. 83:6), although Jaziz the Hagrite was the overseer of the royal flocks under David (1 Chron. 27:30 [v. 31 in some versions]), and another Hagrite may have fought with David (1 Chron. 11:38, although "Gadite" in 2 Sam. 23:36). See also Ishmaelites. D.R.B. Hai (hi). See Ai. hail (hayl), ice pellets formed when raindrops are thrown through alternating warm and cold air currents. Usually destructive to plants, hail

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is seen as a plague (Exod. 9:18-34; 10:5-15), as divine judgment (Hag. 2:17), as a destroying power (Isa. 28:2, 17), and always as part of violent storms (Pss. 148:8; 105:32; 78:47-48; cf. Rev. 8:7; 11:19).

and shaving is also mentioned in various contexts in connection with mourning (Job 1:20; Isa. 15:2; Jer. 41:5; 47:5; 48:37; Ezek. 7:18). It is likely that the shaving of captive women (Deut. 21:12-13) is a sign of their mourning. Disheveled hair was a sign of public shame. Thus the leper's hair was loosened (Lev. 13:45), as was the hair of a woman accused of infidelity (Num. 5:18). A priest's hair could not be let loose (Lev. 21:10, cf. Lev. 10:6). One from whose head not one hair shall fall is one who is safe from harm (1 Sam. 14:45; 2 Sam. 14:11; 1 Kings 1:52; cf. Luke 21:18; Acts 27:34). The hairs of the head may be used to represent a large number (Pss. 40:13; 69:5); that their number is known to God Jesus cites as a sign of his care (Matt. 10:30; Luke 12:7). Wiping Jesus' feet with their hair was a way two women showed him their devotion (Luke 7:38; John 12:3). A.B.

hair, outgrowth from the head or elsewhere on the body. Several men in the Bible are known for their hairiness or their long hair. Esau's hirsuteness (Gen. 25:25; 27:11) contrasts with Jacob's smoothness and also links him phonetically with the place in which he ultimately settled: Se'ir (Gen. 36:8) has the same consonants as se'ar, "hair." The prophet Elijah was apparently identified by his hairiness (or perhaps his mantle, 2 Kings 1:8). Absalom's long, thick hair is a mark of handsomeness (2 Sam. 14:26) and also figures in his death—he was caught by the "head" in a terebinth (2 Sam. 18:9). Samson's long hair was the source of his strength. When it was shaved he was helpless (Judg. 16:17), but when it grew back (Judg. 16:22) he was able to pull the temple of Dagon down upon the Philistines. Samson had long hair because he was a Nazirite (Judg. 13:5), a group whose vows included the injunction that "no razor shall come upon his head" (Num. 6:5; cf. 1 Sam. 1:11). The hair of the Nazirite was left uncut for the duration of his vow; when the period of Nazir-ship came to an end, either because the vow was fulfilled or through defilement (accidental contact with a corpse), his head was shaved and the hair offered as a sacrifice (Num. 6:9-18). Shaving of the body was part of the purification of Lévites (Num. 8:5-7), but a priest was not to make his head bald or shave the corners of his beard (Lev. 21:5). Priests in Ezekiel's description of the Temple were not to shave their heads or let their hair grow long (Ezek. 44:20). According to another priestly rule, lay Israelites were forbidden to cut the hair of their temples or beard (Lev. 19:27). Shaving was connected with the cure from leprosy (Lev. 13:33; 14:8-9),

Hakkoz (hak'oz; Heb., "the thorn"; possibly also Koz, Accos). 1 The seventh priest chosen by lot in David's time, reported in postexilic records (1 Chron. 24:10). 2 The father of descendants who could not prove their Israelite ancestry (Ezra 2:61; Neh. 7:63). 3 The grandfather of Meremoth who made repairs near the Fish-Gate in rebuilding Jerusalem (Neh. 3:4, 21). Opinions divide on whether these all refer to the same or to different families. Halah (hayluh), a region in Assyria to which Israelite exiles were deported by the triumphant Assyrian kings (Pul, Tilgath-pilneser, 1 Chron. 5:26) who overthrew Samaria in 722 B.C. (2 Kings 17:6; 18:11; Obad. 20). Its exact location in Mesopotamia is still a matter of dispute among scholars, though a location in the north, near Nineveh, seems most likely. h a l a k a h (hah'lah-kah'; from Heb. halak, "to walk, go, follow"), in Judaism the teaching one

From left to right: Head of one of the "Sea Peoples" (Philistines) captured by Ramesses III. He is beardless and wears a high feathered helmet; Medinet Habu, twelfth century B.C. Lifesized head of the Persian king Darius. His elaborately curled beard extends to his chest, his hair is arranged inringletsin front and hangs in a bun at the back, and his mustache is curled at the tip; Behistun, fifth century B.C. The Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser III with long flowing hair and beard; copy of a wall paintingfromTell 'Ahmar, eighth century B.C. Head of a Mede with pointed beard, mustache, and hair bunched at the neck—all elaborately curled; Persepolis, fifth century B.C. 398

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is to follow, the rules or statutes that are to guide a person's life. In the first instance, the ancient interpretation of the legal texts of the Torah (the first five books of the OT) sought to expound the consequences of individual commandments, the cases in practical life to which they applied, and how they might be accurately observed. However, halakic interpretation had to solve a number of difficulties: it had to eliminate discrepancies within the Law itself by determining an authoritative interpretation; in cases where the changed conditions of life made literal observance impossible or extremely inconvenient it had to show how one could "obey" yet not violate the wording of the Torah; and in cases where the written (and oral) tradition was incomplete, it had to establish a tradition. A considerable portion of Jewish Law was not directly connected with the Torah but has been established by custom, habit, or long-standing legal tradition. However, halakah is always understood to be a restatement of the Torah, Hillel, a late first century B.C. rabbi, is said to have given seven rules for providing evidence in reaching a halakic decision: (1) arguing from a lesser case to a greater; (2) using an inference based on analogy; (3) deriving a legal principle from one text in the Torah; (4) deriving a principle from two texts; (5) making a general case more precise using a particular instance or defining a general case on the basis of a particular; (6) using similarities between two passages to provide one passage with a more precise definition; and (7) understanding the matter from its subject. These rules were later expanded into thirteen by dividing the fifth rule into eight more specific applications and dropping the sixth rule. Since the Torah was to be the foundation of all Jewish life, halakic interpretation was in principle unending. The rabbis devoted much of their effort to religious matters such as precepts about sacrifices, about the Sabbath and other festivals, about dues to the Temple, and about tithes, offerings for firstborn, first fruits, vows, and other voluntary offerings. In the area of civil law, marriage receives the most attention. Criminal law is least developed in Talmudic sources, since it was frequently in the hands of those who ruled over the Jewish people, e.g., the Romans. Examples of halakic debate between Jesus and the Pharisees are found in such NT passages as the story of plucking grain on the Sabbath (Matt. 12:1-8), the healing of the man with the withered hand (Matt. 12:9-12), and Jesus' teaching about divorce (Matt. 19:1—9). See also Haggadah. P.P.

Pss. 104-150. It is used twenty-three times as the introduction or conclusion of a psalm and, contrary to the rules of Hebrew grammar, is written as one word, though this practice was not universally accepted in the Talmudic period. Only in Psalm 135:3, where "hallelujah" is an intrinsic part of a verse rather than an introduction or conclusion of a psalm, is it written as two words. Both the Septuagint and Vulgate transliterate the word rather than translate it. These factors suggest that "hallelujah" was a religious cry, probably used to encourage audience participation in the liturgical recitation of psalms. Later, "hallelujah" became a stereotyped cry of joy; the Jews of Alexandria sang it after being saved from annihilation by the Egyptians (3 Mace. 7:13) and it introduces the angelic praise of God in Rev. 19:1-8. The recitation of the word "(h)allelujah" played an important role within the early M.Z.B. church liturgy.

hallel (hal'el; Heb., "praise"). See Hallelujah. hallelujah (hal'uh-loo'yuh; Heb., "[let us] praise the Lord"), in the Hebrew Bible, a word restricted to Psalms, where it occurs only in 399

hallow, to make holy or to set apart for special service. In the OT hallow is used to render a form of the Hebrew word qàdësh, the primary meaning of which is "separation" or "setting apart." In its various forms the Hebrew word is also translated as "holy," "holiness," "consecrate," "sanctify," "dedicate," "purify," or something similar. Thus, a "hallowed thing" was something set apart for a special use or purpose, such as the gifts Israel dedicated to God (Exod. 28:38) or the Jubilee Year (Lev. 25:10), and "to hallow" (consecrate, sanctify) persons or things was to remove them from the realm of ordinary profane labor or use to that of the sacred, such as the consecration of Aaron's sons as priests (Exod. 29:1; cf. 20:11). Associated with this appointment for special use was a sense of respect and reverence, clearly seen in the application of the term "hallowed" to God's name, which was understood to be in the sacred realm and therefore deserving of special reverence (Matt. 6:9; Luke 11:2). See also Holiness; Sanctification. D.R.B. Ham (ham). 1 In the Priestly notices of Gen. 5-10, Noah's second son (between Shem and Japheth) and the father of Cush, Egypt, Put, and Canaan. In Gen. 9:20-27 (attributed to J), disrespect for Noah by Ham, there his youngest son, earns Noah's curse on Canaan. Since the curse subordinates Canaan to both Shem and Japheth, perhaps the narrative was originally about Canaan, too. Occasionally Ham is a synonym for Egypt, one of Ham's sons. 2 A city of the Zuzim in Transjordan (Gen. 14:5). Haman (hay'muhn), the villain in the book of Esther, who was appointed prime minister by the Persian ruler Ahasuerus. He plotted to destroy all Jews when Mordecai the Jew refused to prostrate himself before him. Esther and Mordecai collaborated to defeat Haman, and the tables

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were turned when he was hanged on the gallows he had erected for Mordecai; Mordecai then assumed Haman's office and estate. Haman is called an Agagite (Esther 3:1) and Mordecai is placed in the line of Kish (Esther 2:5), linking their enmity with that of Agag the Amalakite and Saul son of Kish (1 Sam. 15). See also Esther; Mordecai; Purim, The Feast of. W.L.H.

let"), stonecutting (1 Kings 6:7), jewel-working (Isa. 41:7), woodworking (Jer. 10:4), or breaking rock (Jer. 23:29). It is a symbol of power (Jer. 51:20); when broken, it becomes a figure for helplessness or weakness (Jer. 50:23).

Hamath (hay'math), a city (modern Hama) on the Orontes River in Syria between Damascus and Aleppo; it also designated the district of which Hamath was the capital. Excavations have shown that the city was inhabited almost continually from the Neolithic period (ca. 8000 B.C.) to the present. Because of its strategic location and political importance it is mentioned frequently in extrabiblical sources (including a number found at Hamath itself) beginning in the first millennium as well as in the Bible. The first known ruler of Hamath was Toi (2 Sam. 8:9), who sent David gifts after the latter's victory over Zobah. According to 2 Chron. 8:3-4 Solomon captured Hamath-zobah, probably an inaccurate designation of Zobah loosely based on David's campaign, and built store-cities in Hamath, which is historically questionable. During the Assyrian period Hamath figured prominently in the Assyrian annals; Sargon II (ca. 722-705 B.C.) describes himself as "the destroyer of Hamath." Following usual Assyrian practice, inhabitants of Hamath were deported to Samaria after its capture (2 Kings 17:24), and apparently Israelites were exiled to Hamath (Isa. 11:11). The phrase lebô'-hamât (RSV: "the entrance of Hamath," Num. 13:21; Josh. 13:5) refers to a town (modern Lebweh) within the jurisdiction of Hamath but considerably to its south; it was the traditional northern limit of Israel's territory (see Num. 34:8; Ezek. 47:15). See also Zobah. M.D.C. Hammath (ham'ath). 1 A town on the west shore of the Sea of Galilee, a mile south of Tiberias where there are hot springs. It was part of Naphtali (Josh. 19:35) and perhaps the same as Hammoth-Dor (Josh. 21:32) and Hammon (1 Chron. 6:76). The springs are claimed to be the earliest known thermal baths in Palestine; Herod Antipas was probably the first to exploit them. 2 The proper name of the father of the house of Rechab (1 Chron. 2:55), or, as recently interpreted by some scholars, the "family (inlaw)" of the father of the house of Rechab. Hammedatha (ham'uh-day'thuh), the father of Haman, the Persian official of King Ahasuerus who attempted to exterminate the Jews (early fifth century B.C.; Esther 3:1; 8:5). hammer, a striking tool used to fracture or to transmit force to a spike or other object. It could be used for murder (Judg. 4:21; 5:26, RSV: "mal-

Hammon (ham'uhn; Heb., "hot spring"?). 1 An Asherite town (Josh. 19:28), probably modern Umm el-'Awamid near the Mediterranean coast fifteen miles north of Acco. 2 A yet unidentified levitical town of the Gershomites (1 Chron. 6:76) in Naphtali. Hammoth-dor (ham'uhth-dor). See Hammath. Hammurabi (ham'uh-rah'bee; alternate spelling, Hammurapi), the most famous member of the first dynasty of Babylon. The members of the dynasty were of Amorite stock. Under this Old Babylonian dynasty (1894-1595 B.C.) the once unimportant city of Babylon became a new, major center for the first time and started taking on the appearance of a national capital. Hammurabi ruled for forty-three years (1792-1750) and eventually unified the country under the rule of Babylon. Though his military and diplomatic achievements do not seem to have lasted much beyond his reign, he transformed a small city-state into a large territorial state, created the prototype or even the pattern of the country of Babylonia with its capital in Babylon, and shifted the balance of Hammurabi (left), king of Babylon (1792-1750 B.C.), worships the god Shamash in a detail from the upper part of Hammurabi's stele found at Susa. (A full view is included with the color photographs.)

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activity and power to the north. Babylon now began to gain the power and prestige that allowed it to eclipse the southern centers as well as Nippur; and in later periods of Assyrian domination, the Assyrian conquerors found themselves compelled to work out various plans of accommodation with the city and the political, cultural, and religious forces that it came to represent. Hammurabi's activities and times are known to us from year names, royal inscriptions, administrative and legal texts, literary texts, and, most of all, numerous letters and the rightly famous "Code of Hammurabi." The letters and the code have become the standard for what is now treated as the classic form of the Akkadian language. Letters from Mari inform us of diplomatic and political events; letters from such centers as Larsa reveal the intricacies of local administration under Hammurabi and of Hammurabi's personal involvement. He seems to have devoted much attention and energy to administrative and judicial details. His style of government was similar to that of other successful contemporaries. His involvement in the execution of justice and in matters of routine administration seems to indicate a concern for an effective and just governance and for the public perception of such concern. His concerns conform to and continue the earlier tradition and ideal of the king as the one responsible for the peace, well-being, and justice of the land and its inhabitants. Hammurabi's concern for justice finds its finest expression in what is the single most important document of his period, the Code of Hammurabi. Written near the end of his reign, the code is attested on stelae and tablets from the Old Babylonian and later periods. The most important witness is the stele found in Susa, where it had been moved by Elamites in the twelfth century B.C. The code comprises a prologue that catalogues Hammurabi's conquests of the various cities and his care of their cults, 282 paragraphs— the paragraph divisions are modern—presenting the laws in casuistic or case form, and an epilogue emphasizing the significance of this promulgation of justice. However, the term "code" is a misnomer; the document is neither a code in the accepted sense of the word nor even a collection of actual laws. The format of the code is not new with Hammurabi. This type of document, as well as individual representatives, derives from misharum edicts (adjustment of prices and wages, remission of debts and obligations) promulgated at the beginning of a reign in order to alleviate distress and create a new socioeconomic balance. Yet the code is a literary document whose publication was intended to mark Hammurabi as a good shepherd of his people and a model of a just king, for his generation and for generations to come. In part, the text takes the form of a royal inscription encasing laws rather than campaigns. Incorporating misharum materials as well as legal formulations of earlier collections, the code may perhaps also include

examples of customary law, outstanding precedents, and innovations. Most of all, however, it is a work of legal and literary scholarship. And certainly the code of Hammurabi is fuller and more elegantly articulated and arranged than earlier texts. It is a monument to the legal speculation of the period. Scribal scholarship is here seen at work: the legal mind plays out various possibilities, including the theoretical and/or the unlikely, and thereby examines cases that are extreme or unusual but logical alternatives to previously stipulated situations in order to explore, exemplify, and even invent principles. The code is not binding and does not necessarily reflect actual practice; it is, however, a literary and intellectual construct that gives expression to legal thinking and moral values. The importance of the Code of Hammurabi for the interpretation of such biblical collections as the Covenant Code (Exod. 21-23) can hardly be exaggerated. See also Babylon. Bibliography Driver, G. R., and J. C. Miles. The Babylonian Laws. Vols. 1-2. Oxford: Clarendon, 1952-55. Edzard, D. O. "The Old Babylonian Period." In The Near East: The Early Civilizations. Ed. J. Bottera, et al. New York: Delacorte, 1967. Pp. 177-231. Oates, J. Babylon. New York: Thames & Hudson, 1979. Pp. 60-82. I.T.A.

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Hamor (hay'mor), the Hi vite ruler of Shechem (Gen. 34:2) from whom Jacob bought a piece of land (Gen. 33:19) where Joseph's remains were later buried (Josh. 24:32; cf. Acts 7:16). Hamor died when his son Shechem raped Dinah, the daughter of Jacob and Leah, and her brothers attacked the city in revenge (Gen. 34). hamstring (KJV: "hough"), to cut the tarsal joint tendons, preventing an animal from being able to walk (Josh. 11:6, 9; 2 Sam. 8:4; 1 Chron. 18:4). Hamul (hay'muhl; Heb., "spared"), the son of Perez and grandson of Judah (Gen. 46:12); he was the head of the clan of the Hamulites (Num. 26:21). Hanamel (han'uh-mel), the son of Shallum and the cousin of the prophet Jeremiah. Hanamel sold a field to Jeremiah according to the laws of redemption. Its purchase at the time the Babylonians were laying siege to Jerusalem (ca. 588 B.C.) became a symbol to Jeremiah of God's promised restoration of Israel (Jer. 32:7-15). The transaction is also of interest because it sheds light on the legal system then in operation. Hanan (hay'nuhn). 1 One of David's warriors (1 Chron. 11:43). 2 A Benjaminite (1 Chron. 8:23). 3 A descendant of Saul (1 Chron. 8:38; 9:44). 4 The head of a prophetic guild in the

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time of Jeremiah (Jer. 35:4). 5 The head of one of the families of "Temple servants" after the Exile (Ezra 2:49; Neh. 7:49). 6 A Levite who interpreted the law (Neh. 8:7) and subscribed to Ezra's covenant (Neh. 10:10). 7 The assistant to the Lévites appointed by Nehemiah as Temple treasurers (Neh. 13:13). 8 Two of "the chiefs of the people" who subscribed to Ezra's covenant P.K.M. (Neh. 10:22, 26).

The hand's equation with power or strength helps explain such phrases as "the hand of the tongue" (Prov. 18:21 [RSV: "power of the tongue"]; cf. Josh. 8:21) and "to raise the hand," meaning a revolutionary uprising (1 Kings 11:26). Job is placed in Satan's hand, i.e., under his domain and authority (Job 2:6; cf. Jer. 22:3; Matt. 26:45). "Hand" can also substitute for a personal pronoun (Lev. 8:36; Isa. 35:3). As a ritual the "laying on of hands" occurs frequently in the sacrificial cult (Lev. 16; Num. 8) and serves as a form of ordination (Num. 27:18; Deut. 34:9; 1 Tim. 4:14). It may also impart a blessing (Gen. 48:18; Isa. 44:3; Matt. 19:13). Healing the sick is closely associated with the hand in the NT, indicating the transference of spiritual and physical wholeness (Mark 5:23; Luke 13:13). The hand transmitted power, authority, and the Holy Spirit after baptism (Acts 8:7; 19:6; Heb. 6:2). It symbolizes betrayal (Matt. 26:23), apocalyptic power (Mark 1:31), ritual purity (Mark 7:2), and persecution (Luke 21:12; Acts 13:3). D.R.E.

Hananel (han'uh-nel; Heb., "God is gracious"; KJV: "Hananeel"), a tower repaired by Nehemiah (Neh. 3:1; 12:39) in the north wall around Jerusalem near the northeast corner (Jer. 31:38; Zech. 14:10). It flanked an approach to the Temple and is named for an unknown person. Hanani (huh-nay'ni; Heb., a shortened form of Hananiah, "God has favored me [with a child]"). 1 A musician, the son of Heman, a contemporary of David (1 Chron. 25:4). 2 A prophet who rebuked the Judean kings Asa (2 Chron. 16:7) and Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. 19:2) and whose son Jehu rebuked the Northern king Basha (1 Kings 16:1). 3 A postexilic priest who married a foreign wife (Ezra 10:20). 4 Nehemiah's brother or kinsman (Neh. 1:2). 5 A musician who helped Nehemiah restore Jerusalem's wall (Neh. 12:36). Perhaps the sentiment which the name conveyed made it so M.Z.B. popular among the Israelites.

handkerchief, a small piece of cloth used by the Romans primarily for wiping the face and hands. The Jewish community also used the handkerchief for this purpose, but several examples in the NT show that the cloth could serve other functions as well. In Luke 19:20, this word is used for a cloth in which money is stored (KJV and RSV: "napkin"). In John 11:44 and 20:7, the same word refers to a cloth that is placed over the face of a dead person (KJV: "napkin"; RSV: "cloth" in 11:44 and "napkin" in 20:7). In a different vein, handkerchiefs that had come into contact with Paul were believed to have healing power (Acts 19:11-12). See also Napkin. J.M.E.

Hananiah (han'uh-m'uh; Heb., "God has favored me [with a child]"), a name borne by at least ten biblical personages. Two are well known. 1 Hananiah, the son of Azur, who died for falsely prophesying against Jeremiah (Jer. 28). 2 Hananiah, also called Shadrach, one of Daniel's three friends who was miraculously saved from the fiery furnace (Dan. 1-3). hand (Heb. yadh; Gk. cheir), a term occurring approximately fifteen hundred times in the Bible meaning, among other things, hand, side, and power. It can operate on behalf of the whole person, frequently as a substitute for an individual's activities, dealings, and even spiritual impulses. Offering one's hand indicates a token of sincerity and willingness to help another (2 Kings 10:15). Conversely, the hand is the means of murder (Gen. 4:11) and retaliation (Exod. 21:24; Deut. 25:11). The hand's ability to seize, control, or manipulate explains its association with strength or power. The hand of God, a prominent Jewish symbol and popular motif for later Christian iconography, symbolizes God's sovereign power (Deut. 3:24; Job 19:21; Heb. 10:31; 1 Peter 5:6). God's hand governs the forces of history (Exod. 13:3, 14; 1 Sam. 5:9; Ps. 8:7) and strengthens believers (Mark 6:2; Acts 5:12). The NT places Jesus at the right hand of God, the side of authority and power (Mark 12:36; Acts 2:25; Heb. 1:3; cf. Ps. 110:1, 5; Dan. 7:13).

hanging, a method of execution in which the victim is suspended from a rope around the neck. Hanging was not a method of execution in the Bible; rather, executed people were hung after death. Thus Joshua hung the corpse of the king of Ai (Josh. 8:29) and of the five antiGibeonite kings (Josh. 10:26), and David hung the corpses of Rechab and Baanah (2 Sam. 4:12). The custom was also known among the Egyptians, for Joseph predicted that Pharaoh would hang the baker (Gen. 40:19). Later on Persians were impaled (Herodotus 3.115, 159), and we do not know whether the hangings in the book of Esther (Esther 2:23; 5:14; 7:9, 10; 9:13-14) were hangings or impalings. Hanging is permitted in the book of Deuteronomy (Deut. 2 1 : 2 2 - 2 3 ) with the proviso that the corpse be taken down before evening to avoid contaminating the land; the corpses hung by Joshua were left only until evening (cf. the removal of Jesus from the cross, Matt. 27:57). There is a second Hebrew verb [yoqi'a] that may refer to either hanging or impaling; the procedure was used by the Philistines (1 Sam. 31:10) and the

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Gibeonites (2 Sam. 21:10-14). According to Mishnah Sanhédrin 6:4, in later Israel only those criminals executed by stoning were hanged; according to the first-century historian Josephus [Antiquities IV viii 24), all executed criminals were. T.S.F.

Hanun (hay'nuhn; Heb., "gracious"). 1 The Ammonite king whose insult to David's servants led to war and defeat resulting in slavery (2 Sam. 10:1-19; 1 Chron. 19:1-19; 2 Sam. 11:1; 12:26-31). 2 A man of Zanoah who repaired the Jerusalem city wall and gate (Neh. 3:13, 30).

hangings, the usual translation of a Hebrew term for the fabric forming the walls of the tabernacle court (Exod. 27:9-18; 35:9; 38:12-18; 39:40). Stretched along the perimeter of the 100 X 50 cubit enclosure (about 150 x 75 feet), the hangings were attached at intervals to pillars 5 cubits (about 7.5 feet) in height. Additional hangings flanked the courtyard gate. Like the material enclosing the tabernacle itself (RSV: "curtains") and that of the embroidered "screens" (RSV; cf. KJV: "hangings") at the door of the tent and at the courtyard gate, the hangings were made of a fine-twined linen (Heb. shaysh) which bespeaks an Egyptian origin; but the brilliant colors (blue, purple, and scarlet) of the hangings are more akin to color words and preferences of the Syro-Mesopotamian world. Two other examples of hangings, for which the Hebrew word differs, occur in the Bible: in 2 Kings 23:7, women weave hangings for the Asherah, presumably to drape the goddess's cult image or pole; and Esther 1:6 describes blue hangings that adorn the royal garden for a magnificent banquet. See also Tabernacle. C.L.M.

Haran (hair'uhn), a city located in northern Mesopotamia about sixty miles above the confluence of the Balikh and Euphrates rivers. Haran was an important center of religious and political activity for the Humans, who dominated this region in the middle of the second millennium B.C. Haran is well attested in the archives from Nuzi, which provide an ample picture of Hurrian life at this time. Haran becomes an important commercial center in the first millennium B.C. Activity there is mentioned in Ezek. 27:23. The city, sacred to the moon god, may have been the king's residence in the last decades of Assyrian rule, when the moon god's term was assumed to have begun. In the period of Assyrian domination, the governor of Haran was a powerful official. He was the commander-in-chief of the Assyrian forces and was appointed by the king. In the practice of naming years after officials in the kingdom, the rotation of the commander-inchief followed that of the king. Following the fall of Nineveh in 612 B.C., the remaining Assyrians fled to Haran for refuge. In spite of support from the advancing forces of Pharaoh Neco, the Assyrians, under Ashuruballit (611-610 B.C.), were unable to stave off the attack from a coalition of Medes, Scyths, and Babylonians who were under the leadership of Nabopolassar. 2 Kings 19:12 mentions the destruction of Haran by this coalition. Haran was an important center for the worship of the moon god, Sin. Two dedicatory stelae report the rebuilding of the Sin temple, Ehulhul, by Nabonidus (555-539 B.C.), the last native Babylonian king. This follows Nabonidus' ten-year absence from Babylon, reported in these stelae, at the command of Sin after the god decimated the populations of urban centers that had sinned against him. At the order of Sin, Nabonidus installed the cult figures of Sin and other lunar deities in Haran on a permanent dais. The biographical text of Adad-guppi, Nabonidus' mother, reports how Sin abandoned Haran. Her report includes a record of her devotion to the moon god's cult, in spite of his decline, and her procurement for Nabonidus of the right and distinction to return Ehulhul to its former glory and to restore the cult images to their proper places. Haran figures prominently in the patriarchal narratives and in the attempts at historical reconstruction of the patriarchal period. In addition to Haran, the father of Lot and brother of Abram (Gen. 11:31), the names of several of Abram's relatives are the names of cities or towns in the region of Haran: Peleg, a distant

Hannah (han'uh; Heb., "grace"), wife of Elkanah and mother of the prophet Samuel (1 Sam. 1:2, 20). On an annual pilgrimage to God's shrine at Shiloh, Hannah vowed that if she bore a son, she would dedicate him to God. This granted, she named him Samuel, and when she had weaned him, she fulfilled her vow. Hannah later bore three sons and two daughters (1 Sam. 2:21). To Hannah is attributed a prayer (1 Sam. 2:1-10) whose words constitute a song of praise to God, who metes out justice to all the world in accordance with his unique wisdom: abasement of the mighty and exaltation of the lowly, death and life God alone dispenses; his enemies are doomed, but his faithful ones are protected. The theme, the reversal of human fortunes, is encountered in other Psalms and in Wisdom literature (e.g., Ps. 113:5-9; Eccles. 10:5-7; cf. Luke 1:51-53). S.G. Hanoch (hay'nok). 1 The son of Midian and grandson of Keturah and Abraham (Gen. 25:4; 1 Chron. 1:33). 2 The son of Reuben who went with Jacob to Egypt (Gen. 46:9; Exod. 6:14). 3 The head of the clan of the Hanochites who left Egypt with Moses (Num. 26:5). Hanukkah (hahn'uh-kuh). Feast of.

See Dedication,

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HARLOT

ancestor (Gen. 11:18); Serug, Abram's greatgrandfather; Nahor, his grandfather and his brother; and Terah, his father (Gen. 11:22-29). Terah took his household to Haran after leaving Ur of the Chaldees (Gen. 11:31-32) and died in Haran. Abram left Haran for Canaan at God's instruction (Gen. 12:1), gathering with him his sizable household and considerable wealth, amassed while in Haran (Gen. 12:4-5). Abraham sent his servant back to the region of Haran to procure a wife for his son Isaac (Gen. 24:10). Jacob is instructed by Rebecca to return to Haran as a place of refuge following his appropriation of Esau's birthright (Gen. 27:43; 28:10). In Haran, he took his wives and fathered the sons who would become the fathers of Israel's tribes. Laban (Heb., "white"), the name of Jacob's uncle, is attested in Mesopotamian texts of the sixteenth century B.C. as an epithet of the moon god. The association of Haran with Ur of the Chaldees has fueled scholarly debate about the actual location of Ur. Some would locate Ur in the region of Haran, arguing that Ur does not become a Chaldean outpost until the late first millennium B.C., long after the patriarchal narratives occurred, and that Ur, in southern Mesopotamia, is too far from Haran. However, Ur, an important urban center in Sumerian times, was the center of worship of the moon god in southern Mesopotamia. Its ziggurat (temple with each higher level stepped in from the lower) to the moon god was built at the end of the third millennium B.C. The destruction of Ur by the Elamites in the early second millennium B.C. would have provided impetus for Terah's departure for Haran around this time along an established trade route. See also AbraL.E.P. ham; Ur.

Harim") who returned from the Babylonian captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezra 2:32); this is probably the same family who had eight members condemned by Ezra for taking foreign wives (Ezra 10:31). 3 A much larger priestly family group who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezra 2:39); five members of this family took foreign wives (Ezra 10:21). The family group headed by Adna could be this group or 2 above (Neh. 12:15). 4 A member of the postexilic community who signed the covenant to keep the law (Neh. 10:5). 5 A leader of the people who also signed the covenant (Neh. 10:27). 6 The father (ancestor?) of Malchijah, one who helped repair the walls of postexilic Jerusalem (Neh. 3:11). He could be either one of the men above (4 or 5) or "son of Harim" may simply designate Malchijah as a member of the larger family D.R.B. group (1).

Hararite (hair'uh-rit), name of a clan or a place from which some of David's elite guard ("Thirty") came. 1 Identification of the descent of Shammah, third of the three closest of David's bodyguards (2 Sam. 23:11). 2 Identification of the descent of Jonathan, son of Shammah (2 Sam. 23:33), and Ahiam, son of Sharar (2 Sam. 23:33), members of David's "Thirty." They are probably identical to Jonathan, son of Shagee, and Ahiam, son of Sachar (1 Chron. 11:34, 35). hare, any herbivorous rodent of the family Leporidae, in Palestine either Lepus europaeus judaeus or Lepus syriacus. It was considered unclean (Lev. 11:6; Deut. 14:7) for an inaccurate reason, namely, the assumption that a hare chews the cud. Harim (hair'im; Heb., "consecrated" or "dedicated"). 1 A priest, descendant of Aaron and head of the third group of priests (1 Chron. 24:8). Any of the following could be descendants of his family. 2 A family group ("sons of

404

harlot, a prostitute, one who accepted money for the performance of sex. Several important characters in Israelite history were connected to harlots. The Jericho harlot Rahab sheltered Joshua's spies (Josh. 2), Jephthah was the son of a harlot (Judg. 11:1), and Tamar pretended to be a harlot to induce Judah to have sex with her (Gen. 38:14-18). None of these women were stigmatized, but prostitutes in general were considered an underclass. Priests could not marry harlots (Lev. 21:7), Israelites should not make their daughters harlots (Lev. 19:29), and a priest's daughter who became a harlot should be burned (Lev. 21:9). The payment a prostitute received was considered like the price of a dog: neither could be used to fulfill vows (Deut. 23:18). Like the death of children in battle, the turning of wives into harlots was considered a tragedy of destruction (Amos 7:17). We know little of how harlots worked. Tamar waited at a crossroads, Rahab had a house. Tamar was veiled for her meeting with Judah, but this was more probably to conceal her identity than to indicate harlotry (note that in Assyria harlots were forbidden the veil). The phrases "act like a harlot" or "treat as a harlot" are not always literal: when Dinah's brothers complained that Shechem treated Dinah like a harlot (Gen. 34:31), they refer to the lack of proprieties rather than an offer of money. The point of the Deuteronomic order to stone a nonvirgin bride is that she acted wantonly while in her father's house (Deut. 22:20-21), not that she accepted money. Similarly, the personified Israel is called a "harlot" to indicate wanton, rather than mercenary behavior (Hos. 1:2); furthermore, such passages as Jer. 5:7 refer to the faithlessness of the nation rather than to rampant sex among the people. The OT uses another term (Heb. qedeshah) to refer to sacred prostitutes. These were part of the fertility cult that Israel was trying to suppress (e.g., Judg. 8:33; Ezek. 16). In the NT, when Rome

HAROD

HAURAN

is designated harlot (e.g., Rev. 17:1, 15) it is a term of general moral opprobrium and does not mean harlots were more common in Rome than elsewhere in the Greco-Roman world. T.S.F.

Hasmoneans (haz'muh-nee'uhnz), derived from (Heb.) Hashmon, meaning "descendants of Hashmon," a Jewish family that included the Maccabees and the high priests and kings who ruled Judea from 142 to 63 B.C. See also Maccabees.

Harod (hair'uhd). 1 A rushing, copious spring, now 'Ain Jalud, on the northwesternmost spur of Mount Gilboa where the Jezreel Plain narrows to run down to Beth-shan and the Jordan—a crucial military location. Here Gideon's militia camped opposite the Midianites under Mount Moreh (Judg. 7:1). It is also "the spring in Jezreel," where Saul camped (1 Sam. 29:1). 2 The home of Shammah and Elika, two of David's "thirty" (2 Sam. 23:25; the name "Shammoth the Harorite" in 1 Chron. 11:27 is probably a corruption). See also Gilboa; Jezreel; E.F.C. Moreh. Harosheth-ha-goiim (huh-roh'shith-huhgoi'im; Heb., "Harosheth of the Gentiles"), the home base of Sisera, the commander of the army of the Canaanite king Jabin (Judg. 4:2). There Sisera gathered his men and chariots and was defeated by Barak and Deborah (4:13-16). Harosheth-ha-goiim was strategically located near the Plain of Esdraelon southeast of Mt. Carmel, but its exact location remains unknown. It has been identified with modern Tell Amr or Tell Harbaj on the Kishon River, or with that general region, on the assumption that the name is related to the Hebrew root hrsh ("wooded height"). harp. See Music. hart, the male (female, hind) of the red deer Cervus elaphus, viewed as clean (Deut. 12:15, 22; 14:5; 15:22). Its need for water is a metaphor for human longing for God (Ps. 42:1) and its jumps are a model of healthy life (Isa. 35:6), but without pasture it symbolizes hopeless confusion (Lam. 1:6). harvest. See Farming. Hashabiah (hash'uh-bi'uh; Heb., "Yah/Yahu [God] has considered/regarded"), a male personal name. It occurs in the OT principally in lists of names (1 Chron. 6:45; 9:14; Neh. 11:15; 1 Chron. 25:3, 19; 26:30; 27:17; 2 Chron. 35:9; 1 Esd. 1:9; Ezra 8:19, 24; 10:25; 1 Esd. 9:26; Neh. 3:17; 10:11; 11:22; 12:21, 24). Hashum (hay'shuhm). 1 The name of a clan of returnees to Jerusalem in postexilic times. The clan numbered either 223 (Ezra 2:19), 7 of whom were found to have married foreign women (Ezra 10:33), or 328 (Neh. 7:22). 2 An individual who stood with Ezra at the reading of the law (Neh. 8:4). 3 A name that appeared on Nehemiah's sealed documents (Neh. 10:18).

Hasshub (hash'uhb). 1 The father of Shemaiah, a Levite returnee to Judah (1 Chron. 9:14; Neh. 11:15). 2 The son of Pahath-moab who repaired "another section" of the wall of Jerusalem and the Tower of the Ovens (Neh. 3:11) as well as a section opposite his house (Neh. 3:23). 3 A person whose name appeared on Nehemiah's sealed documents (Neh. 10:23). Debate continues on the possible identity of any one of these with any of the others. Hathach (hay'thak), the name of a royal eunuch appointed to attend Queen Esther. She dispatched him to Mordecai to find out what was happening and why (Esther 4:5), which he did (4:6). He then reported to Esther (4:9) and subsequently returned with her message for Mordecai (4:10). Hattin (hah-teen"), Horns of, a prominent hill about 5 miles west of the Sea of Galilee. This extinct volcano was identified by the Crusaders— with little justification—as the Mount of the Beatitudes. The site controls a strategic segment of the ancient road from Egypt to northern Syria, near the point where the highway begins its descent to the Sea of Galilee. The remains of the important Canaanite city found on top of the hill hâve been identified with biblical Adamab- (Josh. 19:36) or, alternately, with Madqntjosh. 11:1; 12:19). Hattush (hat'uhsh). 1 A son of Shemaiah, and a descendant of David (1 Chron. 3:22). 2 The head of a house that accompanied Ezra on the return from the Babylonian exile, perhaps the same person as 1 (Ezra 8:2). 3 A son of Hashabneiah, who took part in restoring the walls of Jerusalem (Neh. 3:10). 4 One of the priests who sealed the covenant after the return from the Exile (Neh. 10:4). 5 A prominent priest who returned from the Exile in Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. 12:2). Hauran (haw'mhn), the northeast limit of Ezekiel's vision of the restored Israel, mentioned only in Ezek. 47:16, 18. Hauran was the broad Syrian plateau country south of Damascus, east of Jaulan (Golan Heights), west of the Jebel Druze, and north of the Yarmuk River. Ancient Egyptian texts speak of it as Huruna, and Assyrian records as Haurana. Easily invaded from the north, it was devastated by the Assyrian kings more than once: Shalmaneser III in 842 B.C., Tiglath-pileser III ten years later, and Ashurbanipal in his ninth campaign against the

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HAZOR

Arabians. The Maccabeans conquered it in the second century B.C. and in the early first century it became part of the Nabatean Empire. The Roman name for the fertile southern region (OT Bashan, modern Hauran) was Auranitis. See also Assyria, Empire of; Bashan; Nabatea, D.B. Nabateans; Syria.

cities Hazael had conquered (2 Kings 13:25). EE.G. See also Aram; Ben-hadad.

Havilah (hav'uh-luh; Heb., perhaps "sandy area"), the name given to more than one district east of Palestine. Gen. 2:11 places it in Eden, surrounded by the river Pishon; Gen. 10:7 and 1 Chron. 1:9 relate Havilah to Cush, suggesting a region in southern Mesopotamia. However, in Gen. 10:26-29 and 1 Chron. 1:20-23 Hazarmaveth, Sheba, Ophir, and Havilah are closely related as descendants of Shem, indicating an area somewhere in the east or southeast of Arabia. Gen. 25:18 places it in northeast Arabia, saying the Ishmaelites "dwelt from Havilah to Shur, which is opposite Egypt." In 1 Sam. 15:7 "Havilah" should probably read "Hachilah. " See also Ethiopia; Hachilah; Ophir; Sheba. D.B. H a w o t h - j a i r (hav'oth-jay'uhr; Heb., "villages of Jair"), sixty (Deut. 3:14) or thirty (Judg. 10:4) villages in Bashan in Gilead. h a w k , a common bird of prey in Palestine. The Hebrew term nës applied to the sparrowhawk or the small but swift kestrel. As carnivorous birds, hawks were considered unclean and therefore inedible for the Hebrews (Deut. 14:11-18). Their raptorial habits make hawks valuable hunters of rodents and other small pests. A symbol of speed and freedom, hawks are still seen soaring on updrafts above the Jordan Valley, a route of the fall southward migration (Job. 39:26). They frequent desolate areas, nesting in P.L.C. the rocky crags and cliffs of gorges. Hazael (hay'zay-uhl; Heb., "God has seen"), an Aramean king of Damascus during the latter half of the eighth century B.C. According to the Bible, he was to have been anointed by Elijah (1 Kings 19:15). An officer of King Ben-hadad, he was sent to learn from Elisha whether his master would recover from an illness, at which time the prophet foresaw the troubles Hazael would bring to Israel (2 Kings 8). Hazael returned and murdered Ben-hadad, then ascended the throne (v. 15). Assyrian sources, which call him "son of nobody" because of his nonroyal background, note his unsuccessful confrontations with Shalmaneser III in 841 and again in 837. He was able to conquer Ramoth-gilead in the Transjordan (2 Kings 10:32; see also Amos 1:3), leaving the son of Israel's King Jehu with only limited forces (2 Kings 13:7). After conquering Gath, his attention turned to Jerusalem, which bought its freedom with tribute (2 Kings 12:17-18). He was succeeded by his son Benhadad, who lost to Israel's King Jehoash the 406

Hazarshual (hay'zuhr-shoo'uhl; Heb., meaning uncertain, possibly "the haunt of the fox"), a settlement in southern Judah counted as belonging to both the tribes of Judah (Josh. 15:28) and Simeon (Josh. 19:3). It was probably originally occupied by Simeon and then later occupied by Judah as the tribe of Simeon lost its identity and was absorbed into Judah (1 Chron. 4:28-31; note Gen. 49:5-7). It was later occupied by returning exiles (Neh. 11:27). Its exact location is unknown. Hazeroth (huh-zihr'oth), one of the camping places of the Israelites as they left Egypt. According to the OT narrative it was located between Kibroth-hattaavah and Rithmah in the Wilderness of Paran (Num. 11:35; 33:17-18). At this site Aaron and Miriam criticized Moses' actions and leadership, which resulted in Miriam being struck with leprosy (Num. 12:1-16). The site is unknown although several locations in the northeastern Sinai have been suggested. Hazor (hay'zor; Heb., "enclosed"). 1 A city in the northern reaches of the Holy Land. The main city had two components: an upper tell and a lower rectangular plateau (modern Tell elQedah or Tell Waqqas) both located four miles southwest of Lake Huleh, ten miles north of the Sea of Galilee, and covering 175 acres. It was a major fortified Canaanite city that first figures in biblical stories of Joshua's battles. According to Joshua 11, Jabin, King of Hazor, responded to news of the Israelite presence by marshaling allies to meet the intruders. By hamstringing the horses and burning the chariots of the allies, Joshua defeated Jabin and burned the city of Hazor as well as defeating the allies (Josh. 11:6-15; 12:19). According to Judg. 4 : 2 - 2 4 , Jabin's commander, Sisera, fought Israelites under Deborah and Barak but was defeated by them (see also Judg. 5 for a poetic version of the encounter), an episode remembered as an act of divine deliverance, though sometimes in error (1 Sam. 12:9). Solomon fortified Hazor (1 Kings 9:15), but Assyria captured it under Tiglath-pileser III (ca. 745-727 B.C.; 2 Kings 15:29), an event vividly

HAZOR

HEART From both the extensive archaeological and topographical evidence, the literary records (eighteenth-century B.C. Mari Letters; fourteenth-century Amarna Letters; nineteenthcentury execration texts; Egyptian topographical lists; thirteenth-century Papyrus Anastasi I) attesting its major importance in trade and politics of the ancient Near East are confirmed. 2 A city in the territory of Judah, modern el-Jebariyeh (Josh. 15:23). 3 A city in the territory of Benjamin, modern Khirbet Hazzur, some four miles north and slightly west of Jerusalem (Neh. 11:33). See also Assyria, Empire of; Solomon. R.S.B. he (hay), the fifth letter of the Hebrew al- 4 M B phabet; its numerical value is five. The i I earliest proto-Canaanite form of the letter ' I is a pictograph of a calling man. Phoenician and early Hebrew forms developed from this. The old form is still recognized in the Latin "E" and Greek epsilon. The classical Hebrew square script adapted a form of the Aramaic variant of this letter. In Judaism this letter is often used as an abbreviation of the divine name (the tetragrammaton). See also Writing.

Reconstruction of the citadel gate at Hazor from the time of King Ahab, ninth century B.C.

evident in destroyed brick blockage of doors in the casemate defense walls of the upper city. If the territory under the city's control extended to Arab tribes east of the city, it may have been the subject of Jeremiah's oracle of warning (Jer. 49:28-33) in Neo-Babylonian times (sixth century B.C.). Hazor was excavated extensively by Yigael Yadin from 1955 to 1972. It had been sounded by J. Garstang in 1928, but Yadin's reports are the definitive archaeological record of the site. Occupied first in the Early Bronze Age (3000-2000 B.C.; strata XXI-XIX), there was sparse architecture surviving, as there was for stratum XVIII (Middle Bronze I). Extensive architecture was recovered in both upper and lower cities for remaining Middle (2000-1500 B.C.) and Late Bronze periods (1500-1200 B.C.), and a thirteenth-century B.C. destruction by fire was attested. Minor construction marked the early Iron Age city (post 1200 B.C.), but Solomonic construction of defenses, both walls and gates, was massive, as at Gezer and Megiddo. Following another destruction by fire, major building again occurred. Public structures built in Iron Age II (900-600 B.C.) subsequently became living quarters (stratum VI) that were rebuilt (stratum V) after destruction by earthquake. The fiery destruction of this rebuilt city was attributed by Yadin to Assyria's Tiglath-pileser. A major water system comprising an entrance pit and horizontal tunnel to the source was also cleared and dated as a ninth century B.C. construction. 407

head, the first or foremost; anatomically the topmost part of the human body. The biblical words for "head" are employed in a variety of usages. "Head" can refer to an anatomical part of the body. Israel laid his hand "upon the head of Ephraim" (Gen. 48:14). Wagging the head in scorn or derision is decribed in Ps. 109:25 and Mark 15:29. "Head" can also have transferred meanings. It can refer to a leader, such as the head of a family (Josh. 22:14) or province (Neh. 11:3). In Eph. 4:15, Jesus is described as the head of the church. In a phrase such as "on the top (Heb. rosh, "head") of the hill" (Exod. 17:9) it refers to a topographical feature. It can be used with an opposite noun to designate a limit: "from the sole of the foot even to the head" (Isa. 1:6); "from the beginning (Heb. rosh) to the end" (Eccles. 3:11). See also Anoint; Beards; Gestures; Hair. D.B.W. heart, probably the most important anthropological word in the Hebrew scriptures, referring almost exclusively to the human heart (814 times; cf. "the heart of God," 26 times; "heart of the sea," 11 times). The physical activity of the heart, though rarely mentioned, is what caused the limbs to move. A stopped heart indicated paralysis, not death (1 Sam. 25:37; 2 Sam. 18:14). Eating strengthened one's heart (Gen. 18:5 [RSV "refresh yourselves"]; Judg. 19:5) and was associated with its recovery (1 Kings 21:7; Acts 14:17; James 5:5). The inaccessibility of the heart helps explain "heart of the sea" (Ezek. 27:25-27) and "heart of heaven" (Deut. 4:11), i.e., those areas incapable of exploration.

HEATHEN

HEBREW

The heart is the center of emotions, feelings, moods, and passions. Equated with the heart are joy (Deut. 28:47; Acts 2:26), grief (Ps. 13:2; Lam. 2:11), ill-temper (Deut. 15:10), love (Phil. 1:7), courage (2 Sam. 17:10; Ps. 27:14), and fear (Gen. 42:28). A swollen heart breeds arrogance (Isa. 9:9), which is in marked contrast to the gentle and lowly heart of Jesus (Matt. 11:29). The heart's function as the source of thought and reflection highlights its intellectual capacities (Isa. 6:10; Mark 7:21-23). The heart understands (Deut. 8:5; Isa. 42:25), provides wisdom to rule justly and wisely (1 Kings 3:12; 10:24), and discerns good and evil (1 Kings 2:49). The heart also represents the idea of volition and conscience (1 Sam. 24:5; 2 Sam. 24:10). The request for a pure heart is the desire for a new and more perfect conscience (Ps. 51:10; Matt. 5:8). Since the heart is the center for decisions (2 Sam. 7:21), obedience, devotion, and intentionality, it represents the total human person. Within the heart, human beings meet God's word (1 Sam. 12:24; Jer. 32:40) and thus it is the location where conversion takes place (Ps. 51:10; Joel 2:12; Acts 2:37). D.R.E.

the opportunity to ascend to heaven, contemplate God, and travel about in the heavenly regions observing heavenly secrets, including the abodes of the righteous and the wicked dead and their respective rewards and punishments. Dreams and visions of the heavenly world and the future were attributed to Daniel (Dan. 7-12). Enoch, who had been taken up to heaven like Elijah (Gen. 5:24), is the subject and reputed author of a large body of revelatory literature dating from the third century B.C. to the third century A.D. [1 Enoch, 2 Enoch, and 3 Enoch). The NT book of Revelation stands in this tradition. An open door appears in heaven so that the early Christian prophet John may see heavenly secrets (Rev. 4:1). Apocryphal Christian apocalypses are especially concerned with the punishment of the wicked [The Apocalypse of Peter, The Apocalypse of Paul). The pseudepigraphical Jewish and apocryphal Christian literatures contain many references to multiple heavens. Seven heavens is the most common notion [2 Enoch, The Ascension of Isaiah). See also Elijah; Enoch; Firmament; A.Y.C. Hell; Vision.

heathen. See Gentile; People, Peoples.

Heaven, Kingdom of. See Kingdom of God.

heaven, the firmament, the massive transparent dome that covers the earth in the world view of the ancient Hebrews. The blue color of the sky was attributed to the chaotic waters that the firmament separated from the earth (Gen. 1:7). The earth was thus surrounded by waters above and below (Deut. 5:8). The firmament was thought to be substantial; it had pillars (Job 26:11) and foundations (2 Sam. 22:8). When the windows of the firmament were opened, rain fell (Gen. 7:11-12). In biblical Hebrew the word for heaven is always plural. Under that influence, the Greek word for heaven in the NT also frequently appears in the plural. The use of the plural probably does not mean that the ancient Hebrews conceived of more than one heaven. Heaven was the place of the stars, sun, and moon (Gen. 1:14-16) and of the birds (Gen. 1:20; Deut. 4:17). It is also the abode of God (1 Kings 8:30) and where God is enthroned (Isa. 66:1; Exod. 24:9-11). The prophet Elijah, doer of mighty deeds, was taken up to heaven in a whirlwind, according to 2 Kings 2 : 1 - 1 2 . In the myths of many ancient Near Eastern peoples, heaven appears as a god. The gods were called upon as witnesses of international treaties (covenants). Heaven and earth were often included in the list of divine witnesses. Heaven was apparently called upon to witness the covenant between God and the Israelites (Deut. 32:1). When the covenant was broken, God accused Israel before heaven (Isa. 2:1; Jer. 2:12). The prophets of Israel claimed to have access to the heavenly court (1 Kings 22:19-23). In later Jewish writings, prophets and visionaries were granted visions of the heavenly world and even

heave offering (Heb. teruma), an incorrect translation in the KJV whose proper meaning is "dedication" or "dedicated gift." It is used of the animal thigh of the well-being offering (Lev. 7:32-34), the tithe (Num. 18:24-29), sanctuary building materials (Exod. 25:2), land (Ezek. 48:8-21) and several other sacred donations. Dedication indicates the transference of an object from the owner to God. Unlike the so-called wave offering (more accurately "elevation offering"), dedication is not a ritual act done at the sanctuary but is a simple dedication effected outside its precincts. In Second Temple times the dedication offering became a definite ritual act, hence the translation "heave offering." D.P.W. Heber (heeTjuhr; Heb., "enclave" a name occurring in several tribes). 1 The eponym of a clan in Asher (Gen. 46:17; Num. 26:45; 1 Chron. 7:31-32). 2 The father or founder of Soco in Judah (1 Chron. 4:18). 3 A family in Benjamin (1 Chron. 8:17; cf. Eber in v. 12). 4 In an early narrative, the Kenite ("smith") husband of Jael; Jael killed Sisera in her tent at The Oak in Zaananim, in north Galilee (Judg. 4:21; 5:24). This Heber had migrated to the territory of Naphtali, which had a common border with Asher, and had settled in peace with Jabin, king of Canaan at Hazor (Judg. 4:11, 17). See also Barak; Judges, R.B. The Book of; Sisera. Hebrew (hee'broo), the original language of the OT. It was the tongue spoken by the ancient Israelites. In the OT it is known as "Judean," "[language of the] Jews" (2 Kings 18:26, 28; Isa.

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36:11,13; 2 Chron. 32:18; Neh. 12:24). Once it is apparently called the "language [lit., lip] of Canaan" (Isa. 19:18). Ancient Hebrew is a member of the Canaanite family of languages. Canaanite is known from the second millennium B.C. only in transcriptions into Egyptian hieroglyphs or in the cuneiform of the el-Amarna Tablets. Other Canaanite dialects (from the first millennium) are Phoenician and Moabite and probably also Edomite and Ammonite. The Canaanite tongues are part of the Northwest Semitic branch of the Semitic language family (so called after Shem, the father of the Semitic peoples, Gen. 10:1). Some of the other Northwest Semitic languages are Ugaritic (classed by some scholars as Canaanite because of certain similarities with Hebrew), Aramaic (in which a few passages of the OT are written), and Amorite (known only from personal names in Egyptian and cuneiform documents). During postexilic times (mid-sixth century B.C. and later) the Jews used Aramaic in their contacts with the society around them because

religious matters. The name "Hebrew" denoting the language first appears in the introduction to the Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus). It is debated whether all the references to "Hebrew" in the Apocrypha and the NT (4 Mace. 12:7; 16:15; Acts 21:40; 22:2; 26:14) always mean Hebrew. In some cases, Aramaic may be meant. The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Bar-Kochba (A.D. 135) correspondence show that Hebrew was still in use for other than rabbinic discussions. The opinions of the rabbis, i.e., the Mishnah, is in late Hebrew and its Talmudic commentary (Gemara) is in Aramaic with some Hebrew parables. See also Aramaic; HeA.F.R. brews; Israel; Old Testament.

THE HEBREW ALPHABET Form

i

n to

2 D 2

D y £3 P 1 V V

n

Transliteration

b

g

d h

he waw zayin heth teth

w z

111

n

til!

2 1 1

Name

k

mem nun samekh ayin pe tsadhe qoph resh sin shin taw

h/kh

t y

1

m n s

' P ts q r s sh t

Approximate Pronunciation ah'lef bayth gim'mel dah'leth hay wou za yin cheth teth yohd kaf lah'med mayim noon sahm'ek a yin pay tsah'de kawf raysh seen sheen tou

The forms shown on this table are those of Hebrew square script, which is the script used in printing today. The Old Hebrew of the biblical period can be seen on ancient inscriptions, such as the Siloam inscription, a photograph of which is included with the article "Siloam inscription." it was the international language of the Persian Empire. But Hebrew continued to be used even into the Greco-Roman period (333 B.C.-A.D 325). It was especially important for the discussion of

Hebrews (hee'brooz), an alternate designation for the people of Israel, the descendants of Abraham. The Term: The Hebrew form translated "Hebrew" is 'ibri, grammatically an adjective created by the addition of the suffix -iy, which becomes long i, to a base presumed to be 'ibr-. Without the suffix this base would take the form 'eber, a form that is in fact the personal name Eber, an ancestor of several Semitic peoples (Gen. 10:24-25; 11:14-15; 1 Chron. 1:18-19). If the term "Hebrew" is derived from Eber, then one might expect it to be applied to some of the other peoples descended from him, e.g., the Aramaeans, but this does not necessarily follow from the biblical genealogies in which Eber is mentioned. All that is required is the assumption that in the specific contexts where "Hebrew" is employed in the Bible, e.g., vis-à-vis Egyptians or Philistines, it is intended to designate the particular ethnic or national group Israel. Other suggestions have been based on the assumption that the root word 'eber goes back to a form meaning, "one who has passed over." Such is the reasoning behind the Septuagint (LXX) rendering of " Abram the Hebrew" in Gen. 14:13. The Greek translation is, literally, "Abram, the one who crossed over." An ancient rabbinic view took it to mean that the Israelites were those who had crossed the Red Sea. Some scholars in modern times have linked the term to the statement that Abraham came from across the Euphrates (Josh. 24:2-3). Various other, mostly quite implausible, interpretations have been made, such as the nineteenth-century view that the "Hebrews" were those who had crossed the River Jordan. As Ethnic Designation: Whatever the etymological derivation, the term "Hebrews" was clearly meant to be the designation of an ethnic or national group. This is clearly seen by its usage in juxtaposition to another such ethnic appellative, "Egyptian" (Heb. misri). Genesis records that "the Egyptians might not eat bread with the Hebrews" (Gen. 43:32). Moses "saw an Egyptian beating a Hebrew" (Exod. 2:11), and elsewhere it was reported to Pharaoh that "the Hebrew women are not like the Egyptian women" (Exod. 1:19). A further indication that

409

HEBREWS

HEBREWS

the term is an ethnicon is its parallelism with "Israel." "The Lord, the God of Israel" (Exod. 5:1) is equated with "the God of the Hebrews" (Exod. 5:3). The biblical writers use the term "Hebrew" to designate the direct ethnic progenitors of the people who can later be called "Israel," or "the sons of Israel." The most striking example of this usage is its application to Abram. It was necessary to give him an ethnic designation to distinguish him from the other personages mentioned in the same context. Thus, we find "Abram the Hebrew" together with "Mamre the Amorite" (Gen. 14:13) and his brothers, Eshcol and Aner. Attempts to read into this passage a militaristic flavor to the term "Hebrew" because Abram had a fighting force (Gen. 14:14) ignore the fact that the other three heroes play a similar role in the story. "Abram the Hebrew" is purely an ethnic definition. This latter example is the classic usage by a narrator wishing to distinguish between the Israelites or their forebears and some other nationality. Other cases are Gen. 43:32 cited above, where the reference is to the sons of Jacob, and the allusions to their own descendants who have grown into a numerous people in Egypt (Exod. 1:15; 2:11, 13). Even more specific is the usage with regard to the Israelites already settled in the land by the time of Saul's leadership. "The Hebrews who had been with the Philistines . . . turned to be with the Israelites who were with Saul and Jonathan" (1 Sam. 14:21). Attention is often called to this passage as proof that "Hebrews" can apply to people other than the Israelites, but, in fact, the very qualification of those with Saul and his son demonstrates that all of them were from the same nationality. On other occasions, Israelites or their ancestors refer to themselves as Hebrews in discussions with foreigners. Joseph defines his country of origin as "the land of the Hebrews" (Gen. 40:15); the "land of Israel" is only applicable after the settlement of the tribes. Incidentally, Joseph's reference is to the land of Canaan and not to some special reserve to which the Hebrews were confined. Therefore, it is not legitimate to compare Joseph's expression with the "territory [lit., field] of the 'apiru" mentioned in an ancient treaty between the king of the Hittites and the king of Ugarit. The latter is really a "reserve" where stateless persons were being allowed to live. The Hebrew midwives speak to Pharaoh of "Hebrew women" (Exod. 1:19), as does the sister of Moses when speaking to Pharaoh's daughter (Exod. 2:7). In the same semantic context one must understand Jonah's reply to the query of the sailors, "I am a Hebrew" (Jon. 1:9). The fact that Jonah adds, "and I fear the Lord, the God of heaven, who made the sea and the dry land," demonstrates that his ethnic reference is to the Israelite nation. The same nuance prevails in the speech of foreigners referring to Israelites. Note, for ex-

ample, Potiphar's wife in speaking of Joseph (Gen. 39:14, 17); likewise the chief butler (Gen. 41:12). The king of Egypt himself makes reference to the "Hebrew women" (Exod. 1:16) and his daughter recognizes the infant Moses as "one of the Hebrews' children" (Exod. 2:6). Such usage is prominent in 1 Samuel where the Philistines are often quoted as referring to the Israelites as Hebrews. There can be no doubt that the book of Samuel intends for the reader to understand that Hebrews means the people of Israel, e.g., in 1 Sam. 4:5-9 where the Philistines speak about "the gods who smote the Egyptians with every sort of plague" as having come (in the form of the Ark) to the camp of the Hebrews (v. 6; also v. 9). In like manner one must understand 1 Sam. 13:3 on the basis of comparison with the reading in LXX, " . . . and the Philistines heard of it saying, "The Hebrews have rebelled.' And Saul blew the trumpet throughout all the land," which is then naturally followed by the next verse: "And all Israel heard . . . " (1 Sam. 13:4). The present Hebrew text, followed by RSV, ignores the LXX and would have Saul calling to the Hebrews, not the Israelites. The equation of Hebrews with Israelites is further confirmed by the reference to the Philistine monopoly on metal smithing, "Lest the Hebrews make themselves swords or spears" (1 Sam. 13:19), because it goes on to say that "every one of the Israelites went down to the Philistines to sharpen his plowshare . . . " (v. 20). So there can be no doubt that the Philistines are speaking of the Israelites when they notice Jonathan coming toward them, "Look, Hebrews are coming out of the holes . . . " (1 Sam. 14:11). Finally, the last such Philistine allusion to the Hebrews must be taken in the same way. When David and his fighting men appeared at Aphek, the Philistine commanders said, "What are these Hebrews doing here?" (1 Sam. 29:3). Just because David's band was composed of all sorts of renegades (1 Sam. 22:2), it has been assumed that the Philistines are using the term "Hebrew" as one would use the term 'apiru in the Late Bronze Age. Though the sociological parallel between David's men and the outcasts and freebooters called 'apiru during the second millennium B.C. is cogent, there is no justification for violating the clear semantic usage of the ethnicon, "Hebrew, Hebrews," in the book of 1 Samuel. The Hebrew Slave: Special notice must be taken of the law pertaining to the "Hebrew slave" (Exod. 21:2). The rules for release of slaves in the seventh year and the special rules for female slaves (Exod. 21:7-11) were clearly predicated on the fact that they were truly Israelites. In Deut. 15:12 it is stressed that the slave referred to is "a Hebrew man, or a Hebrew woman." Jeremiah comments on this same law, and he makes it clear that the intention is the defense of native Is-

410

HEBREWS, THE LETTER TO THE

HEBREWS, THE LETTER TO THE

raelites. He defines the "Hebrew slaves, male and female" as a Judean (RSV: "Jew") brother (Jer. 34:9, 14). Again, comparison has been made with the 'apiru who sold themselves into servitude to the Hurrian residents of Nuzi on the Tigris. In fact, the 'apiru there are clearly foreigners, not from the local population at all. The situation is the direct opposite of the Hebrew slave. In the Apocrypha: The usage of the term is the same in the Apocrypha as in the OT in the mouths of foreigners (Jth. 12:11; 14:18); by Jews speaking to non-Jews (Jth. 10:12; 2 Mace. 7:31); in narration, to distinguish the Jews from foreigners (2 Mace. 11:13; 15:37). In the NT: The term "Hebrew" is used by the NT writers to denote those Jews who continued to maintain their traditional Judaic heritage, including their Hebrew (and Aramaic) language, in contrast to the hellenizing Jews who had adopted the Greek language and culture (Acts 6:1; 2 Cor. 11:22; Phil. 3:5). Summary: There is nothing pejorative about the term "Hebrew" in the OT, the Apocrypha or the NT. It was adopted by the OT writers as the designation of their p re-Israelite forebears. Linguistically, the form is an ethnic appellative, built on a base that may go back to Eber as the eponymous ancestor or else reflect the tradition that the ancestors had come from "beyond" the Euphrates. See also Khapiru. Bibliography Greenberg, M. "Hab/piru and Hebrews." In B. Mazar, ed. Patriarchs, Vol. 2 of World History of the Jewish People. Tel Aviv: Massada Publishing Co., 1970. Chap. 10. Full bibliographic references. A.F.R.

laration of the work of Christ in creation and redemption (1:1-4). This unit functions as the exordium to Hebrews, announcing the major themes of the book. The contrast of God's revelation in the past with God's revelation in a Son (1:1-2) anticipates the book's consistent comparison of the institutions and individuals of the OT with those of the new era inaugurated by Christ. The portrayal of the work of Christ as the making of "purification for sins" (1:3) anticipates the elaborate description of the priestly work of Christ in 5:1-10:39. The claim that Christ is exalted to God's right hand (1:3) is made in the words of Psalm 110 and becomes a consistent refrain throughout Hebrews (cf. 1:13; 8:1; 10:12). The announcement that Christ has become "greater than angels" (1:4) anticipates the book's repeated use of comparison to show the superiority of Christ (cf. 6:9; 7:7, 19, 22; 8:6; 9:23; 10:34; 11:16, 35, 40; 12:24) to the objects of comparison from the OT. The remainder of the book consists of a series of expositions of the OT that serve as a basis for comparing Christian experience with that of Israel. According to 1:5-2:17, Christ is the Son who is greater than the angels, who merely serve. According to 3:1-6, he is the Son who is greater than Moses the servant. In 3:7-4:11, Christ is the forerunner (cf. 2:10) who leads his people to the promised rest that Israel never received. In 5:1-10:39, Christ is the great high priest like Melchizedek (cf. chap. 7), whose sacrifice was greater than that of the priesthood of Aaron (9:1-10:18). In chaps. 1 1 - 1 2 , the church is the culmination of God's host of witnesses (cf. 1 2 : 1 - 2 ) . It has approached the heavenly rather than the earthly Mount Zion (12:18-29). In each of the comparisons, Christian experience is "better" because it is equated with a reality that is transcendent and exalted. Christians have not approached "what may be touched" (12:18) or "seen" (11:1), and the priestly work of Christ was performed "through the greater and more perfect tent (not made with hands, that is, not of this creation)" (9:11). Thus, in the series of comparisons, the author employs a dualistic worldview in order to show that the OT institutions are "earthly" (cf. 9:1), while Christ is the exalted one who introduces Christians to transcendent reality. Setting, Recipients, and Purpose: Although many interpreters have concluded from these comparisons that the purpose of Hebrews was to demonstrate the superiority of Christianity to Judaism for Jewish Christians who were tempted to return to the synagogue, the author's comments to his readers suggest a different purpose. The exhortations that are interspersed between the expositions of this homily allow one to draw a profile of the readers. They belong to the second generation of Christians (2:3; cf. 5:11-14; 10:32), and they suffer from "drooping

Hebrews, the Letter to the, an anonymous book appearing in the NT following the Letters attributed to Paul. Although the book came to be included among the Letters of Paul in the ancient church as "the Letter to the Hebrews," the absence of features common to the Letters of Paul distinguish it from the Pauline correspondence in two significant ways: first, Hebrews lacks the customary epistolary introduction identifying the author and recipients as well as subsequent references to their identity; and, second, the author's description of this work as a "word of exhortation" (13:22), a term used elsewhere for a sermon (cf. Acts 13:15), indicates that the book is not a letter, but a homily. The unique pattern of argumentation in Hebrews, with its alternation between scriptural exposition and exhortation, conforms to the pattern of argumentation of the homiletic works of the period. Other indications of non-Pauline authorship include vocabulary, style, and theology. Pauline authorship of Hebrews was debated even in the early church, and its general acceptance into the Christian canon came relatively late. Contents: The unique literary form of Hebrews is evident in the opening words, a poetic dec411

HEBREWS, THE LETTER TO THE

HEBRON

hands" and "weak knees" (12:12). Thus, their most pressing need is endurance (10:36-39). The expositions are intended to provide the foundation for the community's endurance. By emphasizing the greatness of the Christian possession, the author demonstrates that Christians have an "anchor of the soul" (6:19) to which they can hold. The author does not indicate the location of the readers. The greetings from "those in Italy" (13:24) make Rome the most likely destination. The fact that Hebrews was first quoted by Clement of Rome {1 Clem. 36:1-4) further strengthens the case for a Roman audience. Structure and Outline of Contents: The accompanying outline of Hebrews suggests the author's extraordinary rhetorical artistry. In the tripartite structure, the beginning and end of each unit correspond to each other in the first two units. The first section (1:1-4:13) begins and ends with reflection on the word of God. The beginning (4:14,16) and end (10:21-22) of the central section (4:14-10:32) are symmetrical, with the words, "Having . . . a high priest, let us draw near . . . ". Although the same clear symmetry is lacking in the final section, it is distinguished by the call to remember at the beginning (10:32) and in 13:7, and by the call to faithful obedience. The final section thus functions as the climactic call to fidelity. See also Angel; Canon; Epistle; Melchizedek; Moses; Paul; Preaching; Priests; Worship.

Bibliography Attridge, Harold W. The Epistle to the Hebrews: A Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews. Hermeneia. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1989. Bruce, F. F. The Epistle to the Hebrews: The English Text with Introduction, Exposition and Notes. New International Commentary on the New Testament. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1964. Hagner, Donald A. Hebrews. Good News Commentaries. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1983. Jewett, Robert. Letter to Pilgrims: A Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews. New York: Pilgrim, 1981. J.W.T.

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The Letter to the Hebrews I. The Revelation of the Word in the Son (1:1-4:13) A. The Son greater than angels (1:1-2:18) B. Exhortation to hear the voice of the Son (3:1-4:13) II. Christ the great high priest (4:14-10:31) A. Exhortation to hold fast the confession (4:14-16) B. Introduction of Christ the high priest (5:1-10) C. Exhortation to endure and thereby obtain the promises (5:11-6:20) D. Christ the great high priest (7:1-10:18) E. Exhortation to hold fast the confession (10:19-31) III. Call to faithful obedience (10:32-13:25) A. Exhortation to endurance (10:32-12:11) B. Sinai and Zion (12:12-29) C. Concluding exhortations to faithfulness (13:1-25)

412

Hebron (heelDruhn), one of the "central" cities in the southern hill country of Judah some twenty miles south-southwest of Jerusalem. It is situated at one of the highest points (ca. 3,040 feet above sea level) on the central mountainous ridge and is one of the oldest continually inhabited cities in Palestine. It is in an area with an abundant water supply in the form of wells and springs and is a regional center of grape and olive production. A reference to its antiquity is found in Num. 13:22, where it is said to have been founded seven years before Zoan (Avaris, later Rameses) in Egypt, probably in the seventeenth century B.C. Hebron's original name (Gen. 23:2; Josh. 20:7) was Kiriath-arba (Heb., "four-fold city"). The city's current name, el-Khalil (Arabic, "the friend"), is an indication of its close connections with the traditions about Abraham (Gen. 13:18; 18:1), who is known as "the friend of God" (2 Chron. 20:7; Isa. 41:8; James 2:23). It was at Hebron that Sarah died and it was there that Abraham purchased the cave of Machpelah from Hittites in the area for use as a family tomb (Gen. 23:7-16), a site over which the current Haram el-Khalil (Arabic, "the sacred area of the friend") traditionally stands. At the time of the entry of the Israelites, Hebron was held by three of the legendary Anakim, "the giants" (Num. 13:22), who apparently reestablished themselves there after the conquest (Josh. 14:12). After falling to Joshua (Josh. 10:1-27; 36-39; 11:21-23) and having been secured again by Caleb (Josh. 15:13-14) Hebron was allotted to Caleb (Josh. 14:12) and subsequently became a city of the Kohathite Lévites and one of the six cities of refuge (Josh. 20:7). Hebron also played a prominent role in the early years of David (ca. 1004-998 B.C.). It was one of the cities that aided him in his refugee years (1 Sam. 30:31), and it was there that he was anointed "king of Judah" (2 Sam. 2:11) and reigned for seven and a half years (2 Sam. 5:5), while Saul's son Ishbosheth ruled in the north. David's son Absalom began his revolt against his father at Hebron (2 Sam. 15:7-10). In the period of the Divided Monarchy (924-586 B.C.) Rehoboam strengthened Hebron's defenses (2 Chron. 11:5,10). A number of

HEBRONITES

HELLENISTS

stamped jar handles from storage jars of uniform capacity (2 baths, equal to about 10 gallons) dating to the eighth century B.C. bear the name of Hebron, where these jars were apparently made in a royal pottery. Beginning in the Exile (586-ca. 538 B.C.), Hebron was occupied by the Edomites (Idumeans) until it was recaptured in 164 B.C. by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace. 5:65). Although it is not mentioned in the NT, Hebron was the site of building by Herod the Great, some of whose characteristic construction can be seen today at the Haram el-Khalil. See also David; Machpelah; Mamre. F.S.F.

It was one of the sacrificial animals (1 Sam. 16:2) and appears in three significant rites: it was divided to ratify a covenant (Gen. 15:9); it was killed to expiate murder by an unknown person (Deut. 21:1-9); and it was burned and its ashes used to counteract uncleanness caused by contact with a corpse (Num. 19:1-10; cf. Heb. 9:13). Although a different Hebrew word is used here, a young cow seems to be intended. The heifer's beauty was much appreciated, so the word could be used figuratively of a woman (Judg. 14:18; the female name Eglah, 1 Sam. 3:5, is the same word) and of the splendor of Egypt (Jer. 46:20). Obedient Ephraim is compared to a trained heifer (Hos. 10:11), disobedient Israel to a stubborn one (Hos. 4:16, though again the HeJ.R.P. brew word is different).

Hebronites (heeTaruh-ni ts), name of a clan descended from the Lévite Kohath (Num. 3:27; 26:58). The clan was a source of treasury guards (1 Chron. 26:23) and supervised territory west of the Jordan through Hashabiah (26:30) under the clan chief Jerijah (26:31). The name is associated with the Judean city of Hebron and its people, nineteen miles southeast of Jerusalem. See also Hebron. hedge, a barrier or boundary, sometimes of live plants such as thorny bush (Mic. 7:4; Hos. 2:6), used to protect vineyards (Mark 12:1; Matt. 21:33) or to mark off roads and fields (Luke 14:23). It symbolizes God's protection (Job 1:10) or his restriction (Job 3:23). hedgehog (KJV: "bittern"), a small mammal, also designated as "porcupine." The Hebrew word [qippôd] is used for the hedgehogs Erinaceus auritus or Erinaceus sacer. In Isa. 14:23 it is a metaphor for the desolation of a place under divine judgment that a city is the "possession of " such an animal. The same is true in an oracle against the nations in Isa. 34:11. Similar negative desolation is involved in Zeph. 2:14, where Nineveh's destruction is described. heel, the rear of the human foot, below the ankle and behind the arch. Literal references include a likely zone of snakebite (Gen. 3:15), anatomical contact of twins at birth (Gen. 25:26), and appropriate vulnerability to traps (Job 18:9). Symbolic of treacherous betrayal, it is used in Ps. 41:9 for the betrayal of a close friend, and in John 13:18 for Jesus' assessment of Judas's betrayal (lifting the heal "against" one). Plural uses show close proximity in pursuit (e.g., "they rushed out at his heels," Judg. 5:15).

heir. See Inheritance. Heldai (hel'di). 1 David's captain for the twelfth month (1 Chron. 27:15). 2 A Jew who returned from Babylon (Zech. 6:10). Helez (heeliz; Heb., "vigor" or "strength"). 1 An Ephraimite, one of David's fighting men who later served him as the commander of a division of twenty-four thousand men (2 Sam. 23:26; 1 Chron. 27:10). 2 A descendant of Judah (1 Chron. 2:39). Heli (hee'li; Gk. form of the Heb. Eli [ee'lî], "[the Lord is] exalted"). 1 In the OT, the priest (Eli) before whom Samuel ministered at Shiloh (1 Sam. 1-4). 2 In the NT, Heli is the name of the father of Joseph in Luke's genealogy of Jesus (Luke 3:23). Heliopolis (hee'lee-op'uh-lis). See On. hell, an English word used to translate Heb., Sheol; Gk., Hades; and Heb., Gehenna. In Christian tradition it is usually associated with the notion of eternal punishment, especially by fire. This idea appears in Isa. 66:24, but it is not clearly associated with a place. Jewish writings from the third century B.C. onward speak of places of punishment by fire for evil spirits and the wicked dead (1 Enoch 18:11-16; 108:3-7, 15; 2 Esd. 7:36-38). The book of Revelation describes a lake that burns with fire and brimstone in which the wicked will be eternally punished (Rev. 19:20; 20:14-15; 21:8). See also Gehenna; Hades; Punishment, Everlasting; Sheol.

Hegai (heg'i), a eunuch of King Ahasuerus of Persia; he was in charge of the royal harem and Esther was placed in his custody before she was called before the king (Esther 2:3, 8,15). heifer, a young cow; it was used for ploughing (Judg. 14:18), trained to thresh grain (Hos. 10:11; Jer. 50:11; Deut. 21:3), and valued for its milk (Isa. 7:21). 413

Hellenists (hel'uh-nists; KJV: "Grecians"), a term found in Acts 6:1 and 9:29, probably denoting Greek-speaking Jewish Christians in the early church in Jerusalem. The Hellenists probably interpreted the Torah less stringently than did the "Hebrews," the Aramaic-speaking Jewish Christians in the Jerusalem church. The presence of these Hellenists may have served as an intermediate point of transition for the Christian movement

HELMET

HERALD

in its spread into the Greek-speaking Gentile world. See also Greeks; Hebrews.

orrhaging woman (Matt. 9:20; Luke 8:44) and the crowds of sick people at Gennesaret (Matt. 14:36; Mark 6:56). See also Fringes.

helmet, a leather or metal protective covering for the head worn by soldiers. The word used in the OT for "helmet" is of foreign origin, and foreigners attacking Israel are often reported as wearing helmets (1 Sam. 17:5 [Goliath]; Jer. 46:4; Ezek. 23:24). Later Israel's armies were similarly equipped (2 Chron. 26:14), but the reference to Saul's helmet in 1 Sam. 17:38 may be an anachronism. The helmet worn by God as he marches against his enemies (Isa. 59:17) is envisioned as part of the armor given to Christians to protect themselves against evil (1 Thess. 5:8; Eph. 6:17).

Heman (hee'muhn; Heb., "faithful"). 1 A grandson of Jacob and son of Zerah (1 Chron. 2:6). 2 A wise man in the time of Solomon (1 Kings 4:31). 3 A grandson of Samuel and son of Joel, whom David put in charge of the service of song (1 Chron. 6:31-33). He is identified as the "singer" and as the first in the list of three appointed by David may have been the chief musician. Psalm 88 is probably attributed to him. Hemath (hee'math). See Hamath; Hammath.

hemlock. See Gall. hen, common fowl mentioned in the Bible only in Matt. 23:37 and Luke 13:34. See also Fowl. Henadad (hen'uh-dad; Heb., "Hadad [a deity] is gracious"); a shortened form of Henhadad. 1 The "father" of two postexilic inhabitants of Jerusalem, Bavvai and Binnui, who helped repair the city walls. It is almost certain that the ancestral head of the family group is meant here rather than the actual father, with "son" of Henadad meaning "descendant" (Neh. 3:18, 24; 10:9); possibly the head of the family group in 2. 2 A levitical family group ("sons of Henadad") who helped supervise the workmen in the rebuilding of the Temple following the Exile (Ezra 3:9). henotheism (hen'uh-thee-izuhm). See Polytheism. Hepher (hee'fuhr). 1 A town west of the Jordan (Josh. 12:17). 2 A son of Gilead (Num. 26:32; 27:1; Josh. 17:2, 3). 3 A man of Judah (1 Chron. 4:6). 4 One of David's mighty men (1 Chron. 11:36).

Bronze helmet of the type worn by Roman soldiers stationed in Judea; first century A.D.

Hephzibah (hef'zi-buh; Heb., "my delight rests in her," said by the delighted parent). 1 A wife of Hezekiah, king of Judah (715-687 B.C.), and the mother of Manasseh (687-642 B.C.; 2 Kings 21:1). 2 The name given by the Lord to restored Jerusalem in Isa. 62:4.

Helon (heelon; Heb., possibly "strong"), the father of the Zebulunite leader Eliab. Helon is mentioned in Numbers (1:9; 2:7; 7:24, 29; 10:16) in connection with his son's status and activities.

Heptateuch (hep'tuh-took), the first seven books (Genesis through Judges) in the OT, which carry the story of Israel through the time of the conquest of Canaan. See also Hexateuch; Pentateuch.

hem, the edge, border, or "skirts" of a garment. Pomegranates of blue, purple, and scarlet stuff were placed between bells of pure gold all around the hem of the blue priestly robe of Aaron (Exod. 28:31-35; 39:22-26). So great was the healing power of Jesus that the mere touching of the hem of his garment resulted in the immediate and miraculous healing of the hem-

herald, one who carries and announces messages on behalf of another. In Isa. 40:9 and 41:27 the herald is to bring "good tidings" to Zion and Jerusalem as commanded. In Dan. 3:4 a herald announces the demands for allegiance to the golden statue on behalf of Babylon's king Nebuchadnezzar. In 2 Pet. 2:5 Noah is characterized as a "herald of righteousness."

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herbs, plants gathered for flavor, aroma, or medicinal value (2 Kings 4:39). Used at Passover, they were a symbol of suffering (Exod. 12:8; Num. 9:11), but they could comprise a modest meal (Prov. 15:17).

comprehensive in its scope as well as more theoretical in its orientation. It encompasses both the study of the principles of biblical interpretation and the process through which such interpretation is carried out. In the ancient and medieval periods, a primary concern was to articulate proper principles or rules for biblical interpretation. In the Jewish tradition, rabbis devised sets of rules for interpretation, such as the seven rules of Rabbi Hillel or the thirteen rules of Rabbi Ishmael. Among Christians, two fundamentally different hermeneutical approaches emerged in the late second and early third centuries A.D., one associated with Alexandria (Clement, Origen), which gave primacy to allegory as the fundamental hermeneutical principle, and another associated with Antioch (Theodore of Mopsuestia, John Chrysostom), which attached greater importance to typology and the literal meaning of Scripture. Through the medieval period, the dominant hermeneutical approach was the fourfold meaning of Scripture, a scheme allowing a text to be understood in at least four senses: literal, allegorical, moral, and heavenly. The Reformation saw a shift in emphasis but still continued to debate principles of interpretation, such as whether Scripture is its own best interpreter or whether it must be interpreted in light of the church's received tradition. The modern period became less concerned with devising rules, norms, and principles of interpretation and more concerned with rethinking, clarifying, and making explicit the process of interpretation itself. In the nineteenth century, philosophical analysis was applied to hermeneutics, resulting in new questions: what is involved in the process of understanding an ancient text from another time and culture? How are a single passage and a whole work interrelated? How does a written text reveal the psychological personality of the writer? In what sense is a text an "expression" of human experience? In the twentieth century, other questions were pressed: how is the essential biblical message (Gk. kerygma, "proclamation") mediated through Scripture? How is this understood and appropriated by modern readers or hearers? What is the relationship between language as a vehicle through which communication occurs and language as a communicative act itself, a "word-event"? The hermeneutical process has also been visualized as the fusion of two horizons, that of the interpreter and that of the text itself. In more recent times, the hermeneutical process has been explored from a variety of other perspectives, such as modern literary criticism, structuralism, and the social sciences. See also Bible; Biblical Criticism; Canon; New Testament; Old Testament. C.R.H.

herd. See Cattle; Sheep. hereafter, the. See Eschatology; Glory; Hades; Heaven; Hell; Paradise. heresy, a term derived from the Greek word hairesis, originally an opinion or way of thinking. It was used as a designation of a sect, party, or philosophical school. It is used in this sense of the Sadducees and Pharisees in Acts 5:17 and 15:5. Later Christian usage (from late second century A.D.) understood "heresy" to indicate deviation from the accepted teaching or practice of the dominant Christian community. Something of this sense may be found in the treatment of Christians as a "sect of the Nazarenes" in Acts 24:5, 14 and 28:22, where Christianity is opposed by Jewish religious authorities. Paul used the word for an internal faction within the Christian community (Gal. 5:20; P.P. 1 Cor. 11:19). Hermas (huhr'muhs), a Christian to whom, along with others, Paul sends greetings in Rom. 16:14. Perhaps the added words, "and the brethren who are with them," refer to a small house-church. hermeneutics (huhr'muh-nyoo'tiks), an English transliteration, based on a family of Greek words which, in its broadest sense, means "interpretation." Other shades of meaning include "explanation," "exposition," "expression," "intelligible rendition," or even "translation." This range of uses is reflected in classical Greek as well as in the Greek OT, or Septuagint, and in the NT, where the word family designates the act of explaining difficult or unfamiliar terms or even translating from one language into another (e.g., Gen. 42:23; Ezra 4:7; 2 Mace. 1:36; John 1:38, 42; 9:7; Heb. 7:2; cf. Acts 9:36). It can also mean "interpretation" as making sense of an otherwise unintelligible utterance (e.g., 1 Cor. 12:10, 30; 14:5, 13, 26, 27, 28) or explaining an obscure saying (Eccles. 47:17). It may also refer specifically to the act of interpreting a sacred text in the sense of unfolding hidden, obscure meanings in Scripture or expounding its full significance (e.g., Luke 24:27). In the broadest sense, hermeneutics is the field of theological study that deals with the interpretation of Scripture. Often, it is characterized as being primarily concerned with the theory or theories of interpretation, and in this respect it can be distinguished from exegesis, which may be thought of as the practical application of hermeneutical principles. As compared with exegesis, hermeneutics is more 415

Hermes (huhr'meez). 1 The divine messenger of the Greek gods. Originally a demon that

HERMOGENES

HEROD

haunted the piles of stones set up as roadside markers, Hermes was the messenger of the greater gods, especially Zeus. He was also a trickster who stole Apollo's cattle and was thought to have invented the lyre. Paul and Barnabas are mistaken for Hermes and Zeus when they visit Lystra and Paul heals a cripple there (Acts 14:12). 2 A Christian greeted in Rom. 16:14.

it may have been the scene of the transfiguration of Jesus, since Caesarea Philippi lies at its foot. See also Anti-Lebanon; Bashan; Caesarea Philippi; Damascus; Jordan River, The; TransfiguD.B. ration, The; Trans Jordan.

Hermogenes (huhr-moj'uh-neez), Asian Christian known only as one who deserted Paul (2 Tim. 1:15). See also Phygelus. Hermon (huhr'muhn; Heb., "sacred" or "forbidden"), the three-peaked summit at the southern end of the Anti-Lebanon range. It rises 9,230 feet (2,814 m.) above sea level and is the highest point in the entire Levant, 1,968 feet (600 m.) higher than any part of the Lebanon mountains and towering above the Bashan plateau and upper Jordan valley. According to Deut. 3:9, "the Sidonians call Hermon Sirion, while the Amorites call it Senir," and these three names are sometimes used together in the OT (Deut. 4:48; 1 Chron. 5:23). Ps. 42:6 speaks of the "Hermons," which may refer to the three peaks. Heavy precipitation, well over 40 inches (1,000 mm.), mainly in the form of snow, falls on the summit and western slopes and sinks through the porous sandstone to supply the powerful sources of the Jordan and Litani rivers and the oasis of Damascus. Snow covers the upper regions during the entire winter and early spring and in sheltered crevices may persist even as late as the end of October. Villages with vineyards and orchards are plentiful on the western slope up to about 3,300 feet (1,000 m.). In the ancient past these slopes were thickly forested (Ezek. 27:5) and the home of lions and leopards (Song of Sol. 4:8). Earlier in this century the Syrian bear was still to be found here. Evidently a sacred mountain (Judg. 3:3 calls it "Baal-hermon"), it formed the northernmost limit of Joshua's conquests (Josh. 11:3, 17; 12:1, 5; 13:5,11). Some have speculated that Mt. Hermon rises 9,230 feet above sea level and towers above the upper Jordan Valley.

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Herod (hair'uhd), name of a family of Idumean origin with strong connections with the Roman government who, from the time of Queen Alexandra (76-67 B.C.), became centrally involved in the affairs of the Jewish state. Members of the family, under a variety of titles, governed Palestine and adjacent areas from ca. 55 B.C. until near the close of the first century A.D. The name "Herod" is Greek and originated with a shadowy ancestor about whom, even in antiquity, little was known. Two ancient traditions make him either a descendant of a notable Jewish family with a lineage traceable to the Babylonian exile or a slave in the temple of Apollo in the Philistine city of Ashkelon. Neither can be proved. The first Antipater, the grandfather of Herod the Great, rose to the position of military commander of his native Idumea under the Hasmonean rulers Alexander Jannaeus (103-76 B.C.) and Alexandra. The Idumeans had been forcibly converted to Judaism by John Hyrcanus (134-104 B.C.), and thus the family of Herod was, at least technically, Jewish. Herod's father, also named Antipater (or Antipas), was by all accounts not only a skilled soldier but also a shrewd politician and diplomat. His successful intervention in favor of Hyrcanus II in the latter's struggle for supremacy with his brother Aristobulus, coupled with the outstanding services he rendered to Pompey and Julius Caesar in their campaigns, earned him Roman citizenship and the post of procurator of Judea, granted by Caesar in 47 B.C. Antipater and his Nabatean wife, Cypros, had four sons and a daughter, and the two eldest, Phasaelus and Herod, were nominated by their father as governors (Gk. stratêgoi), the former of Judea and the latter of Galilee. The following members of the family appear in the NT: 1 Herod I (Herod the Great), king of the Jews. He was probably about twenty-five years old when, as governor of Galilee, he successfully campaigned against Galilean bandits, executing the leaders and coming out of the subsequent showdown with the Jewish Sanhédrin in Jerusalem not only politically stronger but also with enhanced status in the eyes of Rome. When, in 40 B.C., the Roman Senate appointed Herod king of the Jews, he was given a prize still requiring conquest, for on the throne of Judea sat Antigonus II, the last of the Hasmonean rulers, newly placed there by Rome's enemies, the Parthians. Herod succeeded, with the backing provided by his friend Mark Antony, in taking Jerusalem in 37 B.C. Antigonus was executed by the Romans at Herod's request, and, in the same year, Herod

HEROD

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married Mariamne I, a Hasmonean (one of ten wives). From 37 until his death in 4 B.C., Herod ruled as king of the Jews, a reign marked by his total loyalty to Rome, his grandiose and sometimes magnificent building programs, his family strife, and his harsh repression of any opposition. Herod showed an uncanny ability to maintain favor with the Roman leadership, managing, for example, to switch his allegiance from Antony to Octavian (later Augustus) after the Battle of Actium in 31 B.C. In honor of Augustus, Herod rebuilt ancient Samaria into the Hellenistic city of Sebaste (Gk., "Augustus"), and he constructed, on the site of a minor anchorage on the Mediterranean coast called Strata's Tower, the magnificently planned and constructed city of Caesarea Maritima, a major port and the Roman administrative center for Palestine. There is much to admire in Caesarea, including the enormous blocks of stone with which a breakwater was constructed to make a harbor, the sewers that were designed to be flushed out by the sea, and the theaters and temples of the city. The crown of Herod's constructions, however, was the Temple in Jerusalem, which he rebuilt on a grandiose scale. The project, begun in 20 B.C., was not completed until A.D. 62, and it is this Temple that Jesus and his disciples knew. Recent excavations along the south and southwest walls of the Temple Mount have revealed the broad stair-

ways leading up to the two wide gates on the southern wall, as well as many details of the construction of the walls and of the streets around them. Herod also fortified his realm with a string of impressive wilderness fortresses, the major ones being Masada, Machaerus, the Herodium in Perea, the Alexandrium, Cypros, Hyrcania, and the Herodium southeast of Bethlehem (the only one built on a previously unfortified site and also the place where Herod was buried). These fortresses served as prisons and, given the internal strife that marked Herod's relations with his family, occasionally as places of imprisonment and execution for members of the family. Eventually, Herod ordered the execution of his Hasmonean wife, Mariamne, of their two sons, Alexander and Aristobulus, of other members of the Hasmonean family, and of his son Antipater. According to Matt. 2:1-18 (cf. Luke 1:5), the birth of Jesus occurred while Herod was king, probably no earlier than 6 B.C. The king's wellknown ruthlessness in defending his throne against any threat forms the background for the story of the massacre of Bethlehem's children (Matt. 2:16-17). After Herod's death in 4 B.C., Augustus Caesar resolved the dispute that broke out among three of Herod's surviving sons by dividing the kingdom but withholding the royal title from the heirs. To Archelaus, son of Malthace, went

THE HERODS: A SIMPLIFIED FAMILY TREE Antipater I Antipater (Antipas) Phasaelus (Phasael): Governor of Judea 43-40 B.c. (married Doris)

Antipater

Herod the Great: ruled 40-4 B.C.

(married Mariamne I)

Alexander Aristobulus

(married Mariamne II)

Herod

Herod of Herod Agrippa I: Herodias Chalcis ruled Palestine A.D. 4 1 - 4 4

(married Malthace)

(married Cleopatra)

Herod Archelaus: Herod Antipas: Herod Philip: Tetrarch of Ethnarch of Tetrarch of Galilee and Judea, Sumaria, Batanea, Perea 4 B.C.Idumea 4 B.C.-A.D. 6 Trachonitis, A.D. 39 Auranitis 4 B.C.A.D. 33/34

- - Bernice H e r o d A g rippa II: Salome ruled parts of Palestine after A.D. 50 — represents marriage

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the title "ethnarch" and half of the territory (Judea, Idumea, and Samaria). The other half was split into two tetrarchies: Antipas, younger brother of Archelaus, received Galilee and Perea; Philip, son of Cleopatra, received Batanea, Trachonitis, and Auranitis. See also Augustus; Caesarea; Ethnarch; Idumea; Maccabees; Phasael; Samaria, City of; Temple, The; Tetrarch. 2 Herod Archelaus, son of Herod the Great and ethnarch of Judea, Samaria, and Idumea (4 B.C.-A.D. 6). See also Archelaus. 3 Herod Philip, son of Herod the Great and tetrarch of Batanea, Trachonitis, and Auranitis (4 B.C.-A.D. 33/34). He ruled uneventfully and apparently successfully in his northern domains. His name is remembered in that of Caesarea Philippi (see Matt. 16:33; Mark 8:27), which was his rebuilding of the ancient Panias near the springs of the Jordan River. Philip apparently married his niece Salome, daughter of Herodias and of Philip's half-brother Herod the son of Mariamne (Mark 6:17 and Matt. 14:3 apparently confuse Philip and Herod). See also Caesarea Philippi; Herodias; Salome. 4 Herod Antipas, son of Herod the Great and tetrarch of Galilee and Perea (4 B.C.-A.D. 39). He is "that fox" of Luke 13:31-32 and the Herod most frequently mentioned in the NT. Both Jesus and John the Baptist were his subjects and carried out their public careers mostly in his territories (Matt. 14:1-12; Mark 6:14-29; Luke 3:19-20; 9:7-9; Mark 8:15; Luke 13:31-32; 23:6-16; Acts 4:27). His career was dominated by his relationship to Herodias, whom he married in spite of the fact that she was his niece and married to his half-brother Herod when they met and that he was compelled to divorce a daughter of Aretas, the powerful king of the Nabateans, in order to marry her. John, who, according to the Gospels, had criticized this marriage, was imprisoned and later executed by Antipas at Machaerus (Matt. 14:1-12; Mark 6:14-29; Luke 3:19-20; 9:7-9). According to the Gospel of Luke, Antipas also played a role in the trial of Jesus (Luke 23:6-16; Acts 4:27). Antipas's capital was Tiberias, characteristically named after the Roman emperor, which Antipas built on the shore of the Sea of Galilee and which was later to play a central role in the history of Judaism. Antipas's star set as that of his nephew and brother-in-law Agrippa was rising. When Gaius Caligula became emperor, he granted to Agrippa Philip's former territories, but with the title of king. Under Herodias's prodding, Antipas went to Rome to seek royal status. Not only did he fail, but the agents of Agrippa accused him of crimes against Rome, and the outcome for him was deportation to Gaul and the grant of his territories to Agrippa. Herodias, to her credit, followed him into exile. See also Herodias; John the Baptist; Tiberias. 5 Herod Agrippa I. See Agrippa I. 6 Herod Agrippa II. See Agrippa II. F.O.G.

Herodians (hi-roh'dee-uhnz), a term found twice in Mark (3:6; 12:13; also 8:15 in some manuscripts) and once in Matthew (22:16 = Mark 12:13) but never in Luke or John, designating a group who, together with the Pharisees, opposed Jesus. If the name refers to an actual party or faction, it may have been the supporters of the rule and policies of Herod Antipas. Both Matthew and Mark associate them with the Pharisees in putting before Jesus the difficult question regarding paying taxes to Caesar (Matt. 2 2 : 1 5 - 2 2 ; Mark 12:13-17). See also Herod; Pharisees. Herodias (hi-roh'dee-uhs), the daughter of Aristobulus and Bernice and thus a granddaughter of Herod the Great and sister of Herod Agrippa I. She was married twice: first, to her paternal half-uncle Herod (erroneously called Philip in Matt. 14:3, not all manuscripts, and Mark 6:17), to whom she bore a daughter, Salome; then, once again to a half-uncle, Herod Antipas. The second marriage, carried out after she abandoned her first husband and Antipas divorced his royal Nabatean wife, brought about their public condemnation, according to the Gospels, by John the Baptist and Herodias's retaliation by having her daughter Salome ask for John's head as a prize (Matt. 14:3-12; Mark 6:17-29; cf. Luke 3:19-20; 9:7-9). See also Herod; John the Baptist; Salome. F.O.G. heron, any of the family Ardeidae of wading birds with long thin legs and necks who feed on fish and other marine life. The Hebrews considered them unclean (Lev. 11:19; Deut. 14:18). Heshbon (heshTjon), a city of northern Moab captured by the Amorite king Sihon, who made it his capital (Num. 21:26-30). The Israelites defeated Sihon in their first battle in Transjordan (Num. 2 1 : 2 1 - 2 4 ; Josh. 12:2) and distributed his territory to Reuben and Gad, assigning Heshbon to Reuben (Num. 32:37). Later, Heshbon was considered Gad's inheritance (Josh. 13:27) and allotted to the Lévites (Josh. 21:39). Prophetic oracles against Moab mention Heshbon (probably restored by Mesha, ca. 830 B.C.) falling before unnamed enemies. Heshbon reappears (as Esbus) in documents of the Hellenistic and Roman periods, but it is not mentioned in the NT. Excavations undertaken by Andrews University (1968-1976) at the tell near the modern Jordanian village of Hesban reveal successive occupations from the early Iron Age through Late Mamluk (ca. 1200 B.C.-A.D. 1456) with a gap from ca. 500 to 250 B.C. Lack of Bronze Age remains and sparse evidence for early Iron Age settlement suggest necessary reassessment either of the site identification or of the historical reliability of the Sihon tradition. See also Gad; Moab; Moabite Stone, The; Reuben; Sihon. PA.B.

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Heth (heth), in the Table of Nations (Gen. 10:15; 1 Chron. 1:13) the son of Canaan and great-grandson of Noah, and the eponymous ancestor of the Hittites. The "sons of Heth" witnessed Abraham's purchase of the Cave of Machpelah from Ephron (Gen. 23:6, 16,18). Rebekah was annoyed by Esau's marriage to a "daughter of Heth" (Gen. 27:46). Ezekiel describes Jerusalem's ancestry with the words "your father was an Amorite, and your mother a Hittite" (Ezek. 16:3, 45). See also Canaan, Canaanites; Hittites; Noah. Hexateuch (hek'suh-took), the first six books of the OT. The term connotes a theological unity, exposed by a specialized method of biblical study (form criticism), in contrast to the canonical unity defined by the term Pentateuch (the first five books of the OT). The structure of the Hexateuch corresponds to the structure of several brief, credo-like speeches set in a context of worship (e.g., Deut. 26:5-11; Josh. 24:1—28). These speeches recite God's acts on behalf of Israel in four units: promise for progeny and land in Canaan to the patriarchs, exodus from oppression in Egypt, leadership through the dangers of the wilderness, and conquest of the land in Canaan. Each section begins with its own theologically oriented introduction. Each narrates a span of traditions in order to show the completion of the theological theme introduced at the head of the unit. The four units in the credo speeches exclude reference to God's gift of the law at Sinai, suggesting that the Sinai traditions were originally distinct from the credo traditions. They belonged perhaps to a different group of people whose sacred traditions became a part of the OT story when they became a part of the people who remembered a common past. It is also possible to explain the absence of the Sinai tradition from the credo speeches in other ways, however. Perhaps Sinai was not included in the recitation of God's deeds because the events at Sinai were conceived in a totally different way from the patterns of the other four. Perhaps the Sinai narratives, not attached to a special introduction as the other four are, were conceived as part of the wilderness theme of traditions rather than as a distinct theme or an independent narrative. In that case, the structure of the Hexateuch would reveal its theological connections, not simply in the patterns of the cultic credo with their confessions about God's acts on Israel's behalf, but in its alternation between stories about God's acts on behalf of Israel and stories about God's gift of the law that defines Israel's response to those acts. The alternation, intrinsic for the character of the Hexateuch, depicts interaction between grace and law. To isolate the law (Sinai) from the grace (the credo traditions) violates the present structure of the Hexateuch. The relationship between law and grace in these traditions is, moreover, of greater impor-

tance than would be implied by a simple juxtaposition of narratives about God's acts and narratives about the gift of the law. The acts of God described by the traditions about the patriarchs, exodus, wilderness, and conquest already imply the law defined by the Sinai narratives. To be redeemed from the house of bondage is to hear the imperative from God to respond in particular ways. To receive the grace resident in the descriptions of God's acts without receiving the law that follows is to deny the grace and its claims on its audience. The theological structure of the Hexateuch focuses not only on God's mighty acts but also on the critical leadership of the people chosen by God to stand at the head of his flock. For the theology of the Hexateuch, to believe in God, to draw identity as the people of God from the covenant relationship established for the people by God, is at the same time to believe in Moses (Exod. 14:31), or with other particular traditions, to believe in Abraham or Joshua. The Hexateuch reveals a dual character in both its theological affirmations and its literary structure: God redeems his people; his chosen servants contribute substantively to the process. The contrast between Hexateuch and Pentateuch can be defined in another manner. The Pentateuch comprises the Moses saga in relationship to the sagas about the patriarchs and the primeval period. A critical problem in defining the structure of the Pentateuch/Hexateuch lies in the relationship between the Moses traditions and the patriarchal traditions, between stories about Israel in Egypt and the stories about the fathers of Israel in Canaan. The Hexateuch comprises the Moses saga in relationship to the sagas about the patriarchal age, thus encompassing the same problem in the history of the traditions as found in the Pentateuch, plus the Moses saga in relationship to the Joshua saga. The Hexateuch thus unites a broader range of traditions than does the Pentateuch by including in its history the traditions about the conquest of the Promised Land. See also Sources of the Pentateuch. Bibliography Coats, George W. Genesis. The Forms of OT Literature 1. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983. Pp. 13-26. Noth, Martin. A History of Pentateuchal Traditions. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1972. von Rad, Gerhard. "The Form-Critical Problem of the Hexateuch." In The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays. London: Oliver and Boyd, 1966. Pp. 1-78. G.W.C. Hezekiah (hez'uh-ki'uh; Heb., "God strengthens"), the son of Ahaz and king of Judah (727-698 B.C.). He was considered by the author of the book of Kings to have been utterly loyal to the Lord, God of Israel; "there was no one like him among all the kings of Judah after him, nor among those who were before him" (2 Kings 18:3-6). This commendation is based on

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Hezekiah's attention to ritual matters in his kingdom: he closed down all rural cult sites ("high places") throughout Judah, thereby centralizing sacrifice at the altar of the Temple in Jerusalem (cf. 2 Kings 18:22). He also banned many fetishes that had become common practice: the use of sacred pillars and trees (asherah) and the reverencing of the "bronze serpent" (Heb. nehushtan) associated with Moses and the miraculous healing of the people attacked by scorpions in the desert (Num. 21:4-10). Hezekiah's Reign: Hezekiah's reign fell during the age of major Assyrian military and commercial activity in Phoenicia and the Philistian coast. Shalmaneser V campaigned twice in the area and in 722 conquered Samaria. His successor, Sargon II, reconquered Samaria in 720 and marched as far as Rapiah, where he engaged an Egyptian force supporting the local rulers in their rebellion against Assyria. Four years later, Sargon appeared again, this time founding a trading colony south of Gaza, based in part on cooperation with local Arab tribes of the western Negev. The rebellion in Gaza in 713 was quelled by Sargon's commander-in-chief ("Tartan," see Isa. 20:1, KJV) in 712 and the city was annexed to the Assyrian Empire.

Throughout this decade, Hezekiah remained a vassal of Assyria, a status he inherited from his father Ahaz and accepted as the prudent course of state. But in his fourteenth year as king, in 713, Hezekiah received the Babylonian delegation of Merodach-baladan (2 Kings 18:13; 20:12-13) and this diplomatic dealing with the sworn enemy of Sargon is indicative of an antiAssyrian undercurrent in Judah. Hezekiah was likely involved in the political stirrings in Philistia. Although Sargon does not claim to have engaged Judah outright, several fortresses in the Judean Shephelah (Ekron, Gibbethon and perhaps Azekah) did fall to the Assyrian armies. Rebellion Against Assyria: Hezekiah openly broke with Assyria in 705; the death of Sargon had been the signal for rebellion throughout the empire. In the west, Hezekiah was the driving force behind the military coalition that was to face the new monarch Sennacherib. Hezekiah moved into the coastal plain with force (2 Kings 18:8) and he ousted rulers who were hostile to his policies. As part of his plans for preparedness, Hezekiah secured Jerusalem's water supply in the event of siege by the drilling of the Siloam tunnel (2 Kings 20:20; 2 Chron. 32:3-4). But Hezekiah's efforts were no match for Sennacherib's superior forces. In 701, Sennacherib campaigned in the west. The Phoenician cities succumbed quickly and the allies in Philistia were defeated, despite the support lent them by an Egyptian expeditionary force (2 Kings 19:9). A biblical chronistic extract reports: "Sennacherib king of Assyria came up against all the fortified cities of Judah and took them" (2 Kings 18:13). Sennacherib's inscription concurs: "As for Hezekiah of Judah, who did not submit to my yoke, I laid siege to 46 of his strong cities, walled forts and to the countless small villages in their vicinity, and conquered them. . . . I drove out 200,150 people, young and old, male and female, horses, mules, donkeys, camels, big and small cattle, beyond counting and considered them booty." Jerusalem came under siege and negotiations were conducted by a high-level Assyrian team and Hezekiah's advisors for Hezekiah's total surrender. Sennacherib claims that he "made him a prisoner in Jerusalem, his royal residence, like a bird in a cage." Though the prophet Isaiah counseled holding out, for the Lord "will defend this city to save it" (2 Kings 19:34), Hezekiah submitted to the Assyrian demands and paid a heavy indemnity (2 Kings 18:14-16). Jerusalem did not, however, become prey to the Assyrians and in prophetic circles this "salvation" was celebrated as vindication of Isaiah's prophecy of divine intervention. It was told: "That night an angel of the Lord went forth, and slew one hundred and eighty-five thousand in the camp of the Assyrians, and . . . early in the morning, behold, these were all dead bodies" (2 Kings 19:35). Much of Judah's territory was transferred to the

A section of the tunnel that brought water from the Gihon spring to the Pool of Siloam, built during the reign of King Hezekiah (727-698 B.C.) to ensure Jerusalem's water supply during a siege.

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coastal city-states loyal to Assyria, and Hezekiah resumed his vassal status as king of Jerusalem and its immediate environs. Though Hezekiah is highly praised in the book of Kings, a later generation criticized him for his Babylonian entanglements; they saw in these moves the seed of the Babylonian exile over a century later (2 Kings 20:16-19). In the NT, Hezekiah is listed in the genealogy of Jesus (Matt. 1:9-10). See also Isaiah, The Book of; Kings, The First and Second Books of the; SenM.C. nacherib.

Flacco 68; see Josephus, Antiquities 12.147-53) indicate a substantial Jewish presence around Hierapolis. Col. 4:13, the sole NT reference, reports that Epaphras "labored much" for the Christians in Colossae, Laodicea, and Hierapolis. Hierapolis' extensive remains include a Roman theater (now restored), baths, city walls, and a necropolis. See also Asia; Colossae; Epaphras; Ephesus; Laodicea; Pergamum. R.A.W.

Hezron (hez'ruhn). 1 The father of a Reubenite tribe (Gen. 49:6; Exod. 6:14; Num. 26:6; 1 Chron. 5:3). 2 The father of a Judean tribe (Gen. 46:12; Ruth 4:18-19; Matt. 1:3; Luke 3:33). 3 A city on the south border of Judah (Josh. 15:3). Hiddekel (hid'uh-kel), the term in the KJV for the RSV's "Tigris," the major eastern river in Mesopotamia (modern Iraq; Dan. 10:4; Gen. 2:14). See also Tigris River. Hiel (hi'uhl; Heb., "God is brother"), a man from Bethel whose two sons died when he violated Joshua's curse (Josh. 6:26) by rebuilding Jericho (1 Kings 16:34). Hierapolis (hi'uh-rap'uh-lis), a city of Asia Minor located in the upper Lycus valley close to the hot springs of Pamukkale. It is one hundred miles east of Ephesus, twelve miles from Colossae, and six miles from Laodicea. Although originating probably as the village center of a temple estate dedicated to the Phrygian mother goddess, Hierapolis grew and finally received formal status as a city from the King of Pergamum in the early second century B.C. In 133 B.C. Rome took control of Hierapolis and made it part of the province of Asia. Its subsequent prosperity was largely based on its famous textile and cloth dyeing industry. Both grave inscriptions and literary evidence (Cicero, Pro

higgaion (hi-gay'yon), a Hebrew word that appears in three Psalms. In two of them it seems to have some sort of musical connotation: in Ps. 9:16, where it occurs with the unknown word Selah and is simply transliterated, and in Ps. 92:3, where it is translated "melody" (KJV: "solemn sound"). In Ps. 19:14, it is translated "meditation." high place, an elevated location used for religious rites. "High place" in the OT translates the Hebrew bamah, pi. bamoth, a rendering deriving from the Septuagint and Vulgate. The plural means "heights" (of the earth) in a number of passages (e.g., Deut. 32:13; Isa. 58:14; Amos 4:13) and usually bamoth were situated on high ground, as in the regular Deuteronomic description of them as "upon the high mountains and upon the hills and under every green tree" (Deut. 12:2). But there were also bamoth within towns (2 Kings 17:9) and in valleys (Jer. 7:31; 32:35; Ezek. 6:3), and they are commonly spoken of as being "built" (e.g., 1 Kings 14:23) and, when removed, "broken down" (e.g., 2 Chron. 31:1). Thus the bamah was not simply a natural shrine and it is now generally agreed that, in its religious sense, the word means an artificially constructed platform on which sacrifices were offered and cultic objects placed, though it always seems to have been in the open air. The high place was a common feature in the religions of the small states surrounding Israel, such as Moab (Jer. 49:35), where the word occurs in line 3 of the victory stele of the ninth-

A bronze model of an Elamite sanctuary, or "high place," found at Susa, twelfth century B.C.

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Sam. 9:22) or other cultic structures (1 Kings 13:32). Before the Deuteronomic reform (ca. 630 B.C.), a number of these sanctuaries, such as Shechem, Bethel, Gilgal, Shiloh, and above all Jerusalem, achieved a far greater importance than the small local high places, and their individual traditions are very significant for Israel's religion in the period of the monarchy (ca. 1025-586 B.C.). Characteristic of these are stories that ascribe their foundation to great figures of the past, who are often said to have erected an altar or some other cultic object at the place and to inaugurate the worship of Yahweh there. So Abraham founded Hebron (Gen. 13:18); both he and Isaac are said to have founded BeerTen large stelae at Gezer may have been a sheba (Gen. 21:33; 26:23-25). Jacob founded Canaanite "high place" (cf. 2 Kings 18:4); Bethel (Gen. 28:18-22; 35:7, 14-15) and Middle Bronze Age. Shechem (Gen. 33:18-20), with which Joshua is also associated (Josh. 8:30-35). Joshua erected the twelve stones marking the shrine at Gilgal century B.C. Moabite king Mesha, and Ammon (Josh. 4:20-24), while 2 Samuel 24 is the sacred (1 Kings 11:7), and its use appears to be conlegend of the Jerusalem sanctuary, telling how it fined to this area. In the OT, it is characteristic of was inaugurated by David. the Canaanite fertility religion and the worship of Baal (Jer. 19:5; 32:35), so it is generally Importance: However, the real reason for the strongly condemned, especially in Deutero- great attention paid to these sanctuaries is that nomic passages in the book of Kings, in Chroni- they were originally important Canaanite cencles, and in the Prophets, and reforming kings ters, both before and after the first arrival of the destroyed the high places (2 Kings 18:4; 23:8, Israelites. The stories of their founding by the 13, 15, 19). The rites practiced at the high patriarchs and other heroes are intended to leplaces and the cultic objects found there are gitimize their adoption by Israel, to claim that typically Canaanite: ritual prostitution (1 Kings they had always been Israelite. The details of 14:23-24; Ezek. 16:16), child sacrifice (Jer. 7:31; Gen. 28:10-22, especially v. 19, show that 19:5; 32:35; Ezek. 16:20), sacrifices and the Bethel was not a deserted spot but an ancient burning of incense (1 Kings 22:43; 2 Kings Canaanite city and sanctuary. Shechem re12:3), the stone pillar symbolizing Baal, and the mained Canaanite long after the time of Jacob wooden pole symbolizing the goddess Asherah and the center of a non-Yahwistic religion (1 Kings 14:23; 2 Kings 17:10). It has been sug(Judg. 9:4, 27, 46), and the pillar and the tree in gested that the bamah was a burial mound and the sanctuary there are the regular features of a that the high place was where rites of the dead Canaanite high place (Josh. 24:26; Judg. 9:6). were celebrated, but there is no real evidence Again, it should be noted how often the patrifor this. archs invoke Yahweh by titles of the great Role in Popular Religion: From the OT denun- Canaanite deity El, by which he was known at different sanctuaries (El Elyon, Gen. 14:22; El ciations, it is clear that the high places had a Olam, Gen. 21:33; El Bethel, Gen. 31:13; cf. central part in popular religion and, before the Jer. 48:13). Inevitably, this brought about a deDeuteronomic demand for their destruction and the centralization of worship at a single sanctu- gree of fusion between Yahwism and Canaanite religion and even worship by Israelites of ary, they were considered a legitimate feature of the worship of Yahweh. In 1 Sam. 9:12-24, we the fertility deity Baal, which incurred the condemnation of Deuteronomists and prophets find Samuel sacrificing and presiding at the at(Hos. 2:2-20). But the influence of Canaan tendant meal at the high place of Ramah, which was situated above the town, and in 1 Sam. 10:5 through the sanctuaries was not wholly negaa band of prophets has clearly been worshiping tive: Shechem's deity was called the "god of the covenant" and this encouraged the developat the high place of Gibeath-elohim. Cultic platment there of a great Israelite celebration of the forms, either circular or rectangular in shape, which were used for sacrifice, have been recog- renewal of the Sinai covenant and the reading of the law (Deut. 27). And Israel's three great annized as bamoth by archaeologists at several nual pilgrimage feasts (Exod. 23:14-18) were Palestinian sites during the period of Israelite agricultural occasions originally held at the occupation, among them Hazor and Arad; the Canaanite shrines. Another reason for the imone discovered at Dan was almost certainly portance of certain high places was that they built by Jeroboam I (1 Kings 13:32). The word bamah, however, is also used in the were the sanctuaries of particular tribes, as OT in a wider sense to denote the whole of a may be seen in the case of the one founded by sanctuary or shrine and the complex of build- the tribe of Dan, though again on an old ings it contained, such as the hall of Ramah (1 Canaanite site (Judg. 18:27-31). It is possible 423

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that, in the premonarchical period, a sanctuary like Shiloh functioned as a center for the whole tribal confederation, marked by the presence of the Ark as a national symbol (1 Sam. 4:1-4). With the establishment of the monarchy, the sanctuaries that enjoyed royal patronage achieved outstanding importance. This was particularly the case with Jerusalem in the south and with Bethel in the Northern Kingdom (Amos 7:13). It was the great prestige of Jerusalem that enabled the implementation of Deuteronomy's program by Josiah, who destroyed all the numerous high places in both the south and north (2 Kings 23:4-20) and left the Temple at Jerusalem as the sole place where Yahweh could be worshiped. The Babylonian invasion a few years later (early sixth century B.C.) probably brought about the destruction of any high places that may have lingered on. From this time on, nothing further is heard of them, and on the return from Exile it was only the Jerusalem sanctuary that was reestablished (Ezra 3). See also Ark; Covenant; Deuteronomy; Josiah. Bibliography de Vaux, R. Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1961. Pp. 284-311. Kraus, H.-J. Worship in Israel. Oxford: Blackwell, 1966. Pp. 134-178. Vaughan, P. H. The Meaning of 'Bàma' in the Old Testament. London: Cambridge University Press, 1974. J.R.P.

36:8); the area of the Jebusites (Josh. 11:3); the dwelling place of the Anakim (Josh. 11:21); areas in both Judah and Israel (Josh. 11:21); and the tribal areas of Naphtali and Ephraim (Josh. 20:7), among many others. Indeed, hill country could be identified from as far south as the Wilderness (1 Sam. 23:14) to as far north as the land of the Amorites, near the head of the Euphrates River (Num. 13:29). In the NT, the story of Jesus begins in the hill country of Judah D.B. (Luke 1:39, 65).

high priests. See Priests. Hilkiah (hil-ki'uh; Heb., "God is my portion"). 1 A Levite from the line of Merari (1 Chron. 6:45). 2 The son of Hosah, a Merarite Levite in the time of David (1 Chron. 26:11). 3 The father of Eliakim, a royal official in the time of King Hezekiah (2 Kings 18:18; see Isa. 22:20). 4 The father of Jeremiah, a priest (Jer. 1:1). 5 A high priest in the late seventh century B.C. who reported that a book of the law had been found at the Temple (2 Kings 2 2 - 2 3 ; see 2 Chron. 35:8). He appears to have been an ancestor of Ezra (Ezra 7:1, see 1 Chron. 6:13-15). 6 The name of several other OT figures (see Jer. 29:3; Neh. 8:4; 12:7; Bar. 1:1; Sus. 2). F.E.G. hill country, a general designation in the Bible for those parts of the Holy Land that are hilly rather than flat. Since the land of Palestine has a mountainous spine running its length between the Jordan River to the east and the Mediterranean Sea to the west, any area along that spine can be designated "hill country." In addition, the hills found along the east bank of the Jordan River also constitute an upland area, any part of which can be termed "hill country." Among the areas identified as "hill country" are parts of Seir, south of the Dead Sea (Gen.

hin. See Weights and Measures. hind, the female adult red deer, a symbol of beauty (Prov. 5:19) and desperate loyalty (Jer. 14:5). See also Hart. Hinnom (hin'uhm), Valley of, a valley known also as the "Valley of the Son, or Sons, of Hinnom." It was probably the Wadi erRababi, beginning west of Jerusalem near the present Jaffa Gate, and curving round south of the Old City to join the Kidron Valley. It was entered from the "Potsherd Gate" (Jer. 19:2, 6) and formed part of the boundary between Judah and Benjamin (Josh. 15:8; 18:16; Neh. 11:30). It is notorious in the OT as the scene of much idolatry, including the sacrifice of children, especially under Ahaz and Manasseh (mid-eighth to mid-seventh century B.C.; 2 Chron. 28:3; 33:6) and again in Jeremiah's day (Jer. 7:30-34; 32:35), despite the abolition of such practices by Josiah (2 Kings 23:10). Such evil associations caused its Hebrew name gehinnom (hence "Gehenna") to be identified with hell (e.g., Matt. 5:22, 29; 23:15, 33; Mark 9:43, 47; James 3:6). See also Ahaz; Gehenna; Josiah; Manasseh. D.B. Hiram (hi'ruhm; shortened from Heb. Ahiram, "my brother [god] is exalted" or "brother of the exalted one"; alternatively Huram [Chronicles]). 1 The king of Tyre, and a contemporary of David and Solomon. Hiram I, son of Abibaal, was nineteen years old when he ascended the throne, and he reigned thirtyfour years (ca. 969-935 B.C.). The kingdom he established is vividly pictured by Ezekiel (chaps. 26-27). Under Hiram's rule Tyre became the leading city of Phoenicia, which launched a colonial empire that spread over the whole of the Mediterranean. He enlarged the island city of Tyre by uniting it with a smaller island and undertook extensive building programs. The power of the Philistines was apparently broken by an alliance between the Tyrian kings Abibaal and Hiram on the one hand (at sea) and David on the other (on land). David traded with Hiram for materials and craftsmen to build his royal palace in Jerusalem (2 Sam. 5:11; 1 Chron. 14:1). David established a treaty with Hiram, which was renewed by Solomon who also

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traded with him for materials and craftsmen, particularly in the building of the Temple in Jerusalem (1 Kings 5:12-18; 2 Chron. 2:3-12). Hiram supplied cedar and other building materials, along with craftsmen, in exchange for wheat and olive oil. Some years later Hiram gave Solomon gold and another larger shipment of cedar and other woods and received in exchange twenty towns in Galilee known collectively as Cabul (1 Kings 9:10-13). Hiram also aided Solomon in his commercial ventures by supplying both ships and sailors for a merchant fleet that operated out of the port of Ezion-geber (1 Kings 9:26-28). Some scholars have suggested the possibility of a relationship between this Hiram of Tyre and the famous King Ahiram of Phoenician Byblos (ca. 1000 B.C.). There is also an eighthcentury King Hiram of Tyre mentioned in an inscription of Tiglath-pileser III. 2 An artisan sent by King Hiram of Tyre to do the bronze work for the Temple in Jerusalem (1 Kings 7:13-14). The son of a woman of the tribe of Naphthali (1 Kings 7:14) or of Dan (2 Chron. 2:14) and a man of Tyre, he was responsible for casting the bronze pillars, the molten sea, and other Temple furnishings in a specially suited clay which was found between Succoth and Zarethan (1 Kings 7:40-46). See also David; Solomon; Tyre. D.L.C.

ages have always sought to deepen their experience by seeing the true landscape of biblical events. Modern research utilizes many disciplines of the physical and social sciences as well as the humanities to reconstruct the ancient ecological milieu of the Bible's historical peoples. Physiography: Since the first modern map of Palestine by the engineers who came with Napoleon in 1799 (the Jacotin Map, 1810), significant advances have been made. The explorations by Edward Robinson in 1838 and 1853 brought to Western scholarship a large body of geographical information, especially the location of dozens of biblical towns. Other explorers added further details, and the culmination of nineteenth-century research was the thorough mapping conducted by the team of British military engineers sponsored by the Palestine Exploration Society during 1870-76. That expedition, called the Survey of Western Palestine, produced a detailed map in twenty-two sheets with accompanying commentary and name lists. Their maps were still used by both sides in World War I and only under the subsequent British mandate was the process of remapping the country taken up again. This has continued under the Israeli and Jordanian survey departments to the present time. All the tools of modern cartography, including areal photogrammetry, computers, and even satellite pictures are used. A special grid was also established for locating sites and features. The terrain of the ancient land of Israel consists of "brooks of water, of fountains and springs, flowing forth in valleys and hills" (Deut. 8:7). It is the contrast between hill regions and plains that has determined the fragmented nature of the societies that lived there in antiquity. For example, in the Canaanite period, the small city-states were located on the plains, usually at the foot of the adjacent hills where springs of water come forth from the porous limestone layers that make up the ranges of Palestine (cf. Josh. 17:16). The initial area open to the tribes of Israel was mainly in the hilly areas (Josh. 17:18). The deep Jordan Valley gave a north-south orientation to the mountain ranges of both CisJordan and Transjordan; the former coastlines of the eastern Mediterranean basin have shaped the coastal plains. East-west faulting has created some prominent valleys (such as the Jezreel Valley) and thus broken up the central hill country into smaller units such as Galilee, Mt. Ephraim, and Mt. Judah. On the south, the zone of aeolic sand deposits form the biblical Negeb. The study of the physical environment in biblical times is facilitated by analysis of the present geological morphology of the land and the processes that have brought it into being. For example, the coastal sands brought by the currents are later than the Byzantine period (mid-fourth century A.D.-1453) because they cover ancient

hireling, a servant who is paid wages (Job 7:2; Mai. 3:5; Luke 15:17). The Law protected their rights (Deut. 24:14-15), and terms of service might be specified (Isa. 16:14; Job 7:1). John 10:12-13 contrasts the cowardice of a hired shepherd with the owner's concern for the sheep. The Mishnah stipulated that a hired servant had to compensate the owner for any loss due to negligence. "Hireling" could sometimes be used to imply "inferior" (Plutarch Moralia 37C). It is also used of hired fishermen (Mark 1:20). historical criticism. See Biblical Criticism. historical geography of the Bible, the study of historical events and peoples in their geographical and ecological environment, and the reconstruction of sociological and economic patterns in antiquity on the basis of geographical data. Of all the sacred books of the world religions, the Bible is the most closely linked to geographical settings. It recounts the experience of a historical people in its physical environment, and biblical faith sees in all of nature, particularly the weather and other ecological phenomena, the expression of divine power. Both Jews and Christians have a profound concern for the physical setting of biblical history. In traditional Judaism, many commandments are predicated on one's very presence in the land of Israel. Christians down through the

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sites from that era. But the coastal sandstone ridges are much earlier, being the petrified sand dunes of more ancient times. The level of erosion from the hills onto the plains can be dated by the age of the sites from antiquity still on the surface. The flora of prehistoric and historic periods can be determined by pollen studies from cores bored in lake and river bottoms. The organic remains, including plant and animal (bone) remains from archaeological digs, can tell the botanist and the zoologist about the ecology of more closely dated ages in the historical record. Thus, they reveal the ways in which ancient people provided food for their communities. Patterns in the flora, compared with similar regimes in modern times, help to define the weather patterns for the ancient periods. Generally speaking, the grain crops, wheat and barley, were cultivated on the plains: the Jezreel Valley, the Philistine plain, the table land of Moab, and the plateau of Bashan. The hilly slopes were especially good for the development of orchards and vineyards, often by means of terraces built on the natural limestone strata. The Judean steppe land (the so-called "wilderness," Josh. 15:61) was good for grazing, as was the Negeb and the central Sharon Plain. Vineyards were often cultivated on the sandstone coastal ridges. Fishing was possible both in the Mediterranean and in the fresh-water Sea of Chinnereth (Sea of Galilee). The grain crops were dependent upon the rains of the winter season while the vineyards and orchards were dependent upon the dews of the summer months. There was never a sterile season in the annual cycle. The real fear of the ancient farmer was of a prolonged drought (1 Kings 17:1; 18:1-5). In years of good rain even the semi-arid Negeb could bring forth abundant crops (Gen. 26:12). A proper curse on the land meant the cessation of both the dew and the rain (2 Sam. 1:21). A major task of historical geography is to establish the proper biblical names of the physical features on the terrain. Since the beginning of modern research there has been considerable looseness in the application of ancient terms. Modern maps of Israel include the "wilderness of Beer-sheba" (Gen. 21:14) and the "wilderness of Zin" (Num. 13:21) in the Negev (Israeli Hebrew spelling). The biblical Negeb was actually limited to its northern zone (cf. Num. 13:22, 29). Such features as the brook Besor (1 Sam. 30:10), now identified with the Wadi Ghazzeh, and the "waters of the Jarkon" (RSV: "Mejarkon," Josh. 19:46), now equated with the Wadi el-'Aujeh, are based on the interpretation of their biblical contexts, sometimes with the

help of later Jewish or Christian sources. In the case of the Jarkon, the Septuagint (LXX) version of Josh. 19:46 suggests that another stream is meant, Wadi Musrarah, now called Nahal Ayalon on Israeli maps. The study of physical geography will have little meaning for the Bible student if ancient regional names are not applied to their original terrain. Philology: Geographical details in the ancient narratives can usually be counted on for reliability. Many geographical texts are of an administrative nature reflecting true-to-life situations. Even in hero stories such as 1 Sam. 17, the details regarding features and towns in the vicinity of the action must derive from the local population. An interest in historical geography is as old as the Bible itself. A chapter such as Genesis 14 reveals that the author knew of a pre-Israelite tradition of place names (Bela, Enmishpat, etc.); he keeps them in the narrative with updated glosses so the reader will know the proper locations in the Israelite period. The Masoretic Text (MT) must be compared with the LXX and sometimes other versions to get the most accurate text of any geographical passage being studied. The decision as to which version is more ancient may even be made on the basis of which one makes the best sense in the relevant landscape (cf. the problem of the Jarkon in Josh. 19:46 discussed above). Some examples of administrative texts are the town lists in the book of Joshua and the genealogical tables of the various tribes in 1 Chronicles. The most explicit document of this type is the roster of Solomon's district commissioners and their respective territories (1 Kings 4:7-19). The enumeration of towns fortified by Solomon (1 Kings 9:15-19; also 2 Chron. 8:1-6) and by Rehoboam (2 Chron. 11:5-12) may also derive from the administrative archives that were later incorporated into the royal Chronicles. Other passages are more purely historiographical in nature, e.g., the unconquered Canaanite cities (Judg. 1:21, 27-35) or the "land that yet remains" (Josh. 13:1-6). The itinerary of the wandering Israelites (Num. 33) probably is based on itineraries for caravans operating across the Sinai deserts during the monarchical period (mid-eleventh century to 586 B.C.). Even prophetic oracles were sometimes geographic in nature: Isaiah's "march through Benjamin" (Isa. 10:28-32); Micah's lament over his homeland, the Shephelah (Mic. 1:10-15); the denunciations of Philistia (Amos 1:6-8; Jer. 47:1-7), of Moab (Isa. 15-16; Jer. 48) and of Edom (Jer. 49:7-22). The "Table of Nations" (Gen. 10) records a geographical world view (cf. Ezek. 27:1-25). In the Greco-Roman period (333 B.C.-A.D. 324) the Hellenistic spirit of inquiry about the world we live in led to the composition of many geographical works such as those of Strabo, Ptolemy, and Pliny. But within the rabbinic literature of Judaism there are many

Map opposite: Solomon's twelve districts: from 1 Kings 4:7-19, an "administrative text," it is possible to derive the approximate territories of Solomon's "district commissioners," but the boundaries between the districts can only be drawn in a general way.

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detailed geographic references to OT sites and their Roman period equivalents. This was because of the need to determine the exact extent of the land of Israel so as to know where the commandments pertaining to life on the land were in force. A new copy of such a Judaic geographical text has been found on the mosaic floor of a synagogue near Beth-shean. The Gospels, Acts, and many of the Letters make reference to places in Palestine and the rest of the Roman Empire but no passages occur with a purely geographical intent. The church fathers, particularly the research center at Caesarea (Origin, Eusebius), produced works of major geographical import because of their deep interest in Bible study. Their surviving works are essential tools for locating sites from the biblical period. The Madeba Map, a mosaic in the floor of a church in Transjordan, exemplifies the Christian interest in sites where the events of sacred history took place. It also provides abundant details about the size and status of various towns in the Byzantine period. The accounts of later pilgrims and of the Crusaders are less reliable. Accurate sources for Palestinian geography are the works of the Arab geographers but their interest was mainly descriptive and not biblical. Eshtori Haparhi, a Jewish scholar of the early thirteenth century, came to Palestine and made extensive geographical inquiries in search of OT sites. His work remained in obscurity for centuries until

Edward Robinson discovered that Eshtori had preceded him in many discoveries. Today, scholars have at their disposal a corpus of geographical texts from Egyptian records, on papyrus and stone, and also from cuneiform inscriptions. The Palestinian epigraphic finds (i.e., inscriptions) have been few and mostly of less geographical import. The Mesha stele and the Samaria ostraca are notable exceptions. Of the outside sources for the Canaanite period, the most detailed are the topographic lists of Pharaoh Thutmose III and the letters in cuneiform from the archive from the site of Tell el-Amarna in Egypt. For the age of the Israelite monarchy, the records of the kings of Assyria and Babylon are of major importance. Toponymies: The primary link between our times and antiquity is the corpus of Arabic place names in Palestine that still preserves the forms, albeit with some linguistic shifts, of names in the Bible. By the end of the nineteenthcentury, scholars had succeeded in recording most, if not all, of the surviving Arabic names and the rules of transmission had been formulated. One could usually trace the transformation of a Hebrew name to the Arabic form still used by Palestinian peasants. The study of the ancient names from the Bible and contemporary sources, including the spellings in the MT and LXX, is a special branch of research that can shed light on the society and psychology of the Canaanites and the people of Israel. Greek and cuneiform spellings

The lower Jordan River on the mosaic Madeba Map; it flows south (right) into the Dead Sea.

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Storage jar from the Jordan Valley: Chalcolithic Period (4300-3200 B.C.).

"Syrian bottle" from a burial cave at Gezer, fourteenth century B.C.

POTTERY

the potter. In the eighth century under the Judean kings royal stamps were pressed into the wet clay of the handles reading lmlk, "Belonging to the king." The "Samarian thin bowls" are noteworthy for their eggshell-thin ware and their striking decoration. They had red slip inside and outside or red and yellow slip alternating in bands and were highly burnished. In marked contrast to the generally unpainted Israelite pottery was the elaborately decorated Philistine pottery of the early Iron Age. The most characteristic features in the decoration are metopes enclosing stylized birds or geometric patterns like friezes of spirals and groups of interlocking circles. The presence of considerable quantities of this distinctive pottery at particular sites is an indication of Philistine settlement or cultural influence or trade. The conditions of hardship and privation that followed the Babylonian destruction of Judah in 587 B.C. are reflected in the marked decline in the quality of local pottery made during the Persian period (587-332 B.C.). This is also true of the Hellenistic period (332-63 B.C.), characterized as it was by almost constant warfare. In these periods finer wares were imported from the highly specialized workshops of the Greek world. Most notable were the black-figure, red-figure, and black-glazed vessels. The pottery imported from the West was widely imitated, although the Palestinian pottery generally did not succeed in duplicating the superb quality and carefully wrought decoration of the Hellenistic models. An exception is the Nabatean ware found mainly in southern Transjordan but also in the Negeb. This hard, well-fired and beautifully decorated pottery reflects high technical skills and is the most outstanding ceramic accomplishment in the history of Palestine and Transjordan. During the early Roman period (63 B.C.-A.D. 135) pottery manufacturing centers all over the Mediterranean began to produce vessels with the same distinctive shapes and glossy red surface treatment. This terra sigillata ware is found in abundance in Palestine. Local potters under the Herods also developed some very fine ware of their own. Recent excavations in Jerusalem have uncovered thin-walled bowls of excellent quality, painted on the inside in stylized floral patterns in red and sometimes in brown or black. Symbolic Use of Pottery in the Bible: The potter's art provided the biblical writers with many symbols. Perhaps best known is the creation story of Gen. 2:7, which depicts God as a potter fashioning a man from clay. The theme of God, the Master Potter, molding people and nations is a common one (Jer. 18:1-6; Isa. 29:16; 64:8; Rom. 9:20-24). One who argues with God is as foolish as the potsherd who argues with the potter (Isa. 45:9; cf. Rom. 9:20). The smashed vessel symbolizes utter and permanent destruction (Jer. 19:10-11). Human frailty is that of the earthen jar (Lam. 4:2). The pottery oil lamp is a favorite biblical symbol used in a variety of contexts. See also Archaeology, Methods of; Lamp. Bibliography Amiran, R. Ancient Pottery of the Holy Land. Jerusalem: Masada Press, 1969. Homès-Fredericq, D., and H. Franken, eds. Pottery and Potters—Past and Present. Tubingen: Attempto Verlag, 1986. Rice, P. M. Pottery Analysis. A Sourcebook. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1987. M.M.S.

874

POUND

PRAYER other) personnel attached to a praetorium (the official residence of a Roman official). See also Architecture; Gabbatha.

pound. See Money. poverty. See Poor. power, the actual or potential capacity to effect something by virtue of inherent excellence or rightful authority. Power is manifested in the reproductive forces of nature (Gen. 4:12; 49:3), in the physical strength and vitality of human beings (Judg. 16:6; Pro v. 20:29), as well as animals (Job 39:11; Prov. 14:4), and in the military prowess of men (1 Sam. 14:52; 2 Sam. 23:8-10). Natural forces exhibit power (Exod. 14:21; Isa. 43:16), as do emotions like love and greed (Song of Sol. 8:6; Isa. 56:11). Various forms of political authority are also a manifestation of power (Luke 7:8; Acts 26:10, 12; Rom. 13:1). More mighty than any of these, however, is God, who is the ultimate source of all power (Pss. 66:7; 147:5; Jer. 10:6; Job 36:22). God's power is manifested in nature (Ps. 65:6-7; Jer. 10:12) and history, especially in God's act of redemption at the Exodus (Exod. 15:6, 13; 32:11; Deut. 3:23). Compared to God's power, human power pales into insignificance (Pss. 33:16-17; 147:10-11). God gives power to the faint (Isa. 40:29), and human beings may take refuge in God's strength (Ps. 28:7-8; Jer. 16:19; Luke 1:49). According to the NT, the power of God was made manifest in the life and deeds of Jesus (Mark 6:2, 5; Luke 4:14, 36; 5:17; 6:19). His followers were empowered by the Holy Spirit (Acts 1:8; 4:33; Rom. 15:19). Even the proclamation of the gospel of Jesus Christ was seen by Paul as a manifestation of divine power (Rom. 1:16; 1 Cor. 1:18). Finally, the NT also speaks of cosmic powers at work in the world, who stand in opposition to God, but whose power has already been broken and subordinated to the power of God made manifest in Christ (Rom. 8:38; 1 Cor. 15:24; Eph. 1:21; Col. 2:15; 1 Pet. 3:22). See also Dominion. W.E.L. praetor (pree'tuhr), a senior Roman magistrate of senatorial rank. Praetors served as judges, commanders in the army, managers of the senate treasury, supervisors of the roads, of grain distribution, or of public works, or as governors of provinces. A person was eligible for praetorship at age thirty if he had served in the lower offices of the cursus honorum (Lat., "career of honors," i.e., a public career). It was usual for an individual to have held three appointments as praetor before becoming a consul. Jesus was scourged in the praetor's residence ("Praetorium") by Roman soldiers (Mark 15:16-20). Praetorian (pri-tor'ee-uhn; KJV: "palace") Guard, the, the probable meaning of "praetorium" in Phil. 1:13 (cf. also "those of Caesar's household" in Phil. 4:22). It refers either to a select unit of the Roman army that served as imperial bodyguards or simply to the military (and

875

praetorium (pri-tor'ee-uhm). See Architecture; Gabbatha. praise, to glorify, or the act of glorifying God, frequently in communal worship (Ps. 113; Luke 1:64; Acts 2:47; Rev. 19:5). The Hebrew term for the Psalms translates as "Praises." See also Hallelujah; Psalms, The; Worship. prayer, the act of petitioning, praising, giving thanks, or confessing to God; it is expressed by several different words in both the OT and the NT. Prayer can be individual or corporate, audible or silent. It is conditioned by the biblical understanding of God as a personal being who hears the prayers of his people (1 Kings 9:3; Pss. 34:15; 65:2; Matt. 7:11; 1 John 5:15). In the OT: The earliest instances of prayer in the OT are conversations between persons and God. Such conversations take place between God and Adam (Gen. 3:9-12), Abraham (Gen. 15:1-6), and Moses (Exod. 3:1-4:17). It is said that God spoke to Moses "face to face, as a man speaks to his friend" (Exod. 33:11). Kings (1 Sam. 2 3 : 2 - 4 ; 1 Kings 3:5-14) and prophets (1 Sam. 3:4-9; Isa. 6:1-13; Jer. 1:4-19) are portrayed as conversation partners with God (frequently the divine presence is by way of visions or dreams). The forms of prayer in the OT include petitions for guidance, requests for divine help, intercessions, praise and thanksgiving, and confession. Prayers for guidance are offered by Isaac (Gen. 24:12-14), Moses (Num. 11:11-15), and most notably by Solomon, who asks for wisdom (1 Kings 3:5-14). Requests include prayers for the necessities of life (1 Kings 8:22-53; Prov. Jesus praying in the garden at Gethsemane (Luke 22:39-46); sixth-century mosaic at San Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna, Italy.

PRAYER

PRAYER OF MANASSEH, THE

30:8), deliverance from enemies (Gen. 32:11; Pss. 31:15; 59:1), and retribution (Judg. 16:28; Ps. 137:7; Jer. 17:18). Intercessions are offered by the patriarchs and Moses (Gen. 18:22-32; Exod. 5:22-23; 32:11-13), David (2 Sam. 12:16-17), and various prophets (Amos 7:1-6; Ezek. 9:8; 11:13). While such intercessions are generally for the whole people, there are instances of intercessions for individuals (1 Kings 17:20-21; 2 Kings 4:32-33) and Gentile governmental authority as well (Jer. 29:7; Ezra 6:10). Praise and thanksgiving are offered to God for his steadfast love (Pss. 100:4-5; 108:3-4), his creation of the world, his rule over it, and his benevolent care for all that he has made (Pss. 145-150). Confession is prescribed for the annual Day of Atonement (Lev. 16:21), but it can be made whenever an offense against God has occurred. Confession is usually made by the confessor on behalf of the people (Exod. 32:31-32; Neh. 9:16-37; Dan. 9:20) or by the community (Judg. 10:10), but there are instances of individual confession (2 Sam. 24:17; Ps. 51). Confession is made in the certainty of God's promises to forgive (Lev. 26:40-45; Isa. 1:18; Mic. 7:18-19). The OT assumes that prayer can be offered at any time and place. There are, however, prescribed times: confession is made on the Day of Atonement; hours are set for daily prayer (Dan. 6:10); and the Sabbath and other festivals are days for prayer. The Temple was a place of prayer, as were the synagogue and home in the postexilic era. The prophets taught that prayer is more than a matter of ritual; it must be offered with integrity, pure motives, and only within the context of having attended to ethical concerns (Isa. 1:15-17; Hos. 6:6; Amos 5:21-24; Mic. 6:8; cf. Ps. 24:3-6). In the NT: Jesus is portrayed as a model and instructor in prayer in the NT, especially in Luke's Gospel, where he prays at decisive moments: his baptism (3:21), the calling of his disciples (6:12), transfiguration (9:29), Gethsemane (22:39-46), and crucifixion (23:46). The major prayers attributed to Jesus, however, are in Matthew (6:9-13, the Lord's Prayer; cf. Luke 11:2-4) and John (chap. 17, the High Priestly Prayer). Jesus teaches that prayer should not be ostentatious and verbose but in private and with brevity (Matt. 6:5-8), earnest (Luke 11:5-13), in faith (Mark 11:23-24), and in a forgiving spirit (Mark 11:25). God is to be addressed as "Father" (Matt. 6:9; 7:11). Within the early church, prayer was addressed directly to God (1 Cor. 1:4; Col. 1:3) or "through" Christ (Rom. 1:8). That prayer should be "through" Christ is based on the prior concept that God's grace and love come "through" Christ (Rom. 1:5; 5:1; 8:39) and that the reigning Christ is Lord and is accessible as mediator (Rom. 10:9-13; 1 Cor. 1:9). As in the OT, the prayers of the NT are of several kinds. Paul frequently gives thanks for the faith and witness of those to whom he writes 876

(Rom. 1:8-9; 1 Cor. 1:4; Phil. 1:3-5), and worship regularly includes prayers of thanksgiving (1 Cor. 14:16-17) and praise (Acts 2:47). Prayers are to be offered for daily needs (Matt. 6:11; 7:11; Phil. 4:6) and for the healing of the sick (James 5:13-16). Intercessions are made by Paul for his congregations (Rom. 15:13; Phil. 1:9-11), and he asks for their intercessions (Rom. 15:30-32; 2 Cor. 1:11; 1 Thess. 5:25). Intercessions are to be made for all persons, including rulers, that a peaceable life may be enjoyed by all (1 Tim. 2:1-2). There are prayers for forgiveness (Luke 18:13; cf. Matt. 6:12) and guidance (Acts 1:24-25; 6:6; 13:2-3). Christ and the Spirit take on special roles in the prayers of the NT. Prayers are offered directly to Christ (Acts 7:59; 1 Cor. 1:2), although not frequently. The language of the "Kyrie" ("Lord, have mercy") is found at Matt. 17:15 and 20:30-31 (cf. 8:25), and the prayer "Maranatha" ("Our Lord, come!") appears at 1 Cor. 16:22 (cf. Rev. 22:20); both are addressed to Christ. Not only, however, are prayers offered "through" Christ or to him; Christ also prays as intercessor for the saints (Rom. 8:34; Heb. 7:25). Likewise, the Spirit's role in prayer is manifold. Prayer is "in the Spirit" (1 Cor. 14:15; Gal. 4:6; Phil. 3:3), who prompts and guides believers in prayer. On the other hand, the Spirit intercedes for believers (Rom. 8:26-27), because the Spirit knows their weaknesses and the mind and will of God (Rom. 8:27; 1 Cor. 2:10-11). Prayer is not always answered in the way expected (see 2 Cor. 12:7-9). The picture that emerges from a survey of the biblical materials is that prayer is to be made to God in faith and expectation, but, in the NT, through Christ and in the Spirit. Prayer is not an act of attempting to manipulate God but a means of giving God thanks and praise, calling upon him for one's daily needs and the care of others, and asking that his will be done and that his kingdom come. See also Atonement, Day of; Feasts, Festivals, and Fasts; Holy Spirit, The; Lord's Prayer, The; Maranatha; Psalms, The; Sabbath; Synagogue; Temple, The; Worship. Bibliography Fisher, Fred L. Prayer in the New Testament. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1964. Harrington, Wilfrid. The Bible's Ways of Prayer. Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, 1980. McFadyen, John E. The Prayers of the Bible. LonA.J.H. don: Hodder & Stoughton, 1906. Prayer, the Lord's. See Lord's Prayer, The. Prayer of Manasseh, the, a penitential prayer composed by a pious Jew sometime during the second or first century B.C. It is typical of Jewish prayer during the intertestamental period (ca. 160 B.C.-A.D. 45; cf. Tob. 3:2-6, 11-15; Jth. 9:2-14; Rest of Esther 13:9-11; 14:3-19; Song of the Three Children 3-22), yet goes beyond the

PREACHING

PREDESTINATION

typical to provide perhaps the finest example of the genre. Its parts include: I. Invocation of God (v. 1) II. Ascription of praise, mentioning both God's wrath and his mercy to sinners (w. 2-8) III. Confession of sin (vv. 9-10) IV. Supplication for God's pardon (w. ll-15a) V. Doxology (v. 15b). The prayer was suggested by 2 Chron. 33:12-13, 18-19, where the idolatrous king, Manasseh, is said to have prayed to God for forgiveness, and its intended audience may have been Jews who had broken the first or second commandment (Exod. 20:1-6) in responding to the lure of Hellenistic culture. The theme is the efficacy of repentance in securing God's pardon for the wicked. In speaking of guilt as a weight or burden (v. 10), the work contains perhaps a hint of the Hellenistic theme of the psychological self-punishment of the guilty (cf. Wisd. of Sol. 17:1-21; Philo Flaccus 162-180). The metaphors for this experience seem also to reflect the details of the punishment of the fallen angels in 1 Enoch 9:4, 11-12; 13:5; 54:1-5; 56:1-4—the petitioner is weighed down by iron fetters, cannot lift his face to heaven, and asks God not to condemn him to the depths of the earth (w. 9-10,13). Because of its brevity, the Prayer of Manasseh cannot be dated with any certainty, nor can its place of composition or original language be easily fixed. It is not found in the Hebrew Bible, and is attested only in the third century A.D. in Christian sources. Appearing in only a few Septuagint (LXX) manuscripts, generally appended to the Psalms, the Prayer of Manasseh was apparently unknown to the Bible scholar Jerome in the fourth century B.C. Protestants include it among the Apocrypha. It was not present in the edition of the Vulgate declared canonical by the Council of Trent and, when printed in Catholic Bibles, it is placed with 1 and 2 Esdras in an appendix to the NT. It is considered canonical in Eastern Orthodoxy. See also Apocrypha, Old Testament; Prayer. D.W.S.

good news" or "to preach the gospel" (Matt. 11:5; Rom. 1:15), a term that carries within it both mode and content, and the word meaning "to herald" or "to make an authoritative proclamation" (Matt. 3:1; Acts 10:42; 2 Cor. 4:5). Preaching is also described by more modest words, such as announcing (Luke 9:60), speaking (Acts 20:7), or simply telling (Mark 2:2). In addition, there are terms that carry a special emphasis: witnessing (Acts 2:40), exhorting (Rom. 12:8), and prophesying (1 Cor. 12:28). The Christian movement was launched and nourished by preaching. In the tradition of the prophets, both John the Baptist (Mark 1:7) and Jesus (Luke 4:18) came preaching. The Twelve continued this function (Acts 5:42), and Paul understood his primary task was to preach the gospel (1 Cor. 1:17). While certain persons were designated as evangelists (Acts 21:8; Eph. 4:11), the whole church shared in the proclamation of the gospel (Acts 8:4). 2 As a term designating content in early Christianity, the good news, the gospel. At times, the content of the good news is spelled out. According to Luke 4:18-19, Jesus preached good news to the poor, release to captives, sight to the blind, liberty to the oppressed, and the acceptable year of the Lord. Paul's gospel consisted of the death, burial, resurrection, and appearance of Jesus Christ according to the Scriptures (1 Cor. 15:3-8). Portions of sermons in Acts (2:16-36; 3:12-26; 13:16-41; 17:22-31) reveal the content of preaching in some early churches. In the opinion of many scholars, the four Gospels contain the core of the content not only of the preaching of Jesus but also of the Christian communities. The Letter to the Hebrews, called by the writer a "word of exhortation" (13:22), is a sermon and represents a style of preaching (citing a text, interpreting and applying it) that became widespread after the second century. In the NT, however, most references to preaching do not elaborate but refer to the content simply by such terms as the gospel (Mark 1:14), the proclamation (Rom. 16:25), the kingdom of God (Luke 9:2), Christ (Phil. 1:15), Christ crucified (1 Cor. 1:23), or the word of God (Acts 13:5). 3 An act whose purpose in the NT is "repentance and forgiveness of sins" (Luke 24:47), for God does not desire that any should perish (2 Pet. 3:9). This word of God's love for all peoples had been in the preaching of the great prophets (Isa. 2:1-4). Preaching also served to edify and instruct the believers. While distinctions between preaching and teaching are made (Matt. 9:35; Rom. 12:6-8), they can be exaggerated by modern interpreters to the detriment of both. See also Gospel; Gospels; Teaching. F.B.C.

preaching. 1 As a mode of communication, the translation of a number of Hebrew and Greek words. In the OT, "preaching" refers to an announcement, the content of which is supplied by the context (Jon. 3:2; Neh. 6:7), but it also translates a word meaning to announce good news (Isa. 40:9; 52:7; 61:1). This latter word, in its Greek form, became a favorite of the early Christian community. But the act of preaching cannot be confined to the occurrence of certain words. The prophets were those who spoke for God, and their oracles are sermonic. In 2 Pet. 2:5, Noah is called a preacher of righteousness. In the NT, preaching is explicitly or implicitly conveyed by many terms. The two most commonly used are the word from which we get "evangelize," meaning "to announce

877

precious Stones. See Breastpiece; Jewelry. predestination, a theological affirmation that takes up and extends the affirmations of election, providence, and covenant. Throughout the

PREDESTINATION

PREDESTINATION

centuries of religious reflection and debate, the notion of predestination has tended to become a questionable category. To some, it suggests a God who is unfair, capricious, and arbitrary (cf. the handbooks of dogmatic theology). But its use in the Bible as a whole does not support the (mistaken) notion that God plays favorites, blessing certain of his creatures while cursing others. Whereas providence emphasizes a divine ordering and regulation of the world and history toward a positive goal, predestination emphasizes a divine predetermination of human destiny in conformity with an eternal plan. God "foreordains" according to his "design and purpose"; he "chooses" and "elects" according to his "counsel" and "will" (e.g., 2 Chron. 19:7; cf. Rom. 11:15; Prov. 16:4; Rom. 9:18, 20-24; Gen. 50:20). Sovereignty of God: For all such terms, the notion of the sovereignty of God is a key starting point. God alone is the Creator and sustainer of all that is; God is the sovereign Lord who designed the standards for life and directs all things toward their appointed destiny; God alone is wise enough, righteous enough, and loving enough to determine what shall become of his creation. God does what he wills (e.g., Ps. 115:3; Isa. 45:5-7; 46:8-11; Rom. 9:11, 15; Eph. 1:11). In the OT, God chooses the Hebrew people as his own covenant people (e.g., Deut. 7:6-10); he chooses individuals to carry out his will and purpose (e.g., Judg. 2:16; 1 Kings 18:1); he raises up prophets to proclaim his word (Isa. 6:1-13; Jer. 1:1-2; Amos 3:6-8); he uses nations and events of history to execute his judgment and accomplish his goals (Isa. 7:18-19; 45:1-4). The worlds of nature and of history are under God's control (Isa. 45:5-7; Gen. 3:17-18; Rev. 21:1). In the NT, God alone decides when the time has reached its fullness or is ripe (e.g., Acts 1:7; Eph. 1:10; Col. 1:26; 2 Tim. 1:9; Rom. 3:25-26; 9:11; John 2:4; 7:30; 12:27; 13:1; 17:1; this same idea is also found among the Dead Sea Scrolls). Divine necessity is connected with the destiny of the Son of man figure in the Gospels (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34 and parallels; cf. also Luke 24:25-27, 44-^16). God has appointed a day of his choosing for fulfillment of his plan (e.g., Heb. 4:7; Acts 17:26-31; 2 Tim. 4:8; 1 Thess. 4:13-5:11; 2 Pet. 3:8-10), which he determined before the foundation of the world (Eph. 1:4; 1 Cor. 2:7; 1 Pet. 1:20). God decides what is to be granted (e.g., Mark 10:40 and parallels; Eph. 1:6; Rom. 9:11) in accord with his purposes in Christ (1 Pet. 1:2; Eph. 1:9; 3:11; Acts 10:42; 2 Thess. 2:13). His gifts and call are irrevocable (e.g., Rom. 11:29); his counsels are beyond human scrutiny (e.g., 1 Cor. 2:6-13; Rom. 11:33-36); and his will is that all should choose life (e.g., 1 Tim. 2:4; 2 Pet. 3:9). God is all-powerful to carry out his will and promises (e.g., Luke 1-2). For many people today, the notion of the sovereignty of God is difficult to accept. It is questionable, however, that the notion has been easy

to accept for people of any age. Empirical realities seem to throw the idea of God's sovereign predestination into doubt. The problem of ubiquitous evil appears to be its greatest rival. The Bible does not pretend that the concept of predestination resolves all paradoxes or detoxifies the bitterness of disappointments, contradictions, and injustices in life. The affirmations of predestination belong to those ultimate dimensions of life on the extreme outer limits of what humans can perceive and talk about. Humans enter these outer limits by permission, as it were, where faith is mingled with mystery. Knowledge and assurance of predestination are vague at best; to lay claim to either is to venture the risk of faith and to invite contradiction. Yet, predestination remains in the biblical understanding of reality and human destiny. The Bible's Focus: The Bible does not develop abstract theories of predestination applied speculatively and generally to all phenomena. Rather, it concentrates on God's predetermined plan to redeem and to rescue his creatures from destruction. Human beings are on a destructive course, but God has determined to alter this course "from of old" and to see the alteration through to its redemptive conclusion (an important theological consideration in a nuclear age). In contrast to ancient mythology, which speculated on the cosmic struggles of various divine and suprahuman powers as the background to all that happens on earth, the Bible concentrates on the history-shaping, personal decisions of the one God. In the OT, God maintains fidelity to his people chosen in covenant. To understand and appropriate this opened up a future of confidence and trust (Pss. 33:11; 115:3; Prov. 21:1). Even suffering could thus be regarded as part of the divine plan to save, although mere mortals were unable to understand such matters (e.g., Job 11:7; Ps. 92:6-8). In keeping with this OT emphasis on God's unfolding, predestined plan to rescue and to deliver, the NT concentrates on Christ as the means to this end. His suffering unto death was determined within God's plan of salvation. His death was determined by divine counsel to be the foundational necessity (Mark 8:31); indeed, Christ was the "lamb" sacrificed before the foundation of the world (Rev. 13:8). The NT does not ask why his death should have been divinely necessary; to speculate would be impious. Nevertheless, in his suffering unto death, Christ saves people who believe and who were themselves "chosen before the foundation of the world" (Eph. 1:4; Matt. 25:34). Free Will and Faith: This sense of predestination in the NT is not exclusive, at least as far as humans can speak about its relationship to them. God chooses faith and those who believe; he does not predestine that some may not believe (known as "double predestination" in the handbooks of dogmatic theology). That God's choice of Christ's suffering unto death and faith becomes for some a

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stumbling block and folly (1 Cor. 1:18-25) is a reality but not subject to human scrutiny and reflection on the basis of a view of predestination. The choice to become a participant in God's predestined plan to deliver humankind from sin is generally the free-will option of all human beings. Special cases such as those people who lived before Christ or those not having the option for whatever reason do not point to automatic exclusion from God's grace and love (e.g., Rom. 3:25-26). God does not withhold his care from anyone. Wherever the NT speaks of predestination, it does so with the intent of underscoring God's will to embrace all his creation in the saving help predestined for it. And this does not limit human free will and initiative (e.g., Phil. 2:12). Not special cases but disbelief became the major problem for biblical writers when wrestling with the affirmations of predestination. That people refuse their appointed predestiny was a perplexing dilemma and a disturbing reality for these writers. When contemplating the end-time consequences of this reality, they saw an awful conclusion to time and history that included "weeping and gnashing of teeth" (Matt. 8:12; 13:41-42). It is a frightful moment for any human reflection upon the outer limits of ultimate possibilities; certainly, no human can talk of this judgment easily and casually. God's Covenant Promise: Among the NT writers, the apostle Paul takes an unparalleled step of boldness when pondering the promise connected with God's predestined plan for salvation. In the face of unbelief among his contemporaries in Israel, he maintains (Rom. 9-11) that God will not allow his plan to be thwarted by such unbelief. Paul does not come to this conclusion by reasoned deduction, as though he were privy to special disclosures from on high; he does not figure out, as it were, what God is up to through generations. Rather, he links predestination to God's covenant promise to Israel and affirms that God does not break his promises. He wills and is able to keep his promises of old. This is a crucial moment in Paul's thought, because for him the gospel is also by nature promise. If God changes his mind and goes back on former promises, what guarantee is there that he will not also do so as regards the gospel promise? Of course, Paul does not "know" that he will not, but his fundamental theological understanding is that God maintains fidelity as Promiser. And what Paul claims for God's promise to Israel he claims for the whole human race, because this covenant promise was to be a blessing for all the families of earth. At the key junctures of Paul's development of this line of thinking, he chooses forms of expression that are doxological/prophetic declarations rather than rational deductions unveiling some detailed road map of history (e.g., Rom. 8:31-39; 11:33-36). These declarations do not convince in the style of debate, but rest on the common experience of God's grace

for all who call upon him. God's predestined final hour in time and space is not equated with Paul's own personal history or with the experience of some other individual, but it is not independent of them either. No other NT writer goes so far in the deep struggle to understand the far-reaching implications of predestination for human freedom and unbelief. See also Covenant; Election; God; Grace; Promise; Providence; Salvation. J.E.A. pre-exilic period, a general historical term usually referring to the period of time prior to the Babylonian exile (586 B.C.). It is usually limited to the time of the United Monarchy and the Divided Kingdom (ca. 1000-586 B.C.), although some might also include the period of the judges (thus extending the period back to ca. 1175 B.C.). Scholars assume narrative, historical, prophetic, legal, and gnomic literature was produced during this period of over five hundred years. See also Divided Kingdom, Divided Monarchy; Exile; United Monarchy. p r e m o n a r c h i c a l period, in the ancient history of Israel the period of the judges, the thirteenth and twelfth centuries B.C. It represented a time of transitions: the Israelites moved from a seminomadic population to a farming nation, from a highly diverse people to one with common purposes, and from a confederacy to a monarchy. While the book of Judges illustrates the problems in these transitions, it also demonstrates the birthing of a determined and resilient people. See also Judges, The Book of. presbyter, presbytery (Gk. presbyteros, "elder"; presbyterion, "council" or "assembly of elders"), a group of (usually older) men appointed to oversee the life of a congregation. The early Christian office of elder doubtless originated from OT and Jewish models (see, e.g., Num. 11:16-17, 24-25). In NT times, each Jewish community had its council of elders (note the Sanhédrin in Jerusalem and "the elders" at Qumran). Paul and Barnabas appointed elders "in every church" (Acts 14:23; cf. 20:17-38; 1 Pet. 5:1-4; James 5:14; Rev. 4:4). In some instances, elder and "bishop" were apparently equated (Titus 1:5-9). For reference to a council of elders (presbytery), see 1 Tim. 4:14. See also Bishop. press, a device for crushing olives or grapes. See also Olive; Vine. priesthood. See Priests. Priestly writer(s), the name given to the authors) of one of the sources found in the books of Genesis through Numbers. The siglum given the source is "P," because the authors appear to have come from priestly circles during the sixth century B.C. Some scholars do not think of the P source as an independent narrative like the Yah-

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wist source. The focus of the Priestly materials is upon God's regulations, with little colorful reflection on the human wrestling with those words. The style with few exceptions (such as Gen. 1:1-2:4a) tends to be ponderous, pedantic, and prolix. Many cultic practices are rationalized (Gen. 2:1-3; 17:1-27; Lev. 17:10-14). The major purpose of P is the revitalization of the Sinai covenant and related institutions for Israel in a time of anticipated restoration. The final shape of Genesis through Numbers can be attributed to the Priestly writers. See also Lévites; Priests; Sinai; Sources of the Pentateuch. K.H.R.

right to the priesthood since they did not receive an inheritance of land like the other tribes (Deut. 10:8-9). Aaron and his sons exclusively received the anointing oil and were attired in special clothing of the priesthood (Exod. 28-29). The families of Eli at the temple of Shiloh (1 Sam. 14:3), Zadok in Jerusalem (Ezek. 40:46), and Amaziah at Bethel (Amos 7:10-17) were not specified as Aaronides but were of levitical descent. History: In the patriarchal period (ca. 2000-1700 B.C.) there was no official priesthood. The head of the family performed sacrifices in various holy places (Gen. 31:54). The only priests mentioned at this time are of nations that were not nomadic and had fixed sanctuaries (e.g., Gen. 41:50; Exod. 3:1). As the Israelites developed a more structured society, a special class came to preside over the more and more complex rituals that their religion entailed. After the conquest of Canaan (probably late thirteenth to early twelfth centuries), ordinary Israelites often sacrificed at altars (Judg. 13:19-20) or high places (Heb. bamot; 1 Kings 3:3—4), but in the temples, the "houses of God," only priests of levitical lineage were allowed to perform the rites. These temples were constructed from Dan to Beersheba. The Ark of the desert period (ca. 1300-1250 B.C.), under the care of the family of Aaron, came to rest at Shiloh, and the Aaronides then became the officiators at this temple. In the time of Josiah (ca. 639-609 B.C.; 2 Kings 23:8), all the priests were brought to serve in the Jerusalem Temple, and the outlying temples and cult sites were abolished. This centralization gave control of the entire cult to the priests serving in the Jerusalem Temple. Ezekiel typifies the desire of the Israelites in the Babylonian exile (after 586 B.C.) to reconstitute the priesthood in all its glory. The building of the Second Temple (begun late sixth century B.C.) allowed the priests to return to duty. The actual cultic functions were discharged by the descendants of Aaron, while the other Lévites held subsidiary roles. The Second Temple did not, however, match the glory of its predecessor. One of the most significant things missing was the Ark itself; the anointing oil was no longer in use, and other customs of the First Temple were not practiced. At this time, the ranks of the priesthood swelled, and the Temple dues were not sufficient to support them. Many priests, therefore, turned to agriculture. Nehemiah often chastises the people for not bringing their obligations (Neh. 12:44—47), and the priests for deserting the house of God (13:10-11). According to many scholars, it was decided at this time that the priests would be called upon to officiate for only a short period of time each. The various duties were divided to give all the households an opportunity to serve while none were completely dependent on Temple duties for their livelihoods. The first-century historian Josephus knew of these priestly divisions in his day (see also Luke 1:8-9).

priests, the specially designated officials who served in the Temple performing ritual functions and conducting the sacrificial services. The Hebrew word kohen, also attested in Phoenician, Punic, Ugaritic, Arabic, and Aramaic, designates not only Jewish priests but also those who served in temples dedicated to other gods. Melchizedek, the king of Salem, was also a Canaanite priest (Gen. 14:18); Asenath, the wife of Joseph, was the daughter of an Egyptian priest (Gen. 41:45); Jehu assembled the priests of Baal (2 Kings 10:19-20), and the like. A term that appears only three times in the Bible, kemarim, always designates idolatrous priests such as those who worshiped the gods of the Canaanites, Ammonites, and Assyrians (Zeph. 1:4). There is no feminine form of kohen. Bat kohen (daughter of a priest) refers to a woman of a priestly family. Identity: The priesthood was limited by Pentateuchal law to the Lévites, that is, members of the family of Levi, the son of Jacob. According to Deuteronomy, all the levitical families had a Hittite priestesses holding ritual vessels; relief from Carchemish (ca. 1400-1200 B.C.).

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During the Hellenistic period (ca. 333 B.C.-A.D. 70), the priesthood dominated the nation. The priests were many in number and had a great deal of prestige. The head of the Temple, the high priest, was de facto the head of government of Judea. He represented Judea in dealing with the ruling powers, collected taxes, and was responsible for the spiritual welfare of the people. A large number of aristocrats were of priestly lineage. Many priests were scattered throughout the country and came to Jerusalem only to officiate during their terms of Temple service. Until the time of Antiochus Epiphanes (175-163 B.C.), the high priest held his position for life. The priestly households attained their greatest power during the Hasmonean period (ca. 165-63 B.C.), although there was often conflict between them regarding the extent to which they would become hellenized. The priests were leaders of the Sadducees and the Sanhédrin. At this time, the Pharisees began to loosen the hold of the priests on the spiritual leadership of the people. When Herod became king (37 B.C.), the rule of the nation shifted from the priests to the secular monarchy. He appointed a high priest, not necessarily from any particular family, reduced him to a ceremonial role, and deprived the office of its political powers. In other sects, such as the one at Qumran near the Dead Sea, the Zadokite priests were accorded an extra measure of respect, such as being the first to bless the food and receive a portion. It was anticipated that a priestly messiah would take an exalted role in the reestablished independent state, alongside the Davidic messiah. Christians transferred the role of the priest as mediator between God and humans onto Jesus whom they saw as both God and man. He became eternal High Priest by God's appointment (Heb. 5:1-6) and supplanted the ancient sacrificial system by his own sacrifice (Heb. 7:27-28; 9:23-26). The Roman procurators (A.D. 6-41, 44-66) appointed the high priests, many of whom bought the office through their great wealth. These wealthy families created an oligarchy of power and prestige and were regarded by the Pharisees as tyrannical to the peasants and sympathizers with the Romans. This aristocracy came to an end with the destruction of the Temple and the ascendancy of the Pharisees. After the destruction of the Temple in A.D. 70, the priestly descendants of Aaron continued to maintain certain privileges, such as the recitation of the priestly benediction. Certain restrictions remained in force, such as the prohibitions of contact with the dead and marriage with a divorced or widowed woman. Functions: The concept of the service of the priest in the ancient Near East was that he ministered to the god by fulfilling all his needs and worshiping in the house wherein his presence dwelt. In Israelite religion, these images eventually became relegated to technical or literary language. Thus, in Ezekiel, the service of God is

expressed in terms of taking care of his needs, feeding him from the sacrifices upon his altar (table). The tribe of Levi is enjoined to "come near to me to minister to me; and they shall attend on me to offer me the fat and the blood, says the Lord God; they shall enter my sanctuary and they shall approach my table, to minister to me . . . " (Ezek. 44:15-16). Chief among the duties of the priests was the performance of sacrifices. Only they were allowed to approach the altar, and then only within the context of a complex series of rituals and while wearing specific vestments that symbolized their holiness. The blood of an animal was often sprinkled, and certain portions of meat were burnt, depending upon the type of sacrifice. While ordinary priests performed these daily functions, the high priest was entrusted with the sin offerings, especially that of the Day of Atonement. Priests also pronounced the priestly blessing (Num. 6:22-26) over the people, blew trumpets on festive occasions such as holidays and new moons, and blew the shophar (trumpet made from a ram's horn) on the Day of Atonement to announce the Sabbatical Year (Lev. 25:9). The Lévites who worked in the Temple alongside the Aaronide priests were the musicians, gatekeepers, singers, and the like. In addition to preparing the sacrifices, the priests also were in charge of the maintenance of the Temple. They conducted routine inspections of the Temple grounds, noting what had to be repaired, and they solicited funds to carry out the work. In connection with donations to die Temple, they were often called upon to evaluate property and fix the type of sacrifice permitted to those of limited means by evaluating the ability of a worshiper to pay for a sacrifice (Lev. 12:6-8; cf. Luke 2:22-24). The collection of tidies and other obligatory Temple donations was administered by die priests, who were expected to eat dieir emoluments in a state of ritual purity. Stone table found in a priest's home in Jerusalem in the Upper City, facing the Temple Mount; ca. A.D. 70.

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When a person suffered a disease or physical sign of impurity, the purification rites were performed by a priest. The methods of purification included things like waiting a specific amount of time, bathing, washing one's clothes, being sprinkled with water by the priest, and bringing a sacrifice the blood of which would be sprinkled on one's behalf by the priest. The priests were charged with diagnosing the disease tsaraat (usually translated "leprosy," it was used to designate a number of disorders of the skin; cf. Lev. 13-14) as well as purifying the persons or objects affected by it (Lev. 14; see Mark 1:44). Contact with the dead (Num. 19:11-19), emissions (Lev. 15), the carcass of an unclean animal (Lev. 11:24-40), even contact with the red heifer, the means by which impurity of the dead was removed (Num. 19:1—10), required these rites of purification. In First Temple times (ca. 950-586 B.C.) the high priest had the Urim and Thummim attached to his breastplate which he consulted for a divine reply to an inquiry (Num. 27:21). Lots were often cast, as was the case in the division of the land among the tribes (Num. 26:55-56) and the choosing of Saul as king (1 Sam. 10:20-21). Among the functions of the priests was that of judging (Deut. 17:9; 12; Ezek. 15:1, 24). The priests administered the ordeal of the suspected adulteress (Num. 5:11-31). In the blessing of Moses before his death, Levi is charged with teaching the law to the people of Israel as well as offering incense and sacrifices upon the altar (Deut. 33:10). As a prestigious, elite class the priests were also expected to preserve the holiness of the sanctuary and the uniqueness of the people of Israel. Therefore, they were subject to added restrictions not incumbent upon the average Israelite. A priest was forbidden to officiate if he had a physical defect (Lev. 21:17-24), was ritually impure, was under the influence of alcohol, or had married a woman forbidden to a priest. A priest was allowed to marry only a virgin of Israel, not a divorcee, prostitute, convert, or, in the case of the high priest, a widow (Lev. 21:14). Ezekiel makes an exception of the widow of a priest (Ezek. 44:22). A priest could not defile himself by attending the cemetery except for the burial of a close relative (parent, sibling, child, or wife; Lev. 21:1-3). The high priest could not have contact with the dead even if they were his parents (Lev. 21:11). Upon the death of Aaron's sons, Moses forbade Aaron and his remaining sons to manifest the signs of mourning during the week of their consecration (Lev. 10:6). Although Israel is said to be "a kingdom of priests and a holy nation" (Exod. 19:6), it was the priesthood that embodied the highest levels of sanctity in ancient Israel. See also Josiah; Purity; Temple, The; Tithe; Worship. Bibliography Cody, A. A History of the Old Testament Priesthood. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1969.

de Vaux, R. Ancient Israel. New York, Toronto: McGraw-Hill, 1965. Vol. 2, pp. 345-405. Gray, G. B. Sacrifice in the Old Testament. With a Prolegomenon by B. A. Levine. New York: Ktav Publishing, 1971. Pp. 179-270. L.H.S.

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prince, a person of high rank. The Hebrew terms for "prince" are multiple, but they invariably refer to a person of extraordinary power and authority. The word may emphasize an individual's prowess in battle, or it may suggest an office one has attained, whether chief of a tribe, head of a family, satrap, or king. The heir to the throne is also called a prince, as are the chief rulers of a kingdom who answer only to the king (so the seven princes of Persia and Media whose names are given in Esther 1:14). In messianic expectation there was room for a prince of peace (Isa. 9:6). At the opposite end of the spectrum, the devil received the title "prince of this world" (John 12:31). This chief official is thought to have ruled over lesser beings who endeavored to lead good people astray (cf. Mark 3:22). J.L.C. Prisca, Priscilla (prisToih, pri-sil'uh), a prominent woman in the early Christian church, always mentioned in connection with Aquila, her husband. Paul calls her Prisca (a common Latin name), but Acts prefers Priscilla. Prisca's husband was a leatherworker and normally would not be expected to travel extensively with his wife and to purchase property, as is suggested in the NT references (Acts 18:2-28; cf. Rom. 16:3; 1 Cor. 16:19). The fact that Prisca is mentioned before Aquila (unusual for the ancients) both by Paul and by the writer of Acts may indicate that Prisca had a higher social status (perhaps through inherited wealth) than her husband and that this was the source of their means. Driven from Rome by Claudius's edict (A.D. 49/50) that expelled Jews from that city, they moved to Corinth, where they came into contact with Paul; then, leaving Corinth with Paul, they settled in Ephesus. Paul greets them in Rom. 16:3 and 1 Cor. 16:19 (cf. also 2 Tim. 4:19). See also Aquila; Claudius; Decrees; Paul; Women. A.J.M. Priscilla. See Aquila; Prisca, Priscilla. prison, a building or other facility used for holding individuals in judicial confinement. Types of Imprisonment: Various types of imprisonment were known in biblical times. Accused persons were often imprisoned either while their cases were being investigated or to assure their appearance for trial. The OT contains several examples: Gen. 39:19-41:14; 1 Kings 22:26-27; Num. 15:34 (see also Lev. 24:12, "until the will of the Lord should be declared"). In NT times Roman magistrates had the right either to remand accused persons to civil or military prisons or to release them on bail or on personal recognizance. Provincial magistrates

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often chose to imprison accused persons, and defendants of lower social status were everywhere particularly vulnerable. The NT offers many examples of pretrial imprisonment: Acts 4:3; 12:3-4; 16:23-24; 23:35; Phil. 1:7-26. The binding or chaining of Jesus before bringing him to Pilate may reflect some sort of formal arrest procedures (Matt. 27:2; Mark 15:1). Some accused, particularly those of higher status, were held under more relaxed custody, sometimes without being chained. They could receive visitors and transact business (e.g., Paul at Rome [Acts 28:16-31]). Another type of imprisonment was for those condemned to death, a penalty common in antiquity. Debtors unable to pay their creditors were also imprisoned, sometimes in special debtors' prisons, until their debts were paid. Luke 12:58 makes precise reference to the "officers" who in Roman times had charge of such prisons (see also Matt. 5:25; 18:30). The asylum granted under Israel's law to those who had accidentally killed someone in fact constituted a form of imprisonment since the individual who left the city of refuge could be slain by the victim's next of kin (Num. 35:9-34; see also Deut. 4:41-43; 19:1-10; Josh. 20:1-9). Solomon's confinement of Shimei ben Gera to Jerusalem can be compared to this practice (1 Kings 2:8, 36-46). Although the use of imprisonment as a legal penalty remained uncommon, such practice was known in Greece, in Rome, and also in Israel. While some of the prophet Jeremiah's various imprisonments (sixth century B.C.) resulted from lawless violence (Jer. 37:15-16; 38:5-7), his retention in "the court of the guard" may reflect somewhat more orderly judicial processes (Jer. 32:2-3; 37:21; 38:13). Ezra 7:26 lists imprisonment as one of several recognized forms of legal punishment. The NT offers no clear examples of imprisonment used in this fashion. Paul's imprisoning of Christians (Acts 8:3) probably refers to his handing them over to the custody of synagogue authorities who would then administer the penalty provided for in Israel's law, a flogging of up to forty lashes (Deut. 25:1-3; 2 Cor. 11:24; Acts 22:19). However, the pretrial retention of an individual could easily be abused and become in fact a means of punishment (e.g., John the Baptist [Mark 6:17-20]). Prison Conditions: Despite various efforts to promote reforms, conditions in ancient prisons were often harsh. Most prisoners wore chains; their feet might be shackled, their hands manacled or even attached to their neck by another chain, and their movements further restricted by a chain fastened to a post. The existence of laws prohibiting chains that were too short or too restrictive indicates that jailers sometimes employed such practices. The very word "chains" became a synonym for imprisonment. Some prisoners were also kept in wooden stocks, devices to restrain the feet, hands, or even the neck of an individual (see Acts 16:24).

Prisons often were very dark (see Isa. 42:7); the inner area of the prison mentioned in Acts 16:24 was probably without windows. Although solitary confinement was known, prisoners generally were kept grouped together, accused and condemned, men and women alike. Overcrowding was not infrequent (Isa. 24:22). Prisons often had poor air circulation, a lack of hygienic facilities, rats and vermin, and food of poor quality. Unscrupulous guards might at times use the withholding of food or even outright torture to extort money from prisoners or their relatives. Although various rulers, especially in Roman Imperial times, struggled to prevent such abuses, the quality of prison life largely remained the responsibility of local officials, and conditions undoubtedly varied considerably from place to place. Numerous early Christians encountered prison at first hand, and NT exhortations such as Matt. 25:36 and Heb. 13:3 to visit those in prison clearly had immediacy. The best known prisoner in the NT is the apostle Paul; he himself refers to the many times he was imprisoned (2 Cor. 6:5; 11:23), and the phrase "the prisoner of Christ Jesus" is almost a Pauline title (Philem. 1, 9; Eph. 3:1; 4:1; 2 Tim. 1:8). This designation is in part ironic—if Paul is Jesus' prisoner, in reality he is free! The accounts of miraculous deliverances from prison found in Acts 12:6-10 and 16:25-26 also serve to stress that God's power is greater than all the chains and prisons that humanity can devise. See also Cities; John the Baptist; Joseph; Paul. Bibliography Sherwin-White, A. N. Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament. Oxford: ClarenR.A.W. don, 1963. prize, either the spoils of war (as in Jer. 21:9) or something won in an athletic contest. Paul employs the latter as a metaphor for salvation (Phil. 3:14), the imperishable nature of which he contrasts with the perishable wreaths (made of parsley, celery, etc.) coveted by the athletes of Greece and Rome (1 Cor. 9:24-25). See also Battle; Crown; Games; War. Prochorus (prok'uh-ruhs), one of the seven in the Jerusalem church appointed by the apostles to take care of the widows and the poor (Acts 6:1-6). See also Hellenists. proconsul (proh-kon'suhl), a former Roman consul who served in consular rank as the governor of a province or in command of an army. Asia and Africa were always governed by former consuls. Other senatorial provinces might be governed by praetors. The proconsul Sergius Paulus became a Christian when he heard and saw what Paul and Barnabas were about (Acts 13:7-10), and it was when Gallio assumed his duties as proconsul of that Roman province of Achaia (modern Greece) that some of Paul's opponents

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leveled charges against him before that Roman official (Acts 18:12-17).

his dutiful elder brother protests the father's actions.

procurator (prok'yuh-ray'tuhr), an agent who looked after a person's affairs in that person's absence. During the Imperial period (after 31 B.C.), the procurator was an agent of the Roman emperor who was either a freedman or member of the equestrian class. Such agents might administer departments such as the mint, gladiatorial schools, or mines. The primary function of such agents was to look after the provincial interests of the emperor. In imperial provinces the procurator was under the legate. In senatorial provinces the procurator was more independent and might even serve as a check on the governor of the province. An equestrian procurator might also be assigned to govern minor provinces such as Thrace and Judea, which had no troops garrisoned in them. He would sometimes be dependent upon the governor of a larger, neighboring province. Contrary to some translations, Pontius Pilate (Matt. 27:11), Felix (Acts 23:24), and Festus (Acts 24:27) are designated as "governor" rather than "procurator" in the NT. P.P.

professions and trades. See such individual entries as: Baker; Carpenter; Embalming; Farming; Fuller; Magic and Divination; Masons; Mines; Music; Perfumers; Pottery; Publicans; Rabbi, Rabboni; Scribe; Shepherd; Soldier; Spinning and Weaving; Town Clerk.

prodigal son, the younger son, who wastes his inheritance in Jesus' parable (Luke 15:11-32). He experiences his father's forgiveness while Return of the Prodigal Son, detail. Rembrandt, ca. 1668.

prognosticators, the archaic KJV translation of those who "predict what shall befall you" (Isa. 47:13). The prophet castigates faith in astrology, which is at issue in this verse. promise, an assurance of some future act. Although absent as a specific term in the OT, the concept of promise runs throughout its narrative. The prediction of innumerable offspring to childless Abraham and Sarah (Gen. 15:5; 17:6-7; 22:17-18), of a land for Israel (Gen. 15:18-21; 50:22-25), of the perpetual rule of David's descendants (2 Sam. 7:16), and of a future world to God's liking (e.g., Isa. 11:1-9) all function implicitly as promise. Later Jewish traditions explicitly link God's promises to the future world, giving it an eschatological character. The Syrian Apocalypse of Baruch says that already in Abraham "the promise of future life was planted" (57:2) and will be harvested in the future world promised by God (14:13). In the NT, the word "promise," both as noun and verb, is used extensively. Paul found scriptural authority for his Gentile mission in God's promise to Abraham through whom all nations (i.e., Gentiles) would be blessed (Rom. 4:9-25; Gal. 3:6-29). Through faith in Christ, God's promise was being fulfilled, and Gentiles were becoming Abraham's offspring (Rom. 4:16), members of the children of promise (Rom. 15:8-12) without reference to the law. The inclusion of the Gentiles, however, does not nullify God's promises to the Jews (Rom. 9:4). Ultimately, Jews and Gentiles will gather as one people of God (Rom. 11:25-26). The author of Hebrews sees in Jesus the realization of the promises given to but not realized by the ancients (11:39-40). Even though the new promises surpass the old, the inheritance even of the new is uncertain without obedience (4:1; 6:11-15; 10:36). The continuity forged by Paul between the promise to Israel and fulfillment in Christ is, however, missing in Hebrews. See also Abraham; Covenant; Eschatology; GenC.J.R. tile; Law; Torah. property. See Inheritance; Ownership; Trade and Transportation. prophet (Heb. nabi'; Gk. prophètes), a person who serves as a channel of communication between the human and divine worlds. The biblical prophets played a crucial role in the development of Judaism and Christianity and influenced

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A prophet, as depicted in a sixth-century mosaic at San Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna, Italy.

later Western thought by becoming the paradigm for identifying authentic divine messengers. Since their appearance in ancient Israel, the prophets have been understood in a number of different ways, both by scholars and by general readers of the Bible. Particularly in Christian tradition, the prophets have been regarded as predictors of the future, whose words pointed to the coming of Jesus and to the future course of world history. More generally, the prophets have been considered moral and ethical innovators, who brought Israelite religion to a higher level of development than it had previously achieved. In the twentieth century, many of the traditional understandings of the prophets have been questioned, and they have been variously portrayed as great preachers, as moral philosophers, as raving ecstatics, as isolated mystics, as cultic officials, as political analysts, and as keepers of old Israelite traditions. The great variety of ways in which the OT prophets have been described suggests that they were multifaceted figures and that Israelite prophecy itself was a complex phenomenon. While it is possible to support any given picture of the prophets by appealing to the OT evidence, no single picture can incorporate all of the biblical data. Various types of prophets existed in Israel, and individual prophets also had unique characteristics they did not share with other prophets. However, once this diversity is recognized, it is possible to make some broad generalizations about the OT prophets and the roles that they played in Israelite religion and society. 885

Titles: The most common prophetic title used in the OT is nabi', a word usually translated in the Septuagint (LXX) by the Greek word prophètes and in English versions by the general term "prophet." The etymology of the title is uncertain, but it may mean "one who calls" or "one who is called." Although this title was used throughout Israel in all historical periods, it did not have the same connotations for all OT writers. In the Deuteronomistic history and the literature influenced by it (Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Hosea, Jeremiah), "prophet" is the preferred title for people who were considered legitimate links between the human and divine worlds, while other titles were used for figures who were not thought to be legitimate. In this literature prophets were accorded high status and played an authoritative role in Israel's religious life (Deut. 18:9-22). On the other hand, OT writings from Judah and Jerusalem (Amos, Micah, Isaiah, Chronicles) use the title "prophet" less frequently, and it often appears in negative contexts. In this literature the preferred designation for prophetic figures is "visionary" (Heb. hozeh), a title that refers to the distinctive means by which these individuals received their revelations. Visionaries seem to have been active primarily during the monarchical period (ca. 1004-586 B.C.), when some of them were members of the royal establishment in Jerusalem (1 Chron. 21:9; 25:5; 29:29; 2 Chron. 9:29; 12:15; 19:2; 29:25, 30). In addition to the titles "prophet" and "visionary," the OT mentions three other titles that were not in common use. In 1 Samuel 9, Samuel is called a "seer" [ro'eh), a title that was already archaic in the time of the OT writers (1 Sam. 9:9). A seer appears to have been a specialist in communicating with God through visions, dreams, or divination, a function that was later taken over either by prophets (Deut. 18:9-22) or by various diviners and priests. Although there are some late references to seers (2 Chron. 16:7,10), it is likely that the seer disappeared from Israel early in the monarchical period. More frequently used is the title "man of God," which appears particularly in the prophetic stories set in the time of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kings 17-2 Kings 10). A "man of God" may have originally been someone able to use divine power in miraculous ways, but it is likely that the title was eventually given to anyone who enjoyed a special relationship to God. During the same period, the writers of Kings speak of prophetic groups called "sons of the prophets." These groups were clearly hierarchically structured prophetic guilds that flourished for a brief time in northern Israel (ca. 869-842 B.C.) and played an important role in the overthrow of the dynasty of Omri (1 Kings 17-2 Kings 10). Origins and Development: For many years historians assumed that prophecy was a uniquely Israelite religious phenomenon that had no parallels elsewhere in the ancient Near East. However, during the past century several archae-

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ological discoveries have shown this assumption to be false. The most important of these finds occurred at the Mesopotamian city of Mari, where excavators uncovered letters written in the eighteenth century B.C. Several of these texts describe the activities and messages of various types of oracle givers whose words and actions resemble those of the later OT prophets. Some of those early figures bear special titles, such as "answerer" and "ecstatic," and both at Mari and at the ancient Syrian city of Emar titles apparently related to the common Hebrew designation nabi' ("prophet") are attested. Archaeologists have also discovered Assyrian texts from the OT period itself (ca. 680-627 B.C.) that contain collections of oracles from "ecstatics," "shouters," "revealers," and "votaries." From Palestine have come inscriptions mentioning various kinds of oracle givers, including the visionary, a title that is given to some of the OT prophets. All of this extrabiblical evidence indicates that prophetic activity existed elsewhere in the ancient Near East both before and during the biblical period, and some scholars have therefore suggested that prophecy originated on the periphery of Mesopotamia, in Canaan, or even in Egypt, and then was borrowed by the Israelites. At the moment there is no way to prove or disprove this hypothesis, although it is important to note that there is no biblical evidence to indicate that Israel recognized prophecy as an import. In addition, anthropological studies of prophetic phenomena show that prophecy

can arise spontaneously in any society where the necessary social and religious conditions are present. There is therefore no reason to assume that prophets could not have appeared in Israel without outside cultural influences. Although the OT locates most prophetic activity during the period of the monarchy, some biblical traditions place the origins of prophecy at the very beginning of Israel's history. Even if the references to the prophetic activities of Abraham and Moses are treated as retrojections from later times (Gen. 20:7; Num.12; Deut. 18:9-22), the fact that Miriam, Deborah, and others are identified as prophets may indicate that prophecy had important religious and social functions in some early Israelite groups (Exod. 15:20-21; Judg. 4:4-10; 6:1-10). It is at least clear that in the period just before the rise of the monarchy (eleventh century B.C.) prophets were well established at some of Israel's sanctuaries. Samuel played important religious and governmental roles at several Israelite cult centers and was involved in the creation of the new central government (1 Sam. 3-16). Thereafter, prophets were a regular part of Israel's public life, both in Judah in the south and in Israel in the north. They related to the government and to the Temple in various ways, some supporting the royal establishment or working inside it and some standing outside and advocating radical change. Although prophetic attitudes changed during the monarchical period, it is difficult to detect major changes in the institution of prophecy itself. Those relatively late prophets who wrote books (e.g., Jeremiah) do not seem to have been markedly different from the earlier ones who did not (e.g., Elijah). There is no evidence to suggest that the growth of prophecy followed an evolutionary pattern. Just as it is difficult to determine when prophecy began in Israel, so also it is difficult to identify the point at which prophecy ceased. Prophetic activity did continue after the Exile (sixth century B.C.), and prophets such as Zechariah and Haggai helped to shape the restored community in Jerusalem. However, after the Exile prophecy seems to have lost much of its influence, and prophets became much less visible. In spite of the later rabbinic claim that prophecy ceased in the early postexilic period (after Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi), it is likely that prophets had minor official duties in the worship practices of the Second Temple (1 Chron. 25). Outside of this officially sanctioned activity, prophecy seems to have continued only in peripheral groups that left no imprint on the OT record. Personal Experiences: The prophet's experiences with the divine world were essentially private and were difficult to communicate even in the best of circumstances. It is therefore not surprising that the prophets said little about their encounters with God and concentrated instead on the visual or aural messages they re-

The angel carries the prophet "Habakkuk" by the hairfromJudea to Babylon, an incident in the deuterocanonical Bel and the Dragon (33-39); seventh-century A.D. relief.

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ceived on these occasions. Only a few of the prophets even described their initial "calls" to prophesy (Amos 7:15; Isa. 6; Jer. 1:4-10; Ezek. 1-3), and still fewer spoke in detail of the experience that gave rise to a particular oracle (1 Kings 19:9-18; 22:17-23). Nevertheless, enough clues have been preserved in the OT to suggest that Israelites thought of the prophetic experience as one that occurred when people were possessed by the spirit of God. "The hand of the Lord" fell upon them (1 Kings 18:46; 2 Kings 3:15; Jer. 15:17; Ezek. 1:3); the spirit of God "rested on them" (Num. 11:25-26) or "clothed itself" with them (Judg. 6:34). In this situation they were no longer in control of their own actions and words but were completely dominated by God. They felt compelled to speak the divine message that had been given to them (Amos 3:8; Jer. 20:9). Because of the feelings of helplessness and terror that accompanied possession by God's spirit, many prophets viewed the experience negatively and tried unsuccessfully to avoid it (Jer. 1:6; 11:18-12:6; 1 5 : 1 5 - 2 1 ; Ezek. 2:1-3:15; cf. Jon. 1:1-10). Behavior and Speech: During their possession experiences, the OT prophets seem to have exhibited characteristic patterns of behavior and speech which allowed them to be identified as prophets. The details of these patterns are unclear, and they may have varied somewhat according to the historical, geographical, and social settings of the prophets' activities. However, the existence of characteristic prophetic behavior is suggested by the fact that the Hebrew verb "to prophesy" sometimes actually means "to act like a prophet" or "to exhibit the behavior that is typical of prophets." Such behavior could be recognized by all Israelites, although some groups evaluated it positively while others did not. In some instances it was understood as a sign of divine legitimation and favor (Num. 11:11-29; 1 Sam. 10:1-13), while in other cases it was thought to be an indication of madness or of possession by an evil spirit (1 Sam. 18:10-11; 19:18-24; 1 Kings 18:26-29; Jer. 29:24-28). Some of the OT prophets were probably ecstatics whose possession behavior was marked by psychological and physiological symptoms such as reduced sensitivity to outside stimuli, hallucinations or visions, loss of control over speech and actions, and a sense of being out of touch with reality. The intensity of these symptoms and the degree to which the prophets could control them probably varied, and it is unwise to generalize about the degree to which ecstasy influenced the prophets' messages. Sometimes ecstasy was incapacitating and dangerous (1 Sam. 19:18-24; 1 Kings 18:26-29), but among the writing prophets, if ecstasy existed at all, it was accompanied by controlled actions and intelligible speech (Jer. 4:19; 23:9; Ezek. 1:1-3:15).

As part of their characteristic behavior, some prophets wore distinctive clothing or bore a special mark that identified them as a prophet or as a member of a prophetic guild (1 Kings 20:35-41; 2 Kings 1:8; Zech. 13:4). Others sometimes performed symbolic acts, either as dramatic reinforcement for an oracle (Hos. 1:4-9; Isa. 7:3; 8:1-4; 20:1-6; Jer. 19:1-15; 27:1-28:17) or as a way of actually bringing into existence the state of affairs being described in the oracle (2 Kings 13:14-19; Ezek. 4:1-8). One of the clearest marks of prophetic behavior was the stereotypical way in which the prophets constructed their oracles. Oracles often began with an account of the commissioning of the prophetic messenger, an account that was followed by an accusation against an individual who had violated Israel's covenant law. After the accusation, the prophets delivered an announcement of judgment directly to the accused. The announcement usually began with the "messenger formula" ("thus says the Lord"), which identified the sender of the message and gave the authority for the oracle of judgment (1 Sam. 2:27-36; 13:11-14; 15:10-31; 2 Sam. 12; 1 Kings 11:29-40; 13:1-3; 14:7-14; 17:1; 20:35-43; 2 1 : 1 7 - 2 2 ; 2 2 : 1 3 - 2 3 ; 2 Kings 1:3-4, 6; 20:14-19; 21:10-15; Jer. 20:1-6; 22:10-12, 13-19, 2 4 - 2 7 ; 28:12-16; 29:24-32; 36:29-30; 31:17). A variation on this speech pattern was used by prophets in Judah and Jerusalem, who sometimes began their oracles with the cry "alas," followed by one or more participles describing the addressee and indicating the crime. This introduction was followed by an announcement of judgment (Amos 5:18-20; 6:1-7; Isa. 5:8-10,11-14,18-19, 20, 2 1 , 2 2 - 2 4 ; 10:1-3; 28:1-4; 29:1-4, 15; 30:1-3; 31:1-4; Mic. 2:1-4). Social Context and Functions: The OT prophets did not carry out their activities in isolation but were an integral part of their society. Because divine possession was not a continuous experience for any of the prophets, they played various social roles in addition to carrying out their prophetic activities. Prophets like Amos prophesied only occasionally and were normally involved in secular occupations (Amos 1:1; 7:14-15). Others, such as Jeremiah and Ezekiel, were priests who were occasionally transformed into prophets (Jer. 1:1; Ezek. 1:3). While some prophets may have had fulltime responsibilities in the Temple or the royal court, others carried out religious tasks that did not always involve prophecy (1 Chron. 25:1-8; 2 Chron. 20:1-23; 34:30). In addition to being involved in normal community activities, the prophets also received from their societies support and legitimation. Anyone could claim to have received a message from God, but that person could become a prophet only when a group of people recognized the prophetic claim as genuine and accepted the prophet's authority. Social support was sometimes provided by an organized group of disci-

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pies (Isa. 8:16), but usually the process was more informal (Jer. 26). Prophets who could not obtain at least a minimal amount of social support were unable to influence their societies and were in danger of being branded false prophets or lunatics. On the other hand, prophets who were considered authoritative by at least one group were usually tolerated by the rest of Israelite society. The prophets seem to have had unrestricted access to the king, the royal court, and the Temple and were not harassed unless their messages became too strident and threatening to the society (Jer. 26:1-24; 38:1-13). Normally prophets were not held responsible for their words or actions because they were under the direct control of God (Jer. 26:12-16). All OT prophets shared the common task of delivering to individuals or groups the divine messages that they received during their prophetic experiences. However, the prophets had various social and religious functions depending on their social locations. Those prophets who were part of the royal court or who had regular roles in the Temple worship were usually concerned to preserve and strengthen the social structure. They were certainly capable of criticizing current institutions and advocating change, but they wanted to be sure that change took place in an orderly way. On the other hand, prophets who had no regular involvement with Israel's powerful social institutions were more likely to advocate radical change, even at the expense of social stability. Theology: The OT prophets were firmly rooted in history, and this fact has important implications for understanding their theology. Because the prophets were not all members of the same social or religious group, they inherited different historical and theological traditions. All of the prophets knew the basic facts of Israel's history and shared the major elements of Israelite faith, but they understood these things in somewhat different ways and used different words to speak about them. In addition, the prophets spoke to specific groups of people and directed oracles to particular historical and social situations. The historical dimensions of prophecy make it difficult to talk about prophetic theology in general. Instead it is necessary to examine the theologies of individual prophets and to appreciate the unique shape that each of them gave to divine revelation. However, once the particularity of OT prophecy has been recognized, it is possibly to abstract some general theological beliefs that were held by all of the prophets. All of the prophets held the fundamental belief that Israel had been elected by God and enjoyed a special relationship with God by virtue of that election. The mutual obligations involved in this relationship were spelled out in various covenants, particularly the covenant at Sinai (Exod. 19-Num. 10; Deuteronomy) and the covenant made with the house of David (2 Sam. 7). However, most of the prophets whose

words have been preserved in the OT also agreed that the people of Israel and Judah had refused to fulfill their obligations and had rebelled against God. The prophets described this rebellion in various ways (cf. Isa. 1:2-6; Jer. 2:2-37; Ezek. 16), but they seem to have been concerned with all breaches in the divine-human relationship. Deviations in ethical behavior, social injustice, the worship of other gods, and religious abuses were all condemned equally because they were considered symptoms of Israel's general religious illness (Isa. 1:9-17). The prophets also agreed that Israel's rebelliousness would be punished, although they did not always agree on the nature of the punishment or its severity (cf. Isa. 1:7-8; Jer. 7:1-15; 14:1-15:4; Amos 4:6-12). Some, such as Isaiah and Ezekiel, believed that God would punish Israel but would remain faithful to the promises that had been made to David; Israel would remain the elect people of God. Others, such as Jeremiah, at least considered the possibility that God's punishment would terminate the divinehuman relationship. Prophetic disagreements on this point became particularly sharp during the Exile, when the very existence of Israel was in question. However, God's final word through the prophets was one of hope and promise. No matter what the people did, God would remain faithful and would return the people to their land, where they would enter into a new relationship with God. Early Christian Prophets: Prophecy played an important role in Christianity from the very beginning (Acts 2:14-21). The early church used OT prophecy to interpret the life and teachings of Jesus, who himself was recognized as a prophet (Matt. 13:57; 21:11; Luke 4:24; John 4:19; 9:17). After the resurrection, prophecy became one of the gifts of the Spirit and at least in some congregations was a normal part of worship (1 Thess. 5:20; 1 Cor. 12:28-29; 14:26-32). However, prophecy soon became the province of a specialized office in the church, and prophets were ranked with apostles and teachers as church leaders (Acts 11:27; 13:1; 15:32; Eph. 2:20; 3:5; 4:11; James 5:10; 1 Pet. 1:10; Rev. 22:6-9). The presence of so many prophets caused major problems with false prophecy and made it necessary to devise tests to determine the validity of prophetic oracles (Matt. 7:15; 24:11, 24; Mark 13:22; Acts 13:6; 2 Pet. 2:1; 1 John 4:1; Rev. 2:20; 19:20; 20:10). Difficulties in recognizing false prophets may have led church leaders to try to suppress prophecy altogether and probably hastened the disappearance of prophets from the Christian community. Bibliography Aune, David E. Prophecy in Early Christianity. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1983. Blenkinsopp, Joseph. A History of Prophecy in Israel. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1983.

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Heschel, Abraham J. The Prophets. New York: Harper & Row, 1962. von Rad, Gerhard. Old Testament Theology. Vol. 2. New York: Harper & Row, 1965. Wilson, Robert R. Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980. R.R.W.

to later centuries when converts were discouraged because of sanctions by Christian civil authorities and developments internal to Judaism. Acts mentions proselytes among those listening to Peter (Acts 2:10) and Paul (13:43) and a proselyte, Nicolaus, as one of the seven deacons (6:5). Acts also mentions those who "fear God" or "reverence God." These expressions may simply indicate someone with a proper attitude toward God whether Jew or non-Jew, but some usages (e.g., 13:16, 26) have suggested to commentators that the Jewish community recognized a class of members who did not fully embrace Judaism, especially circumcision, but who kept some of the fundamentals of the law. Except for one thirdcentury A.D. inscription from Asia Minor, no direct evidence exists for such an institutional class of "God-fearers." However, it is probable that many Gentiles were friendly to and interested in Judaism and had some association with the synagogues. This same fluid group may have been open to Christian as well as Jewish proselytism. See also Conversion. A.J.S.

prophetess (Heb. nebi'ah), a woman who serves as a channel of communication between the human and divine worlds. In their prophetic behavior and religious functions they are not distinguished from their male counterparts. According to some traditions, prophetesses played a central role in Israel's early history. The prophetess Miriam is said to have composed a song to celebrate Israel's crossing of the sea (Exod. 15:20-21), while the prophetess Deborah "judged" Israel and helped to lead the people in battle (Judg. 4:1-10). In a much later period, the prophetess Huldah appears as an important religious official to whom King Josiah sent messengers to inquire of God (2 Kings 22:14-20). In Nehemiah's account of the reconstruction of Jerusalem, he reports opposition from several prophets and the prophetess Noadiah (Neh. 6:10-14). In NT times, the prophetess Anna was one of the first to recognize Jesus as the Messiah (Luke 2:36-38). Prophetesses were also found in some early churches, where they occasionally became involved in disputes over the direction of the church (Rev. 2:20). See also Prophet. R.R.W. propitiation. See Expiation. proselyte (pros'uh-lit), a convert from one religious faith or group to another. In biblical studies this term refers especially to Gentiles who became Jews. In the OT many laws recognize the rights and place of resident aliens, nonIsraelites living permanently in Israel. They had to observe certain laws, could offer sacrifice and, if circumcised, could take part in Passover. Such open association with Israelites probably led to their constant assimilation into Israel. In NT times proselytes to Judaism were required to accept one God and Jewish ethical and religious observances; males had to be circumcised (though a few Hellenistic Jewish authors do not mention this painful requirement). Later rabbinic sources also speak of a ritual immersion (not baptism in the Christian sense) and a sacrifice at the Temple as part of the conversion rite, but firm evidence for these practices in the first century is lacking (b. Yebam. 46-47). From the second century B.C. through the fourth century A.D. some evidence suggests that many Gentiles were attracted to Judaism because of its monotheism, sexual ethics, and Sabbath observance. In addition, Jews may have actively sought converts during this period (see Matt. 23:15; Josephus Against Apion 2.39), in contrast

prostitute. See Harlot.

proto-Sinaitic script. See Writing. proverb (prov'uhrb), a short, popular saying that communicates a familiar truth or observation in an expressive and easily remembered form. The term is applied to a variety of sayings in the Bible. The most common example is the folk saying drawn from human experience and characterized by picturesque, insightful, witty, or even amusing comment on human behavior or experience (e.g., Prov. 16:18, 27:15; 29:2; Luke 4:23). The majority of these proverbs are composed of two lines in a poetic form that closely links the first line with the second (a couplet). They occur in several distinct forms: those based on direct correspondence or association (Judg. 8:21; Prov. 9:10; Gal. 6:7), on contrast (Prov. 1 1 - 1 3 , 18:23; Jer. 23:28; John 1:46), on comparison (Gen. 10:9; Prov. 20:2; Ezek. 16:44; Hos. 4:9), on what is futile or absurd (Prov. 1:17; Amos 6:12; Jer. 13:23), on the characterization of certain persons (the fool, Prov. 1:7, 32; the adulteress, Prov. 7:6-27; the lazy, Prov. 6:6-11; 24:30-34; 26:15), on proper priorities (1 Sam. 25:22; Prov. 22:1; 25:4; 27:5), and on the consequences of actions (Jer. 31:29; Hos. 8:7; Prov. 26:27) or character (Prov. 15:13; 30:32-33; 2 Pet. 2:22). However, many of the biblical proverbs are not simply maxims or truisms but express religious and ethical interpretations of Israelite faith (e.g., Prov. 3:1-12, 2 7 - 3 5 ; 6:16-19; 14:12), and even the more humanistic of the proverbs were collected not simply for their practical value but to provide instruction in the proper ordering of one's life under God (note Prov. 1:2-7). The term "proverb" can also refer to a variety of speech and literary forms: a figurative saying

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that was not easily understood, similar to a parable or allegory (so translated in many versions; Ezek. 17:2; 20:49; cf. John 10:6; 16:25, 29); poetry in ode or ballad form (Num. 21:27-30); a teaching psalm, used with riddle, dealing with a perplexing moral problem (Ps. 49:4); a wisdom discourse (Job 13:12; cf. 27:1); a byword used to taunt or jeer (Deut. 28:37; Jer. 24:9; cf. Isa. 14:4); or a lament (often translated "taunt song" in newer versions; Mic. 2:4; Hab. 2:6). See also Parables; Parallelism; Proverbs, The; Riddle; Wisdom. D.R.B.

a short collection, 24:23-34. Chaps. 25-29 are introduced in 25:1 as "Proverbs of Solomon that the Officials of Hezekiah King of Judah Copied"; these sayings resemble those in chaps. 10-22. A subtitle in 30:1 attributes the following words to "Agur, Son of Jakeh," presumably a non-Israelite. Several numerical [x, x + 1) sayings complete the chapter. A subtitle in 31:1 reads "The Words of King Lemuel," but w. 2-9 are spoken by his mother. The compilation concludes with an acrostic poem in praise of the virtuous wife (31:10-31). In its present form the book is probably to be dated in the postexilic period (late sixth century B.C. on), and chaps. 1-9 function as an introduction to the collections. As a whole, the work intends to teach the youth how to cope with life through observation, docility, and fear of the Lord (1:7). The perspective is optimistic: wisdom (equated with righteousness) brings life; folly (equated with wickedness) leads to destruction. Many if not most of the sayings probably go back through oral tradition to the teaching in the family and clan. There may have been a time during the monarchy when, on the analogy of Mesopotamia and especially Egypt (which manifestly influenced Israel), a school flourished in Jerusalem for the training of courtiers (see 25:1). See also Parallelism; Poetry; Proverbs; Wisdom. Bibliography Camp, C. V. Wisdom and the Feminine in the Book of Proverbs. Sheffield: Almond, 1985. Murphy, R. E. The Tree of Life. New York: Doubleday, 1990. Whybray, R. N. The Composition of the Book of Proverbs. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1994. Williams, J. G. Those Who Ponder Proverbs. Sheffield: Almond, 1985. R.E.M.

Proverbs, the, an OT book bearing the traditional title "Proverbs of Solomon," which disguises the fact that this work is made up of several collections, as indicated by the presence of subtitles. Chaps. 1-9, subtitled "The Proverbs of Solomon Son of David, King of Israel," are basically wisdom poems on various topics: the value of wisdom, evils the wise should avoid, etc. The most striking feature is the personification of Woman Wisdom (1:20-33; 8:1-36; 9:1-6), who is balanced against the "stranger-woman," and Dame Folly (9:13-18). Their invitations are in stark contrast: to life or to death. These chapters open with a statement of purpose (1:1-6) and contain fully developed poems (e.g., 2:1—22 on the benefits of wisdom), in contrast to the disparate sayings that dominate the rest of the book. The subtitle "The Proverbs of Solomon" in 10:1 introduces a collection of sayings characterized by parallelism. These are pithy sayings drawn from experience and traditional teachings that usually indicate a moral value (honesty, diligence, self-control, etc.). The subtitle "The Words of the Wise" may have originally stood at 22:17 (as in the Septuagint) to indicate a series of admonitions, usually with motive clauses, that extends down to 24:22. This section shows a clear knowledge of the "teaching" of the famous Egyptian sage Amenemope. Another subtitle, "These also are Sayings of the Wise," introduces

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The

Proverbs

The book is best outlined as a series of collections: I. II. III. IV. V.

Wisdom poems (1:1-9:18) Wisdom sayings (10:1-22:16) Admonitions (22:17-24:22) "Sayings of the Wise" (24:23-34) "Proverbs of Solomon": wisdom sayings (25:1-29:7) VI. "The words of Agur" (30:1-33) VII. "The words of King Lemuel" (31:1-9) VIII. Poem on the ideal wife (31:10-31)

providence, one of the most commonly held and most vigorously debated beliefs in both ancient and modern times: that there is a benevolent and purposeful ordering of all events of history. Nothing happens by chance; though not always perceptible to human understanding, there is a divine or cosmic plan to the universe, a reason for everything. One philosophical version of this concept is "determinism" or (its negative expression) "fatalism": everything is determined by a higher power, destiny is a matter of fate, one can do nothing to shape one's own destiny, what will be will be. Such a view results in human resignation (quietism/do-nothing-ism). Another, somewhat more positive, version was the Stoic view that "world-reason" permeated the cosmos and could be recognized in all natural and historical phenomena. Stoic philosophy was designed to put one in harmony with this principle of world-reason. The end result was the achievement of perfect serenity through oneness with what is and shall be. Even less philosophical people have always asked "Why?" when seeking to understand life

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and history. Reading the stars or the entrails of sacrificial animals or consulting the Delphic oracle were favorite means among ancients for determining the relationship of what is to what shall be. Such techniques provided a measure of reconciliation between learned response from normal cause and effect relationships and the bizarre, the paradoxical, the unexpected. The communities of faith reflected in the documents of the Bible also held to a view of providence. In contrast to the foregoing, however, God the Creator was held to be personally responsible for preserving and regulating the created order. In this context, providence is related to the notions of "election" and "predestination." This God has a plan and purpose for his world. Providence is not a principle of orderliness or reason; rather, providence is the will of the Creator who is actively involved in moving his creation to a goal. History is not a cyclical process of endless repetition; history is being moved toward the predetermined end. In the OT and Jewish literature, the Book of Job and the Wisdom of Solomon represent two classical locations for this confidence regarding providence. Here, as in other texts, the key terms often translated "providence" are really "foreknowledge" or "foresight" (which, indeed, is the etymological Latin meaning of "providence"). While humans see and judge from the limitations of time and space, even when able to lean on the recorded wisdom of prior generations, God sees the end from the beginning. In spite of evil and all that is perplexingly enigmatic in life, the message of the OT and subsequent Jewish literature is to trust in the providential care and good will of the Creator (Deut. 3 2 : 7 ^ 3 ; Job 10:12; Pss. 74:12-17; 104:27-30; cf. Wisd. of Sol. 14:3; 17:2; 3 Mace. 4:21; 5:30; 4 Mace. 9:24; 17:22). In the NT, the basis for such an invitation to trust providence is Jesus Christ. He becomes, through his life, death, and resurrection, the guarantor that God's providential goal is salvation rather than destruction. The belief that history has a saving goal is grounded in his coming. The earliest Christians believed and preached this understanding of providence in a great variety of verbal expressions and human situations (e.g., Matt. 6:25-33; 10:29-31; Rom. 8:28-39; 2 Cor. 4:11-18; 1 Pet. 1:3-9). See also Astrologer; Election; God; Grace; Magic and Divination; Oracle; J.E.A. Predestination; Salvation; Stoics.

provinces consisted of territory that had been directly annexed through conquest: Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, Spain, Macedonia, Cyprus, IIlyricum, Cilicia (southeast Asia Minor), Syria, Gaul, Egypt, and most of the Danube and German territories. The conquest of Britain and Dacia (modern Romania) was completed by later emperors. Other provinces came into being as bequests from native kings, who sought to ensure a safe transition for their supporters: Asia, Bithynia (northwest Asia Minor), and Cyrene. Judea became a Roman province when Herod the Great's son proved unable to govern. The corn-producing area of the Bosporus was unusual in remaining a client kingdom. In 27 B.C. the senate's grant of provincia to Augustus made the emperor responsible for those provinces that were not entirely pacified (hence (Lat, "imperial provinces"). As princeps "prince") Augustus had supreme command of the army. The senate retained control of provinces (hence "senatorial provinces") in which military presence was not required: Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica, Illyricum, Macedonia, Greece, Asia, Bithynia, Crete and Cyrene, and Africa. However, legions were stationed in Africa, Illyricum, and Macedonia during the early principale. Proconsuls or propraetors were sent to govern senatorial provinces for a year term. However, the emperor could always overrule a senatorial governor. The emperor also had financial agents in those provinces who took care of the imperial estates and served as a watch on the governor. Since the agents could bring harsh retribution on rapacious officials, these agents might be more powerful than the governor. The imperial provinces were governed by legates of consular or praetorian rank. Their appointments lasted as long as the emperor chose to retain them in office. They were responsible only to the emperor. Egypt, whose grain supply was crucial to the city of Rome, remained the private possession of the emperor. It was governed by a prefect. A province was essentially the network of cities within its boundaries. Those cities formed the political and social nucleus of each province and were concentrated along the coasts or major rivers. In the eastern provinces urbanization had resulted from the hellenization of the area after Alexander's conquest. The Romans inherited a dense and ready-made network of cities. In the western provinces the only cities were those of Phoenician and Greek foundation. Under Augustus urbanization was extended in Gaul and Spain. Towns and cities served to diffuse Greco-Roman culture. In areas such as Germany where Rome could not build an administrative structure based on cities, its rule was a failure. Most of the thousand or so cities of the empire were on the order of ten to fifteen thousand persons. Only a few, Alexandria, Antioch, and Carthage, had several hundred thousand.

provinces, administrative areas set up within the Roman Empire. The Latin term, provincia, originally referred to a definite sphere of action. In the late Republic it was applied to territories, Asia, Gallia, and Narbonensis. Under Augustus (27 B.C.-A.D. 14) the empire was made up of twenty-eight provinces, some created by dividing larger provinces like Gaul, Spain, and Macedonia. They also included a number of allied states ruled by client kings. Many of the

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Inland there might be great stretches with no cities at all. While the areas to which 1 Peter is addressed are the names of Roman provinces (1 Pet. 1:1), scholars are not agreed on whether or not the author of Acts consistently used them, or on occasion also used ethnic designations for various areas. Macedonia and Achaia (Acts 19:21) are surely meant as provinces, but there is question whether the reference to "Galatia" in Acts 16:6 means the province of that name, or the older, more limited area occupied by the Gauls, and hence ethnic Galatia. The same problem occurs in trying to determine to whom Paul addressed his Letter to the Galatians; one does not know whether that referred to the Roman province, or to the ethnic area. See also Roman Empire. P.P.

late antiquity, played a central role in synagogues and churches; not only have they figured prominently in Jewish and Christian liturgies, but they have, by their style and their words, inspired later writers to compose psalmlike prayers and hymns, both for public worship and private piety. Probably no book of the Bible was known so well to medieval Christendom as the Psalms, and even today this book enjoys a unique place in the hearts of all readers of the Bible. Diversity: By any standard, these prayers and songs are a heterogeneous lot, differing widely in such matters as date of composition, style, literary form, and original purpose and lifesetting. This great variety was, for centuries, obscured not only by their collective attribution to David, but by the very fact of their having been grouped together in a single book and unified under a single name. "Psalm" goes back to the Greek psalmos, used by translators to render the Hebrew mizmor, "song," a word that appears in the titles of some psalms. In Hebrew the book is known most commonly as sefer tehillim, "book of praises," a convenient catchall. Another name for the book, "Psalter," goes back to the Greek psalterion, a stringed instrument. As modern scholarship has continued to study the Psalms, however, the differences between them have more and more become the focus of inquiry. To be sure, some differences had always been apparent. On the most basic level, some psalms have a clearly celebrative quality, glorifying God's powers or historic deeds or offering thanksgiving for a particular intervention (recovery from illness [e.g., Ps. 30], for example, or triumph over "enemies" [e.g., Pss. 30, 54]). Others are, equally clearly, of a petitionary character, lamenting the speaker's dire straits and appealing for divine help (e.g., Pss. 6, 140). Some psalms seem to be intended for recitation by an individual, a particular "I" who appears in the text (e.g., Pss. 23, 130), while in others the words are apparently to be sung or recited by a group, a choir, or the community as a whole (e.g., Pss. 113, 132). But so long as the Psalms were attributed to David (or occasionally to other ancient figures), these differences—to the extent that they were noticed—were ascribed to circumstances in the author's own life: one psalm was composed upon a happy occasion, another in time of distress; in one David speaks on his own behalf, in another on behalf of his people, etc. In fact, early, anonymous scribes apparently sometimes added a brief phrase at the beginning of a psalm, seeking in that way to connect it to some event in the life of its presumed author (see, e.g., Pss. 34:1; 51:2). Authorship and Date: This approach to the Psalms as personal, occasional lyrics showed remarkable resilience even after the midnineteenth century, when the tradition of Da-

pruning. See Vine. P s a l m 1 5 1 , a psalm included at the end of some manuscripts of Psalms in the Septuagint (LXX), the ancient Greek OT, where one manuscript, Codex Sinaiticus, numbers it Psalm 151. It is not found in Psalms in the Jewish canon of Scripture, which enumerates 150 psalms; however, the Hebrew original has turned up in llQPs 8 , a manuscript containing both canonical and noncanonical psalms discovered at Qumran among the Dead Sea Scrolls. The Hebrew original makes it clear that the Greek version is a summary of two seemingly autobiographical psalms, the one telling the story of the anointing of David, the young shepherd, maker of instruments and singer of psalms praising the Lord's deeds, and the other telling of David's defeat of Goliath. The psalm is significant because it reflects the developing role of David in Second Temple Judaism (515 B.C.-A.D. 70) as founder of the worship of the Temple and writer of its hymns, as the anointed of God, and even as inspired "prophet" as the consequence of Psalms becoming Scripture. The Hebrew psalms behind Psalm 151 seem to antedate the Qumran community, indicating that they must have originated prior to the second century B.C. The presence of this psalm both in llQPs 3 and the LXX suggests that Psalms was a somewhat fluid collection up until the first century A.D. Psalm 151 is part of the Greek Orthodox Bible, where it is printed at the end of Psalms. It has recently been included as an individual item in the RSV Apocrypha because of its role in Eastern Orthodoxy. See also Apocrypha, Old Testament; Psalms; Septuagint; Scrolls, The Dead Sea; David. D.W.S. P s a l m s (sahmz), the, collection of some hundred and fifty songs, prayers, and various other less easily classified compositions that forms the nineteenth book of the OT. Ascribed by tradition to King David, the Psalms have, since

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vidic authorship came to be widely questioned. With the steady advance of biblical scholarship, however, and especially with the availability of comparative material from ancient Egyptian and Babylonian literature, such notions eventually began to be abandoned. Not only did scholars now hesitate or refuse to date psalms to the time of David (in general they were dated much later, some writers at the turn of the twentieth century even denying the possibility that any of the psalms predated the Babylonian exile), but they began increasingly to treat the Psalms as "stock" compositions, composed by anonymous bards to be recited again and again by individuals or communal choirs either as part of community worship or in times of private joy or distress. The general lines of this approach have continued to be pursued by contemporary scholars, albeit with some revision. In particular, the matter of dating has undergone another radical shift, due in part to certain striking resemblances discovered between the language of some psalms and that found in the ancient literature of Ugarit, a city somewhat to the north of biblical Israel. On this basis, compositions such as Psalms 29 and 68 have not only been dated far earlier than before but are now believed by some to be among the oldest parts of the Hebrew Bible. By contrast, certain other parts of the Psalter (e.g., Pss. 1,119) bespeak an entirely different age and mentality: some have dated them among the youngest parts of Hebrew Scripture. Types: The Psalter is thus a heterogeneous collection or, more likely, a collection of subcollections spanning many centuries. The editorial note at Ps. 72:20 is one visible seam, perhaps indicating the existence of an earlier smaller "psalter" called "the Prayers of David son of Jesse." More fundamentally, the fifteen "Songs of Ascents" (Pss. 120-34) present a discernible subgroup, as do the psalms attributed to the "sons of Korah" (Pss. 42, 44, 47, 48, 49, 84, 87), Asaph (Pss. 50, 73-83), and the like. Moreover, the predominance of reference to God by the word "Elohim" in Psalms 42-83 has led scholars to view this group as being of distinct provenance or editing, especially in view of the overlap between some of its psalms and those that precede it in our Psalter (thus, Ps. 53 is a doublet of Ps. 14; Ps. 70:2-6 = Ps. 40:14-18; Ps. 71:1-3 = Ps. 31:2-4; cf. Ps. 108, which is a doublet of Pss. 57:8-12 and 60:7-14). It has been theorized that all these materials, which had originally been written at different times and for different purposes, were gradually gathered together into collections by various groups in several locations and were still later combined into a single Psalter. Besides considering the evolution of the Psalter as a book, modern scholars have especially concerned themselves with classifying the Psalms into different types, largely on the basis of the distinctions listed above (i.e., communal vs. individual psalms; "praise" vs "peti-

tion/lament"), and with trying to pin down particular conventions, characteristic forms, phrases, or themes associated with each type. Purpose or Use: Of special concern has been the question of how various types might have fit into the daily life of ancient Israel. Because of the frequent mention of God's "house" or "palace" and sanctuary appurtenances, as well as of the psalmist's appearing or bowing down "before God," many psalms have been thought to have been composed for one of Israel's ancient religious sites and especially the Jerusalem Temple. Indeed, some scholars have asserted that virtually all the psalms in our Psalter were composed for worship at a religious site and constituted nothing less than the verbal equivalent or accompaniment to the offerings of incense and sacrificial animals that comprised Israel's regular service of God. Objections have been advanced to this claim; nonetheless, the "liturgical connection" is now widely accepted for many psalms. Numerous hymns, for example, appear by their wording intended for recitation at annual religious festivals (though the precise character of some of these observances is still in dispute). Similarly, it has been argued that some "psalms of the individual," both petitions and thanksgivings, were intended specifically to be recited at a sanctuary, the thanksgivings presumably accompanying an actual offering. This, in turn, has caused critics to reassess the language of the Psalms. In the light of the proposed religious milieu of many of them, references to the "presence," "face," "protection," "wings," and the like of the Deity take on a new concreteness. So, more generally, the practice of many critics in approaching the words of particular psalms has been to seek to concretize them, to tie them down to processionals, priestly blessings, and other cultic regalia, or to link the requests for divine "goodness" or "blessing" to the somewhat mundane but vital concerns for adequate rainfall, a good harvest, and other necessities that might have shaped Israel's communal worship. This approach has often proven quite convincing. For much the same reason, the very vagueness of many petitions has aroused trie suspicion of some critics: who, for example, are the otherwise unspecified "enemies" from whom the psalmist seeks to be protected? And why is his salvation in psalms of thanksgiving so often presented in floridly metaphorical but hardly specific language? It has been argued that the language of many praises and complaints is left purposely vague so as to allow the composition to be reused by a variety of different speakers, each making reference to his particular case, but in language that gives more the illusion than the substance of specificity. All this in turn has tarnished, at least in the eyes of some, the "spirituality" of the Psalter, since many of its most sublime passages have

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had to be reunderstood (and in some cases retranslated) in somewhat less lofty terms. Part of this "de-spiritualization" is an illusion created by the gap between worship in ancient Israel and worship in modern-day settings. The latter seems predicated on the very distance or elusiveness separating Deity and worshiper; the former, at least in its liturgical setting, was, on the contrary, based on the fact of divine presence, an absolute reality. What to moderns may seem mechanical and hopelessly concrete takes on quite a different aspect when restored to such a setting and mentality. Moreover, declarations of fealty, dependence, and so forth acquire a solemn significance when uttered publicly at the very "dwelling place" of the Deity: they are indeed what many psalms seem to represent them as, verbal offerings, thus wholly comparable to sacrifices, tributes in the most concrete sense. This notwithstanding, a liturgical setting cannot be posited for all the Psalms—many, especially those whose language suggests a late date of composition, seem clearly to belong elsewhere, to private piety or possibly to noncultic yet communal worship. Indeed, it has been argued that much material in the Psalter originally tied to public worship came gradually to have a life outside of it as well. Political events may have had a role in such an evolution. The destruction of old religious sites as well as the centralization of worship may have encouraged the establishment of nonsacrificial rites in the former places of sacrifice, with psalmody taking on an increased importance. Similarly, the Babylonian exile may have served to give the David depicted composing psalms, a role that tradition ascribes to him; pagefromthe Paris Psalter (900).

verbal component of worship a new independence. Whatever its causes, such a gradual shift might not only explain the scarcity of worship references in late psalms but would suggest that even originally cultic material may later have come to be "reread," understood in new ways and used in new circumstances. Such a "rereading" tendency seems amply attested not only in the latest parts of the Psalter but in such extrabiblical documents as the writings of the Qumran community that were found among the Dead Sea Scrolls. Indeed, the very existence of our present Psalter, with its integration of diverse materials, may be due to just this process: festive hymns, prayers, and songs that had once been designed for the sanctuary all eventually became "praises" [tehillim] suitable for worship in any setting. In fact the Psalms were, in the apparent view of one manuscript from Qumran (llQPs 8 ), now nothing less than revealed Scripture, "praises" and songs spoken by David through divinely sent wisdom and even "in prophecy." And so they have remained. Bibliography Childs, B. S. Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979. Pp. 504-25. Gerstenberger, E. "The Psalms." In J. H. Hayes, Old Testament Form Criticism. San Antonio, TX: Trinity University Press, 1974. Pp. 179-223. Holladay, W. L. The Psalms Through Three Thousand Years: Prayerbook of a Cloud of Witnesses. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 1993. Miller, P. D., Jr. "Trouble and Woe: Interpreting the Biblical Laments." Interpretation Jan. 1983: pp. 32-45. J.L.K. P s a l m s of Solomon, a group of eighteen pseudepigraphical psalms, extant only in Greek and Syriac but possibly composed originally in Hebrew. According to the commonly accepted view, the psalms were compiled around the middle of the first century B.C. The political allusions in them seem to reflect the conquest of Judea by the Roman general Pompey (63 B.C.). The psalms themselves treat various topics. Notable is a lament on Israel's troubles, a hymn of messianic hope, and various others that deal with religious and political themes. See also Pseudepigrapha. Psalter (sawl'tuhr). 1 A name designating the biblical book of Psalms. 2 A name for a collection of biblical psalms used in worship. A number of such collections have survived from the early Middle Ages, often combined with portions of the Gospels. See also Psalms, The. Pseudepigrapha (soo'duh-pig'ruh-fuh; Gk., "writings with false superscriptions"), a collection of some sixty-five documents connected with but not part of the OT and written by Jews or Christians, for the most part during the three centuries before and the two centuries after the

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beginning of the Christian era. They are called "pseudepigrapha" because, in many cases, the person with whom they are identified was not the author. By the time of Jesus of Nazareth and the Jewish rabbi Hillel, the religious person in early Judaism (ca. 250 B.C.-A.D. 200} had a collection of writings that were regarded as paradigmatic for all aspects of life. This collection was the Hebrew Bible, or the Christian OT. By the first century A.D., almost all the writings in this collection were perceived as divinely inspired; by the middle of the second century, the OT canon was considered closed. So powerful was the influence of the OT that contemporary religious writings were almost always the result of reflections and meditations on these Scriptures or expansions of them; all language, symbols, and metaphors were shaped by these texts in a way virtually unparalleled in the history of ideas. For example, when the author of The Testament ofjudah (chaps. 3-7} describes the Maccabean wars, he refers to them in OT forms and paradigms: Dan and Judah pretend to be "Amorites" and they fight against the "Canaanites." Indeed, a great hindrance in perceiving the dates of these early Jewish writings is the penchant for referring to contemporary events in terms of past cataclysms; for example, the Roman destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70 is described with prose and poetry borrowed from old descriptions of the sixth-century B.C. conquest of Jerusalem by the Babylonians. Thus, the author of 4 Ezra laments over Rome's conquest of Jerusalem with the words: "Are the deeds of those who inhabit Babylon any better? Is that why she has gained dominion over Zion?"(4Ezra3:28). The sixty-five documents of the OT Pseudepigrapha are often attributed to one or another of the Hebrew patriarchs. They were written by Jews or Christians during the three centuries before and the two centuries after the beginning of the Christian era. One writing, Ahiqar, predates this period and is included because of its importance for the study of early Judaism and the origins of Christianity. Some writings postdate A.D. 200. These are included because they provide valuable information regarding the development of Jewish traditions and cycles, contain perhaps an edited version of an otherwise lost early Jewish document, or preserve much earlier Jewish traditions. Hence, some writings in the OT Pseudepigrapha clearly predate the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70; others certainly date from that cataclysmic event until the defeat of the proclaimed messianic warrior Simon Bar Kokhba in 135; others probably can be dated prior to 135 or 200, when the Mishnah (i.e., Jewish oral traditions) was codified; other Jewish writings are extant only in later Christian versions. One must be careful to distinguish, for example, between a book like Jubilees, which certainly dates from the second century B.C., and a work like The Ascension of

Isaiah, which is a composite of Jewish and Christian lore. Guidance regarding the dates, origin, and theological importance of each document in the Pseudepigrapha is now provided in a new edition: James H. Charlesworth (éd.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1983); all quotations from the Pseudepigrapha are taken from this collection of translations. It must be emphasized that the term "Pseudepigrapha" is used because of custom, tradition, and wide international acceptance. In no way does this term indicate what the Greek original denotes: "writings with false superscriptions." No longer do scholars use the term in its etymological sense, even though many of the documents are incorrectly assigned (sometimes, perhaps, by much later scribes) to such figures as Enoch, Abraham, Moses, Solomon, Elijah, and Ezra. The documents in the Pseudepigrapha can be arranged under five loosely defined genres. Apocalyptic Literature and Related Works: This category includes nineteen documents: 1 (Ethiopie Apocalypse of) Enoch 2 (Slavonic Apocalypse of) Enoch 3 (Hebrew Apocalypse of) Enoch Sibylline Oracles Treatise of Shem Apocryphon of Ezekiel Apocalypse of Zephaniah 4 Ezra Greek Apocalypse of Ezra Vision of Ezra Questions of Ezra Revelation of Ezra Apocalypse of Sedrach 2 (Syriac Apocalypse of) Baruch 3 (Greek Apocalypse of) Baruch Apocalypse of Abraham Apocalypse of Adam Apocalypse of Elijah Apocalypse of Daniel Either the author or a subsequent scribe gave these titles to the documents now preserved almost always in late manuscripts, although fragments of some documents in the Pseudepigrapha have been discovered among the Qumran literature (Dead Sea Scrolls). The noun "Apocalypse" comes from the Greek word meaning a "revelation" or "disclosure." Thus, these documents contain a revelation of what is occurring in the heavens above the earth or what is to happen in the impending future. Such disclosures are usually graphically illustrated with visions and auditions, and there are often cosmic trips by Enoch or other "holy ones" into the hidden reaches of our universe. Yet, the reason for these descriptions is not so much cosmology as theology; the concern is not so much with the distant world or future age as it is with the ramifications of these disclosures for the choices to be made in the present, earthly

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world. Hence, an ethical dimension is often implicit, even at times explicit, as in 1 Enoch 101:1: "Examine the heaven, you sons of heaven, and all the works of the Most High; and be afraid to do evil in his presence." The moral import of apocalyptic thought is emphasized, for example, in 2 Enoch 39-66, where Enoch returns to the earth and instructs his sons regarding righteousness, and in The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (see below), where each of the twelve sons of Jacob instructs and admonishes his sons. At least one apocalyptic writing laments the present state of the world and is pessimistic; note, for example, 4 Ezra 7:48^49 [118-119]:

ing insights into our universe and humanity, is extant only in Slavonic; the original Jewish core probably dates from the end of the first century A.D. 3 Enoch is Jewish and in its present form dates from the fifth or sixth century A.D. It is not the work of one author, but rather the deposit of many traditions; portions of the writing probably date from the first or second century A.D. The Sibylline Oracles, which predict future woes and calamities, comprise both early Jewish and later Christian writings, dating from the second century B.C. to the seventh century A.D. They usually served as political propaganda. The Treatise of Shem clarifies the features of a year according to the house of the zodiac in which the year begins; although difficult to date, the document seems to be an Alexandrian composition from the end of the first century B.C. The Apocryphon of Ezekiel is lost, except for quotations and an excerpt in both the writings of the fourth century church father Epiphanius and the Babylonian Talmud. The original Jewish document dates from sometime around the turn of the era. The Apocalypse of Zephaniah is only partly preserved; the original Jewish work probably describes Zephaniah's travels to heaven and Hades and was written around the turn of the era. The fourth book of Ezra [4 Ezra) is a Jewish work that postdates the destruction of the Temple in A.D. 70; a later Christian altered its pessimistic tone by prefixing two chapters and affixing two others. The Greek Apocalypse of Ezra records Ezra's visions of heaven, hell, and the Antichrist; in its present form, this apocalypse is Christian, is rather late (perhaps as late as the ninth century), and is a mixture of Jewish and Christian sources. The Vision of Ezra is Christian but is clearly in the cycle of Ezra writings like 4 Ezra and The Greek Apocalypse of Ezra; it dates from between the fourth and the seventh centuries. The Questions of Ezra is Christian and like The Vision of Ezra is placed within the Ezra cycle; its date has not yet been determined. The Revelation of Ezra concludes the Ezra cycle; somewhat like The Treatise of Shem, it describes the nature of the year according to the weekday in which it begins. It is Christian and difficult to date, certainly predating the ninth century, the date of the extant manuscript. The Apocalypse of Sedrach, in its present form, is Christian and perhaps as late as the fifth century, but it obviously preserves material from the early centuries of the present era. The Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch (2 Baruch), a Jewish work that is far more optimistic than 4 Ezra and probably a later reaction to it, dates from around A.D. 100. 3 Baruch is either a Christian work that utilized Jewish traditions or a Jewish work that has been edited by a Christian. The latter possibility seems more probable. The Jewish writing would date from the first or second century A.D.

O Adam, what have you done? For though it was you who sinned, the fall was not yours alone, but ours also who are your descendants. For what good is it to us, if an eternal age has been promised to us, but we have done deeds that bring death? Other apocalypses contain a yearning for a new, glorious age, which seems to be dawning; note, for example, 2 Baruch 73:1-2: And it will happen that after he has brought down everything which is in the world, and has sat down in eternal peace on the throne of the kingdom, then joy will be revealed and rest will appear. And then health will descend in dew, and illness will vanish, and fear and tribulation and lamentation will pass away from among men, and joy will encompass the earth. The character and date of the apocalyptic works already listed may be succinctly suggested. 1 Enoch, a most important apocalypse replete with divine information about the world and history, is a Jewish composition; it is composite and dates from the third century B.C. to the first century A.D. (probably the first half). 2 Enoch, also a brilliant apocalypse with penetratLeather manuscript fragment in Greek of the Sibylline Oracles, ca. the fourteenth century A.D.

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The Apocalypse of Abraham is extant only in Slavonic; the early Jewish core is dated by most scholars between A.D. 70 and 150. The Apocalypse of Adam, in its present form, is Gnostic, but not Christian Gnostic, and several scholars have argued or suggested that it derives from Jewish traditions or sources that are from the first century A.D. The Apocalypse of Elijah, a composite work of Jewish and Christian materials, was probably written between A.D. 150 and 275; the Jewish material is obviously even older than the earliest date of the composite work. The Apocalypse of Daniel, according to some scholars, contains very early, perhaps fourthcentury A.D. sections; the present work clearly dates from the beginning of the ninth century but contains Jewish traditions that may be centuries earlier. Testaments: The second genre of documents in the OT Pseudepigrapha is "Testaments" (often with apocalyptic sections); this group contains the following documents: Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs Testament of Job Testaments of the Three Patriarchs Testament of Abraham Testament of Isaac Testament of Jacob Testament of Moses Testament of Solomon Testament of Adam OT narratives usually provide the setting for these "Testaments." Although there was no concrete genre to bind the authors, there is a shared structure or format to most of these writings. The OT patriarch, on his death bed, calls his sons and followers around him in order to convey his last words ofinstniction and perception. These testaments (or last wills) contain moral instruction and are often dramatized by visions into the future. In a certain sense, this genre was influenced by Jacob's testament to his sons (Gen. 49). The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, in its present form, is a Christian work that probably dates from the second half of the second century A.D. Most scholars are convinced, however, thanks to the recovery of the Testaments of

Levi, Judah, and Naphtali (from The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs) among the Qumran scrolls (and thus their clearly pre-A.D. 70 dates), that the work is originally a Jewish composition that dates from the second or first century B.C. This extremely important document is a depository of Jewish ethics, but there are also apocalyptic sections and a significant belief in two Messiahs (found also in the Qumran literature): "And there shall arise for you from the tribe of Judah and [the tribe of] Levi the Lord's salvation" [T. Dan 5:10). The Testament of fob is a Jewish work that urges the embodiment of an endurance like Job's; it was written around the turn of the era. The Testaments of the Three Patriarchs (or the Testaments of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob) are three works organically linked, with two Christian writings, the Testaments of Isaac and Jacob, successively evolving from The Testament of Abraham, originally a Jewish work that probably dates from around A.D. 100. The Testament of Moses, which purports to be Moses' farewell exhortation to Joshua, is a Jewish composition that obtained its present form shortly after the turn of the era; it is only partly preserved in one Latin palimpsest. The Testament of Solomon is a folk story about how Solomon built the Temple using magic and demons but fell from God's favor because of his love for an idolatrous Shummanite woman. As extant, it dates from around the third century A.D. While it is possible, as some scholars have argued, that an underlying Jewish writing dates from the first century, it is clear that portions of the Testament represent first-century Palestinian Jewish ideas. The Testament of Adam is a composite work containing the Horarium (Hours of the Day), the Prophecy, and the Hierarchy (of the Heavenly Powers); it reached its present Christian form before the end of the third century A.D. In their original form, however, the Jewish portions may be at least a century earlier. Expansions of the OT and Other Legends: The third genre of documents in the OT Pseudepigrapha contains the following documents:

The Letter of Aristeas Jubilees Martyrdom and Ascension of Isaiah Ethiopie text of 1 Enoch 48. Joseph and Asenath Life of Adam and Eve Pseudo-Philo Lives of the Prophets Ladder of Jacob 4 Baruch Jannes and Jambres **» >ti«t*i»a>i ai*»6 • J m A-MtAiMH t» History of the Rechabites * •**» ûm *$ r» A : «MM# T if * a r * $.* A » Eldad and Modad History of Joseph •M *n> « 4 if ^ v «n>: A M rA > **%*n* i» •«> *These documents especially demonstrate the creative force of the OT; with only one exception, they expand upon and embellish the narratives and stories of the OT. 897

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The Letter of Aristeas—the exception just mentioned—is an apology primarily for the Septuagint but also for the Temple; it dates from the first half of the second century B.C. Jubilees is a conservative writing that celebrates the supremacy of the Law and the Sabbath, directs polemics against a lunar calendar, and extols Jewish exclusiveness. It is a rewriting of Gen. 1:1 through Exod. 12:50 and is ostensibly a revelation to Moses by the Angel of the Presence. It was written during the second century B.C., probably not long before 105 B.C. The Martyrdom and Ascension of Isaiah (chaps. 1-5) is Jewish and was composed certainly long before the end of the first century A.D. and probably around 100 B.C. Joined to the Martyrdom is the "Vision of Isaiah" (chaps. 6-11), a Christian work, which predates the third century A.D. Later interpolated into the Martyrdom is another Christian work, the socalled Testament of Hezekiah (3:13^:22), which dates perhaps from the end of die first century A.D. The three sections were combined before the fourth century. Joseph and Asenath, a romance between Joseph and Pentephres's daughter, is an expansion of Gen. 41:45. The leading scholars today see this work as dating from around A.D. 100, if not earlier. The Life of Adam and Eve, an expansion of Genesis 1-4, dates from the first century A.D., perhaps the first half. Pseudo-Philo, a rewriting of Genesis through 2 Samuel, with legendary expansions, was written either between A.D. 70 and 135 or just before 70. In it (40:5) a memorable lament attributed to Seila, Jephthah's daughter (cf. Judg. 11:30-40), includes the following lines:

The History of the Rechabites, a legendary expansion of Jeremiah 35, as extant, is a Christian work that predates at least the sixth century, but there are reasons to speculate that portions preserve early Jewish traditions. The core chapters may derive from a Jewish writing that predates A.D. 100. Eldad and Modad is lost, except for one quotation in The Shepherd of Hermas; if a Jewish pseudepigraphon, it is very early and is an expansion of Num. 11:24-30. The History of Joseph, an elaborate legend based on Gen. 41:39-42:38, is difficult to date, but originally it may be both early and Jewish. It certainly predates the extant sixth-century papyrus. Wisdom and Philosophical Literature: The fourth genre of documents in the OT Pseudepigrapha contains the following works:

May my words go forth in the heavens, and my tears be written in the firmament! That a father did not refuse the daughter whom he had sworn to sacrifice, . . . The Lives of the Prophets, devoid of some Christian accretions, is a deposit of folklore regarding the lives and deaths of twenty-three prophets; the account is enriched with folklore and legends, many undoubtedly popular in and around Jerusalem. It was written in or just before the first century A.D. The Ladder of Jacob, preserved only in the Explanatory Palaia, a medieval Slavonic text, is an expansion on Jacob's dream at Bethel (Gen. 28:11-22). Some scholars have seen behind chaps. 1-6 an early Jewish document, dating perhaps from the late first century A.D.; chap. 7 is a Christian work, once independent, but now an appendix to the pseudepigraphon. 4 Baruch, an expansion on Jeremiah, was written shortly after A.D. 100; it is a Jewish writing edited by a Christian. Jannes and Jambres, a tale about the Pharaonic magicians who opposed Moses (Exod. 7-8; cf. 2 Tim. 3:8-9), derives from many diverse, very early legends. As a book, it is Christian in its present edited form, but it certainly goes back to Jewish traditions that predate the first century A.D.

Ahiqar 3 Maccabees 4 Maccabees Pseudo-Phocylides The Sentences of the Syriac Menander These writings preserve some of the insights of ancient wisdom, not only within early Judaism but also in surrounding cultures. Here, we confront the universalistic truths so essential for sophisticated and enlightened conduct and behavior in all facets of life, secular and religious. Jews tended to borrow philosophical truths from other cultures, frequently but not always recasting them in light of the Torah. Ahiqar, an Assyrian composition of the late seventh or sixth century B.C., predates the period covered by the OT Pseudepigrapha; it is included among the Pseudepigrapha, however, because it is important for an understanding of the thought of early Judaism, is cited by the author of Tobit (1:21-22), and is not found in other collections of ancient literature. 3 Maccabees, primarily a humorous account of divine intervention that saved the Jews from persecution by Ptolemy IV Philopator, was written near the turn of the era, perhaps even as early as the early decades of the first century B.C. 4 Maccabees, a philosophical diatribe influenced by Stoicism and Greek rhetoric, was composed probably sometime in the century preceding the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70. Pseudo-Phocylides, Jewish maxims attributed to an Ionic poet who lived in the sixth century B.C., was compiled perhaps between 50 B.C. and A.D. 100. The Sentences of the Syriac Menander is a florilegium (collection) of old wisdom sayings probably compiled by a Jew around the third century A.D. The work is at times strikingly similar to Ahiqar and to Ecclesiasticus (The Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach). Prayers, Psalms, and Odes: The fifth, and final, genre of documents in the OT Pseudepigrapha contains the following writings:

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More Psalms of David Prayer of Manasseh Psalms of Solomon Hellenistic Synagogal Prayers

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Prayer of Joseph Prayer of Jacob Odes of Solomon Some of these poetic compositions are influenced by the thought and style of the Davidic Psalms, while others show the more free developments of poetic style characteristic of early Jewish hymns. More Psalms of David contains five additional psalms of David and some verses of a sixth; these were composed over a wide period of time. One dates from the third century B.C., while others date from the second century B.C. to the first century A.D. Sometimes the reference to David is palpable; note, for example, Psalm 151A, v. 1:

The new edition of the OT Pseudepigrapha (see above) also contains a supplement of thirteen Jewish works preserved primarily or only in quotations by the fourth century bishop and church historian Eusebius, who found them almost always in a now lost work by Alexander Polyhistor, who lived in the first century B.C. Some of the excerpts are fascinating. For example, Aristobulus, a brilliant Jewish philosopher influenced by Pythagorean, Platonic, and Stoic ideas, argued that Pythagoras, Socrates, and Plato heard God's voice. Artapanus, a Jewish historian who lived in the second century B.C., even suggested that all the greatness of Egyptian culture, including idolatry and polytheism, was to be attributed to the work of Abraham, Joseph, and Moses. See also Apocalyptic Literature; Apocrypha, Old Testament; Bible; Canon; Josephus; Mishnah; Music; New Testament; Old Testament; Philo; Prayer; Pseudonym; Rabbi, Rabboni; Scrolls, The Dead Sea; Septuagint; J.H.C. Talmud; Wisdom.

I was the smallest among my brothers, and the youngest among the sons of my father; and he made me shepherd of his flocks, and the ruler over his kids. The Prayer of Manasseh, often included in the Apocrypha, a beautiful and penetrating penitential prayer, was composed by a Jew around the turn of the era. The Psalms of Solomon preserves eighteen psalms written by pious Jews near or in Jerusalem during the last half of the first century B.C. The Hellenistic Synagogal Prayers, Jewish prayers identified behind books seven and eight of the Apostolic Constitutions, are difficult to date. They were probably composed during the second and third centuries A.D., if not earlier. The Prayer of Joseph, as extant, is more typical of the works collected under the category "Expansions of the Old Testament"; it is only partially preserved, but there are reasons to date it to the period between A.D. 70 and 135. The Prayer of Jacob is lost, except for twenty-six lines preserved in a papyrus fragment. It is a Jewish prayer that is difficult to date, but it must predate the extant fourth-century papyrus. The Odes of Solomon, a Christian collection of forty-two odes significantly influenced by the literature of early Judaism, especially the Qumran scrolls, was composed around A.D. 100 and is strikingly similar to the Gospel of John.

pseudonym, a fictitious or assumed name. As a matter of convention in the intertestamental period, many writers assumed the names of various persons mentioned in the OT, including Adam, Enoch, Moses, Job, Ezra, and the twelve sons of Jacob, to draw upon that individual's authority or symbolic importance. The book of Daniel is pseudonymous, while, in the NT, such Letters are attributed to James, Peter, Jude, and, in some cases, to Paul. See also Apocrypha, Old Testament; Pseudepigrapha. Ptolemais (tol'uh-may'uhs). See Acco. Ptolemy (tol'uh-mee), the dynastic name of the kings who ruled Egypt after the death of Alexander the Great. 1 Ptolemy I, "Soter" (d. 283/2 B.C.), founder of the dynasty. He established the administrative and military structure of Egypt. He also created a hellenized Egyptian cult around

Aramaic fragment of 1 Enoch 22 found among the Dead Sea Scrolls.

Ptolemy IV on a gold coin; on his head is a crown formed of the sun's rays. 899

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the god Serapis for the Greek populace and established the "museum," the library at Alexandria that would make the city the center of learning and research throughout the Hellenistic period. 2 Ptolemy II, "Philadelphus" (ruled 283-246 B.C.), who adopted the Egyptian custom of marrying his full sister, which scandalized his Greek subjects. Under his reign the hellenization of Egypt and the ascent of Alexandria to intellectual prominence continued. During his reign the Greek translation of the Hebrew OT, the Septuagint (LXX), was begun. 3 Ptolemy HI, "Euergetes," who ruled from 246 to 2 2 2 / 2 1 B.C. 4 Ptolemy IV, "Philopator," who ruled from 221 to 204 B.C. 5 Ptolemy V, "Epiphanes" (ruled 204-180 B.C.), who was crowned according to ancient Egyptian rites in 197 B.C., an event commemorated on the Rosetta Stone. 6 Ptolemy VI, "Philometor" (ruled 180-145 B.C.), who shared rule with his brother, Ptolemy VII. 7 Ptolemy VII, "Neos Philopator" (145-144 B.C.). 8 Ptolemy VIII, "Euergetes II," who ruled from 140 B.C. to 116 B.C. The second half of the second century was characterized by considerable strife between the brothers and constant wars with various factions in Syria. 9 The children of Ptolemy IX, Cleopatra Bernice (81-80 B.C.) and sons Ptolemy X and XI (80 B.C.), with whose deaths Ptolemaic rule ended. 10 The illegitimate Ptolemy XII, who took the throne and ruled until 51 B.C. His two sons were killed fighting Julius Caesar and were followed on the throne by their sister Cleopatra VTI, who had a child by Julius Caesar and was later married to Mark Antony from whom she received territory in Syria and Palestine. She committed suicide when she and Antony were defeated by Octavian (Augustus) in 31 B.C. See also Egypt; Rosetta Stone. P.P.

collect taxes in their districts. The publicans were personally responsible for paying the taxes to the government, but they were in turn free to collect extra taxes from the people in order to make a profit. Opportunities for theft, fraud, and corruption abounded and tax collectors were generally despised in Greco-Roman literature, including the NT. Among Jews they were also rejected because they had contact with Gentiles and were ritually unclean. "Publicans and sinners" are cited together as examples of undesirable types (Matt. 9:11; 11:19; Luke 15:1). In a surprising reversal of cultural norms, Jesus compares tax collectors and harlots favorably with the Jewish leaders because the tax collectors and harlots are believing in Jesus and entering the kingdom and the leaders are not (Matt. 21:31). Zacchaeus believes in Jesus and says that he will repay fourfold those whom he has defrauded (Luke 19:8). See also Tribute, Tax, Toll. A.J.S. Publius (puhblee-uhs), the chief magistrate of the Island of Malta when Paul was cast ashore there by a shipwreck (Acts 28:1). Because Paul healed Publius's father of fever and dysentery, the people of Malta showed Paul and his companions much kindness (Acts 28:7-10). Pudens (pyoo'dinz), known only as a greeter of Timothy (2 Tim. 4:21), unless he was Pudens the friend of the Latin poet Martial. See also Claudia; Eubulus; Linus.

Tiglath-pileser III, king of Assyria 745-727 B.C., is also called "Pul" in the Bible; relief from Susa, eighth century B.C.

P u a h (pyoo'uh), a name derived from two Hebrew words in the OT. 1 Derived from Hebrew pu'âh, one of the Hebrew midwives who cleverly disobeyed the Pharaoh's orders and spared the Hebrews' male children (Exod. 1:15). Derived from Hebrew pu'âh it refers to the following: 2 The son of Issachar and head of the clan of the Punites (1 Chron. 7:1). The name also occurs as Puwah (Gen. 46:13) and Puvah (Num. 26:23). 3 The father of Tola, one of the judges of Israel (Judg. 10:1). publicans, tax and toll collectors in the Roman Empire. Contracts for collecting taxes in a region were farmed out, usually to wealthy foreigners. They in turn hired local inhabitants to collect the taxes, such as Zacchaeus, who was a chief tax collector in Jericho (Luke 19:1). Farmers who tried to move their goods to a market outside their immediate territory were subject to tolls which ate up any monetary profit. Goods sold in certain markets were also subject to taxes and farmers were generally destitute or in debt to moneylenders and tax collectors. Sometimes community leaders were forced to

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Pul (puhl), the name by which Tiglath-pileser III, king of Assyria, was known in the Babylonian King List A and the Ptolemaic Canon. Pul may be a shortened and familiar form of the second element, -pileser, a wordplay on the Akkadian word pulu, "limestone block." This nickname was not used in contemporary documents and never served as a royal name. Late biblical writers learned the name in Babylonia and were confused as to the king's true identity (2 Kings 15:29; 2 Chron. 5:26).

places of punishment are revealed. In each case the mode of punishment suits the sins for which the lost souls are being punished. It is this later tradition that Dante incorporated in his Inferno. Today there is a range of interpretations of this tradition among Christians. Fundamentalists and some conservative evangelicals believe that hell is an actually existing, physical place and that various horrible physical afflictions will be visited there upon sinners in eternity. A moderate view holds that hell is not a specific place and that God is not preparing physical punishments for the wicked. Hell is rather the state of eternal separation from God. It is the conscious loss of the presence of God and of heavenly bliss. Some liberals understand language about everlasting punishment symbolically. From this point of view, these symbols express something about earthly life, not about an afterlife. Hell may be interpreted as the state in this life of hardened rebellion against God, a state of disobedience beyond forgiveness and redemption. Support for this view is found in the Gospel of John. There the opposite of everlasting punishment, eternal life, is presented primarily as a quality of life in the present: real life, abundant life. See also Apocalyptic Literature; Eschatology; Heaven; Hell; Judgment, Day of. A.Y.C.

pulse, a porridge of meal and legumes. It is a term in the KJV where the RSV has "vegetables" in Dan. 1:12, 16; it was food for Daniel and his companions at their request, so they could avoid defilement with unclean foods. punishment, everlasting, the concept that after death an individual can be subjected to ongoing retribution for evil acts committed during life. The idea developed slowly over a long period of time. The ancient Hebrews, like the other Semitic peoples of the ancient Near East, believed that at death the human person lost earthly life but did not go out of existence entirely. They had no notion of an immortal soul separable from the body. Rather, they believed that the dead had a shadowlike or phantomlike existence in the realm of the dead. The realm of the dead was usually located under the earth. It was called by various names, most commonly Sheol. This name is related to the verb "to inquire" in Hebrew and probably reflects the practice of seeking oracles from the dead. In the OT Sheol is not particularly a place of punishment. Existence there is characterized by weariness and forgetfulness. The notion of eternal punishment does appear a few times in the OT, though not particularly associated with Sheol. In Isa. 66:24 it is said of the wicked that "their worm shall not die, their fire shall not be quenched, and they shall be an abhorrence to all flesh" (RSV). In Daniel 12:2 it is said that some will rise from the dead to shame and everlasting contempt. In 2 Kings 23:10 the Valley of Hinnom, a ravine south of Jerusalem, is mentioned as a place where children were burned as sacrifices to the god Molech. Perhaps as early as the third century B.C., this valley came to represent the place of eternal punishment [1 Enoch 27; 90:26-27; 2 Esdr. 7:36). This notion appears in the NT, where the valley is called Gehenna (e.g., Matt. 5:22). In Jewish literature of the Greco-Roman period and in the NT, the punishment envisaged in this valley is a fiery one. The book of Revelation does not use the term Gehenna but speaks of a lake of fire in which the wicked will be punished (Rev. 20:14-15). The notion of eternal punishment was greatly elaborated in the early Christian apocalypses that came to be called apocryphal (to the NT). In The Apocalypse of Peter, for example, various

pur. See Purim. purge, to cleanse of impurities. The term appears in a variety of contexts: to cleanse a land of idolatry (2 Chron. 34:3, 8); to atone for sin or purify from iniquity (1 Sam. 3:14; Pss. 65:3; 79:9; Isa. 6:7; Heb. 1:3; 10:2; 2 Tim. 2:21); and to prepare a new altar for use in Temple sacrifice (Ezek. 43:20, 26). The purging or refining of metal was used as a metaphor for expiating sin (Isa. 1:25; Mal. 3:3). The removal of undesirable persons could be expressed as an explicit purging of rebels from the land (Ezek. 20:38) or metaphorically as the purging of a threshing floor (Matt. 3:12; Luke 3:17) or the purging of a lump of leaven (1 Cor. 5:7). purify, purification. See Purity. Purim (pyoo'rim), the Feast of, a minor holiday of the Jewish calendar based upon the account in the book of Esther. King Ahasuerus of Persia was persuaded by his minister, Haman, to destroy all the Jews in his kingdom on a day chosen by the drawing of lots (Heb. purim). The king's Jewish wife, Queen Esther, along with her cousin, Mordecai, foiled the plot and saved her people. The holiday is preceded by the Fast of Esther, commemorating the period of assembly and fasting before the deliverance. On Purim, according to Talmudic practice, the Megillah (Scroll of Esther) is read in the synagogue, charity is distributed, gifts of food are ex-

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PURPLE

changed, and a festive meal is eaten. See also Esther. L.H.S.

priestly purity even in its everyday life. The Temple Scroll envisaged a society in which the Torah's laws of purity would be strictly observed. The sect emphasized repeatedly that purification rites were only efficacious if undertaken after repentance and with a pure heart. Very similar practices were part of the religious life of the Pharisees and the early Tannaim (those who handed on traditions). Christian doctrine likewise states that impurity is a spiritual or moral quality that comes from within. The blood of Jesus is understood as the agent that has purified all people once and for all. Jesus is believed to serve simultaneously as the last sacrifice necessary as well as the intercessor high priest (see the Letter to the Hebrews). Thus, in Christian theology the elaborate system of biblical purity is abrogated. The Jewish tradition, although forced to give up the sacrificial ritual due to the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple, retained the laws of ritual purity wherever possible. Therefore, the immersion of a woman in the miqweh (ritual bath) after menstruation remained a requirement of Jewish law. The ritual washing of the hands is an example of a rabbinic enactment that extended the laws of purity from the Temple to L.H.S. the home. See also Priests; Worship.

purity, the condition of being free from any physical, moral, or ritual contamination. In the Hebrew Bible people may contract impurity by contact with a corpse, certain dead animals, the involuntary flow of fluids from the sexual organs, a disease such as tsara'at (usually mistranslated as "leprosy"), or the eating of prohibited foods. Certain objects are regarded as pure [tahor] but may be rendered impure [tame') as a result of contact with an impure person who has not undergone purification rites. While impure, a person is enjoined from certain actions, primarily contact with the Temple or its religious practices. Although aspects of the demonic may have been present in the earliest conceptions of ritual impurity, the Hebrew Bible understands moral impurity (i.e., sinfulness) to be the underlying cause of physical impurity. Both were seen as defilement of the individual and, therefore, in need of purification. The moral imperfection represented a defilement from within, a rebellion against God's law. The physical signs of impurity were seen as the symptoms of this moral or religious imperfection. In all cases, this impurity, being contagious, had to be gotten rid of. This necessitated the complex system of purificatory rituals. Specific rites of purification were enjoined for the various forms of ritual impurity. The process of purification consisted of several stages: a waiting period of from one day to several months, depending upon the nature of the impurity, counting from the time of the cessation of the cause of pollution; a cleansing agent such as water (Lev. 15:16), fire (Num. 31:23), or blood (Lev. 14:25); and the offering of a sacrifice. The duty of the priest was to maintain the ritual purity of Israel and its sanctuary. Thus, the laws of purity are found mainly in the priestly documents in such biblical books as Leviticus and Numbers. At the same time, the purificatory rites were not automatically efficacious. Purification only worked if the person was free of immorality and repentant of the evil that caused impurity. Hence, the role of the priest was to administer the rites that removed the last vestiges of impurity from the conscience of the worshiper. This was the case not only for the individual but for the nation as a whole. Once a year, on the Day of Atonement, Israel had to atone as a community, the priestly house had to be atoned for, the altar had to be cleansed, and the sanctuary itself purified. In this way the priests preserved the purity of the nation, and the presence of God continued to dwell among Israel. Ritual purity and impurity were particularly important in the literature of the Dead Sea Scrolls. The sect of Qumran was itself extremely strict and maintained the standards of

purple, a distinctive dye color associated with royal garb. Such dye was a product of the Syrian and Phoenician coastal zone whose people maintained a monopoly on the item through much of history. It derived from a distinctive combination of colors acquired from gastropods of the Muricidae family that lived in Mediterranean waters of the region. Various shades were mixed, primarily red to purple. "The purple" came to stand for the color, cloth dyed in it, people who wore it, and classes rich enough to afford it, like royalty. Specifically, the dye was extracted from the secretion of the hypobranchial gland of the mollusks, and the most popular shades were produced by a double-dyeing treatment. From the middens of shells along the north Mediterranean coast of Lebanon and Syria, the Murex brandaris and Murex trunculus were the most frequently used sources. The limited habitat and the small amount of dye extractable from each shell made the product especially valuable. Biblical references to blue and scarlet together with purple are extensive (Exod. 25:4; 36:35), and the colors were prized for priestly vestments in Israel's tradition. A good wife was clothed in purple (Prov. 31:22), Solomon's palanquin seat was purple (Song of Sol. 3:10), Jesus was temporarily cloaked in purple during his pre-execution incarceration (Mark 15:17-20; John 19:2-5), the rich man's clothes included purple in the parable of the rich man and Lazarus (Luke 16:19), Lydia of Thyatira was a trader of purple goods when she became

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Christian (Acts 16:14), and purple figured in the eschatological vision of the harlot condemned, meaning Rome (Rev. 17:4; 18:12,16). While Israel imported its purple, as did others, Solomon specified that men skilled to work in "purple, crimson, and blue fabrics" be included in the Phoenician work force he obtained from Hiram, king of Tyre (2 Chron. 2:7), in response to which Hiram sent one Huramabi (2:14), and the work was done (3:14). R.S.B.

walls of the burial complex inside the pyramid. Each pyramid has its own particular collection of spells. The intent of the spells was to affirm— even bring about—the resurrection and ascent to the sky of the deceased ruler. The spells generally predate the pyramids in which they are inscribed and are often quite archaic. They represent the oldest corpus of religious texts from Egypt and underlie the later Coffin Texts and Book of the Dead, in which the afterlife is no longer a royal prerogative. See also Egypt; Pharaoh; Resurrection. H.B.H.

purse (KJV: "girdle"), a leather pouch in which money was carried (Prov. 7:20; Hag. 1:6; Luke 22:35-36). Jesus forbade his disciples to carry money in their purses, as evidence of their trust that God would provide for them through the generosity of others (Matt. 10:9). The Gospel of John reports that Judas Iscariot was in charge of the common funds used by Jesus and his disciples (John 12:6; 13:29).

P y r r h u s (pihr'uhs), the father of Sopater of Beroea, who accompanied Paul on his last journey to Jerusalem (Acts 20:4).

Put (poot). 1 The third son of Ham (Gen. 10:6; 1 Chron. 1:8). 2 A region in Africa, probably located in Libya. Warriors from Put fought on the side of the Ethiopians and Egyptians when the Assyrians captured No-amon (Thebes) in 663 B.C. (Nah. 3:9; Ezek. 30:5). Puteoli (pyoo-tee'oh-lee; from the Lat. either for "small wells" or for "stink"), the seaport (modern Pozzuoli) just west of Naples where, according to Acts 28:13-14, Paul landed on his way to Rome and stayed seven days with the local Christian community. The apocryphal Acts of Peter has Peter also landing at Puteoli en route to Rome after Paul had departed for Spain. Founded probably in the sixth century B.C. by Greek colonists from Samos, Puteoli was originally a port of Cumae named Dicaearchia. In 215 B.C., the Romans garrisoned the town against the Carthaginian general Hannibal and renamed it Puteoli. In 194 B.C., it became a Roman colony. During the first century A.D., Puteoli was the major port of Italy, where Alexandrian grain ships (like Paul's) docked to unload cargo for Rome. See also Paul. C.H.M. pygarg (pi'gahrg), an obsolete term for a whiterumped ungulate; the KJV uses this term where the RSV has "ibex" in Deut. 14:5. pyramids. See Burial. Pyramid Texts, the, a collection of magical spells relating to the rebirth and eternal glory of the king of Egypt. The texts occur in several pyramids of kings and queens from the end of the fifth dynasty to the eighth dynasty (ca. 2350-2160 B.C.). The texts are not found in the earlier, great pyramids of Giza. First discovered by scholars in 1881, the texts are carved on the

903

Opposite: Ancient Romans as depicted in the "Imperial Procession" portion of a frieze of the Ara Pacis Augustae (altar of the peace of Augustus), 13-9 B.C. 904

QUAIL

Q Q, a hypothetical collection of the sayings of Jesus that predated the Gospels of Matthew and Luke. According to the Two-Document Hypothesis, Matthew and Luke independently used Mark and another documentary source, consisting largely of sayings of Jesus. Originally referred to as "the logia" (oracles), "L" (H. J. Holtzmann), the Spruchsammlung (C. H. Weisse), or the Redensammlung (C. Weizsàcker), it came in the twentieth century to be known simply as "Q" (from German Quelle, "source"), the coinage of J. Weiss. The following Synoptic pericopae are normally assigned to Q (cited by Lucan versification): 3:7-9, 16b-17; 4:1-13; 6:20b-23, 2 7 - 3 3 , 35c, 36-37b, 38c, 39-49; 7:lb-2, 6-10, 18-19, 2 1 - 2 3 , 24-28, 31-35; 9:57-60; 10:2-16, 2 1 - 2 4 ; 11:2-4, 9-20, 23, 24-26, 29-35, 39-44, 46-52; 1 2 : 2 - 1 2 , 2 2 - 3 1 , 33-34, 39-40, 42b-46, 49, 51-56, 58-59; 13:18-21, 24, 26-30, 34-35; 14:11 (18:14); 14:16-24, 26-27; 14:34-35; 15:4-7; 16:13, 16, 17, 18; 17:lb-2, 3b-4, 6b, 2 3 - 2 4 , 26-27, 30, 33-35, 37b; 19:12-13, 15b-26; 22:28-30. In several other instances Matthew and Luke exhibit sufficient agreements against Mark to raise suspicions that a version of Q overlapped with Mark: Luke 3:2-3 (less likely, 3:21-22); 4:16; 1 1 : 2 1 - 2 2 (some have also suggested Luke 10:25-28 and 14:5). Some pericopae, attested in only one Gospel but occurring in a predominantly Q context and cohering with Q's style, might also be tentatively ascribed to Q: Luke 6:24-26; Matt. 5:41; Luke 6:34-35b; 9:61-62; 11:27-28; 12:13-14, 16-21; 15:8-10; 17:20-21, 28-29. Q thus amounts to somewhat over four thousand words, or approximately the same number as in 2 Corinthians. The nearly verbatim agreement of Matthew and Luke in reproducing such Q pericopae as Luke 3:7-9; 11:19-20, 24-26, 31-32; and 13:34—35 and significant agreements between Matthew and Luke in the relative order of Q texts indicate that the Evangelists probably used Q in written form rather than as a set of oral traditions. Although Q contains a number of Semitisms, none provides convincing evidence that Q ever existed as an Aramaic document; indeed, Q's Greek does not fit the profile typical of translation Greek and contains a variety of constructions possible only in Greek. In regard to the order of Q, the nearly unanimous verdict is that Luke better represents Q, with the probable exceptions of Luke's positioning of the second and third temptations (Luke 4:5-8, 9-13), the saying about losing one's life (Luke 17:33; Matt. 10:37), the sequence of the first two woes against the Phar-

isees (Luke 11:39-41, 42), the order of clauses in Luke 13:28-29, and Luke 17:37b. The genre of Q has been described variously from that of a prophetic book (M. Sato; R. Horsley) to "sayings of the sages" (Robinson). Others, notably J. Kloppenborg and H. Koester, suggest that the compositional history of Q is complex (also A. D. Jacobson) and that while Q began as a sayings collection resembling a Near Eastern instruction, it was transformed by various additions, finally assuming a protobiographical format. Nevertheless, there is no indication of the presence of a passion account nor, more importantly, any indication that the framers of Q understood the death of Jesus to have special salvific importance. The provenance of Q is probably Galilean, where it originated in scribal circles familiar with both instructional wisdom and Israel's prophetic traditions. Its primitive Christology is based on the association of Jesus with heavenly Wisdom and with the Son of Man title. Q apparently disappeared after having been absorbed by Matthew and Luke. Some have argued that Mark used Q and others suggest that the Coptic Gospel of Thomas bears a genetic as well as generic relationship to Q. Neither conclusion has been established convincingly. See also Synoptic Problem, The. Bibliography Catchpole, David R. The Quest for Q. Edinburgh: Clark, 1993. Jacobson, Arland D. The First Gospel. Sonoma, CA: Polebridge, 1992. Mack, B. L. The Lost Gospel. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1993. Piper, Ronald A., ed. The Gospel Behind the Gospels. Novum Testamentum Supplement 75. Leiden, New York, and Kôln: Brill, 1995. J.S.K. Qadisha (kah-dee'shah; Heb., "the holy [river]"), modern Nahr Abu 'Ali, a river that flows from the upper slopes of the Lebanon range northwest to the Mediterranean which it enters at the city of Tripoli. The modern park containing the few remaining cedars of Lebanon is in the upper gorge of the river, but there is no evidence for the conjecture that it was the route used for transporting the cedars sent by Hiram of Tyre to Solomon for the construction of the Temple (cf. 1 Kings 5:1-12). qesita (kes'-i-tah). See Kesitah. quail, a small plump gamebird. It is generally agreed that the Hebrew word translated "quail" in the OT [selaw] denotes the common quail [Coturnix coturnix). Its plumage is of a sandy brown base color with black and pale streaks. The quail breeds in Europe and western Asia and passes through Palestine and Sinai on its way to its winter quarters in Africa. During the Exodus large flocks of quail provided the Israelites with the food God had

906

QUIRINIUS, P. SULPICIUS

QUARRIES

modern Tell Hesban in 1971, adding another to the large registry of quarry sites in the archaeological record. Evidence of informal quarrying for previously used stone is found at almost every large archaeological site. The economy of trimming an already available block versus having to quarry a new one was nearly irresistible to ancient builders, as it is also to modern builders. R.S.B.

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Quartus (kwor'tuhs), a companion of Paul who joins him in sending greetings in Rom. 16:23. quaternion (kwah-tuhr'nee-uhn). See Squad.

Quail; Coptic tapestry, third or fourth century A.D. promised them (Exod. 16:13; Num. 11:31; Ps. 105:40). The large numbers so easily collected by the Hebrews (over a hundred bushels per person) can be explained by the fact that the quail, though a strong flyer over short stretches, is dependent on the wind to cover large distances. Changes in the wind direction force it to the ground and make it easy prey. In ancient Egypt quails were potted and pickled in large quantities, but excessive hunting has now considerably decreased their numbers. I.U.K. quarries, sources of construction stone, whether cut from the sides of outcrops or dug from beneath soil layers. The labor involved was immense (1 Kings 5:13-18) for large projects, and sometimes proverbially dangerous (Eccles. 10:9). In prosperous times the products were commercially available (2 Kings 12:12; 22:6; 2 Chron. 34:11). Finishing the product was sometimes done at the quarry site (1 Kings 6:7), whether for economic, religious, or aesthetic reasons, and the labor could be under royal project command as well (2 Chron. 2:2,18). Quarrying techniques were extensively developed in ancient Egypt, where the blocks for the Old Kingdom pyramids were cut from quarries far up the Nile and floated downstream on barges, sometimes guided by two or three pilot boats to keep the load under way and navigable. Aswan was the site of famous granite quarries, and the techniques were similar in quarrying sandstone or limestone in Palestine. Cuts outlining the blocks were made with picks. Wedges of wood were then inserted and wetted, and the swelling forced the block loose from its setting. Ledges created by the removal of stone blocks were found beneath the Byzantine church at

queen, a woman sovereign, consort or wife of a king, or a mother of a king. Israel, unlike other nations around it, knew no legitimate female sovereigns. Two such foreign queens are mentioned in the Bible, the queen of Sheba (1 Kings 10; 2 Chron. 9) and Candace, queen of the Ethiopians (Acts 8:27). Although not mentioned in the OT, Hatshepsut of Egypt was one of the important pharaohs in the eighteenth dynasty (ca. 1500 B.C.). Athaliah (2 Kings 8:26; 11:1-4) was queen mother who usurped the throne of Israel for seven years upon the death of her son, Ahaziah. A king's wife in ancient Israel apparently had no official function. Marriages were often contracted to cement alliances with other nations (2 Sam. 3:3; 1 Kings 3:1; 16:31; 2 Kings 8:25-27). The queen mother had a more important role than the queen consort in both Israel and surrounding nations (1 Kings 2:19; 15:13). See also Athaliah; Candace; Esther; Jezebel; Sheba, Queen of. F.S.F. Queen of Heaven, a high goddess worshiped by some Jews living in Jerusalem and Egypt in the time of Jeremiah (late seventh-early sixth centuries B.C.; Jer. 7:18; 44:17-19, 25). Jeremiah rejected this worship as idolatry and interpreted the fall of Jerusalem as punishment for such worship. In the first century A.D., the mother goddess of Ephesus, called Artemis by the Greeks, the Syrian goddess Atargatis, and the Egyptian Isis were all worshiped as Queen of Heaven. In the book of Revelation, this high goddess worshiped under many names is Christianized, so to speak, and presented as the Heavenly Israel (Rev. 12). quern (kuhrn), a stone with a flat or slightly concave surface used for grinding grain into meal by hand. Most samples are basalt or limestone in Palestine, and the grain was pulverized by being crushed with a hand-held grinding stone repeatedly kneaded over the grain against the quern surface. Such an activity is probably presumed in Jesus' saying in Matt. 24:21. quicksands. See Syrtis. Quirinius (kwi-rin'ee-uhs), P. Sulpicius, Roman consul who held the position of governor (legate) of Syria for several years, beginning in

907

QUIVER A.D. 6. He is the "Quirinius" (KJV: "Cyrenius") of Luke 2:2, during whose administration the "enrollment" took place and Jesus was born in Bethlehem. The historian Josephus tells of a census carried out under Quirinius's authority in A.D. 6 or 7, after the banishment of Archelaus, the ethnarch of Judea, Samaria, and Idumea. The property of Judea's Roman subjects, now to be governed directly by a Roman prefect, was assessed for the purpose of levying taxes. Apparently this is the census ("enrollment") of Luke 2:1-3. Two problems, however, await resolution. The first and most serious is the discrepancy of at least ten years between Luke's dating of the events surrounding Jesus' birth to the time of Herod the Great (Luke 1:5; cf. Matt. 2:1-22), who died in 4 B.C., and Josephus's dating of Quirinius's census. The second is the difference between Luke's reference to "all the world" being enrolled and Josephus's limitation of the census to the former territory of Archelaus. Various possible solutions to these problems have been proposed, but none has received general acceptance. The problems simply underscore the uncertainty of the historical information available to Luke regarding the circumstances surrounding the birth of Jesus. See also Archelaus; Enrollment; Herod. F.O.G. quiver, a container for carrying arrows, usually made of leather and carried on the back or over the shoulder. The quiver was standard equipment for archers, both hunters (Gen. 27:3) and soldiers (Job 39:23; Isa. 22:6). Figuratively speaking, Lam. 3:13 attributes the distress that accompanied Jerusalem's fall to the arrows of God's quiver (Heb. bene ashpâh, "sons of the quiver"). This connection between arrows and quivers was so well known that biblical writers used these objects as symbols for the relationship between children and parents (Ps. 127:5), the servant and God (Isa. 49:2), and war and death (Jer. 5:16). See also Archers; Arms, Armor; Weapons. G.L.M. Qumran, Khirbet (koom'rahn, kihr'bet), the site of the settlement, probably Essene, that produced the Dead Sea Scrolls. It lies eight and a half miles south of Jericho on the first shelf of hills above the west shore of the Dead Sea. See also Scrolls, The Dead Sea.

Ra (rah). See Re. R a a m a h (ray'uh-mah; also Raama, 1 Chron. 1:9), the Cushite father of Sheba and Dedan (Gen. 10:7), hence an Arabian locale and people. Famous as a spice trading source (Ezek. 27:22), its location is, while uncertain, probably in southwest Arabia near modern Ma'in. Raamses, Rameses (ray-am'seez), one of two store-cities (KJV: "treasure-cities," the other was Pithom) built by the Hebrews for Pharaoh (Exod. 1:11). The reference in Gen. 47:11 to the "land of Rameses," an area where Joseph settled for his father and brothers at the order of an earlier pharaoh, is anachronistic. It was from Raamses that the Israelites departed on the Exodus (Exod. 12:37; Num. 33:3, 5). The Egyptian name of this city was Per-Ramessu, Piramesse, "House of Ramesses." Named after Ramesses II (1279-1212 B.C.), who is often considered the pharaoh of the Exodus, Raamses served as the delta residence for the succeeding kings of the nineteenth and twentieth dynasties (ca. 1212-1070 B.C.). For many years, scholars identified Raamses with Tanis (Heb. Zoan), modern San el-Hagar in the Egyptian delta, where many monuments inscribed with the name of Ramesses II and his successors were discovered. However, it was determined that all of these Ramesside period monuments were moved to Tanis from somewhere else. It is therefore most probable that Raamses is to be placed in the area of modern Khatana-Qantir on the Pelusiac branch of the Nile, about fifteen miles south of Tanis. Evidence for a palace of Sety I (1291-1279 B.C.) and Ramesses II and the houses of high officials of the Ramesside period was found there, within an enormous city stretching more than a mile from Qantir south to Tell el-Dabaa (which is the site of the earlier Hyksos capital of Avaris). See also J.M.W. Pithom; Ramesses; Zoan.

Quran Hattin (koo'roon hah-teen'). See Hattin, Horns of.

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RABBAH

RABSARIS

Rabbah (rab'uh). 1 A city of Judah (Josh. 15:60) in the district with Kiriath-jearim, identified tentatively with modern Khirbet Hamideh. It appears as Rubute in several ancient extrabiblical sources: Tell Amarna Letters, nos. 287, 289, 290; Taanach Tablet no. 1; Thutmose IV's topographical list, town no. 105; and Shishak's list, town no. 13. 2 The only town (alternately Rabbat of the Ammonites or Rabath-Ammon, meaning the "great" or "capital" of the Ammonites) mentioned in the Bible as specifically Ammonite. It is modern Amman, located about twentyfour miles east of the Jordan River and twentythree miles northeast of the Dead Sea. Recent excavations on Jebel el-Qalah, the citadel of the ancient city, indicate at least sporadic occupation throughout the Bronze Age and a fairly heavily fortified town of about 1750-1550 B.C. Salvage excavations at the old Amman Civil Airport have uncovered a structure believed to be a mortuary dating to the thirteenth century B.C. The citadel excavations reveal tenth-ninth-century B.C. phases of a defense wall, quite possibly related to David's siege of the city and the later rebuilding (2 Sam. 11:1; 12:26-31). Iron Age II remains date to the eighth and seventh centuries B.C., with evidences of destruction that recall the rebukes of Amos (Amos 1:14), Jeremiah (Jer. 49:2, 3), and Ezekiel (Ezek. 25:5) against Rabbah and the Ammonites. Rabbah was renamed Philadelphia after it was captured by Ptolemy Philadelphus (third century B.C.), and it flourished as a Hellenistic city, as fortified walls and structural remains testify. Architectually, the second-century A.D. Roman remains are what are prominent today, especially the Nymphaeum, columned street, and large amphitheater in downtown Amman. See also Ammonites. N.L.L.

In the NT, Rabbi is used mostly in direct address of Jesus as a person of respect or teacher. In Mark, Jesus' disciples call him Rabbi (9:5; 11:21; 14:45), and a blind man addresses him as Rabbouni (10:51), all in contexts where Jesus is acting rather than teaching. In John, both Rabbi (1:38) and Rabbouni (20:16) are explicitly interpreted to mean "Teacher." The other Johannine usages are consistent with this understanding or the more general title of respect (1:49; 3:2, 26; 4:31; 6:25; 9:2; 11:8). Matthew also connects the title Rabbi with both teaching and social status, says it pertains to Jesus alone, but rejects its use in his community (23:7-8). Thus, only Judas calls Jesus "Rabbi," as he is betraying him (26:25, 49), and the other disciples address him neither as "Rabbi" nor as "Teacher" (a term used only by outsiders) but rather as "Lord" (8:21, 25; 14:28, 30; 18:21). Apart from Matthew, Mark, and John, no other NT document uses Rabbi. A.J.S.

Rabbi, Rabbouni (rab'i, ra-booh'ni; Heb., "My Great One"), a title that took on a meaning of general respect, "My Master," or a specific meaning, "My Teacher." In the OT, rab, without the possessive, is used in the construct meaning "chief" or "officer" of something (2 Kings 18:17; 25:8). In the Mishnah and Tosefta (third century A.D.), the absolute rab had come to mean a master as opposed to a slave and a teacher of students, specifically one authorized to teach and judge matters of Jewish law. In second- to fourth-century inscriptions, rabbi is used as an honorific title for prominent individuals, equivalent to "sir." The NT has two forms of the title, rabbi and rabbouni (in the best manuscripts), which probably reflect firstcentury Hebrew and Aramaic pronunciations. Later pronunciations attested in the Targums (translations of Hebrew Scriptures into Aramaic) and inscriptions are rebbi, ribbi, rib, and ribboni. "Master" is sometimes used to translate Rabbi in the NT.

Rabmag (rab'mag). See Nergal-sharezer. Rabsaris (rab'suh-ris), a title of Assyrian and Babylonian officials. 1 An official who appears as one of three Assyrian officials sent by Sennacherib to convince King Hezekiah to surrender (2 Kings 18:17-37). 2 Two Babylonian officials who appear in Jerusalem in the time of Nebuchadnezzar's destruction of it (586 B.C.; Jer. 39:3, 13). 3 An official mentioned as being in charge of the youths in Nebuchadnezzar's palace (Dan. 1:3). The term Rabsaris should be translated "Chief [of the] Eunuch[s]"—the element saris derives from Akkadian sha-rêshi, "eunuch"— and the title should be treated literally. The Akkadian term Rab-sha-rèhi is the reading of the logograms LÛ.GAL.LÛ.SAG as well as LÛ.GAL.SAG and is the origin of the Aramaic rbsrs attested on a docket from Nineveh as well as of Rab-saris in Hebrew. Because of the important governmental role of the Rab-sha-rêshi and many sha-rès his, scholars have sometimes been loath to take the term at face value and to acknowledge that all such officials were necessarily castrates; instead, they have assumed that only those sha-rèshis who were palace and harem officials were eunuchs and that otherwise the term was simply a designation for a type of governmental official. Since some sharèshis were undoubtedly eunuchs, and given the usual meaning of the Akkadian loan word sha-rêshi [saris in West Semitic), it is more reasonable to assume that all such officials—sharêshi and Rab-sha-rêshi—were castrates (unless there is compelling evidence to the contrary in a specific instance). The eunuch's lack of a familial support group, absence of descendants to whom he might wish to transfer wealth and office, and perhaps the contempt of other sectors of the society directed his loyalty and devotion

909

RABSHAKEH

RACHEL

to the crown and its interests. Accordingly, while the Rabsaris might be a high harem or court official (Dan. 1:8), he would normally serve in the imperial and military administration in a high-ranking and powerful position. The Rab-sha-rêshi was dispatched on military missions, and the term may even denote the I.T.A. commander-in-chief.

ing for the faith, and persisting in the race to the finish line (1 Cor. 9:24-27; Phil. 1:27-30; 3:13-14; 1 Thess. 2:2; cf. Col. 1:28-29; 1 Tim. 4:7-10; 2 Tim. 4:7-8; Jude 3). In a similar vein, the writer of the Letter to the Hebrews exhorts his Christian readers to run their "course" unencumbered in any way, cheered onward by many witnesses including the martyrs of the past, with eyes fixed upon Jesus "on whom faith depends from start to finish" (Heb. 1 2 : 1 - 2 , NEB). The victors in the race "in which we are entered" are to receive "the crown of righteousness"—"an imperishable wreath," not woven of fading leaves like those so proudly worn by winners in the Greek games (2 Tim. 4:8; 1 Cor. 9:25; Phil. 3:12-16; 1 Tim. 6:11-12). Other NT passages probably also allude to the footrace or athletic contest (Rom. 9:16; 15:30; Gal. 2:2; 5:7; Phil. 2:16; Col. 2 : 1 ; Acts 13:25; 20:24; 2 Tim. 2:5). J.L.P. See also Crown; Games.

Rabshakeh (rab'shuh-kuh), one of the emissaries sent by the Assyrian king Sennacherib (705-681 B.C.) to Hezekiah, the king of Judah (727-698 B.C.), with a demand for a ransom, which Hezekiah paid out of the Temple treasures. When a further demand for surrender was relayed by Rabshakeh, the prophet Isaiah promised Hezekiah that God would prevent Jerusalem from falling into Sennacherib's hands. A plague subsequently visited on the Assyrian army caused Sennacherib to withdraw from Judah. He was later slain by two of his sons (2 Kings 18:13-19:37; cf. Isa. 36-37). See also Sennacherib. r a c a (rahTcah; KJV, Matt. 5:22), an obscure term of abuse, probably from the Aramaic meaning "empty one," which then takes on the meaning "empty-headed" or "fool." The RSV translates "whoever says 'Raca'" as "whoever insults." race, racing, contest of speed or endurance. The metaphor of the footrace seldom occurs in the OT (Ps. 19:5; Jer.l2:5; Eccles. 9:11), probably because competitive sports had no significant place in the social life of ancient Israel. When a gymnasium was erected in Jerusalem by the hellenizing high priest Jason early in the second century B.C., the devout Jews declared that "new customs" were being introduced "contrary to the law" (2 Mace. 4:7-17). From prehistoric times, however, the Greeks had promoted athletic contests in association with their religion: e.g., the Olympic games were held in honor of Zeus, the Isthmian games in honor of Poseidon. Competitive sports included boxing, wrestling, jumping, discus and javelin throwing, and, above all, the chariot, horse, and foot races. Metaphorical allusions to the footrace are numerous in the NT, particularly in the Pauline corpus (see, however, Heb. 1 2 : 1 - 2 , 1 2 - 1 4 ) . In his travels among the Greeks, Paul was able to observe some of the pan-Hellenic contests (e.g., at Corinth and Ephesus). This probably accounts for the several uses that he makes of the Greek root referring to the place of sporting combat, the contest itself, and any kind of strenuous combat or contest (1 Thess. 2:2; 1 Cor. 9:25; Phil. 1:30). From one perspective, Paul viewed the Christian's life as an intense striving, a combat requiring self-discipline and strenuous training. In running this race, one must exert one's energies to the full, throwing off clinging sin, contend910

Rachel (ray'chuhl), the more favored of the two wives of Jacob. While looking for Laban his kinsman, Jacob met Rachel at a well; he entered Laban's household, fell in love with Rachel, and agreed to serve Laban for seven years as a brideprice for her. When her elder sister Leah was substituted for Rachel at the bridal feast, Jacob married Rachel a week later and agreed to serve another seven years for her (Gen. 28:9-20). Rachel was barren in the early years of her marriage, during which time Leah bore Jacob four sons. To maintain her position vis-à-vis her coJacob meets Rachel at the well (left) and then bargains to serve her father, Laban, for seven years in exchange for her hand in marriage (Gen. 29:10-20); detail from a thirteenth-century French miniature.

RAGUEL

RAINBOW

wife Leah, Rachel offered her handmaiden Bilhah to Jacob as a surrogate mother, a custom known from Near Eastern sources (Gen. 30:1-8). These children fulfilled Rachel's wifely responsibility; when Bilhah bore sons, Rachel named the first Dan, "God has vindicated me [Heb. danni] . . . and given me a son" (Gen. 30:6) and the second Naphtali after the fateful contest she waged (Heb. niphtalti) and won from her sister (Gen. 30:8). Rachel was clearly the dominant wife in the marriage. When Leah's son Reuben found mandrakes (a fertility symbol), Rachel was able to offer a night with Jacob in trade (Gen. 30:14-16). Rachel finally bore a son, Joseph. Her favored position among the wives continued, and during their return to Canaan, Jacob placed Rachel and Joseph (Gen. 33:1-2) in the least exposed position. Leah supported Jacob's decision to leave Laban's household and Rachel took with her the family teraphim (household images). When Laban searched for them, Rachel hid them in her camel cushion and sat on them, pretending that she was menstruating (Gen. 31:32-35). The images apparently were buried under the terebinth near Shechem (Gen. 35:4). Rachel died bearing Benjamin and was buried in the later tribal territory of Benjamin (Gen. 35:16-21). She and Leah are mentioned as the matriarchs of Israel in Ruth 4:11. She is also remembered in a poetic passage in Jer. 31:15, in which the voice that the prophet hears is the voice of Rachel weeping for her children; in this passage Rachel is the personification of the land and nation as the bride of God who is weeping for her exiled son Ephraim. The historicity of Rachel and Leah is a matter of speculation. They are considered the matriarchs of the tribes that formed the tribal federation (amphictyony) of the period of the judges. Joseph had two tribes, Ephraim and Manasseh. The former was the dominant tribe of the Northern Kingdom; moreover, the tribe of Benjamin was the object of civil war and was later the home of Saul, first monarch of the United Kingdom. The fact that Leah means "cow" and Rachel means "ewe" has led to speculation that the rivalry between the two reflected rivalry between sheep herders and cattle herders, or that they were projections of totemic symbols of early groups of tribes (the Leah tribes and the Rachel tribes) that joined the tribal federation. T.S.F.

portrayed as motivated by a genuine fear of God and a belief that he would conquer the city; she asked in return that the men swear to her that they would spare Rahab and her family when they returned to conquer. Rahab was to signal the invaders by tying a length of crimson cord to her window (Josh. 2:18). When the Israelites did conquer Jericho, only Rahab and her father's family were saved (Josh. 6:25). According to later Jewish legend, Rahab was one of the four most beautiful women in history. She became a righteous convert, married Joshua, and was the ancestor of eight prophets (including Jeremiah), and of Huldah the prophetess (b. Meg. 15a). In the NT, Rahab is cited as a heroine of faith (Heb. 11:31) and of righteous works (James 2:25), and is included in Jesus' ancestry by Matthew (1:5). 2 The mythical chaos dragon whom God killed in battle and thus made an orderly creation possible (Isa. 51:9; Ps. 89:10). 3 A pejorative name for Egypt (Ps. 87:4; Isa. 30:7). T.S.F.

Raguel (ruh-gyoo'uhl), the name in the KJV for Reuel, the father-in-law of Moses (Num. 10:29). See also Jethro; Reuel. Rahab (rayliab). 1 The harlot who sheltered Joshua's men when they came to spy on Jericho (Josh. 2). She defied the orders of the king of Jericho, misdirected the king's men, and then helped Joshua's men escape from Jericho by climbing down a rope from her home which was built against the city wall. Rahab is 911

raiment. See Dress; Gestures. rain. See Farming; Palestine. rainbow, a multicolored arc in the sky caused by refraction of sunlight through droplets of water. First mentioned in Gen. 9:12-13, the rainbow appears as a sign of God's covenant promise not to destroy the world by flood again. The Hebrew word qeshet means both "bow" and "rainbow." Lam. 2:4 and Hab. 3:9-11 depict it as an instrument of divine wrath, its arrows (e.g., lightning, thunderbolts, rains) released earthward (cf. Ecclus. 43:11-21). An ancient illustration of the god Ashur depicts him drawing a rainbow as a weapon. Gen. 9:12-13 thus suggests a spent bow. Ezek. 1:28 associates the rainbow with a manifestation of divine glory The god Ashur using a rainbow as a bow; fragmentfroma glazed brick, Assyrian, ninth century B.C.

RAISINS

RAMESES

(cf. Rev. 10:1). See also Covenant; Flood, The; J.W.R. Noah; Sign. raisins, sun-dried grapes used for food (Song of Sol. 2:5), gifts (1 Sam. 25:18-31; 2 Sam. 16:1-4), military rations (1 Chron. 12:40), or religious offerings (Hos. 3:1; Isa. 16:7; Jer. 7:18). They were nourishing and traveled well both unprocessed and pressed into cakes. R a m (ram; Heb., "God [is] high, exalted"; cf. Abram, Ahiram, Amram, Adoniram, Joram). 1 The son of Hezron, an ancestor of David according to Ruth 4:19 (Greek versions read "Aram"; cf. Matt. 1:3, 4) and 1 Chron. 2:9 (brother of Jerahmeel). 2 The son of Jerahmeel, who was the son of Hezron (1 Chron. 2:25, 27). 3 An ancestor of Elihu's "family" (tribal division; Job 32:2). r a m , a male sheep (Heb. 'ayil), frequently mentioned as a sacrificial offering in OT priestly legislation (Lev. 5:15; 8:18-29; Num. 7:15). God provided a ram as a substitute for the sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. 22:13). Rams' skins were used for the covering of the tabernacle (Exod. 36:19), and a ram's horn (Heb. shophar) was used to call Israel to battle and to worship. Ps. 114:4 describes the earth's agitation at God's appearing as mountains "skipping" like The "Ram in a thicket" from a royal grave at Ur, third millennium B.C.

rams. The two-horned ram of Daniel's vision (Dan. 8) represented the kings of Media and Persia. There is no equivalent word in the NT. P.A.B. R a m a h (ray'muh; Heb., "height"), a name given alone and in combination with other words to several places in Palestine. 1 Ramah of Benjamin, which is identified with modern er-Ram, about five miles north of Jerusalem and west of Geba and Michmash on the border of Israel and Judah. It is unexcavated but surface exploration indicates occupation begins about the twelfth century B.C., and it can be associated with a number of OT passages. Deborah judged between Ramah and Bethel (Judg. 4:5). Baasha, King of Israel (ca. 902-886 B.C.), fortified Ramah, but, by an alliance with Ben-hadad of Damascus, Asa of Judah (ca. 908-872) tore it down (1 Kings 15:17-22). According to Isa. 10:29 the Assyrians advanced toward Jerusalem through Ramah. Ramah is mentioned in Hosea's cry against Israel (Hos. 5:8), and Jeremiah was set free there (Jer. 40:1). Ramah is among those towns listed with inhabitants following the Exile (Ezra 2:26; Neh. 7:30). Rachel was associated with this town (Jer. 31:15; Matt. 2:18). 2 Ramah of Ephraim. The Ramathaimzophim of 1 Sam. 1:1 in the RSV would be better translated "a man of Ramathaim, a Zuphite from the hill country of Ephraim" (NEB). It is thereafter called Ramah in the story of Samuel, but it is probably to be distinguished from Ramah of Benjamin. Samuel's hometown was Ramah; he returned there periodically, and he was buried there (1 Sam. 7:17; 25:1). David was pursued by Saul to Ramah (1 Sam. 19:18-24). This may be the Arimathea of the NT (Matt. 27:57; John 19:38) and may be identified with modern Rentis, about eighteen miles east of Joppa. 3 A border town in Asher (Josh. 19:29); a location to the north in the vicinity of Tyre seems to be indicated. Its identification is unknown, but it is usually associated with modern Ramieh near the south border of Lebanon. 4 A fortified town in Naphtali (Josh. 19:36), probably located at modern er-Ramah in the Valley of Beth-kerem about twenty miles east of Acco. 5 Ramah of the Negeb or Ramath-negeb (Josh. 19:8) in the lands of the tribe of Simeon. Here David sent some of his spoil from the Philistines (1 Sam. 30:27). Ramath-negeb is mentioned in Arad ostraca no. 24, and its context suggests it was an outpost facing the Edomite threat; therefore it has been identified with modern Khirbet Ghazzah southeast of Arad and on the southeast edge of the Negeb. See also Samuel; Samuel, The First and Second Books of. N.L.L. Rameses (ram'uh-seez). See Raamses, Rameses.

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Ramesses (ram'uh-seez; Egyptian, "Re [the sun god] is born"; also Ramses, Rameses), the family name of eleven kings of Egypt during the nineteenth and twentieth dynasties (ca. 1293-1070 B.C.). This era is often referred to as the Ramesside period. The Ramesside pharaohs were buried in the Valley of the Kings in western Thebes, but they lived in the eastern delta at Piramesse (see below). The principal kings of the Ramesside period are the following. 1 Ramesses I (1293-1291 B.C.), an army general who founded the nineteenth dynasty. His son was Sety I (1291-1279 B.C.), whose reign included military campaigns into western Asia in which the Hittites were defeated and various Palestinian cities were conquered. 2 Ramesses II (1279-1212 B.C.), son of Sety I, sometimes called "the Great" by early scholars. In the fifth year of his reign, he fought a great battle against the Hittites at Kadesh in Syria. This king was a very active builder throughout Egypt and Nubia; he also liked to have his name inscribed on the monuments of earlier kings. He founded the city of Piramesse (the biblical Raamses) in the eastern delta as the new royal residence. Many biblical scholars consider Ramesses II the pharaoh of the Exodus. 3 Merenptah (1212-1202 B.C.), a son of Ramesses II. A stele set up to record some of this king's victories includes the words "Israel is desolated and has no seed"; this is the first documented mention of Israel in the ancient Near East and has led some scholars to suggest that Merenptah was the pharaoh of the Exodus (which would make Ramesses II the pharaoh of the oppression). 4 Ramesses III (1182-1151 B.C.), the son of the first king of the twentieth dynasty, Setnakht. He successfully fought off an invasion of Egypt by the Sea Peoples from the northern Mediterranean region in the eighth year of his reign. One tribe included among the Sea Peoples was the Peleset (the biblical Philistines), who subsequently settled in southwest Palestine. 5 The later Ramesside kings, Ramesses IV-XI (1151-1070 B.C.), ruled over a country decaying economically, politically, and militarily. The Egyptian Empire in Palestine probably ended in about the reign of Ramesses VI (1141-1134 B.C.). See also Exodus; Pharaoh. J.M.W.

and there the prophet Elisha anointed Jehu king of Israel (2 Kings 9:1-16). The precise location is unknown although two major possibilities are Tell el Husn near Irbid and Tell Ramith. The latter is the more likely location and is situated further east near the current Jordanian-Syrian border. J.A.D.

Ramoth (ray'moth). See Ramoth-gilead. Ramoth-gilead (ray'muhth-gil'ee-uhd), a levitical city of the tribe of Gad. In the tribal inheritance, Ramoth-gilead was assigned to Gad and became both a levitical city and a city of refuge (Josh. 21:38; 1 Chron. 6:80; Deut. 4:43; Josh. 20:8). It was located east of the Jordan River in an area that later became the shifting border between Syria and Israel. During Solomon's reign it was a chief town of a tax district (1 Kings 4:13). King Ahab of Israel was killed there (1 Kings 22)

ransom. See Redemption. R a p h a (ray'fuh; Heb., "he [God] has healed"), a clan head, the son of Benjamin (1 Chron. 8:2). R a s - S h a m r a (rahs-shahm'ruh), the modern Arabic name of the site of the ancient city of Ugarit. Ras-Shamra lies beside the Syrian coast of the Mediterranean Sea at roughly the northern latitude of Cyprus. Inscriptions from the site establish its identification as Ugarit. The name "Ugarit" perhaps means "field" (Ugaritic ugar) or the like. The existence of Ugarit was known prior to excavations at Ras-Shamra from reference to the city in an Amarna letter, but the importance of the site could not have been guessed apart from the work of archaeologists. The site attracted the attention of archaeologists in 1928 when a peasant happened upon a thirteenth-century B.C. tomb. This discovery occurred at coastal Minet el-Beida (Arabic, "White Harbor"; Gk. leukos limên) close to Ras-Shamra. The excavation of both sites began in 1929 under the direction of the French archaeologist C. F. A. Schaeffer. The excavation of Ras-Shamra has continued throughout this century, interrupted by World War II (1939-1947) and occasionally during the 1970s (by the Yom Kippur War, 1973). The tell or mound of Ras-Shamra is trapezoidal, with a maximum length of approximately 3,300 feet (1,000 m.) and a width of 1,650 feet (500 m.). A fresh-water stream flows to the Mediterranean Sea by Minet el-Beida. Five Phases: The excavators of Ras-Shamra have divided its material remains into five major phases. A level of the remains of the site corresponds to each phase. The earliest level is assigned the number V. According to radiocarbon data, its material belongs to the seventh and sixth millennia B.C. The first inhabitants of the location did not use pottery, although they possessed crude clay figurines of a sort usually associated with primitive fertility religion. Stone tools and weapons have been found in this level, and the site may have been surrounded by a crude wall. Level IV at Ras-Shamra represents what archaeologists call the Chalcolithic Age (in the fifth millennium). The pottery from this level is similar to pottery found elsewhere in the Mediterranean, at first to the pottery of Cyprus, later to the pottery of Tell Halaf on the frontier between Syria and Turkey. Level III begins with the decline of the Chalcolithic Age (ca. 3500 B.C.) and is followed by an intrusion of Ubaid culture. The intrusion

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RAS-SHAMRA

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ends abruptly. Ubaid culture seems to have spread from Mesopotamia. This level continues into the Early Bronze Age (ca. 3000 B.C.) and terminates after the appearance of "Khirbet Kerek" pottery, a type of pottery known also from ancient Palestine (ca. 2500 B.C.). Level II encompasses remains dated to ca. 2100-1600 B.C. Egyptian artifacts are relatively common for this period; city life flourished at Ugarit, and two monumental temples, for Baal and Dagon, were built, perhaps on the site of earlier sanctuaries. In the latter part of this phase Ugarit suffered a decline associated with the era of the Hyksos in Egypt (ca. 1750-1550). The final level of the tell (I) includes material from the Late Bronze Age (1500-1200 B.C.). To this level belong the cuneiform texts of RasShamra as well as the imposing royal palace of Ugarit. The royal palace was one of the largest palaces of its day. This was the "golden" age of the city. It ended abruptly ca. 1200 B.C. in conjunction with the general movements of the Sea Peoples, invaders from Crete and other Greek islands (the Philistines among them), into the ancient Near East. No significant habitation occurred at Ras-Shamra after this period. Cuneiform Texts: By far the most important discoveries at Ras-Shamra have been the deposits of cuneiform texts recovered from a number of locations on the tell. "Cuneiform" texts are so called because they are produced by impressing wedge-shaped marks (Lat. cuneus, "wedge") on clay. Allowed to harden or baked, these clay texts are durable and survive long after papyrus and other writing materials decay. At RasShamra, a large number of cuneiform texts were written with symbols for syllables (syllabic cuneiform) in the Akkadian language. A second variety of text displayed a previously unknown script that proved to be alphabetic (alphabetic cuneiform). Quickly deciphered, thanks to the labors of linguists Charles Virrolleaud, Hans Bauer, and Eduard Dhorme, these alphabetic texts revealed a previously unknown Semitic language having affinities with biblical Hebrew. This language is now called Ugaritic. Syllabic cuneiform texts have come primarily from the royal palace of Ugarit. They reveal the 914

Weight in the form of a human head found at Ras-Shamra; thirteenth century B.C. history, economy, society, and religion of the ancient city. Alphabetic texts have come from scattered spots on the tell including not only the royal palace, but also a priestly "library" in the vicinity of the Dagon and Baal temples. These texts sometimes treat daily matters, but among the alphabetic texts have been found fine literary works divisible roughly into the categories "myths" and "legends." The most important Ugaritic texts come from the fourteenth century B.C., although many scholars assume that a period of oral transmission preceded commitment of the literary works to writing. The Ugaritic texts have thrown extraordinary light on the OT. Composed as poetry, they exhibit stylistic devices known from the Hebrew Bible with a vocabulary cognate with that of the OT. They tell of the deeds of gods worshiped in Israel's environment (El, Baal, Asherah, Anat) and even reveal for the first time a legendary patriarch Danel known also in the OT ("Daniel"; Ezek. 14:14, 20; 28:3). Ugarit at Its Height: At its height, Ugarit was a thriving city. The metropolis was the administrative center of a small kingdom that followed political tides and was subject at times to Egypt, at times to the Hittite Empire. Personal names reveal a diverse population in the kingdom, with a large Human element. The countryside produced a variety of agricultural products— olive oil, grain, wines. Seafaring was important to the city; votive anchors have been recovered from its Baal temple. Baal Zaphon was the chief god of the city, although in lists of gods he ranks below others. Alongside El, Baal plays an important role in the myths of Ugarit. Nonmythic texts reveal the veneration of a host of gods and goddesses. Of public ritual, very little is known directly. It is widely assumed that the affairs of the cult at Ugarit were coordinated with the concerns of

READER-RESPONSE CRITICISM

RAVEN the farmer. Private religion is still more difficult to reconstruct, although the existence at Ugarit of an institution called the marzeah, a type of funerary observance, is of interest because of a biblical reflection of it (Jer. 16:5). Mortuary concerns may have played an important role in the piety of ancient Ugarit's people. See also Araarna, Tell el-; Anat; Asherah; Baal; Dagon; Daniel; El; Writing. Bibliography Gray, John. The Legacy of Canaan. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1957. R.M.G. raven, a glossy black corvine bird. The Hebrew word translated "raven" [orebh) in the OT probably refers to the true raven [Corvus corax) as well as to other members of the crow family [Corvidae], which includes the rook, the jay, the fan-tailed raven, the jackdaw, and the hooded crow. Although an object of God's care (Job 38:41; Ps. 147:9; Luke 12:24), the raven is an unclean bird (Lev. 11:15; Deut. 14:14) mentioned for its habit of picking at the eyes of its prey (Prov. 30:17) and for its tendency to live in ruins (Isa. 34:11). In Gen. 8:7 Noah sends a raven out to look for land, and in 1 Kings 17:4 Elijah is fed by ravens. I.U.K. Re (rah; also Ra), the Egyptian sun god in his manifestation as the sun at its zenith. In Egyptian mythology Re was the son of the earth god Geb and the sky goddess Nut; his two children were the god of light, Shu, and the goddess of dew and moisture, Tefnut. Re journeyed across the sky each day in his solar bark (boat). The principal center of worship for Re was Heliopolis. Re is usually depicted as a man with a falcon's head surmounted by a sun disk. The cult of Re was sometimes combined with that of other deities to produce composite deities, e.g., Amun-Re or Re-Horakhty. The worship of Re was intimately bound up with that of the pharaoh, who was considered the son of Re. The first king we know to have been officially called "son of Re" was Khafre (Gk. Chephren) in the fourth dynasty (ca. 2613-2494 B.C.); from the fifth dynasty (ca. 2494-2345 B.C.) on, Egyptian kings regularly claimed to be the son of this god. The throne name (also called the prenomen) of many pharaohs included the name of this god; e.g., Nebmaatre, "Re [is] the lord of truth," was the prenomen of Amenhotep III, while Menkheperre, "Established is the form of Re," was the prenomen of Thutmose III. The family name Ramesses, "Ramesses" meaning "Re is born," was held by no less than eleven kings of the nineteenth and twentieth dynasties (ca. 1293-1070 B.C.). Although Re is not mentioned in the Bible, references to, or influences associated with, the cult of the sun god can be seen in several places. For example, in Gen. 41:50 and 46:20, Joseph's wife, Asenath, is described as the daughter of 915

The Egyptian sun god Re; bronze statue, Egypt,firstmillennium B.C. Potipherah, a priest of On (Heliopolis; Gk., "City of the Sun"). In Mai. 4:2, the mention of a winged sun recalls the Egyptian motif of the winged sun disk, although this motif also occurs elsewhere in the ancient Near East. The biblical view that human beings were created in God's image (e.g., Gen. 1:26-27; 5:1) recalls a passage in a late third-millennium B.C. Egyptian text in which humankind is described as being created in the likeness of Re. Many scholars also think that certain words and phrases in Psalm 104 derive from the Hymn to Aton (a hymn of praise directed to the sun disk worshiped as a deity by the heretic pharaoh Akhenaton, who ruled Egypt in 1350-1334 B.C.); such parallels are probably due to concepts and motifs being passed on down through the years rather than to any direct relationship between these chronologically distinct texts. See also Akhenaton; Asenath. J.M.W. reader-response criticism. Attention to the reader in literature may be seen as part of a larger universal move from the modern to the postmodern, with the modern characterized in terms of the ideal of epistemological certainty and the postmodern characterized in terms of instability and indeterminacy. Instead of attempting to

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ground text or world in some foundationalist way, critics have given attention to the mode of existence of texts and the mode of existence of the worlds projected by texts. The reader's perception is vital in the new postmodern poetics. Development: It is instructive to see how the reader came to be the center of attention in different literary traditions in terms of the modern/postmodern dialectic. Structuralist and formalist views of literary texts in Europe and America form one background against which attention to the reader developed. In Europe, it was against the background of the structuralism growing out of the work of Ferdinand de Saussure; in America, it was against the background of the New Criticism. In an early phase of Russian and East European formalism, the reader's perception was eschewed. Roman Jakobson took the position that a scientific poetics must forego all valuation. Viktor Sklovski, however, disagreed, emphasizing that perception is central, that a work composed as literature can be perceived as nonliterary and vice versa. Artistry, then, is a result of the kind of perception we have. Important theoretical moves were made in East European formalism that bear upon the organization of the literary work of art, the role of the individual and the community in aesthetic evaluation, and literary history. East European formalist movements ceased functioning as early as the late 1920s on account of pressure from doctrinaire Soviet Marxists, and exemplary texts of the formalists were not available in translation until the sixties and seventies. As movements in the structural and semiotic study of narrative, poststructuralism, and deconstruction have become influential, however, arguments and developments in East European formalism (structuralism) have been recapitulated. These developments were revived in large measure beginning with the work of Hans Robert Jauss at the University of Constance in West Germany in the late 1960s. The inaugural address of Jauss has been enshrined as "the origin of modern reception theory" in West German literary criticism. Jauss declared that the approach he advocated must begin where Marxist and formalist schools end. In formalism and Marxism, the true role of the reader is ignored and the reader is reduced to philosophical assumptions. The goal of Jauss was the actualization and transformation of past art into the present. Views of the role of the reader in structural semiotics, poststructuralism, and deconstruction associated with scholars such as Roland Barthes, Umberto Eco, and Jacques Derrida are associated with reader-oriented interpretation and may be appreciated against the background of formalism. Barthes sees the structure of a text as dynamic and involving the reader in a process of analysis without a final synthesis or end. Eco sees the process of reading as involving moves both within the text (intensional)

and outside the text (extensional). The various levels and sublevels of textual and extratextual realities are interconnected, and the reader moves back and forth within and outside of the text to produce meaning. Derrida sets knowledge, language, meaning, and interpretation not simply within a dynamic cultural context but within a larger context of power and authority. The language and logic that form the resources of an author cannot be dominated absolutely by an author. The author uses them by being governed by them. A deconstructive reader seeks to discover relationships between what the author commands and what the author does not command of the patterns of the language used by the author. A deconstructive reading gives conscious attention to the impulse toward and result of the synthesizing of the conventional reading process in order to break their "domination." Scholars in the phenomenological tradition have made a contribution to reader-oriented literary study from a different beginning point than structuralism. The phenomenological approach is represented by Roman Ingarden and Wolfgang Iser. Ingarden came to the question of the literary work of art and its cognition in the 1930s as a philosopher concerned with the formal structures common to all works of literature and with the nature of cognition that is a valid and true reconstruction of the literary work. Ingarden emphasized the work as an aesthetic object that is constituted or concretized through the intentional act of reading. The complexity of the literary work and its total apprehension is such that the experiencing ego cannot give itself equally to all of the components involved. There is constant change with regard to which components are central at any given moment. The same literary work, therefore, is apprehended in various changing perspectives. Wolfgang Iser is a contemporary literary critic who defines his approach to the reading process as phenomenological. He emphasizes that in considering a literary work one must consider not only the actual text but also in equal measure the actions involved in responding to the text. Iser makes the "gaps" and completion of "gaps" by the reader the central factor in literary communication. The place where language is broken up and reconstituted is marked by gaps in the text that the reader must fill in. It is when the reader bridges the gap that communication begins. Rhetorical and psychological approaches have given attention to the reader. The rhetorical approach that emphasizes the author's imposition of a textual world upon the reader maintains the autonomy of the text by viewing the reader as a textual reality, with the actual reader carrying out procedures dictated by the author. Wayne Booth is identified with the rhetorical approach. According to Booth, as an

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author writes, the author creates an implied version of himself or herself. The actual reader gains access to the implied author by the narrative's explicit commentary, the kind of tale the author tells, meanings that can be extracted, and the moral and emotional content of the action and experiences of the characters. As the actual reader builds up the picture of the implied author, the reader is assuming the role dictated by the author. Alongside the implied author, then, is the implied reader. As a reader reads, the reader becomes the self whose beliefs coincide with those of the author. The reader who would enjoy the work fully must subordinate his or her mind and heart to the book. Norman N. Holland dealt with the question of the relationship between patterns found objectively in the text and a reader's subject experience of the text. In his later work, Holland came to the conclusion that viewing the literary text as the embodiment of the psychological process has limitations. In his work, Holland emphasizes the effect of personality on perception and the response of readers in terms of their own "life style." The literary text is seen as a constraining reality, an "other" over against the reader. Holland conceives of the literary response, however, as one indivisible transactive process in which a reader acts across and through the text to achieve an experience in himself or herself. Perhaps the best-known American representative of reader-response criticism is Stanley Fish. The background for the work of Fish was New Criticism's view of the independence and the self-sufficiency of the literary work of art and its attention to close reading of the literary work itself instead of to extrinsic matters such as history and biography. Fish initiated his approach when he decided that the essential factor in meaning is not the spatial form of text on the page but the temporal process of reading. From a later perspective, Fish acknowledged that his early work was not radical enough, that he had been retaining the most basic of new-critical principles—the integrity of the text—in order to claim universality and objectivity for his method. When Fish discerned that literature is a conventional category depending upon subjective perception, he moved in a radical way away from new-critical assumptions. There is no basic or neutral literary language uncolored by perception and response. The conclusion is that it is the reader who makes literature. The importance of the reading community and the influence of the reading community upon the individual reader have been stressed by Fish, but perhaps most significantly by Richard Rorty. Rorty and Fish suggest that it is unnecessary, futile, and improper to ask questions about truth values outside of the specific context in which readers operate—other than to agree on pragmatic universals such as "success."

Reader-Response Criticism and the Bible: Whether reader-response criticism of the Bible is viewed positively or negatively, and the way that such criticism is practiced, depend in part upon the worldview of the critic and the role and function of the Bible in that worldview. Critics who are committed to a modern Enlightenment paradigm will seek to eliminate or reduce the subjective character of study. If these critics utilize reader-response criticism, it will take the form of an objective search for the implied reader or for the strategies followed by the author in influencing the reader (rhetorical criticism) that can be demonstrated as existing in the ancient world. Critics who have been influenced more decisively by postmodernism are utilizing the rich resources of reading for actual readers. Serious interaction with the text is facilitated by reader-response criticism. Readers are freed to make sense for themselves. This method allows readers to interact with the text in light of their own context, linguistic and literary competence, and need, as well as in light of the potentialities of the text. Religious concerns of the text may be appreciated more fully in a reader-oriented approach. In the historical-critical approach, such concerns were distanced in order that they might be studied with proper scientific tools. The literary study of the Bible, as literary study in general, approaches texts today not to ground their world in some objective fashion but to create a world or worlds with which readers are related. The world of the reader of the biblical text will be seen as "like" the biblical world in some way satisfying to the reader. A type of knowledge may result from the experience of reading that is different from the knowledge gained by conventional scientific methodologies. Levels of meaning and knowledge may be experienced that became lost with the Enlightenment paradigm. Reader-response approaches are not essentially opposed to more conventional biblical and literary studies. Historical and sociological exegesis, for example, are not precluded in reader-response criticism. They are reconceptualized and relativized but not made illegitimate as such. The world discerned by historical and sociological exegesis will be seen as the originating circumstances for the text and the world of the text. See also Bible; Biblical Criticism; English Bible, The; Hermeneutics; Literature, The New Testament as; Literature, The Old Testament as; Narrative Criticism; New Testament; Old Testament. Bibliography McKenzie, Steven L., and Stephen R. Haynes. To Each Its Own Meaning: An Introduction to Biblical Criticisms and Their Application. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1993. McKnight, Edgar V. The Bible and the Reader: An Introduction to Literary Criticism. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985.

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, ed. "Reader Perspectives on the New Testament." Semeia 48. 1989. Suleiman, Susan, and Inge Crosman, eds. The Reader in the Text: Essays on Audience and Interpretation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980. E.V.M.

she was buried in the Cave of Machpelah (Gen. 49:31). The only story about Rebekah and Isaac that does not deal with the succession of the patriarchs is the tale about Isaac pretending that Rebekah was his sister in the land of Abimelech, the king of Gerar (Gen. 26:6-11), which is a doublet of the story of Abraham and Sarah in Gerar (Gen. 20). T.S.F.

Reaiah (ree-ay'yuh; Heb., "Yah [God] has seen"). 1 A descendant of Judah of the clan of the Zorathites (1 Chron. 4:2). 2 A descendant of Reuben (1 Chron. 5:5). 3 A family group ("sons of Reaiah") of Temple servants (Nethinim) who returned from the Babylonian captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezra 2:47; Neh. 7:50).

rebirth. See Conversion; Regeneration. receipt of custom, ASV translation for revenue or tax office, the place where tolls or customs taxes were paid (Matt. 9:9; Mark 2:14; Luke 5:27). See also Tribute, Tax, Toll.

reaping, the harvesting of grain. The term is used figuratively for the final judgment (Matt. 13:24-30, 36-43; Rev. 14:15-16), evangelism (Matt. 9:37-38; Luke 10:2; John 4:35-36; Rom. 1:13), and recompense for good (Hos. 10:12; 2 Cor. 9:6; Gal. 6:7-8) or evil (Job 4:8; Prov. 22:8; Hos. 8:7; 10:13; Gal. 6:7-8). See also Farming.

Rechab (reeTcab). 1 The son of Rimmon who, with his brother Baanah, was a captain of Ishbosheth's bands. After Abner's death, the two brothers murdered Ishbosheth and brought his head to David, whom they expected to be pleased; instead, he had them executed (2 Sam. 4). 2 An ancestor of Jehonadab (Jonadab), a Kenite (1 Chron. 2:55) who supported Jehu's coup (2 Kings 10:15). Toward the end of Jehu's monarchy (ca. 816 B.C.), a group of his followers called "Rechabites" came to Jerusalem to escape Nebuchadnezzar's invasion. They apparently lived in tents, avoided agriculture, and drank no wine in accordance with the principles of Jehonadab. Jeremiah cited them as an example of fidelity to prior commitments, in contrast to the unfaithful Judeans. Although Judah had therefore to be punished for her infidelity, Jeremiah assured the Rechabites that there would always be a descendant of Jonadab (Jer. 35). See also Abner; Ishbosheth; Nazirites. F.E.G.

Reba (reeTmh), one of the five kings of Midian killed by the Israelites (Num. 31:8). His territory was assigned later to the tribe of Reuben (Josh. 13:21). Rebekah (ri-bek'uh), the wife of Isaac, the daughter of Bethuel (Abraham's nephew), the sister of Laban, and the mother of Jacob and Esau. Genesis 24 recounts how Abraham's servant came to his homeland to find a wife for Isaac, and how (in response to prayer) he found Rebekah at the well and she brought him home. Similar stories about Rachel (Gen. 29:9-12) and Zipporah (Exod. 2:16-20) indicate that girls could be found at the wells and were not enjoined from talking to strange men. The negotiations for Rebekah's marriage were carried out by her brother Laban, an indication that Bethuel was old or infirm. Because of this and the curious episode in Gen. 26:6-11, in which Isaac claimed that Rebekah was his sister, some scholars have suggested that Rebekah entered into a special type of marriage, the "wife-sister" marriage, which conferred special status on the wife; others have contested this interpretation. Rebekah was barren for twenty years, but conceived the twins Jacob and Esau after Isaac interceded with God. During her pregnancy she received an oracle that the twins would beget separate nations, and that Jacob would be dominant despite Esau's status as firstborn (Gen. 25:20-26; cf. Rom. 9:10-13). Jacob was clearly Rebekah's favorite, and she instigated the plot by which she covered Jacob's arms and neck with goatskins and sent him in to impersonate the firstborn Esau so that he would get Isaac's blessing (Gen. 27:1-29); she then convinced Isaac to send Jacob to his kinspeople to find a wife in order to take him out of the path of Esau's anger (Gen. 27:41-28:5). Nothing more is known about Rebekah other than the fact that

reconciliation (Gk. katallagê), a term indicating the changed relationship for the better between persons or groups who formerly were at enmity with each other. The NT encourages reconciliation between estranged parties (Matt. 5:24; Luke 12:58) and spouses (1 Cor. 7:11). But the noun and its corresponding verb most often refer to the new relationship between God and humanity effected by Christ's redemptive work (Rom. 5:10-11; 11:15; 2 Cor. 5:17-20; Eph. 2:16; Col. 1:20, 22). For Paul the subject of the reconciling activity is always God "who through Christ reconciled us to himself" (2 Cor. 5:18). There is no need for God to be reconciled to humanity as appears in 2 Mace. 1:5; 7:33; and 8:29. To the contrary, humanity stands in need of reconciliation with God. Paul describes the human condition prior to reconciliation as weak, ungodly, and sinful (Rom. 5:6-8; cf. Eph. 2:12). But it was precisely when we were enemies that God reconciled us to himself (Rom. 5:10). God effected this reconciliation through the death of his Son upon the cross (Rom 5:10; 2 Cor. 5:19; Col. 1:22). At other times Paul specifies this further by speaking of the "blood of Christ"

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(Eph. 2:13) and the "blood of the cross" (Col. 1:20). The immediate effect of reconciliation is "peace with God" (Rom. 5:1; Eph. 2:14) so that Christians can view themselves as a "new creation" (2 Cor. 5:17). The scope of reconciliation, however, goes beyond God and the individual. The world is also affected by Christ's redemptive work (2 Cor. 5:19; Rom. 11:15). In Colossians this reconciliation takes on cosmic proportions (1:20), and in Eph. 2:11 it results in a new relationship between Jew and Gentile. Although the work of reconciliation belongs to God, Paul views his ministry as one of reconciliation and himself as an ambassador for Christ inviting others to receive this reconciliation (2 Cor. 5:18-20). See also Justification; Peace; Redemption; Salvation. F.J.M.

the redemption of the firstborn among male children (or even of animals) by means of some payment or offering (e.g., Num. 3:45-51; 18:15-16). Where offenses and conflicts are involved, redemption can also be achieved through payment of money (e.g., Exod. 21:8, 30). Specialized usage in cases of the shedding of blood (e.g., Num. 35:12,19) and of God acting in a redemptive manner toward his people (e.g., Exod. 6:6; 15:13; Deut. 7:8; 1 Chron. 17:21; Pss. 19:14; 25:22; 106:10; Isa. 41:14; 43:1-4; 44:21-23; 24-28; Hos. 13:14) or toward individuals in difficult or life-threatening situations (e.g., Gen. 48:16; 2 Sam. 4:9; Job 19:25; Pss. 26:11; 49:15; 69:18; 103:4) can also be found. These first two Hebrew roots are therefore somewhat synonymous, although the former is favored by certain writers (the authors of some of the psalms and Isa. 40-55, sometimes called Second Isaiah), while the latter is preferred, it would seem, by others (the authors of Deuteronomy and certain other psalms). The specialized theological notion of redemption tends to gravitate around the third root, which is frequently used where God's relationship to his people as a whole is reestablished or restored after acts of rebellion, disobedience, or infidelity. This third root is often translated as "ransom" (e.g., Ps. 49:7-8; Exod. 21:30) or "redeem" (Ps. 130:8; in Amos 5:12, it is "bribe") and carries the sense of "atonement." In the NT: This theological sense is the one reflected in Christian traditions and appropriated somewhat differently by NT writers. Here, the center of gravity for the notion is the profound human need for deliverance and freedom in matters of ultimate destiny and the meaning of life (e.g., Rom. 5:9; 6:6; 7:6; 8:2; cf. also 1 Cor. 2:6; Gal. 5:4; Heb. 2:14-15). Presupposed is the idea that alienation and bondage (i.e., sin) are endemic to the human condition and have far-reaching consequences. The frame of reference and goal of redemption is the salvation of God's creation. Here, the Creator becomes the Redeemer of his creatures. The redemption is represented as having been accomplished exclusively in the sacrificial death of Jesus of Nazareth (e.g., Rom. 3:23-25a; 8:23; 1 Cor. 1:30; Eph. 1:7, 14; 4:30; Col. 1:14; Heb. 9:15; 1 Cor. 6:20; 7:23; Gal. 3:13; 4:5; 1 Pet. 1:18-19; Rev. 5:9; 14:4). The proclamation of this redemption is based on Jesus' own reported understanding of the significance of the impending death of the Son of man (Mark 10:45; Matt. 20:28; cf. also Mark 8:31 and parallels), the verification of that understanding in his resurrection from the dead (1 Cor. 15:3-7; 1 Pet. 1:18-21), and the assurance expressed in the phrase "on our behalf" and related formulas of early Christian reflection, missionary preaching, and worship (e.g., Mark 10:45; 1 Tim. 2:6; Titus 2:14; Matt. 26:28; Mark 14:24; 1 Cor. 11:24; also 1 Cor. 15:3-7). While the origins of the notion of redemption in the NT are to be traced to OT theological concepts, it would be a mistake to see the

red, the color of healthy blood or a ruby stone. In biblical usage it is the color of the earth from which Adam was made (Gen. 2:7; the letters for "Adam" in Hebrew can also mean "ruby," and "dust" can also mean "reddish in color"), the color of Esau at birth (Gen. 25:25), the color of pottage (Gen. 25:30), of drunken eyes (Gen. 49:12), of cattle (Num. 19:2), of blood (2 Kings 3:22), of weeping faces (Job 16:16), of wine (Prov. 23:31), of sin (Isa. 1:18), of clothing (Isa. 63:1-2), of horses (Zech. 1:8; 6:2), of threatening skies (Matt. 16:3), and of the apocalyptic dragon (Rev. 12:3). In Christian liturgical practice, red is the color of martyrs and festivals. See also Scarlet. R.S.B. redaction criticism. See Biblical Criticism. redeemer, one who buys back a property or house that has been sold; or, a kinsman who buys back a family member who has fallen into slavery (Lev. 25:25-34, 47-55). In the OT, the term is applied in its latter meaning to God (Job 19:25; Pss. 19:14; 78:35; Prov. 23:11; Isa. 41:14; 43:14; 54:5; 60:16; Jer. 50:34). It is never used of Jesus Christ, although the term "redemption" is applied to him (e.g., 1 Cor. 1:30). See also Redemption. redemption, a term associated in current English usage with a transaction involving the release of an item (or person) in exchange for some type of payment. This association is not at all foreign to biblical understandings of redemption. The contexts of usage in the OT and the NT, however, add important dimensions that help in grasping the theological implications of the concept. In the OT: In the OT, three different Hebrew roots are used to express the idea of redemption. The first is a technical legal term and is applied to the redemption of inheritance, of family members from servitude or difficulties, of tithes, or of various objects and property (e.g., Lev. 25:25, 47-49; 27:15-20; Ruth 4:1-6; Ps. 72:4, 14; Jer. 32:1-15). Often without great distinction from the first, a second root is used of

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relationship strictly in terms of the history of ideas. In the NT, the starting point is the stark reality of Jesus' death; to this are added interpretive features from OT traditions (cf. Luke 1:68, 74; 24:21) and from the earliest strata of the traditions about Jesus' ministry. That writers such as Paul were also influenced by considerations from life in the first century (e.g., human bondage and the manumission of slaves) is extremely likely. See also Assurance; Atonement; Expiation; Forgiveness; Liberty; Pardon; Reconciliation; Regeneration; Salvation; Sin; Slavery. J.E.A.

shepsut certainly used it for her expedition to Punt in the mid-fifteenth century B.C. Whether the Edomites utilized it to supplement their important land trade is uncertain, but King Solomon undoubtedly maintained a fleet at Ezion-geber on the Gulf of Aqabah, a fleet that made triennial journeys to south Arabia and east Africa (1 Kings 9:26-28; 10:11, 22). Jehoshaphat of Judah later attempted to do likewise, but his ships were destroyed (1 Kings 22:48). A major problem concerns the meaning of "Red Sea" in the Exodus story, since we cannot identify the various places mentioned in that account. The Hebrew term for the Red Sea is always yam suph, literally "Sea of Reeds," but the Hebrews did not distinguish between "sea" and "lake." Three possible routes for the Exodus have been suggested: the southern route at, or close to, the Gulf of Suez; the central route across the marshes of Lake Timsah, now part of the Suez Canal; and the northern route, identifying yam suph with Lake Bardawil and assuming the Israelites followed the narrow spit of land dividing the lake from the Mediterranean. No one of these suggestions, however, has won general acceptance. See also Edom; Exodus; JeD.B. hoshaphat; Sinai; Solomon.

redemption of land, in the Israelite legal codes (Lev. 25:23-34) the right of Israelite landowners to regain property that had been sold. The land was considered as belonging to God and therefore the inheritances granted to the tribes divinely ordained; the laws of redemption were designed to protect the poor by keeping family inheritances intact. Provisions were made for various means through which the land could be reclaimed: the kinsmanredeemer could purchase the land (cf. Jer. 32:6-15; Ruth 4:1-4), the original owner could buy it back (Lev. 25:26-27; cf. vv. 14-16), or it would automatically revert to the previous owner every fifty years (the Jubilee Year; Lev. 25:10, 13, 28). See also Feasts, Festivals, and Fasts; Ownership; Redemption. D.R.B. Red Sea, the narrow sea between Africa and Arabia, part of the Great Rift Valley system, about 1,450 miles (2,330 km.) long and averaging about 150 miles (240 km.) wide. The constricted southern exit through the straits of Bab el-Mandeb opens into the Indian Ocean, and the northern end divides around the Sinai peninsula, with the Gulf of Aqabah on the east and the Gulf of Suez on the west. Enclosed between hot deserts, the summer water temperature reaches eighty-five degrees Fahrenheit (29° C). Dangerous coral reefs and powerful north winds make navigation difficult, but trade along it was important from a very early date. How early is unknown, but the Egyptian queen HatThe Red Sea, with the tip of the Sinai Peninsula at bottom.

920

reed, a general term referring to tall hollow grasses growing in shallow water by streams, rivers, lakes, and marshes throughout the Holy Land. It may be identified as any one of several common plants. The giant reed [Arundo donax) grows to over 10 feet high forming dense thickets along lake margins (Job 40:21). Reed mace or

Common reed.

REFINING

REHABIAH

cattail (genus Typha), topped by a cylindrical brown spike, is often depicted as the mock scepter of Jesus in Matt. 27:29-30. The common reed [Phragmites communis) sports dense purple plumes atop its tall stems which move gracefully in the wind (Matt. 11:7). The tall, sturdy stems of these grasses had diverse uses. The jagged edges of the broken stems were capable of piercing flesh (2 Kings 18:21) and may have been used as fishing spears. They are sturdy enough to have been used as a walking stick (Ezek. 29:7). Reeds were also effective as makeshift flutes, pens (3 John 13; 3 Mace. 4:20), and even as a form of measuring rod (Ezek. 40:3). See also Flags; Rush. P.L.C.

Although the term "regeneration" does not occur in the OT, the OT prophets focused attention on an appointed hour in the future when God would make all things new, reconstitute human disposition, make resistant hearts supple, renew his covenant, and refresh spirits through the outpouring of his Spirit (e.g., Isa. 65:17-25; 66:22; Jer. 31:31-34; 32:38-41; Ezek. 36:25-28; 37:1-14; Hos. 6:1-2; Joel 2:26-32; Zech. 13:1; cf. also Isa. 2:1-5; Ps. 51:10-12). With this appointed day, the radical renewal of God's people would dawn; God's promises of judgment and blessing/salvation would be fulfilled. NT writers declare that this day has dawned in the life (e.g., Matt. 10:7-8; 11:4-6; 12:28; 18:3; Luke 4:18-19), death, and resurrection of Jesus. The technical terms for "regeneration" are found in a few key texts, all of which are relatively late. God causes us to be "born anew," we are "born anew [by God]" (1 Pet. 1:3, 23; cf. 2:2); God "saved us . . . by the washing of regeneration" (Titus 3:5); it is necessary to be "born from above" (John 3:3, 7; cf. also 1:13; 3:5-6, 8; 1 John 3:9; 5:1-12; James 1:18, 21; for the translation "above" rather than "anew," cf. John 3:31; 19:11, 23). These are the classical locations for this terminology, but the scope of importance of regeneration in the NT is not limited to them. Language regarding new creation and a new eschatological (promised end-time) existence dominates the fundamental orientation of all NT preaching and writing. The locus of this orientation is the resurrection of Jesus; the new creation has dawned with the dawn of Easter (e.g., Rom. 6:3-14; 8:10-17; 12:2; 1 Cor. 12:13-14; 2 Cor. 1:20-22; 3:18; 4:16; 5:17; 6:16-18; 13:3, 5; Gal. 2:19-21; 3:27-29; 6:15; Eph. 2:10, 15-16; 4:24; Col. 2:12-15; 3:1-12; Heb. 10:22; 1 Pet. 1:3-5; Rev. 1:5-6). The means through which this new reality becomes the new existence for human beings is articulated variously and with different emphases. It is imparted through the power of God's word and his Spirit, received through faith, experienced sacramentally (baptism and the Eucharist), is lived out in the obedience of responsible living, and is in constant conflict with the old existence (a future resolution of this conflict is a dimension of hope; e.g., Rom. 7:14-25; 8:21-25; cf. also Matt. 19:28-30). Here, as elsewhere, early Christianity conducted an earnest conversation not only with its OT heritage but also with the popular religion and philosophy of its environment. Then, as now, the hope for regeneration and renewal cut a deep and wide furrow in the hearts and minds of people everywhere. See also Conversion; Eschatology; Holy Spirit, The; Mystery; ReJ.E.A. demption; Salvation; Word.

refining, the process of removing impurities from metal ore. Two verbs in Hebrew are employed metaphorically for the cleansing or purifying of persons or things either by filtering or washing, or by burning or smelting. When referring to metalworking, the process is that of melting a solid to a liquid in order to remove the dross (Isa. 1:25; Mal. 3:3), or to a process of burning in which the fire helps in the extraction of metal from an ore by enhancing chemical reactions (Isa. 48:10; Jer. 6:29; 9:6; Ps. 12:6). Copper smelting was practiced early by the Hebrews using pottery crucibles or by heating ore with charcoal in a furnace. Refining by smelting is known from Timna in the Arabah and other sites, e.g., Gerar, Rumeileh, Tel Qasile near Tel Aviv, Abu Matar near Beersheba. In 1 Peter, the refining of gold is used as a metaphor for the stronger faith that emerges after persecution (1:7). See also Furnace; Mines; R.A.C. Smith. refuge, a place of safety or protection from enemies. Six of the levitical cities were designated as cities of refuge (Josh. 20:7-9) where one who accidently caused a death might seek asylum from avengers until his case could be judged by the elders of the city. If he was found to be innocent of deliberate murder, he could continue to live in sanctuary in the city of refuge (Num. 35:6-28; Deut. 19:1-13). God is often portrayed as a refuge or shelter for humanity, most frequently in psalms (Pss. 7:1; 11:1; 46:1; 2 Sam. 22:3; Isa. 25:4; Jer. 16:19; Heb. 6:18). See also Avenger; Cities; Priests. D.R.B. regeneration (Lat., "rebirth"), a term associated with human hopes and longings for the dawn of a new day, the establishment of a better world, and the creation of a new humanity. The term and concept were prominent in the Hellenistic world of the first century A.D. For biblical writers, the hope of regeneration is linked to faith in the Creator, who is understood as the source of new creation through the power of his word and the work of his Spirit. These writers have very little confidence in human potential for self-regeneration. 921

Rehabiah (ree'huh-bi'uh; Heb., "Yah [God] has enlarged"), the son of Eliezer and grandson of Moses and the head of a large family group (1 Chron. 23:17; 24:21).

REHOB

REHOBOTH-IR

Rehob (ree'hob; Heb., "broad, wide." Rehob in personal names is shortened from something like "[God] made room, saved"). 1 The father of Hadadezer, king of Zobah, an Aramaean citystate north of Damascus (2 Sam. 8:3, 12). 2 A Lévite of the time of Nehemiah (Neh. 10:11). 3 A site in upper Galilee (Num. 13:21). 4 A place in the plain of Accho of the tribe of Asher (Josh. 19:28, 30; 21:31; Judg. 1:31; 1 Chron. 6:75). 5 A place in Beth-shean (2 Sam. 10:8).

little more than three miles apart, and the area enclosed does not include the coastal plain, with its trade routes and access to the Mediterranean, nor the plain of Beer-sheba. Rehoboam's reign saw the Palestinian campaign of Pharaoh Shishak I ("Sheshonk," 1 Kings 14:25-28; 2 Chron. 12:2-9), founder of the twenty-second dynasty in Egypt. This invasion, which occurred in ca. 920 B.C., in Jeroboam's fifth year, included the hill country, the coastal plain, and the Negeb. The biblical account only mentions the pharaoh's assault upon Judah, but Shishak's version, on the wall of the temple at Karnak, shows 156 captives, each representing a Palestinian city, most in Israel. The section of the inscription that apparently lists sites in Judah, however, is very poorly preserved. This raid illustrates the military weakness caused by the division of the Hebrew kingdom, which resulted in such widespread destruction only five years after the death of Solomon. This destruction has been confirmed to some extent by the results of archaeology, especially at Tell Beit Mirsim, Lachish, and Beer-sheba. According to 1 Kings 14:25-28, Shishak came up against Jerusalem, and many of the treasures of the Temple and palace had to be handed over as ransom. From the perspective of the Chronicler (2 Chron. 12:5), Shishak's invasion came as retribution for Rehoboam's infidelity to God. 1 Kings 14:22-24 provides a list of his apostasies, many of which reflect the pagan influences introduced by Solomon. The author of Chronicles (2 Chron. 11:18-22) includes a section on Rehoboam's family, somewhat problematic material without parallel in Kings, which says that he had eighteen wives, sixty concubines, twenty-eight sons, and sixty daughters. See also Jeroboam I; Shishak. Bibliography Malamat, A. "Origins of Statecraft in the Israelite Monarchy." The Biblical Archaeologist 28 (1965):34-65. F.S.F.

Rehoboam (ree'huh-boh'uhm; KJV and NT: "Roboam"), the son of Solomon by Naamah, an Ammonite princess (1 Kings 14:31). He was successor to his father as the last king of the United Monarchy and the first king of Judah after the northern tribes revolted against his rule under Jeroboam I, who was made their king. There is some uncertainty about the chronology for Rehoboam's reign. He is said to have become king when he was forty-one and to have ruled for seventeen years (1 Kings 14:21; 2 Chron. 13:7). His reign has been variously dated as starting in 937, 933, or 926 B.C., the last of which would date Rehoboam's reign as 926-910 B.C. The basic biblical narratives concerning Rehoboam are found in 1 Kings 11:43; 1 2 : 1 - 2 4 ; 14:21-31; and 2 Chron. 9:31-12:16. Rehoboam's accession to the throne came under very difficult political circumstances. Solomon's policies of forced labor and high taxation to support his greatly expanded court and administrative apparatus had created a good deal of popular unrest. Added to this was his attempt at breaking up tribal loyalties by the creation, in order to facilitate tax collection, of twelve administrative districts that basically disregarded the old tribal borders. The growing resentment against such policies erupted after Solomon's death, on the occasion of Rehoboam's aborted coronation at Shechem. Rehoboam rejected the counsel of his older mentors who advised easing the people's tax burden and went instead with the guidance of his contemporaries who counseled the continuance of the policies of his father. Upon hearing this message from Rehoboam, the northern tribes revolted and instituted their own monarchy. Rehoboam unsuccessfully attempted to put down the revolt (1 Kings 12:18, 21, 24). After the division, Rehoboam instigated border warfare against Israel (1 Kings 1 2 : 2 1 - 2 4 ; 14:30; 2 Chron. 12:15), apparently in an attempt to clear the approaches to his capital city. The threatened nature of Rehoboam's kingdom is reflected in his construction of a line of fortresses around Judah (2 Chron. 11:5-10), which may have been built either before Pharaoh Shishak's invasion or in response to it. The line ran south of Jerusalem along the central ridge, turning west south of Hebron, continued northward through the Shephelah to Aijalon, where it turned back toward Jerusalem. The sixteen stations in the line are

Rehoboth (ri-hoh'both), a place name in the OT. Isaac's servants dug a well and called it Rehoboth (Heb., "broad places"), because they found respite from their quarrels over water rights with the herdsmen of Gerar (Gen. 26:22). The site is most often identified with modern Ruheibeh, southwest of Beer-sheba. Rehobothon-the-River is the home of Shaul (Gen. 36:37; 1 Chron. 1:48), one of the early kings of Edom (Gen. 36:31). The River is possibly the Brook Zered (modern Wadi el-Hasâ) rather than the Euphrates. The site itself is unidentified. Rehoboth-Ir (Gen. 10:11) is probably not the name of a city in northern Mesopotamia but a description of Nineveh. See also Beer-sheba; Gerar; Isaac; Nineveh; Zered, The Brook. B.M. Rehoboth-ir (ri-hoh'both-ihr'; Heb., "[the] open places of [the] city," or "city-plazas," as, e.g., in Lam. 2:12). A place built by Nimrod (in Gen. 10:11). It is thus to be interpreted either as

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an otherwise unknown city between Nineveh and Calah or as a district of Nineveh. There are similar Akkadian expressions that support the latter interpretation.

2:9; 3:11), "piety" (Acts 3:12), "devout" (Acts 10:2, 7), or "worship" or "worshiper" (Acts 10:23; John 9:31); this root refers both to the Christian message and to proper conduct. See also Godliness, Godly; Worship. J.W.T.

Rehum (reeTiuhm). 1 Apparently one of eleven leaders of groups returning from Exile (Ezra 2:2; Neh. 7:7 has "Nehum"). 2 "Commander," "high commissioner" (NEB), one of the officials sending accusation against the Jews rebuilding Jerusalem (Ezra 4:8-23). This led Artaxerxes to stop the work. This narrative cannot be dated; it is often assumed to precede the activity of Nehemiah. 3 A Lévite, son of Bani, sharing in the repair of the wall under Nehemiah (Neh. 3:17; perhaps also Neh. 10:25), a "chief of the people" and signatory to the Covenant (Neh. 9:38). 4 A priest or priestly clan associated with Zerubbabel and Jeshua, perhaps an error for Harim (Neh. 1 2 : 3 ; cf. 12:15). See also Artaxerxes; Nehemiah, The Book of; Zerubbabel. P.R.A. Rei (reef; Heb., probably "the Lord is a friend"), a member of David's court who remained loyal during the conspiracy of Adonijah (1 Kings 1:8). Rekem (reeToihm). 1 A Midianite king slain with four others by the Israelites on their way to Canaan (Num. 31:8; Josh. 13:21). 2 An eponymous ancestor of a Calebite family that was associated with the man Hebron (1 Chron. 2:43-44). 3 An eponymous ancestor (Rakem) of one of the Machir clans in Gilead (1 Chron. 7:16). 4 A town in the territory of the tribe of Benjamin (Josh. 18:27). Release, Year of, an ancient Israelite institution by which Hebrew slaves would be released in the seventh year after their purchase (Exod. 21:2-6; Jer. 34:8-15). According to the legal tradition in Lev. 25:47-55, the Hebrew slave could be redeemed through payments by relations or released during the Jubilee Year. See also Hebrews; Jubilee; Sabbatical Year. religion, religious, the English translations of various Greek terms appearing only in Acts, Colossians, the Gospel of John, the Pastoral Letters, James, and 2 Peter (i.e., in the later writings of the NT). The root occurring in Acts 17:22 (RSV: "very religious") and Acts 25:19 (RSV: "superstition") was commonly used in Hellenistic culture for observances offered to a deity. A second root is used in Acts 26:5 of Jewish observances and customs (RSV: "religion"), in Col. 2:18 of the "worship" of angels, and in James 1:26-27 of proper conduct toward others. The third root is found most frequently in the Pastoral Letters and is variously translated in the RSV as "religion" (1 Tim. 3:16; 5:4; 2 Tim. 3:5; Titus 2:10), "godliness" or "godly" (1 Tim. 2:2; 4:7, 8; 6:3, 5, 6; Tit. 1:1; 2:12; 2 Pet. 1:3, 6;

R e m a l i a h (rem'uh-li'uh), the father of Pekah, an official of King Pekahiah of Israel (i.e., Northern Kingdom) who assassinated the king and took the throne (2 Kings 15:25; Isa. 7:1). remnant, the portion left over after a part has been removed. Thus, it may refer to vegetation (Exod. 10:5) or human and animal life (Gen. 7:23). It often refers to that element of a community that has escaped death or exile (Jer. 24:8; Ezra 9:13-15). In biblical thought, the remnant has been or will be saved and redeemed by God. This concept is frequently mentioned in prophetic writings since it is the obverse of the idea that God will punish the sinning people with near total destruction (cf. 1 Kings 19:15-18). Thus, Amos speaks of a nonviable or pitiful remnant in his prophecies of rebuke (3:12; 5:3; 6:9; 7:1-6; 9:1; cf. 1:8), although if the people repent, destruction of "the remnant of Joseph" may be avoided (5:14-15). This concept becomes significant in Isaiah, where a "remnant will return" to both God in repentance and the land in redemption (Isa. 7:3; 10:20-22; 11:10-16; 17:5-8; 28:5; 30:17-19; 37:4, 31-32; cf. 6:13). In Micah, "remnant" is already a term meaning "those who will be redeemed" (4:6-7; 5:2-8; cf. 2:12; 7:18-20). This understanding is evident also in Joel 3:5 (cf. Obad. 17). In Zephaniah, the righteous remnant of Israel will be redeemed (3:11-20; cf. 2:3, 7, 9). Jeremiah's prophecies of rebuke are very harsh—they depict no surviving remnant (Jer. 6:9; 1 1 : 2 1 - 2 3 ; 15:9) or a terrible destiny for the survivors (8:3; 24:8-10). However, in his prophecies of hope, Jeremiah assures redemption to the "remnant of my flock" (23:3-4) who were led astray by their rulers (vv. 1-2). Also, God will save the "remnant of Israel" (31:7), but if the "remnant of Judah" after the Babylonian destruction emigrates to Egypt, they will forfeit God's mercies and be destroyed (42:9-22). Similarly, Ezekiel, too, portrays the destruction of even the remnant of Judah (5:1-4, 8-17; 9:4-10). However, his cry "Ah, Lord God! Will you make a complete end of the remnant of Israel" (11:13) evokes a prophecy of redemption (w. 1 4 - 2 2 ) . The postexilic community identified themselves as the remnant (Hag. 1:12, 14; 2:2; Ezra 9:13-15; Neh. 1:2-3; 7:72). Zechariah promises the remnant a life of peace and prosperity (8:1-15), but they must adhere to moral behavior (vv. 16-17). It is not surprising that the Qumran community, which saw themselves as the last wave of the returning exiles from Babylon, identified themselves as the "remnant" (CD 1:4-5; 1QH

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REPENTANCE 6:8). So too the apostle Paul, citing prophecies from Hosea and Isaiah (Rom. 9:25-29), finally concludes that those Jews who follow Christ constitute the true remnant, "chosen by grace" (11:5). See also Prophet. J.U.

REPHAIM, VALLEY OF The summons to conversion, moreover, is associated with his own person so that a decision for or against him signifies a choice for or against repentance (Matt. 11:20-24; 12:41-42). In the eyes of Jesus all are sinners and in need of repentance (13:1-5). He comes to call sinners and not the just (Luke 5:32), and he tells parables that promise God's forgiveness to those who recognize their sinfulness (Luke 15; 18:9-14). Paul rarely employs the term repentance (Rom. 2:4; 2 Cor. 7:9, 10) and John never does. Both authors presuppose it, however, in their concepts of faith, which demand a turning away from sin. Although the author of Hebrews seems to suggest that there cannot be a second repentance (6:4-6), the author of Revelation calls the seven churches to repentance (2:5, 16; 3:3, 19). The general tradition of the NT, therefore, is that repentance is an ongoing affair. See also Faith; Jesus Christ; John the Baptist; Justice; Kingdom of God; Prophet. Bibliography Eichrodt, Walter. Theology of the Old Testament, vol. 2. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1967. Jeremias, Joachim. New Testament Theology: The Proclamation of Jesus. New York: Scribner, 1971. Von Rad, Gerhard. The Message of the Prophets. New York: Harper & Row, 1967. F.J.M.

repentance, a word covering several biblical ideas that range from regret to changing one's mind or behavior so as to bring about a moral or ethical conversion. Thus in the OT God can repent (Heb. naham) in the sense of regret that he has made Saul king (1 Sam. 15:11). The most important aspect of OT repentance, however, is contained in the Hebrew word shub, which expresses the idea of turning back, retracing one's steps in order to return to the right way. In the early stages of Israelite history, the nation was more conscious of its collective guilt than of its individual guilt. In times of national catastrophe, therefore, it celebrated cultic liturgies of repentance that included an assembly of the people, fasting, lamentation, and the confession of sin. The prophets of the eighth century B.C., however, and those who followed, leveled a strong criticism against merely cultic and liturgical repentance. Amos complains that the people did not turn to the Lord (4:6, 8, 9, 10, 11). Hosea, after describing a liturgy of repentance (6:1-3), says that Israel's love "is like a morning cloud, like the dew that goes early away" (6:4). Isaiah pleads for social justice Rephaiah (ri-fay'yuh; Heb.,"Yah [God] heals"). rather than empty ritual (1:10-17; cf. 58:5-7; 1 A descendant of Judah in the royal lineage of Amos 5:21-24). The prophets, therefore, insist the kings of Judah (1 Chron. 3:21); the text is not upon an interior conversion manifested in jusclear whether this is an individual or a family tice, kindness, and humility (Mic. 6:6-8). Jere- group. 2 One of the leaders of the Simeonite clan miah calls upon Israel to acknowledge its guilt of Ishi who drove out the Amalekites and settled (3:11-14) and Ezekiel brings the notion of indion Mount Seir (Edom; 1 Chron. 4:42). 3 The vidual responsibility to a climax (3:16-21; 18; grandson of Issachar and a leader in the clan of 33:10-20). For all of their harshness, however, Tola (1 Chron. 7:2). 4 A Benjaminite descendant the prophets also hold out hope to Israel. Jereof Saul (1 Chron. 9:43); he is also called Raphah miah and Ezekiel look to a day when God will (1 Chron. 8:37). 5 An official of postexilic place a new heart within his people (Jer. 24:7; Jerusalem who helped repair the city walls Ezek. 36:26-31) and Isaiah promises forgiveD.R.B. (Neh. 3:9). ness to those who will repent (1:18-19). In the NT the notion of repentance as turning Rephaim (refay-im), a noun appearing in to the Lord (Heb. shub) is expressed in the three contexts in the Bible. 1 Those who are dead and inhabit Sheol, "shades" (Ps. 88:10), Greek verb metanoein. The idea is slightly modified, however, inasmuch as the Greek includes "dead" (Prov. 9:18). 2 Pre-Israelite inhabitants of Transjordan (Gen. 14:5; Deut. 2:10-11). 3 "Githe concept of changing one's mind, coming to a new way of thinking. John the Baptist is the im- ants" from Philistia (1 Chron. 20:4, 6, 8; 2 Sam. mediate successor of the prophets. Like them he 21:16, 18, 20). The relationship between these calls the people to repentance and demands three uses is obscure. proof of authentic conversion (Matt. 3:9—10); his preaching leads to forgiveness of sins (Mark Rephaim, Valley of, the broad valley or plain 1:4; Luke 3:3). Yet John's message also differs southwest of Jerusalem, modern Baqa. It was from that of the prophets inasmuch as his call named after some early inhabitants of Palestine: for repentance is intimately connected to the thus "Valley of Giants" in the KJV (Josh. 15:8; imminent arrival of God's Kingdom and the 18:16; cf. Septuagint and Josephus [Antiquities coming of the Messiah (Matt. 3:2, 1 1 - 1 2 ; Luke 7.4.1]). 3:15-17). Moreover, John seals this repentance The boundary between the tribal lands of with a baptism of water. Judah and Benjamin went up the Hinnom ValJesus' call to repentance is also closely linked ley from Jerusalem, passing the northern end of the Valley of Rephaim, to the Waters of to the arrival of the Kingdom (Mark 1:14-15). 924

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Nephtoah (springs of Lifta today), northwest of Jerusalem (Josh. 15:8; 18:16). The Philistines encamped in the Valley of Rephaim and David met them there in battle (2 Sam. 5:18, 2 2 ; 23:13). It was known for its fertility (Isa. 17:5). N.L.L.

siege (2 Kings 20:20) and for agriculture (2 Chron. 26:10), and great rock-cut pools are referred to at Hebron (2 Sam. 4:12), Samaria (1 Kings 22:38), and Gibeon (2 Sam. 2:13). Early Israelite settlement in the less fertile hill country was in large part made possible by means of S.L.R. plastered cisterns.

Rephidim (ref'i-dim), a stopping place for the Israelites after they left the Wilderness of Sin but before they reached the Wilderness of Sinai (Exod. 17:1; 19:2; Num. 33:14-15). The people complained because there was no water there, so Moses struck a rock and water flowed miraculously (Exod. 17:1-7). Afterward the Israelites fought there against the Amalekites and were victorious after Moses, aided by Aaron and Hur, held out his rod (Exod. 17:8-16). The location of Rephidim is uncertain; some identify it with the Wadi Refayid in southwest Sinai. See also Exodus.

resh (raysh), the twentieth letter of the * i ^ Hebrew alphabet; its numerical value is I ' two hundred. In the early proto-Canaanite and proto-Sinaitic inscriptions the letter is represented by a pictograph of a head. The Greek rho suggests that the Hebrew form was rosh ("head") and that resh is the Aramaic name. The Greek p preserves the archaic form. In later times the form developed under the influence of Phoenician and Aramaic cursive scripts. The classical Hebrew square form of the letter is related to this development. See also Writing. Resheph (ree'shif), a Canaanite god of pestilence, equated in antiquity with Mesopotamian Nergal and Greek Apollo. The name "Resheph" has some connection with flame, perhaps because of the heat of fever accompanying sickness. The cult of Resheph is attested from earliest times in Mesopotamian sources (third millennium B.C.), later at Ras-Shamra. It penetrated Egypt, especially during the eighteenth dynasty (ca. 1546-1319), where Resheph was thought a warrior. The Israelite personal name Resheph (1 Chron. 7:25) shows that Resheph had a following in the Holy Land. In the OT, Resheph comes to mean "pestilence" (Deut. 32:24; Ps. 78:48). See also Ras-Shamra.

The miracle at Rephidim, where, according to Exod. 17:1-7, Moses struck a rock and caused water toflowout; wall painting from the catacomb of St. Callixtus, Rome, fourth century A.D.

residue. See Remnant.

Resen (ree'suhn), a yet unidentified city in Assyria lying "between Nineveh and Calah" (Gen. 10:12) whose construction is ascribed to Nimrod. reservoir, a natural or artificial rock-cut storage container for the collection of rainwater. Such installations, variously called reservoirs, pools, or cisterns, were essential for settlements relying almost totally on winter rains for their water source. Even sites located close to a spring augmented their water supply by such collection methods. Early Bronze Age exploitation of water resources is attested to at Jawa, Arad, and 'Ai, but it was not until the second and first millennia B.C. that public and private reservoirs multiplied greatly as the use of plaster for waterproofing became widespread. Kings constructed cisterns to hold water for times of

rest. 1 Remainder (the most frequent meaning of the term; Gen. 14:10; 44:10; 1 Kings 11:41; 1 Chron. 11:8; Luke 12:26; Acts 15:17; Rev. 2:24). 2 The condition of repose, cessation of motion, and peaceful restoration. This meaning of the term occurs in a wide variety of biblical applications, translating several Hebrew words. The model of God's resting on the seventh day (Gen. 2:2) conditioned the Sabbath as a day of rest (Lev. 16:31), the Sabbatical Year (Lev. 25:3-6) as a year of rest for land under cultivation, and the Jubilee Year as a periodic social restoration of wealth and property (Lev. 25:8-17). The reality of needed daily rest was recognized for animals (Ezek. 34:14) as well as for humans (2 Sam. 4:5), the latter requiring peace of mind for best effect (Ps. 116:7). A special rest was sensed as a journey ended (Deut. 12:10; Rev. 14:13), and the promise of the Christian life is named as rest provided by God (Heb. 4:1) on the model of the rest promised to the Israelites in the time of Moses (Heb. 3:10-11). The quality of peace of mind or contentment is also described as rest, whether of the earth (Isa. 14:7), of individuals (Job 3:13), or

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of communities (Jer. 6:16). The lack of peace of mind due to disturbance (Ps. 22:2), pain, or work (Eccles. 2:23) disrupts or destroys rest. A particular aspect of rest is that of cessation of war, a time of peace (Josh. 11:23; Judg. 3:11, 30; 5:31). 2 Chron. 14:5 describes a peaceful rule under a king as a rest for the kingdom. Lack of international disturbance was viewed as a time of rest for the monarch (2 Chron. 20:30). Deliverance from oppression of enemies even during a siege was viewed as rest (2 Chron. 32:22). There is a special quality of rest viewed as that given by God to those in close harmony and fellowship with their Lord. For the Israelites, it derived from fulfillment of covenant life. '"Yet thou hast said, "I know you by name, and you have also found favor in my sight." Now therefore, I pray thee, if I have found favor in thy sight, show me now thy ways, that I may know thee and find favor in thy sight. Consider too that this nation is thy people.' And he said, 'My presence will go with you, and I will give you rest' " (Exod. 33:12-14). Christian writers saw this fulfilled in the Christ for all people (Rom. 4:16; Heb. 3:1-2), and the goal of life was put as the achievement of the rest only God could thus give (Rev. 14:13). R.S.B.

far beyond the requirement of the law in this matter. In most of the NT writings, the word group used to designate the idea of restitution or restoration has a rather different meaning, namely, that of restoring in the sense of reestablishing (Matt. 17:11; Mark 9:12; Acts 1:6; 3:21) or even healing (Matt. 12:13; Mark 3:5; Luke 6:10; Mark 8:25; but cf. Heb. 13:19, where it is somewhat closer to the OT idea but not in any "legal" sense). This probably is a result of the NT movement away from legalism. Clearly, however, the notion of restitution is continued, as was seen in the Zacchaeus story (the verb translated "restore" in this story is elsewhere used, however, to refer in a much more general sense to "paying," "repaying," or simply "giving back"). Such a principle would be an integral feature of a new community founded upon the idea of loving one's neighbor as oneself. See also Forgiveness; Law; Reconciliation. J.M.E.

restitution, a biblical concept closely related to the idea of restoration. Both, of course, are involved with sins committed against persons and/or property, either deliberately or inadvertently. Restoration appears to indicate replacement for whatever was taken or destroyed, whereas restitution seems to be repayment over and above the actual loss, analogous to what is today called "punitive" damages (e.g., Exod. 2 2 : 1 - 1 5 ; Lev. 6:1-7; Num. 5:5-7). For example, the ancient law found in Exod. 22:1, 4 clearly stipulates that anyone who steals an ox or a sheep must pay restitution to the owner of the animal(s). If the thief kills or sells the ox, he is required to pay restitution of five oxen; if he kills or sells the sheep, he is required to pay restitution of four sheep (cf. also 2 Sam. 12:6). If, however, the animal has not been harmed and is found safe in the possession of the thief, the culprit is required to pay double. Interestingly enough, if the thief has no means to pay this fine, he is to be sold for his theft. In Leviticus, it is commanded that if someone robs or cheats a neighbor, that person is to restore the amount in full and add a fifth to it (Lev. 6:1-7). In addition, the guilty party was required to offer a guilt offering. This principle is reflected in the NT story of Zacchaeus, who, as a tax collector, had cheated and "gouged" the people from whom he had collected the taxes (Luke 19:1-10). After his encounter with Jesus, he voluntarily agreed to give half of his goods to the poor and to restore fourfold to anyone he had defrauded. The principle of restitution is clearly part of this episode, but Zacchaeus went

Rest of Esther, the. See Esther, The Rest of the Book of. restoration. See Regeneration; Restitution. resurrection, a rising to life from death. The concept of resurrection is derived from Jewish apocalyptic literature. In earlier OT writings there is no belief in life after death (Ps. 115:17). When eventually this belief developed, it was in the form of the resurrection of the dead, rather than of the immortality of the soul (Isa. 26:19; Dan. 12:2). Resurrection is to be distinguished from resuscitation or reanimation of the physical body. It denotes a complete transformation of the human being in his or her psychosomatic totality (1 Cor. 15:35-55). This is expressed in a number of similes. The resurrected will shine like stars (Dan. 12:3). They will be like the angels (Mark 12:25). Resurrection was thought of not as an event for each individual at death but as a corporate event. God would raise all of the elect at the end of history. The Resurrection of Jesus: The post-Easter proclamation of Jesus' resurrection is to be seen in the context of Jewish apocalyptic hope. His resurrection is an act of God, who raised him from the dead as the "first fruits" in anticipation of the general resurrection (1 Cor. 15:20). The resurrection of the believers would follow as a result of Christ's resurrection (1 Cor. 15:22). Earliest Traditions: The earliest narratives of the Easter event are not to be found in the appearance stories at the ends of the Gospels (Mark 16:9-20, though part of the canonical text, is a post-Marcan addition). They are all later developments deriving from subapostolic times. The earliest witness to the Easter event is found in 1 Cor. 15:3-8. Paul wrote this account around A.D. 55, quoting what he had delivered to the Corinthians when he founded that community in ca. A.D. 50. But vv. 3-7 were already

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The general resurrection at the end of history as depicted in a panel of the Verdun Altar, 1180.

a tradition Paul had received from others before him (v. 3). This takes us back to the time of his call to be an apostle (ca. A.D. 33) or at the latest to Paul's Jerusalem visit ca. A.D. 35 (note that Cephas and James mentioned in vv. 5 and 7 are the same two persons Paul saw on that visit, Gal. 1:18-19). From 1 Cor. 15:3-8 we learn that the Easter faith was based not on the empty tomb (which Paul does not mention), but on the appearances of the Risen One. The word used for "appeared" is the same Greek word used elsewhere for visionary experiences. We may today characterize them as revelatory disclosures from the transcendent realm. No distinction was drawn between the resurrection and the ascension. The appearances were manifestations of the resurrected and already ascended One from heaven. The impact of these disclosures is: first, the conviction that God had raised Jesus from the dead (note that this language is derived from Jewish apocalyptic; today we might say that God took Jesus into his own eternity); second, the consolidation of the disciples into a community, later designated "church" (Gk. êkklêsia), i.e., the end-time people of God); and third, the inauguration of the community's mission to Israel and later to the gentile world. In the Gospels: The story of the empty tomb as found in the Gospels, though in its present forms belonging to later tradition, nevertheless appears to rest on an early report of Mary Magdalene and other women that on visiting 927

the tomb after the burial, they discovered it empty. In itself this discovery does not establish a resurrection and might conceivably suggest a mere resuscitation. It is also susceptible to other explanations, some of which are already mentioned in the Gospels (cf. Mark 15:47; Matt. 28:13; John 20:15). After the appearances the disciples welcomed the women's report as congruous with their faith in the resurrection and developed the empty-tomb narrative as a vehicle for the Easter proclamation. The later Gospels developed appearance narratives. This results in an increasing materialization of the appearances and of the understanding of the resurrection. Jesus now walks on earth as he had walked before (Luke 24:15). He talks, eats, drinks, and invites people to touch him. The theological motivation for this materialization is often held to be antidocetic (i.e., against the idea that Jesus was a nonmaterial being), but that would probably be an anachronism. More likely it originated in a profound conviction of the identity of the risen Lord with the earthly Jesus. A further effect of the appearance narratives is a growing desire to separate the ascension from the resurrection (Luke 24:51; John 20:17). This tendency culminates in Acts 1:9-10 in a period of forty days between the resurrection and ascension (a period lengthened in later apocryphal Gnostic Gospels). As treated by Luke-Acts the ascension has a double effect on the understanding of resurrection. In Luke's Gospel it forms a conclusion to the earthly life of Jesus, while in Acts it inaugurates his heavenly reign and the period of the church. See also Ascension of Christ, The; Death; Eternal Life; Hades; Immortality; Soul; Tomb, Jesus'. Bibliography Carnley, P. The Structure of Resurrection Belief. Oxford: Clarendon, 1987. Fuller, R. H. The Formation of the Resurrection Narratives. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980. O'Collins, G. Jesus Risen: An Historical, Fundamental and Systematic Examination of Christ's Resurrection. New York, Mahwah, NJ: Paulist, 1987. Perkins, P. Resurrection, New Testament Witness and Contemporary Reflection. Garden City, NY: R.H.F. Doubleday, 1984. retribution, the concept of repaying persons in kind, according to their just deserts. The idea of retribution is pervasive in the Bible, and yet the term "retribution" as such occurs only twice in the RSV (Rom. 11:9; Heb. 2:12). The burden of the concept is carried by synonymous terminology ("recompense," "vengeance," "wages," "requital," "reward") and by larger legal, narrative, or oracular texts. Retribution as a principle of human law was well established in antiquity, and biblical Israel was no exception. The most famous expression of this principle is the "law of retaliation"

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(Lat. lex talionis), which is stated very succinctly in Deuteronomy: "It shall be life for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot" (19:21; cf. Exod. 2 1 : 2 3 - 2 5 ; Lev. 24:19-20; Matt. 5:38-42). Interpreters are widely agreed that this formula, so brutal on the face of it, actually represented an advance over earlier legal thinking both because it allowed no favoritism and because it guaranteed that the punishment could not exceed the crime. Nevertheless, the bleak harshness of the lex talionis was always subject to control by the community. In Exod. 21:22 it is not the aggrieved individual who decides how the principle is to be applied in a specific case, but rather the "judges" make the determination. In Matt. 5:38-42, Jesus specifically opposes to the principle of "an eye for an eye" an ethic of nonresistance to personal insult. Paul echoes the same theme in Rom. 12:17. A Prerogative of God: In fact, retribution in the Bible is primarily a prerogative of God. Even in the single narrative instance in which the law was literally applied by humans to a human (Judg. 1:7), the Canaanite victim attributed to God ultimate responsibility for the mutilation Israel had inflicted upon him. The prophets spoke frequently of God's just punishments for injustice and idolatry, both upon Israel's enemies and upon Israel and Judah themselves. Under the direct influence of the preaching of Jeremiah, the writers of Deuteronomy raised the retributional scheme to its most elaborate OT expression. The whole of Deuteronomy is cast in the form of a treaty between God the sovereign and the servant people Israel. Near the end of it, Moses sums up the meaning of this great covenant scheme: "See, I have set before you this day life and good, death and evil. If you obey the commandments of the Lord your God . . . then you shall live and multiply. . . . But if your heart turns away . . . I declare to you this day, that you shall perish; . . . " (Deut. 30:15-18). Here the certain connection between obedience to the will of God and blessing and life is juxtaposed to the curses and death that follow upon disobedience. God will repay his people in a manner exactly appropriate to their degree of faithfulness. The picture of God the retributor in those texts that deal with the end of time can be summed up for the OT in Dan. 1 2 : 1 - 3 . To those who had ceased to hope for justice in the events of human history, the late apocalyptic writer promised that at the end of time "many of those who sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to shame and everlasting contempt" (12:2). This motif becomes a strong one in the many NT texts that present the end of the age as The Retribution. Those who have been faithful will be separated from those who have not and all will receive their appropriate reward (Matt. 25:31-46).

Divine retribution as a magnificent heavenly model for human justice is well established in the Bible, and it serves as a bulwark against any underestimation of the seriousness with which God deals with human evil and sin. However, the Bible suggests that the relationship of God to human sin and suffering can be understood in other ways as well. Three deserve brief mention here. The book of Job is a sustained polemic against the rather simple reward-andpunishment ideology of the popular religion of the day, such as that reflected in the "Psalms of the Two Ways" (e.g., Pss. 1, 37). The entire case of Job is absurd because a completely righteous man suffers what appear to be the punishments announced in Deuteronomy 28 as coming upon the ungodly. But God is not the author of Job's sufferings, so his sufferings cannot be explained in some retributional scheme. The conclusion of the book (42:5-6) suggests that God's comforting and saving presence more truly reflects God's nature than does the unwarranted and inexplicable suffering of the righteous. Rather widespread in the wisdom tradition of Israel is the acknowledgment of what has come to be called "the destiny-producing deed." When a sage remarked that "he who digs a pit will fall into it, and a stone will come back upon him who starts it rolling" (Prov. 26:27; cf. Ps. 7:14-18; Eccles. 10:8-11; Ecclus. 27:25-26), he was making the rather comraonsensical observation th\at human beings are capable of launching cau$e-and-effect sequences that can bring disastrous results upon themselves and upon other people. God plays no role in these chains of events and is not responsible for these results. The Larger Framework: Most important, however, is the import of the larger framework within which the biblical notion of retribution is nested. The Bible can be viewed as a drama that begins with God and human beings living in right relationships with each other. Those relationships are then broken from the human side, and the human community consequently must endure many vicissitudes until at last God restores the original right relationships in the new age. Viewed this way, the story of the Bible is not finally the story of reward and punishment but rather of God's success in restoring the original harmony of the good world. In such a larger context, divine retribution is embraced by divine redemption; biblical writers can therefore speak of a divine determination not to destroy that which deserves destruction (Hos. 11:8-9). Even on the cosmic scale, promises Paul, the day will come when "the creation itself will be set free from its bondage to decay and obtain the glorious liberty of the children of God" (Rom. 8:21; see other expressions of this hope in Phil. 2:10-11; 1 Cor. 15:22-28). See also Law; Vengeance.

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fact that the power and right of the firstborn Bibliography Koch, Klaus. "Is There a Doctrine of Retribution passed to the tribes of Judah and Joseph (as indicated by the superior influence of Judah and in the OT?" In Theodicy in the OT. Edited by J. L. Crenshaw. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983. Pp. 57-87. Joseph in the Joseph story; see also Gen. Kushner, Harold S. When Bad Things Happen to 49:8-12, 2 2 - 2 6 ; Deut. 33:13-17; 1 Chron. 5:1—2). See also Bilhah; Jacob; Leah; Reubenites. Good People. New York: Schocken, 1981. J.U. Towner, W. Sibley. How God Deals with Evil. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1976. W.S.T. Reubenites (roo'bi-nits), the tribe that carried Return, the, a term used by scholars for the the name of the firstborn of Jacob and Leah, homecoming of the exiles from Babylonian cap- Reuben (Gen. 29:32). As such the tribe is mentivity to the areas of Judea and Samaria in the tioned first in the list of those who leave Egypt sixth century B.C. (Exod. 6:14), in the list of the tribal leaders in the desert (Num. 1:5), and the census there (1:20-21; 26:5-10), in the blessing of Moses Return of Christ. See Eschatology; Millen(Deut. 33:6), and in the apportionment of the nium; Parousia. land by Joshua (Josh. 13:15-23; see also Num. 2:10, 16; 7:30; 18:18; Deut. 13:4; Ezek. 48:31). Reu (ree'yoo), the son of Peleg; a descendant of Shem and an ancestor of Abraham (Gen. This placement is not followed by the Chronicler, however, whose emphasis is on the Da11:18-21). He figures in the ancestry of Jesus vidic dynasty and therefore Judah. Thus, through Joseph (Luke 3:35). Chronicles introduces Reuben as the first of IsReuben (roo'bin ), the firstborn son of Jacob by rael's sons (1 Chron. 2:1; see also 27:16), but proceeds to list the genealogy of the tribe of his wife Leah and the ancestor of the tribe that bears his name (Gen. 29:32; 35:23; 46:8; 49:2-3; Judah first (2:1-4:19). The most complete genealogy of Reuben is in 1 Chron. 5:3-8. Exod. 1:1-2; 6:14; Num. 26:5; 1 Chron. 2:1; 5:1, 3). Gen. 29:32 explains the name as meaning According to Numbers 32, the Reubenites that God had seen Leah's affliction, but the and the Gadites were granted by Moses their rename explains itself as an exclamation in He- quest to dwell in Gilead due to the pastureland brew by the parents upon the birth of a boy— available there for their cattle. The one agreed "Look, a son!" condition was that they spearhead the capture of western Canaan (see also Josh. 1:12-18). Gen. 30:14-15 depicts Reuben as a child devoted to his mother who gathers mandrakes (an After Joshua's victories they were permitted to aphrodisiac?) and presents them to her. This return to Gilead (Josh. 22:1-9). The sources (Num. 32:33-38; Josh. 13:15-23; 1 Chron. leads to Jacob's returning to Leah's bed and, 5:8-10; 6:63-64), although not always consisthus, to Leah's giving birth to Issachar (vv. tent, indicate that the Reubenites settled south 16-18). In a perhaps not unconnected episode, Reuben has intercourse with his father's concu- of Gad in Gilead, north of the Arnon River (but see Josh. 15:6; 18:17, which might indicate a bine Bilhah, Rachel's handmaiden, after Rachel's death (35:19-22). Although for a son Reubenite settlement west of the Jordan). to lie with his father's concubine is a rebellious Due to the paucity of material, the history of act indicating usurpation of authority (2 Sam. the tribe is difficult to reconstruct. Scholarly 16:21-22), in this case the story may be indi- conjecture holds that the biblical viewpoint of cating Reuben's intention to cause his father to Reuben as Jacob's firstborn indicates that return to Leah's tent by "spoiling" Rachel's Reuben was once a powerful tribe. However, handmaiden, i.e., the last remaining connec- Jacob's rebuke (Gen. 49:4; cf. 1 Chron. 5:1) and tion to Rachel (cf. Homer Iliad 9.443-455). Moses' blessing (Deut. 33:6) indicate that However, Reuben's act leads ultimately to his Reuben became weak. Perhaps the destruction disenfranchisement as firstborn (Gen. 49:3-4; 1 of the Reubenite families of Dathan and Abiram Chron. 5:1-2). Nonetheless, Reuben's behavior due to their rebellion against Moses (an attempt in the Joseph story reflects the role of responsi- to reassert the firstborn's authority? Num. 16) is bility that belongs to the firstborn (Gen. a biblical attempt to explain the reason for the 37:21-29;42:22, 37). decline of the tribe. Many scholars interpret the information The Song of Deborah (Judg. 5:15-16) testifies about Reuben in Genesis as reflective of the for- to the tribe's (selfish) refusal to join the battle tune of the tribe: once the Reubenites had a against Sisera, but 1 Chron. 5:10 witnesses to prominent role among the Israelites and thus the Reubenites' strength during the days of Saul Reuben is the "firstborn," "the first fruits of the (late eleventh century B.C.). The captivity of strength" of Jacob (Gen. 49:3; cf. Deut. 21:17). Reubenite families by Tiglath-pileser III of AsHowever, in the course of time, the tribe weak- syria in 732 B.C. (1 Chron. 5:6) is the last historened (Gen. 49:4, "you shall not have preical mention of the tribe. The prophet Ezekiel eminence"; cf. Deut. 33:6, "Let Reuben live, and (48:6-7, 31) predicts the ultimate resettlement not die"), and Reuben's intercourse with Bilhah of the tribe alongside its brethren. See also is viewed as the etiological explanation for the Gilead; Reuben. J.U. 929

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Reuel (roo'uhl; KJV: "Raguel," Num. 10:29; Heb., "friend of God"). 1 The son of Esau and Basemath, the daughter of Ishmael, whose descendants show Esau's ties with Edom (Gen. 36). 2 The priest of Midian, father (?) of Hobab, who gave his daughter Zipporah in marriage to Moses (Exod. 2; Num. 10:29). Perhaps he was the same as Jethro, the priest of Midian, also identified as Moses' father-in-law (Exod. 4:18; the Heb. term means a male relative by marriage). Through Reuel Midianite (Kenite) influence on Moses is conceivable. 3 A Gadite, father of Eliasaph (Num. 2:14), also cited as "Deuel" (Septuagint: "Reuel"). 4 A Benjaminite (1 Chron. 9:8). See also Hobab; Jethro; Midianites; Moses; Zipporah. H.B.H.

(e.g., Isa. 22:14). These may come while one is awake or in dreams. God may speak directly to a human being or through an angelic intermediary, and sometimes the two modes are difficult to distinguish, as in Moses' encounter with the burning bush (Exod. 3:2-4) or Abraham's meeting with the three travelers (Gen. 18:1-19:1). Revelation may also be made available in the created order itself (Rom. 1:18-23). Revelation is not limited to extraordinary experiences; some texts seem to treat it more as a matter of inner conviction (e.g., Ps. 16:7) or the interpretation of historical events (Ps. 111:6). From the early third century B.C. onward, the language of revelatory experience became an important element in the developing genre that we now call "apocalyptic," that is, "revelatory" literature. In such works as Daniel, 2 Esdras, Revelation, and 1 Enoch, we meet a prophet or seer who is given access in ecstatic experiences to secrets of various kinds—about the past, the structure of the universe (e.g., 1 Enoch 41), the heavenly court, or the future. A particular interest was the transition from the present age to the world to come. The description of such experiences evokes prophetic visions such as those of Ezekiel and also ecstatic experience such as that of Paul (2 Cor. 12:1-7). We do not know, however, to what extent the language of apocalyptic reflects actual experience or to what extent it had become purely a literary formula. In later Christian theology, the idea of revelation underwent a broadening, so that it came to mean something very close to "the distinctive content of Christian faith" as opposed to any other form of human knowledge or thought. Scholastic and later theology from the early Middle Ages to the Renaissance came to treat reason and revelation as two antithetical modes of knowing, of which the latter must be considered superior for theological purposes. It is not clear that such a sharp distinction can be made in Scripture itself, where specifically revelatory works stand side by side with other documents (e.g., Proverbs) that claim an origin in human wisdom. See also Apocalyptic Literature; Dreams; L.W.C. Inspiration; Vision.

revelation (rev'uh-lay'shuhn), the English translation of Hebrew and Greek terms originally referring to "uncovering" or "disclosing." The act of revelation is also frequently expressed by other terms in Scripture, particularly word groups dealing with speaking and showing. Two essential features of the idea of revelation emerge from these observations: first, revelation is conceived as an unveiling of what was already true, whether as enduring reality, as past event, or as foreordained future; second, although whatever is being revealed was true all along, it was previously concealed or unknown. Thus, for knowledge to be understood as "revelation," it has to be the knowledge of the few, as contrasted with the ignorance of the many, or new knowledge, as contrasted with the ignorance of the past (e.g., 1 Cor. 2:9-10). Human beings may, of course, reveal human secrets (Prov. 11:13), and one may speak of revelation in connection with supernatural powers opposed to God (e.g., 2 Thess. 2:3, 8). When the object of revelation, however, is fundamental truth, God is the revealer, and the knowledge that results is a gift rather than a product of human or demonic ingenuity. Thus, for example, God is said to reveal Torah (i.e., teachings of the law; Deut. 29:29), himself (1 Sam. 3:21), secrets (Amos 3:7; Dan. 2:29), power (Isa. 53:1), prophecies (1 Cor. 14:29-30), righteousness (Rom. 1:17), anger (Rom. 1:18), or the Son (Gal. 1:16). Such revelations begin with one or a few persons, for what is commonly known does not need to be revealed. The prophet, apostle, or other agent who receives such revelations may be obliged to transmit them to others, as, for example, Amos (3:7-8) or Paul (Gal. 1:15-17). On the other hand, they may be instructed to keep some revelations hidden, whether because it would be altogether wrong to utter them (2 Cor. 12:1-4) or because they are intended for another era (Dan. 12:9; 2 Esd. 14) or even without a reason being offered (Rev. 10:4). The principal modes by which human beings receive revelations in the biblical documents are visions (e.g., Jer. 1:11-13) and auditions 930

Revelation to John, the, the last book of the NT, also called the Apocalypse. The term "apocalypse" comes from the Greek word for revelation, which is used in the preface to characterize the work (1:1). In modern times, the word "apocalypse" has come to designate a particular literary form. An apocalypse is a narrative account of the reception of revelation by a human individual from one or more heavenly beings. The revelation includes descriptions of the heavenly world and of a qualitatively new future. The book of Daniel in the OT is also an apocalypse, as is 2 Esdras in the Apocrypha. Revelation is the only apocalypse in the NT, although other books con-

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The end of the Revelation to John in the Codex Sinaiticus, an outstanding fourthcentury A.D. manuscript of the Greek Bible. tain passages of similar content, e.g., Mark 13 and parallels, 1 Thess. 4:13-18. Author: Although the author never claims directly to be a prophet, several passages suggest such was his self-understanding (e.g., 22:9). He calls himself John (1:4). Nothing in the work links the author to John the son of Zebedee or John the Elder. Sound judgment requires the conclusion that he is a John otherwise unknown to us. His work was preserved because he was recognized as a prophet in the early church and because the work itself was accepted as a valid revelation of God's will. Date: According to Irenaeus, a leader of the church in the second century, John saw his revelation near the end of the reign of the Roman emperor Domitian. No good reason for doubting Irenaeus's testimony has been brought forward. The book in its present form should therefore be dated to A.D. 95 or 96. Earlier traditions have certainly been incorporated. In some cases, sources with relatively fixed wording were used, in, e.g., chaps. 11, 12, and 17:10.

Occasion: The occasion of the book has often been seen as the persecution that Christian tradition says Domitian initiated against the church. Recent research has called the existence of such a persecution seriously into question. The hard evidence supports only the conclusion that under Domitian Christians were subject to the same sporadic repression they experienced under other emperors of the late first and early second centuries. Another theory is that Domitian escalated the ruler cult by insisting on new divine honors of his person. The evidence for this theory is not very strong. It seems best to conclude that John was not simply reacting to objective changes in the situation of Christians, but that with prophetic insight he interpreted the typical situation in a new way. Content and Purpose: In Revelation John tells how he received revelatory visions from Christ and describes those visions. Most of them concern the future, but John tells them in order to interpret the experience of the first readers and to evoke a particular response to that experience. In decribing his visions, he uses traditional images. The result is that the book has two levels of meaning. The traditional images call to mind the "old story" of the conflict between the creator-god or God and a rebellious beast of chaos. The various versions of this story express in a vivid and concrete way the perennial struggle between order and chaos, life and death. John uses these traditional images to interpret his situation. The bestial, chaotic images are applied to the Roman Empire, its leaders and friends, and the very culture related to it. The "new story," which is the second level of meaning, uses the story of conflict to interpret the relationship between the followers of Jesus and the Roman Empire. The hostility of Rome to the Christian message and way of life is revealed as a renewed rebellion of chaos against order, of creature against Creator. The Christ of the messages exhorts the readers to remain faithful, especially in the face of hostility from their non-Christian neighbors. Another important theme is the warning not to practice immorality (i.e., idolatry) and to avoid meat sacrificed to pagan gods. These warnings teach that the faithful Christians must often be critical of their culture. The woman clothed with the sun in chap. 12 represents the faithful people of God who will be protected by divine power in situations of adversity. Chaps. 13 and 17 allude to the emperor Nero, who slaughtered Christians in Rome ca. A.D. 64, as a symbol of political power that abuses its God-given authority. In chaps. 17 and 18 Rome is portrayed as (the new) Babylon, because the armies of Rome, like those of Babylon at an earlier date, destroyed Jerusalem and the Temple in A.D. 70. Beginning with the seven seals, the visions focus upon the future. The five series of visions,

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beginning with the seals and ending with the second unnumbered series, all have the same plot. Their common underlying pattern is threefold: (1) persecution (e.g., 6:9-11; 12-13), (2) punishment of the nations, or judgment (e.g., 6:12-17; 14:14-20), and (3) triumph of God, the Lamb, and his followers or salvation (e.g., 7:9-17; 15:2—4). By repeating this pattern, Revelation expresses the insight that reality in general and Christian life in particular are characterized by conflict and struggle. A further insight is that death is only a phase in that struggle, not the end. The new and old stories of conflict are reinforced by the example of Jesus. They are models for understanding and coming to terms with powerlessness, suffering, and death. Readers are given hope within struggle and challenged to distinguish God's cause from Satan's cause in their everyday life. Interpretation: Revelation has always been interpreted in various ways; the twentieth century is no exception. Today fundamentalist and conservative evangelical Christians believe the book was written to predict the end of the world in our own time. Some of them expect, for example, a world war to occur in the Middle East that will involve nuclear weapons and will fulfill the prophecy of a battle at Armageddon (Rev. 16:12-16).

More liberal Christians recognize that the prophecies of Revelation were addressed to the late first century and that most of them were not fulfilled in a literal, historical way. Such Christians do not understand prophecy to be primarily a matter of prediction. John's prophetic role consisted in exposing and denouncing idolatry and the abuse of power in his day. His expression of hope for a new heaven and a new earth reminds us that the Kingdom of God is not just a matter of the salvation of the individual or even the maintenance of the faithful church. The rule of God ought to encompass all of creation. Only when all are faithful and the world-order is characterized by peace and justice will God's work be complete. The readers of Revelation today are challenged by it to discern and distinguish divine and satanic forces at work in our world. See also Apocalyptic Literature; Apocrypha, Old Testament; Daniel; Nero; Roman Empire. Bibliography Boring, M. Eugene. Revelation. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1989. Collins, Adela Yarbro. Crisis and Catharsis: The Power of the Apocalypse. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1984. Fiorenza, Elisabeth Schussler. Revelation: Vision of a Just World. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 1991. Thompson, Leonard L. The Book of Revelation: Apocalypse and Empire. New York: Oxford UniA.Y.C. versity Press, 1990.

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS revenge. See Avenger. The Revelation to John I. Prologue (1:1-8) A. Preface (1:1-3) B. Opening of a letter (1:4-6) C. Prophetic sayings (1:7-8) II. Vision of Christ with seven messages (1:9-3:22) A. Vision of Christ (1:9-20) B. Seven messages (2:1-3:22) III. Visions of heaven and seven seals (4:1-8:5) A. Vision of God (4:1-11) B. Vision of the Lamb (5:1-14) C. Seven seals (6:1-8:5) IV. The seven trumpets (8:2-11:19) V. Seven unnumbered visions (12:1-15:4) VI. The seven bowls and Babylon (15:1-19:10) A. Seven bowls (15:1-16:20) B. Babylon (17:1-19:10) VII. Seven unnumbered visions and Jerusalem (19:11-22:5) A. Seven unnumbered visions (19:11-21:8) B. Jerusalem (21:9-22:5) VIII. Epilogue (22:6-21) A. Sayings (22:6-20) B. Benediction (22:21)

Revised Standard Version (RSV), a midtwentieth-century English translation of the Bible. See English Bible, The. Revised Versions. See English Bible, The; Texts, Versions, Manuscripts, Editions. Rezeph (ree'zif), a town cited as having fallen to Assyria (2 Kings 19:12; Isa. 37:12) and symbolizing in part the unstoppable Assyrian force. From Assyrian royal records it is known as Rasappa and had served as an Assyrian provincial capital after its capture, probably by Shalmaneser III about 838 B.C. Possibly it is modern Rezzafeh about a hundred miles southeast of Aleppo, off the south bank of the Euphrates River. Rezin (ree'zin), an Aramaic name whose original Hebrew vocalization, to judge from Greek and Assyrian transcriptions, was raz-yohn (Heb., "pleasant, agreeable"). 1 The king of Damascus. Rezin was among those who paid tribute to the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser III in 738 B.C., but within three years Rezin had organized an anti-Assyrian coalition consisting of Damascus, Tyre, Philistia, Israel, some Arab tribes, and perhaps Edom. When King Ahaz of Judah refused to join, the allies seized part of his territory, including Elath on the Red Sea. Rezin's attempt to take 932

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Jerusalem and depose Ahaz failed (Isa. 7:1-10), however, and Tiglath-pileser soon crushed the allies. After neutralizing Phoenicia and Philistia in 734 B.C., he devastated Rezin's territory in 733. Damascus survived, but the following year, bereft of its allies, the city fell, and Rezin was executed (2 Kings 16:5-9). 2 The ancestor of a group of Temple servants in the postexilic period (Ezra 2:48; Neh. 7:50). See also Ahaz; Isaiah, The Book of; Pekah. J.J.M.R.

ested in diachronic (historical) concerns than in synchronic analyses of Hebrew Bible texts in their present form (for further discussion, see Rhetorical Criticism of the Bible and especially Hauser's extensive treatment of the most important works of OT rhetorical criticism, pp. 14-20). Rhetorical Criticism of the New Testament: Because of the pervasiveness of rhetorical instruction as an integral part of the curriculum of Greek and Roman education (normally, the education sequence was grammar, rhetoric, philosophy or grammar, rhetoric), there is considerable historical justification for doing rhetorical criticism of the NT. Those who knew how to write persuasively had probably learned it in rhetorical school. Most NT rhetorical criticism of the 1970s and 1980s focused primarily on the Letters of the NT and the influence on the Letters of rhetorical precepts developed for speeches. During the 1990s, NT rhetorical critics have widened their knowledge of Greco-Roman rhetoric: the rhetorical handbooks, rhetorical speeches, and instruction in exercises of composing partial speeches (Gk. progymnasmata), such as the chreia (a concise reminiscence aptly attributed to some character) and its elaboration, and composing full speeches, known as declamation. Rhetorical critics of the NT are now using all three sources to reconstruct what rhetoric was in order to use this knowledge in analyzing NT texts. Greco-Roman rhetoric had five parts: memory and delivery (which had to do with oral discourses) along with invention (the use of topics), arrangement, and style. Rhetorical criticism of the NT has focused great attention on the last three: invention, arrangement, and style. Greco-Roman rhetoric recognized three genres, or genera, of speeches: judicial, epideictic, and deliberative. Standard topics were associated with each of the three. Judicial rhetoric was the rhetoric of the law courts, and it concerned the guilt or innocence of the person charged with some offense. The standard topics of epideictic rhetoric were praise and blame, and those of deliberative rhetoric were advantage and honor. Aristotle in his Rhetoric pointed out that each genus of rhetoric had a time that was most proper to it: judicial rhetoric had mostly to do with the past, deliberative rhetoric mostly the future, and epideictic rhetoric mostly the present. Arrangement (Lat. dispositio) has been of great interest especially to Pauline scholars. Most speeches were begun with an exordium that introduced the speaker, the ethos (character) of the speaker, and sometimes also the topics of the speech to the audience. This was often followed by a narratio ("statement of facts") in which the speaker expressed in the most advantageous way the events that had led up to the occasion for the speech. This was sometimes

Rezon (ree'zuhn; Heb., "potentate"), the son of Eliadah (1 Kings 11:23), one of two foreign and one Israelite adversaries raised by God against Solomon. In this context, they are raised up against Solomon on account of Solomon's sin in taking foreign wives. He is sometimes identified with Hezion (1 Kings 15:18), the Aramean Rezon who mutinied against Hadadezer and established in Damascus an independent fiefdom that broke free of Israelite hegemony. Rhegium (ree'jee-uhm), a Greek colony (modern Reggio di Calabria) located at the southwestern tip of the Italian boot, opposite Messana in Sicily. Although a Roman ally as early as the Punic Wars, Rhegium maintained a Greek character into the time of the Roman Empire. In spite of numerous earthquakes, it remained well populated throughout the first century A.D. and was a center for Pythagorean philosophy. Unfavorable winds hindered navigation between the narrow straits, perhaps explaining Paul's delay there (Acts 28:13). rhetorical criticism, the art of discovering and describing the ways in which a text is persuasive. The purpose of rhetorical criticism is to determine how texts work as documents of persuasion and then to interpret them in the light of this determination. Rhetorical Criticism of the Hebrew Bible: James Muilenburg's 1968 presidential address to the Society of Biblical Literature, "Form Criticism and Beyond," made a major contribution to the rhetorical study of the OT. Pointing out the limitations of form criticism of the Hebrew Bible, Muilenburg noted that form criticism was often unable to give proper attention to the unique characteristics of individual texts, primarily because of its heavy emphasis on particular texts as representatives of a genre. Earlier, Muilenburg's well-known commentary on Isaiah 40-66 had focused attention on Second Isaiah's use of poetic form, imagery, and many other strategies of style and structures of arrangement as techniques of persuasion. More recent rhetorical critics of the OT have been influenced by the New Rhetoric, structuralism, and other kinds of literary criticism (see especially The Postmodern Bible). Their rhetorical criticism has thus tended to be much less inter-

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followed by a partitio or propositio in which the proof that was to follow was divided into parts. Then came the proof [probatio) in which the major argumentation of the speech was done. The major points of the speech, which had often been announced in the exordium or partitio, were then recapitulated in the peroratio, which also usually included an appeal to the emotions of the audience. Many rhetorical critics of the Pauline and pseudo-Pauline Letters have found these precepts for arrangement germane to the arrangement of the Letters. Form criticism had shown that the Letters have epistolary prescripts, followed by thanksgiving prayers, the Letter body, and finally the closing of the Letter. The form critic Paul Schubert had pointed out that the "vital theme" of the Letter was usually stated in the thanksgiving prayer. This insight led rhetorical critics to propose that the thanksgiving prayer, in certain Pauline and pseudo-Pauline Letters, had the same function as the exordium in rhetorical speeches. Some rhetorical critics also include the epistolary prescript in what they understand to be the exordium of the Letters, because it too has an exordial function: introducing the writer and the writer's ethos to the readers and/or hearers of the Letter. More recently, however, other rhetorical critics have questioned the use of precepts for the arrangement of speeches to determine the arrangement of the Letters. The question of the extent to which speech rhetoric is applicable to the rhetoric of the Letters continues to be debated by rhetorical critics. All rhetorical critics appear to agree, however, that rhetorical style affected epistolary style, and many agree that rhetorical invention affected the use of topics in the Letters. Patterns of Persuasion in the Gospels, by Burton L. Mack and Vernon K. Robbins, was a groundbreaking set of essays that applied the precepts for the elaboration of the chreia to the NT Gospels. They demonstrate the likelihood that several passages in the Gospels were composed according to rather standard patterns of the ways that chreiai were elaborated. The arrangement of the elaboration of a chreia is related to the arrangement of a speech (see above). Robbins's Jesus the Teacher: A Socio-Rhetorical Interpretation of Mark encourages NT exegetes to be "socio-rhetorical" critics, weaving together literary insights (which Robbins calls the "inner texture" of the text) with analysis of the text's intertexture (studies in intertextuality, i.e., its use of and dependence on other texts), its social and cultural texture, and its ideological texture. See also Bible; Biblical Criticism; Hermeneutics; Narrative Criticism; New Testament; Old Testament. Bibliography Aichele, George, et al., eds. "The Bible and Culture Collective." In The Postmodern Bible. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995.

Mack, Burton L., and Vernon K. Robbins. Patterns of Persuasion in the Gospels. Sonoma, CA: Polebridge, 1989. Muilenburg, James. "The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 40-66: Introduction and Exegesis." The Interpreter's Bible. Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1956. 5:381-773. Robbins, Vernon K. Jesus the Teacher: A SocioRhetorical Interpretation of Mark. 2d ed. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 1992. Watson, Duane F, and Alan J. Hauser. Rhetorical Criticism of the Bible: A Comprehensive Bibliography with Notes on History and Method. Leiden: Brill, 1994. F.W.H.

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Rhoda (roh'duh), a slave, servant, family member, or follower of Jesus in the home of Mary, the mother of John Mark, in Jerusalem. When Peter was miraculously released from prison and came to the house, she answered his knock but was so overcome with joy that she ran and announced his presence to the others assembled in prayer without first letting him in (Acts 12:12-16). See also Mark; Mary; Peter. Rhodes (rohdz), an island off the southwest tip of Asia Minor (1 Mace. 15:23; Acts 21:1). In biblical times this small island republic was a cultural center and a center of higher education. It was also known for its healthful climate. Caesar and Cicero both went there to study rhetoric and philosophy. Tiberias retired there from the turmoil at Augustus's court from 6 B.C. until A.D. 2. In the third century B.C. the Rhodian navy guarded seaborne trade in the Mediterranean. Its famed colossal statue of Apollo was destroyed by an earthquake in 227/26 B.C. Roman conquest of Greek territories after the conclusion of the third Macedonian war in 167 B.C. ended the island's prosperity as a commercial center. Rhodes was stripped of her territories in Asia Minor and saw her banking and shipping revenues drop by ninety percent. With Rhodes no longer able to support a navy, the pirates and slave traders of Cilicia and Crete preyed on Mediterranean trade until Pompey rid the area of pirates in the 60s B.C. Rhodes was pillaged by Cassius in 43 B.C., but the island returned to a modicum of prosperity under Roman rule. Paul passed Rhodes on his sea journey P.P. from Ephesus to Tyre (Acts 21:1). Riblah (ribTuh), a city in the Lebanese Beqaa Valley that guarded the important international thoroughfare connecting Egypt with northern Syria and Mesopotamia. Situated about seven miles south of Kedesh on the Orontes at a crossing place of the river, Riblah functioned as a strategic military base during the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. Here Pharaoh Neco II established the Egyptian headquarters following his defeat of Josiah at Megiddo and the capture of Kedesh in 609 B.C. In the same year Neco summoned Jehoahaz to Riblah, deposed him, put

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him in chains, and appointed Jehoiakim as Judah's king in his stead (2 Kings 23:31-35). Two decades later, after the Babylonian conquest of Jerusalem, Nebuchadnezzar brought King Zedekiah to Riblah, killed his sons before his eyes, then blinded him and carried him off in chains to Babylon (2 Kings 25:5-7; Jer. 52:9-11). Many of Judah's leading officials were also brought to Riblah and executed at that time (2 Kings 25:19-21). The ruins of the ancient site are near the modern village of Ribleh. According to Num. 34:11, a town named Riblah was a border city on the northeast corner of the promised land (cf. KJV: "Diblath," RSV: "Riblah," Ezek. 6:14); but it is uncertain whether this is the same city as Riblah on the Orontes. D.A.D.

In the OT: In the OT, righteousness is used of God (Pss. 119:137-38, 144; Isa. 24:16), the king (Pss. 45:4, 7; 72:1-7), the people (Pss. 32:11; 92:11), and individuals (Ezek. 18:5-9) like Noah (Gen. 6:9; cf. 2 Pet. 2:5). Some interpreters stress righteousness as conforming to a norm, the law, or "what is right" (Deut. 16:20). Others see it as relational, fitting the situation (Gen. 38:26; 1 Sam. 24:17). Often a law-court setting is involved: the guilty are condemned, the innocent acquitted (Deut. 25:1; Isa. 5:23; Deut. 16:18). This forensic (i.e., legal) use extends to God's judgment too (Pss. 7:7-11; Jer. 2:4-13; 12:1; Mic. 6:1-8). God's loyalty to (covenant) promises is likewise part of God's righteousness (Neh. 9:7-8, 33; Dan. 9:14-16). There is a strong ethical component of "upright conduct" throughout the OT (Pss. 1:6; 23:3; Prov. 8:20; 13:6; 16:13; 21:3; Lev. 19:36). Most surprising is the way righteousness also refers to God's saving actions: in the RSV "vindication" (Isa. 61:1-2). This "salvation" side apears especially in Second Isaiah, as "deliverance" (46:12-13; 51:5, 6, 8) or "victory" (41:2). In Judg. 5:11 the plural is rendered as "triumphs of the Lord." "The Lord our righteousness" means God as savior (Jer. 23:6). God is "justified" (Ps. 51:4) in judging and as "righteous . . . Savior" (Isa. 45:21). Hence "the righteous" become those who trust in God's vindication (Ps. 37:12-13; Jer. 20:12). In the Dead Sea Scrolls and its "teacher of righteousness," God's righteousness offers hope for redemption from sin. In the NT: Jesus sought "sinners," not "the righteous" of the day (Mark 2:17). Not the Pharisee but the tax collector went home "vindicated" (Luke 18:14). Jesus called for righteousness (Matt. 5:20) but also spoke of it, like the Kingdom, as God's gift (Matt. 5:6; 6:33). After Easter, OT "righteousness" language was employed to express the meaning of Jesus' death. Jesus is "the Righteous One" (Acts 3:14; 7:52) whose suffering and resurrection bring the unrighteous to God (1 Pet. 3:18; Rom. 4:25). This saving righteousness means forgiveness (Rom. 3:24-26); justification, sanctification, "washing" from sins (1 Cor. 6:11; cf. 1 Cor. 1:30 ["Christ. . . our righteousness"]; 2 Cor. 5:21). Paul develops the forensic (1 Cor. 4:4) and ethical aspects (1 Thess. 2:10) in a salvation context (2 Cor. 3:9). How one attains righteousness comes to new prominence in Paul's Letter to the Galatians, written against the Judaizers (2:12-21). Righteousness comes by faith, not "works of the law" (3:5). Paul appeals to the OT (Hab. 2:4) and Abraham (Gen. 15:6); God's promise, fulfilled in Christ, is received by faith (Gal. 3:6-18). These two ways to righteousness—one's own based on the law, and from God through faith in Christ—are contrasted in Phil. 3:9-11 and Rom. 10:3-13. The saving righteousness of God becomes the theme of Romans (1:16-17), a righteousness received through Christ's cross (3:21-31) and exempli-

riddle, in the Bible, a saying whose meaning is not immediately clear or is purposely veiled. It requires careful thought or interpretation to be understood. This encompasses a variety of sayings. The clearest example of a riddle is Samson's riddle of the lion and the honey whose answer was to be guessed by his groomsmen (Judg. 14:12-19). The queen of Sheba questioned Solomon with "hard questions" (1 Kings 10:1; 1 Chron. 9:1), and the mark of a wise person was the ability to understand riddles (Prov. 1:6; cf. Dan. 5:11-12). However, a riddle could refer more broadly to an allegory in which the meaning was deliberately veiled behind symbolic objects (Ezek. 17:2-24; cf. 24:1-15) and could also include "dark speech" that required interpretation (Num. 12:8; cf. John 10:6; 16:25, 29). A perplexing moral problem could be termed a riddle (Ps. 49:4), and the numerical sayings of Proverbs 30 (vv. 15-31) illustrate a riddle form in which is described things "too wonderful" to be easily understood (vv. 18-20). The element of "hiddenness" implied in the riddle allowed the term to be used in a negative sense to describe the shrewdness and deceit of the insolent king in Daniel's vision (Dan. 8:23-25). See also Proverb; Wisdom. D.R.B. righteousness, the state of being in the right, or being vindicated. "Righteousness" renders an important Hebrew root, sdq, that appears over five hundred times in the OT and a Greek root, dikaio-, that appears over two hundred and twenty-five times in the NT. The KJV and RSV employ "righteousness" terms about three times as often as "justification" words, but both must be considered in grasping what is a single biblical concept. English has two possible translations: "right, righteous, righteousness, be or declare (or make) righteous," from an AngloSaxon root rightwise; and "just, justice, justification, justify," from the Latin justitia. The interrelatedness of the two concepts is seen in Rom. 3:21-24: "the righteousness of God has been manifested . . . for all who believe. . . . they are justified by his grace."

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RINGS

fied by Abraham (chap. 4). Its meaning is freedom (cf. Gal. 5:1,13) and life in the Spirit (Rom. 5-8, esp. 5:16-21). While reading Israel's history in terms of (un)righteousness (Rom. 9-11, esp. 9:30-31), yet with hope (10:1; 11:26), Paul presents the ethical demand for Christians as well as the gift character of righteousness (Rom. 14:17; Gal. 5:5; Phil. 1:11; 2 Cor. 9:10). Ephesians speaks of grace and faith but uses the verb "save" instead of the OT "declare righteous" (2:4-10; cf. Titus 3:3-7; 2 Tim. 1:9-10). Hebrews cites Hab. 2:4 (in 10:36-39; cf. also 1:9; 7:2) in its "word of righteousness" (5:13). It stresses faith in chap. 11 and righteousness (11:4, 7; cf. 33) and speaks of "the just made perfect" (12:23) through Christ's sacrifice (cf. 9:26-28; 10:19-20). 1 Peter teaches that God judges justly (2:23) and that the righteous Christ died for our sins (3:18) so that we might "live to righteousness" (2:24). Matthew emphasizes righteousness as a gift (5:6; 6:33) within salvation history (3:15; 21:32) and as a disciple's response (5:10, 20; 6:1, RSV: "piety"). Acts has a vivid passage about being "freed" (Gk. dikaioô) from what the law could not free one from (13:38-39). John 16:8-11 sees the Paraclete's role as setting the world straight about righteousness, and 1 John insists that Jesus Christ the righteous (2:1) cleanses from unrighteousness (1:9) so that believers can "do right[eousness]" (3:7, 10). James 2:14-26 cites Gen. 15:6 to show, against those who took faith as mere acknowledgment about God (2:18-19), that faith must include works (of love; 2:22). The passage attempts thus to defend the view of righteousness by faith (alone, 2:24) but with a strong ethical side. James 1:20, along with Matt. 6:33 and 2 Pet. 1:1, uses the expression found in Paul, "the righteousness of God." Perhaps deriving from Deut. 33:21 (RSV: "just decrees") and apocalyptic (cf. Dan. 9:7), the phrase has been taken to refer to an attribute or quality of God (Rom. 3:5, RSV: "justice") expressed as power (Rom. 1:16-17). It is thus understood to be the righteousness that comes from God as a gift (Phil. 3:9), or the righteousness valid before God at the judgment (Rom. 10:3). See also Justice; Justification. Bibliography Reumann, J., J. Fitzmyer, and J. Quinn. Righteousness in the New Testament. Philadelphia: Fortress; New York: Paulist, 1982. J.H.P.R. Righteous One, the, a term applied to Jesus by Stephen in Acts 7:52 (KJV: "the Just One"). See also Stephen. R i m m o n (rim'uhn; Akkadian, "thunderer"; Heb., "pomegranate"). 1 A title borne by the Syrian storm god Hadad, who was worshiped in his temple in Damascus by Naaman, the Syrian army commander (2 Kings 5:18). After Naaman was cured of leprosy by the God of Israel, he

A pomegranate-shaped ceramic bowl found at Tell Halif suggests the site may be biblical Rimmon (Heb. rimmon means "pomegranate"). asked the prophet Elisha for "two mules' burden of earth" from Israel to take back to Syria; he intended to set up an altar to the God of Israel on the earth in the temple of Rimmon. This temple is thought to have been on the site of the later Roman temple to Zeus and the present Umayyad mosque. 2 A Benjaminite from Beeroth, father of Baanah and Rechab, the men who killed Ishbosheth and brought his head to David (2 Sam. 4:2, 5, 9). 3 En-rimmon, a town in the south of Judah given to the tribe of Simeon (Josh. 19:7); in Josh 15:32 and 1 Chron. 4:32 the name appears as "Ain, and Rimmon." It was occupied by Jews returning from the Exile (Neh. 11:29). According to Zechariah (14:10), Rimmon was south of Jerusalem. Its exact location is uncertain. Often associated with Khirbet Umm er-Ramamin, about nine miles north of Beersheba, Rimmon has recently been connected with the site of Tell Halif (Arabic, Tell Khuweilifeh) a few miles to the northwest. 4 A rock to which six hundred Benjaminites fled to escape from the Israelites (Judg. 20:45-47; 21:13); it is identified with a limestone hill about three miles east of Bethel, on which is the modern village of Ramun. 5 A town in Zebulun, given to the Lévites (Josh. 19:13; KJV: "Remmonmethoar"). Written Rimmono in 1 Chron. 6:77 and Dimnah in Josh. 21:35, it is identified with modern Rummaneh, about six miles northnortheast of Nazareth. J.M.W. rings. 1 Circular rings attached to various furnishings of the tabernacle through which staves were placed in order to carry them during the wilderness journey: the Ark (Exod. 25:12-15; 37:3-4); the table (Exod. 25:26-28; 37:13-15); the altar of burnt offerings (Exod. 27:4-7; 38:5-7); and the altar of incense (Exod. 30:4; 37:27). Such rings were also used to secure the frames of the tabernacle (Exod. 26:24-30; 36:29-34). 2 Circular rings attached to the breastplate of the high priest which secured the ephod, a decorative linen garment (Exod. 28:23—28). 3 Rings as jewelry either for adornment and worn on the fingers (Job 42:11; James 2:2), ears (Gen. 35:4; Exod. 32:2, 3), or nose (Gen. 24:47; Isa. 3:21; Prov. 11:22) or as a symbol of authority, i.e., as a signet ring of a king

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(Gen. 41:42; Esther 3:10; Jer. 22:24; cf. Luke 15:22). Such rings were frequently used as official seals (Esther 8:8, 10). See also Breastpiece; Ephod; Jewelry; Tabernacle. R.H.S.

by night, he is exempt; if he kills a daytime intruder, he is liable. The rabbis later reinterpreted the test in terms of the owner's knowledge of the intruder's intentions. In the law codes of the Babylonian king Hammurabi (eighteenth century B.C.), we find a more complex set of rules regarding theft (§§6-10, 14, 253-56, 259-60, 265), with more widespread use of the death penalty. The Bible reserves the latter for cases of brigandage (dealt with under the law of war), kidnapping, and deliberate sacrilege. But the capital cases in the code of Hammurabi are also all special in some respect or other, so that attempts to generalize the differences in terms of the underlying values of the cultures should be treated with some caution. The predominant image of the thief is one who comes suddenly, by night (Job 24:14, 16), making his entry by tunneling through the walls of a sheepfold or a house. But neither secrecy nor nocturnal activity was legally significant. Nor is the modern distinction between theft and robbery (the latter being a form of theft aggravated by violence) evidenced in the Bible. Highway robbery was a quite different phenomenon, representing a form of political opposition that stretched from the period of Abimelech (twelfth century B.C.; Judg. 9:25) to the sicarii (Lat. "assassins") and Zealots of the NT period (first century A.D.). The threat from such organized bands was to the central authority's control of the communications network rather than to property; hence, brigandage was treated by military rather than judicial means. But the term for such robbery (Heb. gazal) came to be used by the prophets for a wide range of economic exploitation (robbing the fatherless, Isa. 10:2; Ezek. 39:10; robbing the poor, Isa. 3:14-15; Pro v. 22:22; the context is often that of excessive credit terms and execution of debt, Ezek. 18:7-9; 33:15); this too represented the offense of the powerful against the powerless, implying here a rejection of the moral authority of God (Lev. 19:11-13). The priestly legislation deals with such matters in the context of its own concerns: the property offense compounded by a false oath requires restoration, a fine, and a guilt offering (Lev. 6:1-7); the same applies in the case of inadvertent use of sacred property (Lev. 5:14-16). Where the offender was known, theft might be followed by immediate pursuit with a view to repossession (Gen. 31:23; Judg. 18:22). Early rabbinic sources urge that any such repossession be performed openly, under claim of right, rather than furtively, but ultimately the practice was discouraged (M. B. Qam. 10:38). In the absence of a strong police force, this was both easier and more satisfactory than securing the attendance of the suspect in court. Similarly, the Mishnah's authorization of lynching in cases of deliberate sacrilege [m. Sanh. 9:6) was disapproved by later rabbinic sources (y. Sanh. 9:7).

rise. See Resurrection. River of Egypt. See Egypt, Brook of. rivers, watercourses on which virtually all major cities in the ancient world were located, because they made transportation and commerce possible and provided irrigation for farming. Metaphorically, rivers or streams of flowing (living) water symbolize salvation or the Spirit of God (Ezek. 47:1-12; Zech. 14:8; Rev. 22:1; John 7:38). See also entries under the names of individual rivers. Rizpah (riz'puh), the daughter of Aiah and concubine of Saul (2 Sam. 3:7). After Saul's death Abner took her as a claim to the throne (cf. 1 Kings 2:22). An objection from Ishbosheth, Saul's son, offered an excuse for Abner's negotiations with David (2 Sam. 3:6-10). When God sent a famine because Saul had broken the oath with the Gibeonites (2 Sam. 21:1), David agreed to hand over seven sons of Saul for expiation. Two were the sons of Rizpah. Her devotion led to a long vigil over the bodies, keeping off the birds by day and the beasts by night, from the beginning of the barley harvest (April-May) until the rains came (October). Finally David's attention was drawn to the matter (2 Sam. 21:1-11). See also Abner. N.L.L. road, a KJV term for the RSV's "raid" (1 Sam. 27:10). For road as a travel route, see Trade and Transportation. robbery, stealing the property of others. The precise ambit of the Decalogue prohibition "You shall not steal" (Exod. 20:15) is difficult to determine. The verb used there for "steal" (Heb. ganav) is narrower in its usage than the word "rob" (Heb. gazal), but it nevertheless can be used with persons as the object to denote kidnapping. This has led some scholars (anticipated by rabbinic interpretation) to see the Decalogue prohibition as directed originally against kidnapping, so as to parallel murder and adultery as part of a series of capital offenses. For those who regard the Decalogue as a moral rather than a legal code, such a restrictive interpretation is unnecessary. The "Covenant Code" contains rules regarding various forms of theft of domestic animals (Exod. 22:1-4), imposing penalties of multiple restitution in kind. Both the evidence required and the nature of the sanctions suggest the setting of an agricultural community that sought to avoid getting tied up in court proceedings. This is reflected also in the provision for selfdefense: if the owner kills a thief who intrudes

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ROLL

ROBE Rabbinic sources continue the prophetic tradition of moral condemnation of "robbery" [Ecoles. Rab. 1:13; Deut. Rab. 2:25b; Sanh. 108a), and its prohibition is included in the laws given by God to the descendants of Noah (i.e., all humankind; b. Sanh. 57a). The NT continues the condemnation of robbery (1 Cor. 6:10; cf. 1 Pet. 4:15), yet Jesus used the sudden and unexpected intrusion of the robber as a metaphor for the sudden inbreaking of God's kingdom and the consequent need to stay alert (Luke 12:39-40; cf. 1 Thess. 5:2; 2 Pet. 3:10; Rev. 16:15). See also Law. B.S.J. robe. See Dress. Robinson's Arch, part of a spring or support for a descending staircase of the complex of buildings built on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem by Herod. The remnants of this arch can still be seen today near the southwestern corner of the Temple Mount in the Old City of Jerusalem. During the Herodian period (late first century B.C. to early first century A.D.) a stairway descended from the top of the temple complex to the ground, allowing access to this high point of the city for persons who approached from the south. When it was discovered in 1838, this arch and its associated stairway were thought to extend across the Tyropoeon Valley to the western hill of the city. Subsequent excavations have shown this assumption to be false and that the stairway turned southward. The arch is named after E. Robinson, an American clergyman, who surmised its ancient function during his investigaJ.A.D. tions of Jerusalem in 1838. rock, a large chunk of stone. In lands such as those of the Mediterranean basin, rocks are plentiful. They are a danger to ships when storms drive them near shore (Acts 27:29), but on land they can be used as places of refuge for both animals (Prov. 30:26) and human beings, either to hide from other human beings (1 Sam. 24:2) or from God himself (Isa. 2:19, 21). Yet even rocks could not withstand God's power (1 Kings 19:11). Moses used the cleft in a rock to protect himself from seeing God's face, which would have cost him his life (Exod. 33:20-23). Israelite faith spoke figuratively of God as a rock, signifying the permanence and stability of divine protection (Deut. 32:4; 2 Sam. 22:2; Pss. 18:2; 71:3). It was by striking a rock at God's bidding that Moses provided water for the Israelites in the desert (Exod. 17:6). Paul later identified that rock with Christ to show that the Israelites had also been favored with participation in the sacraments (1 Cor. 10:4). Jesus spoke of rocks that hindered agriculture (Mark 4:5-6) and of a rock whose firmness resembled the foundation upon which those people built who accepted what he said (Matt. 7:24-25). He resisted Satan's tempta-

tion to turn rocks into bread to satisfy his own hunger (Matt. 4:2-3) and identified Peter (Gk. Petros, "rocklike") as the rock upon which his J.A.D. church would be built (Matt. 16:18). rod, a term representing several different words in Hebrew and Greek and referring to several functions in antiquity. The beloved Twenty-third Psalm contains the famous reference to "thy [God's] rod and thy staff, they comfort me" (v. 4). The imagery is that of a shepherd caring for a flock. The rod refers in this particular instance to a type of club with which to defend the flock, and the staff is a longer rod or pole upon which the shepherd could lean or with which he could guide the flock. The following references give some idea of the range of meanings associated with the term in the Bible: 1 A staff for travelers (Gen. 32:10; Mark 6:8). 2 An instrument for punishment; it was used by a father to punish his son (Prov. 13:24; 22:15) or an officer to beat a prisoner (Matt. 27:26; see 2 Cor. 11:25). 3 A symbol of authority (Judg. 5:14; Gen. 49:10). Moses' rod was a symbol of his office and evidence of the divine authority for his actions. With this rod Moses performed wonders in Egypt and even instructed Aaron to use his for similar purposes (Exod. 4:1-5; 7:8-24; 14:16). By striking the rock at Horeb with his rod Moses provided water for the Israelites in the wilderness (Exod. 17:1-7). When there was a dispute over the authority to lead the people, Moses took Aaron's rod and placed it in the tabernacle along with others representing the leading families of the nation. Aaron's rod budded and produced almonds, signifying the authority vested in his line (and that of Moses) by God. 4 Something used to measure distances (Ezek. 40:3, KJV; RSV: "reed"). J.A.D. Rodanim (roh'duh-nim), probably the people of Rhodes (i.e., Rhodians). The Masoretic Text (MT) of 1 Chron. 1:7 lists the Rodanim among the descendants of Javan, but the MT of Gen. 10:4 uses the name Dodanim for the same people. The Septuagint reads Rodioi in both passages. Since Javan's other descendants lived in the Aegean region, the connection between the Rodanim and the island of Rhodes is acceptable. In Ezek. 27:15, the name Rodan is also preferred over Dedan. See also Dedan; Dodanim; Javan; Rhodes. roe, roebuck, the roe deer Capreolus capreolus; it was considered clean by the Hebrews and therefore edible (Deut. 14:5 [KJV: "fallow deer"]). It was a delicacy suitable for the royal table of Solomon (1 Kings 4:23). roll, a word used as both noun and verb in the Bible. Aside from its common verbal use, biblical texts employ it as a noun meaning a list (Ps. 40:7), a record of performance (Heb. 10:7), and

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ROMAN EMPIRE

simply as the rolled form (scroll) of a book (Isa. 34:4).

million in Europe, slightly fewer in Asia Minor, and somewhat less than twenty million in Africa. The official transfer of command to Augustus in 27 B.C. was an implicit acknowledgment that the Republican system was not able to deal with the problems of such a vast rule without Augustus and his personal and material resources. Augustus, in turn, was constrained by the limited number of persons he could call upon to administer the empire. Consequently, as much as possible was left in the hands of the Senate. In addition, Rome was reluctant to intervene in the governing structures of the provinces at the local level. However, Augustus did evolve a separate financial system that made the procurators of the provinces responsible directly to the emperor for collecting taxes and other revenues. The Romans saw themselves as the legitimate rulers of the civilized world. This vast empire had been gained, Cicero wrote, only through just wars: "Our people by defensive wars in support of its allies has taken possession of the whole world" [De Re Publico 3.35). After the aristocratic misrule in the provinces and the bloody civil wars at home, the imperial order seemed to usher in a new age of peace. It provided permanent military security and high standards of administrative, judicial, and fiscal efficiency. The new era of peace was widely proclaimed in Augustan literature. Augustus's return from campaigns in Gaul and Spain was celebrated by dedication of the Ara Pads Augustae (altar of the peace of Augustus), in January, 9 B.C. Augustus had had the doors of the temple of Janus closed in 29 B.C., signifying the end of warfare. Imperial coinage also celebrated the new age of peace. Even for many of the subject peoples the new Roman order presented an effective and stable rule that stood above local and regional disputes. The Birth of Christianity: It was in the time of Augustus that Jesus was born (Luke 2:1), and that the events recorded in the NT began. Rome was thus the dominant political and military force of the world of the NT. According to the Gospel records, Jesus was born in Bethlehem as the result of a Roman census

Roman (roh'muhn) Empire, the lands around the Mediterranean Sea and in Europe ruled by Rome. While events recorded in the books of the OT took place prior to the emergence of Rome as the sole power in the Mediterranean basin, Rome's influence was already strong at the time of the Maccabean revolt (begun 167 B.C.), and from that point until Rome assumed control over Palestine in 63 B.C. its power influenced events throughout the eastern Mediterranean world. The spread of that influence had begun much earlier, however. The Expansion of Rome: From the mid-third century B.C. through the early second century A.D. the Romans expanded their power over an enormous variety of peoples outside Italy. The granaries of Sicily came under Roman control in 241 B.C., Sardinia in 231 B.C. Large areas of Spain were added after the second Punic war (ca. 201 B.C.), though the Roman conquest of Spain would take another two centuries to complete. Macedonia (northern Greece) finally fell to the Romans in 148 B.C. and Achaia (southern Greece) in 146 B.C., at which time Corinth was entirely destroyed. The Corinth of the NT was a city built by Julius Caesar. In the same year (146 B.C.) the destruction of Carthage gave Rome the province of Africa, another grain-growing region. In 133 B.C. the last ruler of the Attalid dynasty of Pergamum, which had broken away from the Seleucids (rulers of Syria), bequeathed the heavily populated province of Asia Minor to the Romans. It provided growing cities with textile and other industries as well as agricultural resources. Pergamum, the former royal capital, was a free city under Roman control. Pompey's campaigns in the east in the 60s B.C. abolished the Seleucid monarchy. Judea was annexed to heavily populated Syria, which was to serve as a buffer against the Parthians across the Euphrates. As a result all the lands in this part of Asia looked toward Rome and not Parthia for leadership. Augustus: In the 50s Julius Caesar was given command of an army to subdue Illyricum (modern Yugoslavia) and Gaul (modern France and Belgium) on both sides of the Alps. Caesar conquered tribes in France and Belgium and invaded Britain as well. The new territories of north and central France to the Rhine border became a new province, Gallia Comata, "long-haired Gaul." It had a vigorous provincial culture and resources in agriculture, stock breeding, mining, pottery, and glass making. Following these successes, Caesar invaded Italy, where he assumed dictatorial powers. The civil wars that followed his death ended when Augustus defeated Antony and Cleopatra (31 B.C.) and established himself as sole ruler of the empire. In Augustus's time the population of the empire is estimated to have been between seventy and ninety million, with thirty to fifty

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ROMAN EMPERORS IN THE FIRST CENTURY A.D. Years of Rule Augustus Tiberius Caligula Claudius Nero Galba; Otho; Vitellius Vespasian Titus Domitian Nerva Trajan

27 B.C.-A.D. 14 A.D. 1 4 - 3 7 37-41 41-54 54-68 68-69 69-79 79-81 81-96 96-98 98-117

ROMAN EMPIRE

ROMANS, THE LETTER

The Ara Paris Augustae (altar of the peace of Augustus), dedicated by the emperor Augustus in 9 B.C. to proclaim a new era of peace in the Roman Empire. (Luke 2:1-4), drew illustrations in his teaching from the ever present occupying forces (Matt. 5:41, a service a Roman soldier could demand of a civilian), lived his life in a land under Roman domination, and was put to death by a Roman governor on a Roman means of execution, the cross. Paul carried out his entire mission within the bounds of the eastern portion of the Roman Empire, wrote his most carefully reasoned letter to Christians who lived in its capital, took advantage of his Roman citizenship (Acts 16:37-38), was arrested by Romans in Jerusalem (Acts 21:31-33), escorted by them (23:24) to the Roman governor's residence in Caesarea (23:33), and when he exercised the citizen's right to appeal to Caesar (25:11) they took him to Rome itself (Acts 27-28). The apostle Peter is remembered to have written a letter sent to Christians in the Roman provinces in Asia Minor (1 Pet. 1:1), and tradition has it that he was martyred in Rome, the capital city of the empire. In trying times, the author of the Revelation of John denounced bitter persecutions of Christians (Rev. 17), persecutions that came to an official end only when the emperor Constantine in A.D. 313 issued his edict of toleration and subsequently gave his official favor to Christianity as his own religion. Thus the entire career of the early church, as well as the events recorded in the NT and the writing of the NT books themselves, took place in a world dominated by the Roman Empire. See also Provinces. Bibliography Millar, F., ed. The Roman Empire and Its Neighbors. New York: Delacorte, 1967. Wells, C. The Roman Empire. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1984. P.P./P.J.A.

Romans (roh'muhnz), the Letter of Paul to the, the longest and generally regarded as the most important of Paul's extant Letters. The Original Letter: There is manuscript evidence for three versions of Paul's Letter to the Romans: a long, a short, and a middle-sized version. Most scholars agree that an abbreviated edition (chaps. 1-14 plus the benediction, 16:25-27) was not the original letter. Those who argue that it is unlikely that our present, long version (chaps. 1-16) went to Rome usually cite the following four reasons: First, Paul probably did not know twenty-six believers in Rome whom he could greet by name (16:3-15). Second, Paul elsewhere greets no addressee by name in the letter closing. Third, since Paul had not yet been to Rome, the greetings presume that twenty-six of Paul's co-workers and Christian friends recently with him in the east have migrated to Rome, and such a mass movement to Rome in that time seems improbable. Finally, the erroneous doctrine and false teachers Paul attacks in 16:17-19 sound more like those in the eastern churches (e.g., 2 Cor. 11:13; Phil. 3:18-19) than those mentioned in Romans; nowhere else in this Letter does Paul so rigorously attack his opponents. Thus, it is argued, the middle-sized version (chaps. 1-15 plus the benediction) remains as Paul's most likely letter to Rome. On that basis, chap. 16 was an appendix to the original (perhaps originally intended for Ephesus) and tells us nothing about the situation in Rome. On the other hand, no ancient manuscript copy of Romans exists without chap. 16; hence its exclusion from Paul's original letter to Rome remains speculation. The Founding of the Roman Church: The founder of the Roman church is unknown. Gal. 2:7 appears to rule out Peter, and Paul had neither established nor visited the church, al-

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R O M A N S , THE LETTER

though when he wrote he hoped to visit it soon. While the precise date of the founding of the Roman church is also uncertain, a congregation apparently existed in Rome before A.D. 49 when the Emperor Claudius banned Jews, including Jewish Christians, from Rome for internal squabbling (see Acts 18:2). Date: The presence of Jewish Christians in the Roman church (7:1) suggests that Paul wrote the Letter after 54 when Nero lifted Claudius's ban. Paul's prolonged exchange with the Corinthian church probably began in 51 when Gallio was proconsul (Acts 18:12), but when he wrote Romans he had left Corinth for the last time. In the intervening period came (according to Acts) an eighteen-month stay in Corinth and a prolonged period in Ephesus, from which Paul wrote four letters to Corinth and made two additional visits. The time required for this prolonged exchange suggests a date between 55 and 58 for the writing of Romans. Purpose: Scholars disagree over why Paul wrote Romans. Did Paul, realizing he was near the end of his career, write Romans as a summary of his mature thought? With his mission in the east complete (15:19), did he write seeking support for his projected Spanish mission (15:24, 28)? Uncertain of his reception in Rome and still smarting from charges brought to Corinth and Galatia, did he write to defend himself and his gospel? With the lifting of the ban of Claudius and the return of Jewish Christians to Rome, had tensions arisen between Jewish and Gentile Christians requiring Paul's mediation (14:1-15:13)? Each of these positions has its advocates. Paul probably wrote for many reasons, however. Although the controversies in Galatia and Corinth did influence Romans, this Letter is no systematic summary of Paul's theology given elsewhere. Romans is clearly distinct from Paul's other Letters: it has the structure of a letter, conveys the warmth of personal correspondence, addresses real concerns of the Roman church, and deals with uncertainties about the apostle's imminent visit. Content: Into the unusually short, stereotyped greeting (1:1-7), Paul crams the tradition undergirding his gospel and supporting his apostleship. Appealing to tradition, the apostle authenticates his apostleship and legitimates his gospel, thus countering the charge of being a dangerous innovator. The thanksgiving (1:8-15) underscores the importance of Paul's commission to Gentiles. He intends to visit the Roman church to reap some harvest there as among "the rest of the Gentiles" (1:13). He announces his obligation to "Greeks and barbarians" (1:14). The summary of his gospel (1:16-17) speaks of God's power to "everyone," Jew and now Greek. From 1:18 forward, Paul explains his Gentile gospel and defends it against challengers. He argues that Jews and Gentiles have historically failed to honor the Creator or do his will and

thus need God's grace (3:23). Nevertheless, Paul's gospel of grace appears to some as a pernicious provocation. If it erases every distinction between Jews and Gentiles, why be a Jew (3:1)? If human sin elicits divine favor, why not sin with abandon to multiply God's grace (3:8)? Before dealing with these objections (6:1-11:36), Paul treats related concerns. Recalling how God counted Abraham righteous on account of his faith (Gen. 15:6) rather than by circumcision (Gen. 17:10), Paul argues that Gentiles may now become children of Abraham by faith. Through faith in Christ they are counted righteous (chap. 4) and receive access to and reconciliation with God (5:1-11). For those who question how Jesus' act of obedience can benefit others, Paul recalls a familiar example (5:12-19). Because of his disobedience, Adam was exiled from Eden to a life marked by toil and want, fratricide and fear, pain and death. Ever since, through repeated acts of disobedience (not by biological inheritance!), humankind has shared in Adam's frustration and futility. The first Adam and the last (i.e., Jesus) correspond in the way the action of each influences the destiny of all. They differ in the result they effect. Through the first Adam, "many were made sinners" (5:19); through the last Adam came "acquittal" for all. Paul contends that those understanding humankind's solidarity with the first Adam should comprehend how Christ can unite all peoples. In 6:1-7:6, Paul answers the charges (see 3:8) that his gospel of grace encourages sinning. The behavior of believers in Corinth, where some took salvation to mean all things were lawful (1 Cor. 10:23; see Rom. 14:14), gave the charge substance. Drawing on three examples (baptism, slavery, and marriage), Paul refutes the charge. In baptism, the believer symbolically dies to sin and becomes alive to God. How, Paul wonders, can one making this transition continue living in sin's bondage (6:1-14)? In 6:15-23, Paul asks how those redeemed from slavery to sin for service in Christ can still behave like slaves of the old master. In 7:1-6, he notes how the death of a husband frees his wife to remarry. Similarly, believers who have died to the law belong to Christ. How, therefore, can they act as if they were still in the prior marriage? Through these examples, Paul means to correct the mistaken impression that his gospel encourages libertinism. While Paul's last example solved one problem, it raised another. Any pious Jew would bristle at Paul's suggestion that the law, God's gift to Israel, inflicted bondage. If the law is evil, then questions arise: is God so sinister as to give malevolent gifts? Is the law indeed evil? Paul immediately retorts, "Absolutely not!" [7:7, author's translation). Later, Paul adds, "The law is holy, and the commandment is holy and just and good" (7:12). The defect is not in the law but in the human heart. Corrupted by sin, the

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heart twists the law, a good thing, into an ugly distortion. While the law forbids one to "covet" [7:7), all persons crave most what is explicitly forbidden. The flaw is not in the law or its Giver but in the person. (Note: Sin, not flesh is the offender. When Paul says, "nothing good dwells . . . in my flesh," 7:18, he does not mean that flesh as such is evil, but flesh taken over by sin. Flesh can be corrupted by sin, but it is not itself inherently corrupting.) Paul's "I" language in 7:7-25 is autobiographical only in a general sense. Paul speaks here

not as a guilt-ridden Pharisee, anxious over his failure to keep the law. Instead, he tells the universal story of the corruption of the good law by the power of sin. In chap. 8, the new age breaks into view. The law of the Spirit, Paul affirms, sets believers free from "the principle [law] of sin and death" (8:2, author's translation). Paul knows God's words to Jeremiah, "I will put my law within them, and I will write it upon their hearts" (Jer. 31:33). Through Christ, the law of the Spirit has been inscribed on the heart, eliminating resistance to

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The Letter of Paul to the Romans I. Introduction (1:1-17) A. Salutation (1:1-7) B. Thanksgiving (1:8-15) C. Summary of Paul's gospel (1:16-17) II. Wrath now revealed on all (1:18-3:20) A. Gentiles under the power of sin (1:18-32) B. Jews under the power of sin (2:1-29) C. Objection (3:1-8) D. Judgment on both Jews and Greeks (3:9-20) III. Righteousness now revealed to all (3:21-4:25) A. Righteousness by faith to all, Jews and Gentiles (3:21-31) B. Scripture proof: Abraham made righteous by faith (4:1-25) IV. The life of righteousness by faith (5:1-8:39) A. God's righteousness through Jesus Christ (5:1-11) B. The way Jesus mediates God's righteousness (5:12-21) 1. Sin and death through first Adam (5:12-14) 2. Acquittal, life, and grace through Christ (5:15-21) C. Replies to objections that grace fosters immorality (6:1-8:39) 1. If grace overcomes sin, why not sin more to receive more grace? (6:1-7:6) a. Response: can the baptized behave in the ways of the old life? (6:1-14) b. Response: can a freed slave still serve an old master? (6:15-23) c. Response: can a widow who remarries return to her deceased husband? (7:1-6) 2. Objection: if a believer is liberated from the law, is the law

V.

VI.

VII. VIII. IX. X. 942

therefore sinful? [7:7) Response: a heart corrupted by sin, not the law, is sinful (7:7-25) 3. The believer is not lawless but walks by the Spirit in love (8:1-39) Objection: why be a Jew? and Paul's answer (9:1-11:36) A. To Israel belong special privileges (9:1-5) B. Israel's rejection, even if final, is not a failure on God's part (9:6-13) C. God's selection of Gentiles, even if arbitrary, is not unjust (9:14-29) D. God's selection is not arbitrary: everyone, Jew or Gentile, who turns to God will be saved (9:30-10:21) E. The Jewish rejection is not final (11:1-32) 1. A remnant has accepted the gospel (11:1-6) 2. God uses the rejection of Jews (11:7-24) 3. All Israel will be saved (11:25-32) F. Doxology of praise to God (11:33-36) God's righteousness in the daily life of the believer (12:1-15:13) A. Introduction (12:1-2) B. Response to insiders (12:3-13) C. Response to outsiders (12:14-13:17) 1. Persecutors (12:14-21) 2. Governing authorities and state (13:1-7) D. Response to all: love (13:8-10) E. Urgency imposed by the approaching end (13:11-14) F. Weak and strong in Rome (14:1-15:13) Paul's travel plans (15:14-29) Conclusion (15:30-33) Appendix: recommendation, greetings, warning against false teachers (16:1-23) Letter closing (16:25-27)

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God. Thus, Paul argues, the charge that his gospel repudiates the law is false. In the light of God's final Day, Paul does not reject the law but revalues it. Chaps. 9-11 answer urgent questions raised by Jewish objections to Paul's Gentile mission: God promised to be Israel's God and to make Israel his people. In offering the gospel to the Gentiles, has God rescinded this promise? Paul's reply—that God has always chosen to bless some over others (e.g., Jacob over Esau) and is, therefore, free to turn away from Israel to the Gentiles—raises another objection: is God fair to choose the rejected (Gentiles) and reject the chosen (Jews; 9:14)? If God chooses Gentiles, how can Jews be condemned for rejecting the gospel (9:19)? If Gentiles who did not pursue righteousness now achieve it by faith, and Jews who did seek righteousness are denied salvation, can God be just? Paul's reply is that God is free to turn to Gentiles but has not forsaken Israel. In the future, God will join Jews with Gentiles in one community (11:25-32). Fearing Gentile arrogance over their salvation, Paul warns, "if God did not spare the natural branches [Jews], neither will he spare you [Gentiles]" (11:21; cf. 11:13-24). Sensitive to the charge that his gospel encourages immorality, Paul earlier argued that moral license and Christian freedom are incompatible (6:1-7:6). Chaps. 12-15 give instances of the work of the gospel in everyday life. First, concerning insiders, Paul exhorts all with charismatic gifts—prophecy, teaching, administration, and benevolence—to use the charisms for the church's nurture (12:3-13). Toward outsiders, Paul encourages love: bless the persecutors, care for the lowly, eschew revenge, and feed the hungry (12:14-21). Christian love also dictates respect for "governing authorities" and payment of Roman taxes (13:1-7). The state serves God, Paul argues, when it preserves order (13:3-4) and provides an arena for witness until the end (13:12). Moreover, God's care for and claim on the world allow no Christian to abandon it. While Paul offers no advice for occasions when loyalty to God conflicts with loyalty to the state, it is nevertheless mistaken to base a blind allegiance to the state on Romans 13. Paul's opening argument against idolatry (1:21-22) would preclude such deification of the state. In 14:1-15:13, Paul encourages church factions to "welcome one another... as Christ has welcomed you" (15:7). The identity of the quarreling weak and strong is disputed. Yet in view of the return of Jewish Christians to Rome in A.D. 54, the reference to Jewish and Gentile Christians in 15:8-9, to purity laws in 14:14, 20, and to both Jewish and Gentile Christians elsewhere in the Letter, the bickering may have been between conscientious Jewish Christians and "liberated" Gentile believers. Yet there were no Jewish regulations that forbade all meat (14:2) or the consumption of wine (14:21).

Whatever the issue in dispute may have been, however, Paul gently pushes both factions toward reconciliation. In the Letter closing, Paul shares his travel plans. His eastern mission complete (15:19, 23), he intends to deliver the offering to Jerusalem (15:25-28), then travel via Rome to Spain. Questions flood his mind: will the Roman church endorse his gospel? Will it support his mission to Spain as did the Macedonian church his work in Greece (2 Cor. 11:9)? Will the "unbelievers in Judea" frustrate his plans (15:31)? Will his offering "be acceptable to the saints" (15:31)? The Acts of the Apostles (21:17-28:31) gives substance to Paul's premonition of failure. While Paul tells us nothing more, Acts reports that once in Jerusalem, Paul was arrested and charged with speaking against the Temple, the law, and Judaism. His appeal to Caesar eventually took him to Rome, and there, tradition holds, he died a martyr's death. See also Acts of the Apostles, The; Baptism; Contribution for the Saints; Election; Expiation; Faith; Fall, The; Flesh and Spirit; Gentile; Grace; Justification; Law; Paul; Predestination; Promise; Reconciliation; Redemption; Rome; Sin; Spain; Spiritual Gifts. Bibliography Achtemeier, P. J. Romans. Atlanta, GA: John Knox, 1984. Donfried, K. P. The Romans Debate. Rev. ed. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1991. Dunn, J. D. G. Romans 1-8 and Romans 9-16. Dallas, TX: Word, 1988. Fitzmyer, J. A. Romans. New York: Doubleday, 1993. Meyer, P. W. "Romans." In Harper's Bible Commentary. Edited by J. L. Mays. San Francisco: C.J.R. Harper & Row, 1988. Pp. 1130-1167.

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Head of the emperor Augustus (ruled 27 B.C.-A.D. 14) on a bronze sestertius minted toward the end of his reign, ca. A.D. 10-14.

ROME

ROME

Rome (rohm), the capital and by far the largest city of the Roman Empire. The Early City: Several hills of Rome were settled as early as the tenth and ninth centuries B.C. In these pre-Etruscan times, Latins lived on the Palatine and Sabines on the Quirinal hills. The depressions between the hills were swampy. Under Etruscan rule, probably around 650 B.C., the city was founded and named after the Etruscan family Rumina. The traditional date for the founding of the city, 753 B.C., is based only on legend. Latins and Sabines populated the city. The pomerium, the city limit, established in Etruscan times, remained more or less unchanged until the time of the Emperor Claudius (A.D. 41-54). The later fortification walls and urbanized area did not necessarily coincide with the perimeter of the pomerium, which was marked by boundary stones. Military commands and certain foreign cults were prohibited within its confines. During the Etruscan period until around 500 B.C., kings ruled the city. They built the Jupiter Temple on the Capitoline hill and the Via Sacra, which ran across the Forum, and started the Cloaca Maxima (sewer), which then was a canalized stream draining the marshy forum area and flowing into the Tiber River south of Tiber Island. Early buildings included the Vesta Temple and the Regia. The Regia was the king's residence; it became the office of the Pontifex Maximus in Republican times. The kings also originated the tradition of Roman games and triumphs.

Republican Times: In the Republic, from the fifth century until 31 B.C., the Senate, the patrician magistrates (consul, praetors, etc.), and the tribunes (representatives of the nonpatrician citizens) steered the city's public life. Most dwelling quarters were tangled webs of narrow, winding streets. At the Roman Forum, the city's center of judicial and public business, tradespeople worked in their shops. Nearby, cattle and vegetable markets attracted customers. During the first two Republican centuries, at least eight new temples were erected, among them also one on Tiber Island for the Greek god of medicine, Aesculapius (291 B.C.). After the Gallic invasion in 387 B.C., the so-called Servian Wall was constructed. This included the Aventine hill, although this hill remained outside the pomerium. Despite the traumatic experience of 387 B.C., the Roman Republic gradually expanded its influence until it dominated first Italy from Tuscany to the south (272 B.C.) and finally the Mediterranean Sea (146 B.C., the fall of Carthage). In the following time, almost all Mediterranean territories became Roman provinces: Asia (129 B.C.), Gallia Narbonensis (121 B.C.), Cilicia (102 B.C.), Cyrene (74 B.C.), Bithynia, Pontus, and Syria (64 B.C.), Cyprus (58 B.C.), Gallia (56 B.C.), Africa Nova (46 B.C.), and Egypt (30 B.C.). This expansion was accompanied by various social and political crises within the city, but also by a building boom. From 312 B.C. on, the first aqueduct supplied running water, and the Appian Way, a road covered with pebbles, led

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toward southern Italy. Other aqueducts followed (in late Imperial times there were eleven, feeding more than a thousand fountains, the public baths, and even private homes). Additional roads led to various Italian cities. On the Campus Martius, a stadium called Circus Flaminius originated in 221 B.C. Bridges, previously wooden, began to be made with stone piers in 179 B.C. (in late Imperial times, Rome had nine bridges). The second century B.C. saw the first paved streets. A complex of large boathouses at the Campus Martius was extended. Southwest of the Aventine hill, commercial ships were unloaded and their goods placed in large storehouses. The sewer, the Cloaca Maxima, was repaired (later, in Imperial times, its whole conduit was subterranean). A triumphal arch, porticos, and the novelties of marble statues and basilicas gave second-century Rome a monumental appearance. The basilicas at the Roman Forum served as market halls. Foreign cults entered Rome: cults for Hercules and the Muses and, already in 191 B.C., for the Great Mother [Magna Mater, or Cybele), an Anatolian fertility goddess. In the first century B.C., many suburbs developed beyond the pomerium. More temples were built. On the Campus Martius, Pompey erected the first stone theater in 55 B.C. It became the model of all Roman theaters. Under Julius Caesar (murdered in 44 B.C.), many shops in the Roman Forum were replaced by the construction of the Basilica Julia. The adjacent Forum Julium was also built. Between the Palatine and the Aventine hills, Caesar built anew the Circus Maximus, which had been there since preRepublican times. Under Augustus (ruled alone 31 B.C.-A.D. 14), fifty-five to sixty thousand spectators could watch chariot races there, or, according to Ovid, watch for attractive members of the opposite sex. To counterbalance the city's many high tenement houses and narrow streets, Caesar and other rich contemporaries (Lucullus, Sallust, and Maecenas) had parks built in and near the city. In Imperial times, the number of parks rose to almost thirty. The first public library was founded in 39 B.C. Imperial Times: Augustus reorganized the city by dividing it into fourteen regions. From this time on, marble and travertine were used for temple buildings. The architectural style followed Greek models. Augustus restored some eighty-two temples that had been damaged or had decayed during the civil wars of the late Republic, and he had new ones built. At the Roman Forum, he completed Caesar's Basilica Julia and constructed the Basilica Aemilia. Following Caesar's example, he erected his own Forum of Augustus in the vicinity of the Roman Forum (later emperors—Vespasian, Domitian, and Trajan—continued this tradition by building their own fora). Augustus opened public libraries at the Apollo Temple on the Palatine hill and on the Campus Martius. His

successors followed his example until Rome had twenty-eight public libraries in the fourth century. On the Campus Martius, Augustus had his own mausoleum built and the monumental Ara Pacis, an altar of the Augustan peace; here, an obelisk imported from Egypt was raised as the pointer of a monumental sundial. Also on the Campus Martius, a precursory building of the Pantheon (built under Hadrian) was finished in 25 B.C. by Agrippa, a friend of Augustus and later of Herod, king of the Jews. In the same year, the construction of the adjacent Agrippian public baths was begun. This was the oldest of the huge and architecturally impressive public baths with which emperors such as Nero (A.D. 54-68), Titus (A.D. 79-81), and Trajan (A.D. 98-117) proudly decorated Rome. The public baths were centers of social life where one also enjoyed massages, conversation, playing ball, and other sports. Even libraries were connected with them, and in their neighborhoods restaurants and bordellos blossomed. The largest bath remains are those of Caracalla (A.D. 2 1 1 - 2 1 7 ) and Diocletian (A.D. 284-305). In addition to the public ones, Rome had hundreds of private bathhouses. In the second century A.D., the Christian theologian and philosopher Justin Martyr lived in a rented apartment above the "bath of Myrtinus." Tiberius (A.D. 14-37) established the Praetorian Camp. Caligula (A.D. 37-41) and Claudius installed two new aqueducts. Caligula added a third stadium [circus] to the city in the Vatican gardens. Claudius incorporated the Aventine hill and parts of the Campus Martius into the pomerium. Nero completed Caligula's stadium, dedicated a new temple to his deified predecessor Claudius, and opened another large grocery market, the Marcellum Magnum, in the east of the city. His new palace, the "Golden House," stretched from the Palatine to the Esquiline slopes. In A.D. 64, a great fire severely damaged ten of the city's fourteen regions. Nero unjustly accused the Christians of arson, crucifying and burning many of them as torches in the Vatican gardens. In the depression between the Palatine and Esquiline hills, where Nero's "Golden House" complex had contained a pond, Vespasian (A.D. 69-79) built the "Colosseum." This impressive amphitheater provided room for up to 50,000 spectators watching gladiator fights. At the beginning of his reign, Domitian (A.D. 81-96) erected the Arch of Titus, commemorating the fall of Jerusalem (A.D. 70) and Titus's and Vespasian's triumph over the Jews, which they had celebrated in Rome in June 71. On the Palatine hill, Domitian enjoyed new luxurious palace buildings. His stadium on the Campus Martius can still be seen today (the Piazza Navona coincides with its outline). Domitian's Forum Transitorium was completed by Nerva (A.D. 96-98). Trajan's huge Forum with its famous column connected the Roman Forum with the Campus Martius. The column shows

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scenes of Trajan's campaigns against the Dacians. Hadrian (A.D. 117-138) built the Pantheon we know today. His mausoleum near the Vatican and remains of his temple for Roma and Venus in the Roman Forum can still be seen. Seven years after his death, a temple for him, the Hadrianeum on the Campus Martius, was inaugurated by Antoninus Pius (A.D. 138-161). This emperor also dedicated a temple to his wife, Faustina, in the Roman Forum in the year of her death (A.D. 141). In A.D. 147, Rome celebrated its nine-hundredth birthday. The impressive Aurelian city wall that the visitor sees today was not begun, however, before A.D. 271. In Imperial times, Rome contained around one million people from all over the empire with different languages, customs, and deities. The wealthier inhabitants lived in villas [domus], which were atrium-style houses with a peristyle section and a garden area in the background, around which were the dining room and bedrooms. Heaters created warm air under the floors. Pipes connected the homes to the water systems and the sewer. Most people, however, were crowded into the brick and wooden tenement houses {insulae). Rising five to six stories, these buildings were firetraps. Most of them had no water supply or latrines. The ground floors contained shops, workshops, and storerooms. As one went higher in the building, the units became smaller and darker. The insulae were crowded and noisy. Even at night, it was difficult to sleep because of the carts that rumbled under the windows (Julius Caesar had banned vehicular traffic from the congested city streets during daytime). In the fourth century A.D., more than 44,000 insulae were counted in Rome, along with 1,791 villas. Jews and Christians: Pompey, who conquered Judea in 63 B.C., deported large numbers of Jews to Rome as slaves. Soon, at the latest under Augustus, they were freed. At their manumission, most of them gained Roman citizenship. Thus, when Tiberius expelled many Jews from the city in A.D. 19, the freed persons and their offspring could not be forced to leave without individual trials because they enjoyed citizenship. Tiberius, therefore, drafted four thousand of Rome's Jewish freedmen into armed service to fight Sardinia's bandits. In the first century A.D., we know of three synagogues of Jewish freed persons in Rome (the synagogues of the Augustenses, who were imperial freed persons, and of the Aggrippenses and the Volumnenses). Altogether, the inscriptions mention around fourteen Roman synagogues in Imperial times. The Jewish congregations in Rome were only loosely connected with one another. Three areas can still be identified where Jews resided in the first century A.D. Many lived in Trastevere, a crowded quarter west of the Tiber River across Tiber Island. Others of poor economic means settled on the Appian Way out-

side the Capena Gate. A synagogue was also founded in the vicinity of the Viminal Gate. All three locations were outside the Republican wall and the pomerium (see Acts 16:13 for a similar situation in Philippi). The Egyptian cults, with which Judaism was often associated by the Romans, were also banned from the pomerium. It appears that the Christian faith entered the city in the 40s A.D. through Jewish Christians who joined one or several Jewish synagogues in town. By preaching about Christ, they stirred up turmoil within the synagogues so that the attention of Roman officials was attracted. The key persons in this inner-Jewish argument were apparently expelled by Claudius's administration in A.D. 49. Among them were Aquila and Prisca/Priscilla (Acts 18:2). Following this disruption, the Christians appear to have assembled on their own. At the latest, Christianity in Rome was separated from the Jewish synagogues at the time of Paul's Letter to the Romans in the second half of the 50s A.D. The majority of Roman Christians now were gentile, although many of these Gentiles may, before their baptism, have been loosely connected with Jewish synagogues as sympathizers with Jewish monotheism. In A.D. 64, even Nero could distinguish the Christians from the Jews in the city. Like the Jews, the early Christians lived at the periphery of the pomerium: in Trastevere and in the valley of the Appian Way outside the Capena Gate. Both areas were permeated with immigrants from the provinces who swept into the city on the Appian Way and the Tiber River. People of lower social strata populated these quarters. Other Christians dwelt between these two areas on the Aventine hill, still others on the Campus Martius. Although the lower classes predominated in Roman Christianity, all social strata were soon represented, even the senatorial. In A.D. 96, a relative of the Emperor Domitian, Flavia Domitilla, was banned to an island because of her faith (probably Christian but possibly Jewish) that did not allow her to acknowledge Domitian as a god. Early Christianity in Rome consisted of various house-churches (see Rom. 16). These groups met in private homes. There was no local center for Roman Christianity. This factionalism, similar to that of the Jews in the city, facilitated a theological pluralism. Thus, second-century Rome saw Christian groups following Marcionite, Valentinian, Carpocratian, Theodotian, Modalistic, Montanist, and Quartodecimanian teachings; Cerdo-followers; house-churches of (what was only later called) "orthodox" faith; a JewishChristian circle that still observed the Torah; groups with a 7ogos-theology that was too complicated for less-educated Christians; and circles that believed in the millennium and others that did not.

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Panorama of the Roman forum. The house-churches, scattered over the city, were only loosely connected. Some sent portions of their Eucharists to other Christian groups in the city to express unity with them. Written materials were also shared among the Christian groups in the city. Communication with persons or congregations outside of Rome was often coordinated among the groups. As a result, outsiders could perceive the various Roman house-churches as "the Roman church." A monarchical bishop, however, who oversaw at least the "orthodox" house-churches in the city, did not come into existence before the second half of the second century. Earlier, the various house-churches were led solely by their own presbyters. On the whole, the various Christian groups in the city tolerated each other. With few exceptions, no Christian group labeled another as heretical before the last decade of the second century. It was not until Bishop Victor (A.D. 189-199) that house-churches regarding themselves as "orthodox" began to excommunicate other groups on a large scale. Victor cut the ties to four Christian groups in the city. In the middle of the second century A.D. at the latest, Christians identified a simple grave in the Vatican necropolis as Peter's burial place. Around A.D. 160, they decorated it with a modest monument, an aedicula. At the end of the second century at the latest, the grave of Paul was also shown on the Ostian Way. Already a century earlier, one generation after Paul and Peter had died, 1 Clement (see also Ign. Rom. 4) claimed that both apostles had suffered martyrdom in Rome—perhaps in connection with Nero's massacre in A.D. 64. See also Appian Way; Aquila; Augustus; Caesar, Gaius Julius; Claudius; Emperor, Emperor Cult;

Latin; Nero; Paul; Peter; Prisca, Priscilla; Romans, The Letter of Paul to the; Roman Empire; Tiberius; Triumphal Arch. Bibliography Lampe, Peter. Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, forthcoming. Nash, E. A Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome. 2 vols. 2d ed. London: Thames & Hudson, 1968. Rutgers, L. V. The Jews in Late Ancient Rome. Leiden: Brill, 1995. P.P./P.L. roofs, the usually horizontal but sometimes angled constructions covering rooms or buildings. Roofs appear in literal and figurative senses in biblical texts. As the covering of a building, a roof served primarily to give shade, to keep out rain or other foul weather, and to support a variety of activities carried out on rooftops, from sleeping to storage to sounding alarms. The roof of the ark (Gen. 6:16) was primarily for weather protection, but a roof stood for the protection of the host for his guests as well (Gen. 19:8). In the common model of a flat house roof lay the hazard of falling from it, subject of the law to provide a parapet around such a hazard (Deut. 22:8). Roofs provided storage as well as hiding space (Josh. 2:6-8), resting room usable as latrine or murder site (Judg. 3:20-25), or, in a public building, as an observation platform (Judg. 16:27). From his roof David saw Bathsheba's bath (2 Sam. 11:2) and a roof was used for a guest room for Elisha (2 Kings 4:10). The palace roof was suitable for various shrines to foreign gods (2 Kings 23:12), and a house roof could serve as a platform from which to lower a sick man's bed to a room inside (Mark 2:4; Luke 5:19). Roofs

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ROOM

ROSETTA STONE

needed regular restoration (Eccles. 10:18). On the battlefield, shields formed as a roof could protect against arrows (Ezek. 26:8). Symbolically, a tongue stuck to the roof of the mouth meant silence (Job 29:10) or the condemnation of the unfaithful (Ps. 137:6). Extreme thirst made the tongue stick to the roof of the mouth (Lam. 4:4), and God could silence a prophet in the same way (Ezek. 3:26). Simple roof construction usually comprised a horizontal bed of branches or beams, sometimes supported by columns, on which layers of earth or limestone plaster were laid. They weathered into decay in rainy season conditions and needed to be restored in dry season weather to endure. Large public buildings had roofs suspended from the side walls or supported by columns or a combination of both, especially where balconies were part of an inR.S.B. terior structure. room, a space bounded by three or more walls. Biblical references include dwelling spaces (the "upper room" of Mark 14:15), guest rooms (Mark 14:14; Philem. 1:22), Temple rooms (Ezek. 40:10; 1 Kings 6:29-30), and royal chambers (Jer. 35:4). rope, a twisted or braided line. Rope could be made of cloth, string, leather, vine, or any other strong material. It could be used as a belt (Isa. 3:24), as a means of escape (Josh. 2:15), as a device to trap someone or something (Job 18:10), to lead a beast (Job 41:2), to tie a prisoner (Judg. 15:13), to destroy a city (2 Sam. 17:13), to symbolize submission (1 Kings 20:31-32), to guide a domestic animal (Job 39:10), to pull a vehicle (Isa. 5:18), to lower someone into a pit or cistern (Jer. 38:6, 11) or raise him up (Jer. 38:12-13), and as marine rigging (Acts 27:32, 40). The archaeological evidence for rope tends to be sparse because of its vulnerability to decay. String-cut bases on small jars are common in several periods, and the potters used a "rope" molding for decorative purposes, frequently incising or marking it with fingers. Lug handles were intended to be carried by cord or rope suspension. R.S.B. rose, a general term for a colorful flower, the specific identification of which is often dependent on context. The Phoenician rose [Rosa Phoenicia) is one of the true roses growing wild in the Holy Land. A thorny bush bearing many blossoms, it grows well at higher altitudes and therefore is probably the rose of the mountains in 2 Esd. 2:19. The rose by the brook (Ecclus. 39:13) and the rose plants of Jericho (Ecclus. 24:14) most likely refer to the oleander bush [Nerium oleander), a plant with shiny, leathery evergreen leaves and large deep pink or white flowers. Growing along wadis (dry riverbeds) and other watercourses,

Rose of Sharon. the oleander is an outstanding feature of the otherwise arid countryside all over the Holy Land. It is also widely cultivated today in city parks and gardens. The rose of Sharon (Song of Sol. 2:1) is probably not a true rose either, but rather a bright red tulip-like flower [Tulipa montana), which is today prolific all over the hills of Sharon. It displays a dramatic deep red mat of color in the grass with the beginning of spring, after the winter rains. Another plant of the lily family, Narcissus tazetta, grows wild in the more arid regions of the Holy Land and therefore may be the rose (KJV; RSV: "crocus") of Isa. 35:1, "and the desert shall rejoice, and blossom as the rose." P.L.C. Rosetta (roh-zet'tuh) Stone, a granite block bearing an inscription in Egyptian and Greek found by Napoleon's soldiers digging near Rashid (Rosetta) in Egypt in 1799. The stone was ceded to the British in 1801. This stone played a critical role in the deciphering of ancient Egyptian hieroglyphics, since it provided a bilingual inscription issued in Memphis by Pharaoh Ptolemy V (ca. 203-180 B.C.). The top version, with some lines and the beginning and end of each line missing, is in old hieroglyphics. The middle version in demotic script is also Egyptian and the bottom version is in Greek. By matching Greek and demotic words and discovering that the royal name, Ptolemy, occurred within a cartouche, it was possible to attach phonetic values to some of the hieroglyphic signs. Further work on other examples of royal names by the linguist Champollion demonstrated the phonetic nature of the hieroglyphic script in both Hellenistic and earlier Pharaonic times. P.P.

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RUN,RUNNERS recipient, with his mother, of Paul's greeting in Rom. 16:13. The probability of 1 and 2 being the same person depends upon a Roman origin for the Gospel of Mark and the original inclusion of chapter 16 in Paul's letter to the Romans. If those two places where a "Rufus" is mentioned do not have a point of connection in Rome, it is unlikely that the two references designate the same person. See also Alexander; Mark, The Gospel According to; Romans, The Letter of Paul to the; Simon. Rule, Golden. See Golden Rule.

The Rosetta Stone, written on in both hieroglyphic and demotic Egyptian and Greek; ca. 203-180 B.C. Rosh (rosh; Heb., "head"). A son of Benjamin, he is listed as one of those who descended to the Egyptian delta with the Jacob tribes (Gen. 46:21). Rosh Hashannah (rosh'huh-shah'nuh). See New Year Festival.

royal cities. See Cities. RSV, abbreviation for the Revised Standard Version of the Bible. See English Bible, The; Revised Standard Version. ruby, a precious stone of a deep red color. The KJV translates as "ruby" a Hebrew term ipeninim) now thought to designate pearls (Job 28:18; Prov. 3:15 ["jewels"]; 8:11; 20:15; 31:10) or coral (Lam. 4:7). The true ruby, a transparent red variety of corundum, is not found in ancient Near Eastern sites before the third century B.C. The RSV uses "ruby" in the Apocrypha to translate two Greek terms [smaragados, Tob. 13:17; anthrakos, Ecclus. 32:5). See also Pearl. rue [TOO), an herb, Ruta graveolens, used as condiment, medicinal ingredient, and charm component. It is specified in Luke 11:42 as subject to tithing by Pharisees. Rufus [TOO'fuhs; Lat., "red"), a common name in the Greco-Roman world of the first century. 1 The brother of Alexander and son of Simon of Cyrene who was compelled to carry Jesus' cross (Mark 15:21; neither Rufus nor Alexander appears in parallels, Matt. 27:32; Luke 23:26). 2 A

ruler, a word used to translate several terms in Hebrew and Greek that represent various kinds of leadership positions in society. "Ruler" is used, without much precision, to designate the leader or chieftain of some segment of the social structure, be it family, clan, or tribal unit (Exod. 18:25; Judg. 11:8, in which cases "ruler" translates the Heb. ro'sh, "head"). In the NT the leader or president of a synagogue is called the "ruler (Gk. archon) of the synagogue" (Matt. 9:18; Mark 5:22-43; Luke 13:10-17). Similarly there are rulers who were apparently the chief overseers of livestock (Gen. 47:6), of David's public works projects (1 Chron. 29:6), of Persian satrapies ("rulers of the provinces," Esther 8:9), and of cities under Hezekiah (2 Chron. 29:20). In all of these instances, the Hebrew term sar, which is sometimes translated "prince," is used. In the NT, there are also "rulers of the city" where the reference is to the local Greek magistrates, rather than to the Roman authorities (Acts 16:19, archon; 17:6, politarch). David is called the "ruler over all Israel" (1 Sam. 25:30) and Solomon is termed the "ruler over Israel and Judah" (1 Kings 1:35). In both cases, the term translated is nagid, which is sometimes used as a title of some of the kings of Israel and Judah and appears to point to God or a prophet of God as the designator of the nagid. See also David; Satrap; Solomon. F.S.F. Ruler of the Synagogue (Mark 5:35-38), the title of an office known from inscriptions and from analogy with Greco-Roman religion. The head or ruler of the synagogue was usually a wealthy and prominent member of the congregation who was charged especially with providing for the material needs of the congregation. See also Synagogue. run, runners, words that are used with different shades of meaning in the OT and the NT. The usual meaning of "run" is, of course, moving quickly from one place to another (cf. 2 Sam. 2:18-23; John 20:2, 4), but it is also used figuratively to denote the struggle of the person of faith to stay the course against evil and remain committed to God in this world (cf. 1 Cor. 9:24-26; Gal. 2:2; 5:7; Heb. 12:1).

RUSH

RUTH, THE BOOK OF

The meaning of the term "runners" is more varied. These persons could be messengers who relayed news (cf. Jer. 51:31; 2 Chron. 30:6, 10; Esther 3:13; Job 9:25); a group of persons around a king assigned to run errands and do his bidding (cf. 1 Sam. 8:11; 2 Sam. 15:1); or a group that served as a bodyguard for the king (cf. 1 Sam. 22:17; 2 Kings 10:25; 11:4) and ran in front of the king's chariot (cf. 2 Sam. 15:1; 1 Kings 1:5). Runners were foot soldiers, as contrasted with cavalry and chariot warriors. See also Arms, Armor; Army; Battle; Chariots; Defense; Guard, Bodyguard; Race, Racing; Soldier; War; Weapons. J.M.E.

lowly and insignificant (Isa. 9:14; 19:15; cf. 58:5). But in the same manner the flourishing of rushes could also be used as a symbol of abundance and blessing (Isa. 35:7). Various English versions often interchange the translation of "rushes" (or "bulrushes") and "reeds" from several Hebrew and Greek words. See also Flags; Papyrus; Reed. D.R.B. Ruth (rooth; Heb., probably "satiation"), a Moabite who married Mahlon of the Judahite family of Elimelech. Widowed and childless, she abandoned her family, country, and faith to accompany her mother-in-law Naomi to Bethlehem. Her radical actions continued as she secured food for herself and Naomi and summoned the relative Boaz to be their redeemer. Boaz married her. She bore a son who became the grandfather of David. The women of Bethlehem exalted Ruth as the loving daughter-in-law who meant more to Naomi than seven sons, the ideal number (Ruth 4:15). Her name appears later in the Matthean genealogy of Jesus (1:5). P.T.

r u s h (or bulrush), a grasslike member of the sedge family with a pithy or hollow stem that grows in marshy or wet areas (Job 8:11). Various species of rushes and reeds are common along

Ruth, the Book of, the eighth book of the OT. It is a beautifully crafted historical short story about how the lovingly loyal behavior of Ruth, a Moabite widow in a Jewish family from Bethlehem, brought back fullness of life to her widowed mother-in-law, Naomi, aided by Naomi's worthy relative Boaz. The result was security for Ruth as well, through the birth of her child, Obed, David's grandfather. The story thus offers a bridge from the time of the judges (Ruth 1:1) to the monarchy. It resembles in style and content stories in Genesis 2 2 , 24, and 38; the Joseph cycle; the frame of Job (1; 42:7-17); and episodes in 2 Samuel 9-20. Most of these pertain to David and his antecedents; all share with Ruth dramatic tension in confronting human predicaments and problems of injustice. Scholars now tend to date the composition

OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

Rush.

the rivers of the Middle East, including the Nile and the Jordan, and the Huleh Basin of northern Israel. Since there are several species of this type of plant it is not immediately clear which is referred to in the Bible; however, scholars generally agree that papyrus was ordinarily meant. The "bulrushes" of which the infant Moses' basket was woven were probably papyrus (Exod. 2:3) since Isaiah (18:2) mentions "papyrus vessels" used by the Ethiopians. The plants were used as fuel (Job 41:20) and woven into ropes (Job 41:2). Because of their fragile stems and their requirement for a specific environment they became a symbol of weakness and vulnerability (Job 8:11-14; Isa. 19:6-7; cf. 2 Kings 18:21; Matt. 11:7) or represented the 950

The Book of Ruth I. Ruth and Naomi (1:1-22) A. Ruth is married and widowed (1:1-5) B. Ruth returns with Naomi to Bethlehem (1:6-22) II. Ruth and Boaz (2:1-4:22) A. Ruth gleans in Boaz's fields (2:1-23) B. Ruth and Boaz at the threshing floor (3:1-18) C. Boaz marries Ruth when her next of kin refuses to marry her (4:1-12) D. A son is born to Ruth and Boaz who will become grandfather of David (4:13-22)

RYE of Ruth early (tenth-eighth centuries B.C.), rather than around 400 B.C. as previously maintained (thought to be composed as a protest against the dissolution of mixed marriages in Nehemiah 13 and Ezra 10). The story represents the stream of openness to the world, a stream running deep and wide in the OT. E.F.C./P.J.A. rye (KJV; RSV: "spelt"), a food grain (Isa. 28:25; Exod. 9:32). See also Spelt.

Opposite: Sarah, fragment of Genesis 16 from the late fourth-century Cotton Genesis. 952

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SABBATH

sabachthani (suh-bak'thuh-nee), Aramaic word, part of Jesus' cry from the cross in Matt. 27:46 and Mark 15:34. See also Eli, Eli, Lema Sabachthani.

15:32-36). The positive specifications of Sabbath observance include giving rest to one's servants and animals (Exod. 20:10; 23:12; Deut. 5:14). Outside the Pentateuch, evidence relating to the practical observance of the Sabbath is not overabundant, but it is more extensive than that found for most laws. During the monarchical period (ca. 1050-586 B.C.), the Sabbath (as well as the New Moon) was marked by visits to prophet and Temple (2 Kings 4:23; Isa. 1:13). Business activity came to a halt (Amos 8:5). The Sabbath was a joyous day, much like the festivals (Hos. 2:13; Lam. 2:6). Its desecration was severely attacked by Jeremiah, who lashed out against those who carried burdens from their houses or through the gates of Jerusalem (Jer. 17:19-27). During the period of the restoration, Nehemiah enforced observance of the Sabbath by locking the city gates of Jerusalem in order to prevent traders from selling their wares (Neh. 13:15-22). Contemporary documents from a Jewish colony in Elephantine, Egypt, likewise mention the Sabbath, attesting to its recognition by Diaspora (i.e., non-Palestinian) Jews in the fifth century B.C. In addition to these features of popular observance of the Sabbath, one can also piece together a picture of Sabbath observance in the Temple. The Pentateuchal prescriptions of additional sacrifices and changing of the showbread on the Sabbath (Lev. 24:8; Num. 28:9-10) apparently reflect accepted practice (cf. Ezek. 45:17; 46:4-5; 1 Chron. 9:32; 23:31; 2 Chron. 2:3; 8:13; 31:3). The sacrificial service may have been accompanied by a special psalm (Ps. 92:1). There is also a somewhat cryptic reference to the changing of the royal guards at the Temple on the Sabbath (2 Kings 11:4-12). Purpose: Two major rationales for Sabbath observance are presented in the Pentateuch. The concept of the Sabbath as a memorial of God's resting from the work of creation is expressed in Gen. 2 : 1 - 3 and repeated in Exod. 20:11 and 31:17. The latter passage broadens the concept in defining the Sabbath as "a sign forever between me and the people of Israel." Although God had already sanctified the seventh day at the time of creation, he did not reveal its special status to humankind at large, but only to his people Israel. Thus, Israel's observance of the Sabbath underscored its special relationship with God. This rationale was emphasized by Priestly writers. Along with the theological rationale, a distinctly humanistic approach is to be found in Exod. 23:12 and Deut. 5:14-15, both of which ground the observance of the Sabbath on the need to give servants, strangers, and work animals an opportunity to rest. The added reminder in Deut. 5:15 of Israel's experience in Egypt most likely intends to bolster the owner's feeling of compassion for the weak and destitute (cf. Deut. 15:15; 16:12).

Sabaoth (sab'ay-oth), Lord of. See Lord of Hosts. Sabbaias (suh-bay'uhs; KJV; RSV: "Sabbeus"; 1 Esd. 9:32), a man who married a foreign woman; he is the same as Shemaiah in Ezra 10:31. Sabbath (sab'uhth; from Heb. shabbat, "to cease, desist"), the weekly day of rest and abstention from work enjoined upon the Israelites. Origin: An etiological origin for the Sabbath is supplied in Gen. 2 : 1 - 3 , which speaks of God ceasing from the work of creation on the seventh day, blessing the day, and declaring it holy. Scholarly explanations of the Sabbath's origins have focused on certain days in the Babylonian monthly calendar on which normal activities of the king and certain professions were restricted. These days, known as "evil days," were determined by the lunar cycle, corresponding with the quarters of the moon. While the postulating of a dependence on the Babylonian calendar is tempting, it cannot be objectively sustained. The biblical Sabbath was ordained as a weekly institution with no relation whatsoever to the lunar cycle. Moreover, the somber nature of the Babylonian "evil days" stands in stark contrast to the joyous nature of the Sabbath. Of uncertain relation to the lunar "evil days" was the day of the full moon on the fifteenth of the month, known as shapattu, a term possibly related to sabbath. This day was described as a "day of pacifying the heart [of the god]" by certain ceremonies. No significant similarities between this day and the Sabbath are known, however. The closest analogy between the biblical Sabbath and Babylonian culture is the shared literary motif of the god(s) resting after having created humans (see Enuma elish 7.8, 34). Even here, the parallel is distant: the biblical God rests at the conclusion of his creative efforts, while the Babylonian gods are freed from the labors required to feed themselves since humans were created to relieve them of that task. Observance: The Sabbath was a cornerstone of Israelite religious practice from earliest times. This can be seen from the consistent mention of the Sabbath throughout all the strata of Pentateuchal and extra-Pentateuchal sources, with the exception of wisdom literature. In the Pentateuch, Sabbath observance is legislated repeatedly in general terms (Exod. 20:8-11; 23:12; 31:12-17; Lev. 23:3; Deut. 5:12-15), though the types of work prohibited are relatively limited; those mentioned include gathering food, plowing and reaping, kindling a fire, and chopping wood (Exod. 16:29-30; 34:21; 35:3; Num. 954

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Sabbath observance took on an added significance with the prophets active shortly before and during the exilic period. Jeremiah attaches the very fate of Jerusalem to the observance of the Sabbath, thereby expressing a radical new conception (Jer. 17:19-27; cf. Neh. 13:17-18). Ezekiel subscribes to the same line of thought in equating the Sabbath with all the other commandments (Ezek. 20:11-24). The prophecies in Isaiah 56:2-7 and 58:13-14 likewise single out the Sabbath as the primary commandment, observance of which will bring personal as well as national salvation. The mention of the Sabbath in the Elephantine papyri and the appearance of the personal name Shabbetai, meaning "born on the Sabbath" (Ezra 10:15), likewise attest to its importance in this period. This unique prophetic idea may stem from the ever-growing need for Israel to preserve its own identity in the face of a hostile pagan world. To this end, Ezekiel significantly draws from the Priestly formulation in describing the Sabbath as a "sign" between God and Israel (Ezek. 20:12), though his stress on the national consequences of Sabbath desecration represents a new application of the Priestly concept. Another explanation for the prominence of the Sabbath in the exilic literature is the fact that observance of the Sabbath was not dependent on the Temple cult. Although some of the old Sabbath practices, such as the additional sacrifices, became impossible with the destruction of the Temple, the continued observance of the Sabbath on the lay level would ensure Israel steadfastness to its faith. In addition to the weekly seventh day of rest, the term "Sabbath" and its related form Shabbaton occur elsewhere in the Pentateuch referring to some of the festival days and to the seventh "Sabbatical" Year, on which the land was to lie fallow (Lev. 16:31; 23:24, 32, 39; 25:2-6; 26:34, 35, 43). Each of these occasions shares the chief characteristic of the weekly Sabbath, namely, the restricting of work. It has been suggested that the Sabbath day and the Sabbatical Year express the belief that Israel's time and land belong ultimately to God. In the earliest Christian community, observance of Sabbath regulations fell into disuse among Christians of Jewish descent, principally because Jesus himself had been lax in his obedience to them (e.g., Matt. 12:1-8; Mark 3:1-5; Luke 13:10-17; John 5:1-10) even though he continued to take part in synagogue services held on the Sabbath (e.g., Luke 4:16). Jesus' claim to lordship over the Sabbath (Mark 2:28) was an important element in the hostility he aroused in those who felt that Sabbath traditions were incumbent on all Jews (e.g., Mark 3:6; John 5:18). Jesus' attitude toward the Sabbath, coupled with the tradition that his resurrection occurred on the first day of the week

(Sunday; cf. Matt. 28:1), meant that Sunday rather than the Sabbath (Saturday) became the chief liturgical day for Christians. Bibliography Greenberg, M. "Sabbath." Encyclopaedia Judaica. Vol. 14. Pp. 557-562. Porten, B. Archives from Elephantine. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965. Pp. 122-133, 150, 173. D.A.G./J.H.T.

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Sabbath day's journey, the distance one is allowed to walk on the Sabbath. Exod. 16:29 legislates: "Let no man go out of his place on the seventh day." Num. 35:5 defines the Levitical pasture lands as extending 2,000 cubits in each direction from the city center. Tannaitic law defined the Sabbath day's journey as 2,000 cubits. Acts 1:12 mentions that Jerusalem is a Sabbath day's journey from the Mt. of Olives. The Zadokite Fragments (Damascus Document) also counted 2,000 cubits from the city as a Sabbath limit for walking after one's animals. Boundary stones marking the Sabbath limits (Heb. tekhum shabbat) of the city were found in the excavation of Gezer. See also Sabbath. L.H.S. Sabbatical (suh-bat'i-kuhl), Year, the biblical prescription that every seventh year the land must lie uncultivated, based on the assumption that the land does not actually belong to any one person to dispose of at will, but to God himself. Fruit that grows on its own in the Sabbatical Year was to be left for the poor and the wild animals (Exod. 23:10-11; Lev. 25:1-7). In addition, "every creditor shall release what he has lent to his neighbor" (Deut. 15:2). This remission of debts is designed to provide the means to correct social inequities. It was an Old Babylonian custom for kings to declare a remission of debts and obligations. The observance of the Sabbatical Year in Second Temple times (late fifth century B.C.-A.D. 70) is attested in Neh. 10:32 and 1 Mace. 6:49, 53, and Julius Caesar confirmed the Jews' exemption from taxes in the Sabbatical Year (Josephus Antiquities 14.202). Hillel instituted the prozbul (a decree of exemption or exception) to allow debts to carry through the Sabbatical Year. After the Jewish revolt (A.D. 66-74) and the Bar-Kochba war (A.D. 1 3 2 - 1 3 5 ) , the tax exemption was cancelled and rabbinic legislation became more lenient. Rabbinic law still requires the observance of the Sabbatical Year in modern Israel. See also Jubilee. L.H.S. Sabbeus (sa-bee'uhs). See Sabbaias. Sabeans. See Seba, Sabeans. Sabta (sab'tuh; also Sabtah), a son of Cush (1 Chron. 1:9; Gen. 10:7) and a tribe in southwestern Arabia of uncertain location.

SABTECHA

SACRAMENTS

Sabtecha (sab'tuh-kuh; KJV: "Sabteca"), a son of Cush (Gen. 10:7; 1 Chron. 1:9) and a tribal locality in Arabia still unidentified. S a c h a r (sayTcahr; KJV: "Sacar"). 1 One of David's elite guards, a Hararite (1 Chron. 11:35). 2 A levitical gatekeeper (1 Chron. 26:4) of Korahite descent. sackbut (sakTauht, KJV; RSV: trigon), a small three-cornered, four-stringed musical instrument (e.g., Dan. 3:5), not to be confused with a later medieval wind instrument of the same name. See also Trigon. sackcloth, a dark-colored material of goat or camel hair used for making grain bags and garments. English "sack" is derived from the Hebrew saq, via Latin saccus and Greek sakkos. Joseph's brothers carried their money and their grain in sacks (Gen. 42:25), and the men of Gibeon met Joshua with worn-out sacks upon their sack animals (Josh. 9:4). A garment of sackcloth was uncomfortable and was therefore worn by those in mourning. Jacob "put sackcloth upon his loins" when mourning for Joseph (Gen. 37:34). When national calamity threatened the destruction of the Jewish people in the book of Esther, the Jews lay in sackcloth and ashes, fasting, weeping, and lamenting (Esther 4:3). This material must have been inexpensive or of poor quality for "no one might enter the king's gate clothed with sackcloth" (Esther 4:1-3). The use of sackcloth continued for a very long time as it is still mentioned in 1 Mace. 2:14, 3:47 and in the NT (Matt. 11:21) as a sign of distress and repentance. See also Mourning Rites. L.H.S. sacraments, religious rites that confer special graces. Before the word "sacrament" came to have religious connotations, it was used in a secular sense in the Roman world to refer to money deposited in a lawsuit by both parties. The party who lost the suit forfeited the money to sacred purposes. It was also used in a military context to describe the oath of allegiance taken by a new recruit into the army. The early church father Tertullian referred to conversion to Christianity as a sacrament, the admitting of the new recruit into the warfare of the living God [Ad Martyras 3). The term "sacrament" was associated with Christian worship services by the time of Pliny (ca. A.D. 112), because when he reported on Christian worship services, he explained the sacramental nature of the services by deducing that Christians bound themselves by an oath [sacramentum) not to commit some kind of crime [Epistles 10.96). Pliny misunderstood the significance of sacraments for Christian worship, but he was aware of the fact that sacraments were part of their religious activity, and he understood sacraments to mean "oaths," as in Roman military usage.

Jesus and the disciples at the Last Supper, which is regarded by Christians as the basis for the sacrament of the Eucharist; embroidered gold wire on purple silk, fourteenth century.

In the Latin Vulgate, Jerome translated the Greek word mysterion by the Latin sacramentum. Christian practices such as baptism and the Eucharist were called mysteries in the early church, and they continue to be called mysteries in the Greek Orthodox church to this day. Because of Jerome's translation, however, it was natural for the Latin church to refer to these ceremonies as "sacraments." Over a period of time, baptism and the Eucharist acquired in the popular mind a quasimagical significance, partly from the influence of pagan mystery cults, and partly from Jewish influences related to ritualistic and initiatory ablutions, as well as from the Passover. While it is anachronistic to speak of "sacraments" in the OT, since the development of the notion of sacrament occurred in the post-NT church, sacramental thought did appropriate terminology from various OT religious observances to show the continuity between Israel and the church. Thus baptism was related to the act of circumcision, the sign that indicated the child's membership in the chosen people, and the Passover terminology employed in the Gospel accounts of the Last Supper was used to help explain the significance of the Eucharist. Varied in Number: Although baptism and the Eucharist were considered the primary sacraments, the term "sacrament" was used in the early church to describe many kinds of religious ceremonies and practices. By the twelfth century Hugo of St. Victor fisted some thirty sacraments. This was probably the result of Augustine's definition of sacraments as signs pertaining to things divine, or visible forms of an

956

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SADDUCEES

invisible grace. Since there is no limit to the number of ways God's grace can be expressed, the number of sacraments increased with Christian sensitivity and imagination, but this made administrative control difficult. Therefore the Council of Trent (A.D. 1545) decreed that not all signs of sacred things had sacramental value. Visible signs become sacraments only if they represent an invisible grace and become its channels. At a later council, the Roman Catholic church limited the number of sacraments to seven: baptism, confirmation, the Eucharist, penance, extreme unction, orders, and matrimony. Part of the need for exact definition came during the sixteenth century in response to the Reformation. The Reformers, in turn, responded to the conclusions of the Roman Catholic church as it was redefined at the Council of Trent. The Reformers held that the number seven was chosen arbitrarily, so they defined "sacrament" still more sharply, claiming that "sacrament" should apply not to all visible means of an invisible grace but only to those means which Jesus himself commanded to be practiced. This limited the number to two—baptism and the Eucharist. At the Last Supper, Jesus ordered the disciples to partake of the bread and wine in remembrance of him (1 Cor. 11:23-25), and after the resurrection he commanded his following to make disciples of all the nations, baptizing them (Matt 28:19). Luther, who had been an Augustinian monk, may also have been influenced by Augustine's belief that baptism and the Eucharist constituted sacraments "in an eminent sense." Varied Significance: The significance of sacraments varies among denominations and believers today. Some believe the sacraments are the only means of salvation and that they have a special force that guarantees forgiveness of sins. Others think they represent God's grace, which can be received in many ways; they are traditionally practiced but not required for salvation. For the Roman Catholic church validity of the sacraments depends on a qualified priest and willing recipients, except for infants, mentally incompetent people, and extraordinary cases. In an emergency any Christian may baptize someone before death, and the mentally incompetent may receive extreme unction without conscious consent. Most Protestants limit the performance of sacraments to ordained clergy leaders and think sacramental effectiveness depends upon the faith of the recipient. See also Baptism; Lord's Supper, The. G.W.B.

it may be derived from the name of Zadok, the high priest under David (1 Kings 1:26). The Sadducees are mentioned in the writings of the Jewish historian Josephus, the NT and rabbinic literature, but no consistent picture emerges. None of their own literature has survived. According to Josephus: In Josephus they, along with the Pharisees and Essenes, are enumerated as the oldest Jewish philosophies or ways of life. In contrast to the other two groups the Sadducees are said to reject the immortality of the soul, to attribute all human activity to free will and none to fate (or providence), and to reject other traditions, especially those of the Pharisees. Josephus also says that the Sadducees were influential with only a few wealthy families and not with the people, who followed the Pharisees' interpretation of the law. Josephus also says that the Sadducees were boorish in their social interaction, that they encouraged conflict with rather than respect for their teachers, were more stern than the Pharisees in recommending punishments for crimes, and that they aroused Herod's suspicions because they supported the Hasmoneans against him. From this data many commentators have surmised that the Sadducees were mostly priests and wealthy, powerful community leaders who sat in the Sanhédrin, were greatly hellenized (i.e., influenced by Greek culture), and cultivated good relationships with the Romans. But Josephus gives varying attributes to the Sadducees in different passages of his writings and presents neither their full program nor the nature of their group. In the NT: The NT mentions the Sadducees occasionally, often in conjunction with the Pharisees, but does not present a coherent picture. The Sadducees, in contrast to the Pharisees, do not believe in life after death (Mark 12:18 and parallels; Acts 23:8) or in angels and spirits (Acts 23:8). But the Sadducees are lumped with the Pharisees as opponents of Jesus (Matt. 3:7; 16:6). In Acts (4:1; 5:17; 23:6) Sadducees are active in the Temple, associated with the priests and members of the Sanhédrin. The NT assumes the presence of the Sadducees but does not describe them fully nor differentiate them fully from the Pharisees. In Rabbinic Literature: In rabbinic literature the Sadducees are treated as opponents of the Pharisees and their heirs, the rabbis. The items on which they disagree in the Mishnah and Tosefta are purity laws, civil law, Temple ritual and Sabbath observance, all matters of great interest for the rabbis. The Babylonian Talmud also mentions their denial of resurrection. Some texts treat the Sadducees as heretics; in other texts in the Babylonian Talmud "Sadducees" has been substituted for "heretics" under the influence of later Christian censors. A few passages suggest that the Sadducees totally rejected rabbinic interpretations of the law. In all cases the Sadducees are set against

sacrifice. See Worship. Sadducees (sad'joo-seez), a group in Judaism from the second century B.C. to the first century A.D. Their name in Hebrew [tsaddiqim] means the "righteous ones" and may be descriptive, or

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the rabbinic interpretation of the tradition and used as foils. A coherent picture of the beliefs and practices of the Sadducees cannot be fully recovered from the sources at our disposal. They had a group of characteristic beliefs and interpretations of Judaism but were not in conflict with the leadership. Consequently, they are not a sect but resemble an ancient school of thought. According to Josephus they competed with the Pharisees and other political and social groups for power and influence, so they appear to have been a faction or interest group within Judaism. Since some priests are identified as Pharisees in Josephus and many priests are associated with neither the Sadducees nor Pharisees, the Sadducees cannot be identified as exclusively priestly nor can the chief priests be assumed in all cases to be Sadducees. See also Essenes; Josephus; Pharisees; Zadok. A.J.S.

derived from the word for "holy," identifies those so described as set apart and dedicated to the service of God (e.g., Dan. 7:27). In both cases, the faithful of Israel are in view, and their "sainthood" consists in the relationship they bear to the God who has destined them for righteousness and salvation (Pss. 16:3; 132:9, 16). The same associations are present in the NT, where "saints" always translates the Greek term for "[the] holy ones" and where it refers to Christians in distinction from nonbelievers (e.g., 1 Cor. 6:2). Thus, in Rom. 1:6-7, the phrases "called to belong to Jesus Christ," "God's beloved," and "called to be saints" are virtually synonymous. In Acts and the Pauline Letters, the term most often refers to Christians resident in particular places, such as Jerusalem (e.g., Acts 9:13; Rom. 15:25, 26, 31), Lydda (Acts 9:32), and Corinth (e.g., 1 Cor. 1:2); occasionally, however, Paul gives it a broader reference (e.g., Rom. 16:2), the normal usage of later writers (e.g., Heb. 6:10; Jude 3). In Revelation, it is a frequent term for the Christian martyrs (e.g., 17:6). See also Holiness; Love; Mercy; Sanctification. V.P.F.

Sadoc (say'dok). See Zadok. saffron [Crocus sativus), the dried styles and stigmas of the crocus used as a flavoring and as a yellow coloring in foods and textiles (Song of Sol. 4:14). Highly valued, it was originally imported from the Far East.

S a l a m i s (sal'uh-mis), a city on the eastern coast of Cyprus, which, according to Greek mythology, was founded at the end of the Trojan War. Named after the island of Salamis, it eventually developed around the excellent natural harbor, becoming the main port of Cyprus and a commercial center for the Roman Empire. After leaving Antioch and sailing from the port of Seleucia, Saul, Barnabas, and John Mark stopped in Salamis (Acts 13:1-5). See also Cyprus. Salecah (sal'uh-kuh; KJV: "Salchah"), a city of Og in Bashan (Deut. 3:10) captured by Israel and assigned to Gad (Josh. 12:5-6; 13:11; 1 Chron. 5:11). Modern Salkhad in the Jebel Druze in Syria is a likely identification. Salem (sayluhm; Heb. "peace"), the locality over which Melchizedek was king (Gen. 14:18) and that was frequently identified with Jerusalem. This identification is specifically made in Ps. 76:2, where Salem is used in parallelism with Zion as the dwelling place of God. Later writers, including Josephus, also connected Salem with Jerusalem, but other ancient writers identified it with alternative sites. In the Letter to the Hebrews, the author recalls that the root meaning of Salem is "peace" (7:2); thus, Melchizedek is identified as "king of peace." See also Jerusalem; Melchizedek; Peace; Zion.

Saffron. saints, persons distinct because of their relationship to God. In the OT, two different Hebrew terms are commonly rendered by this English expression. One, derrVed from the word meaning "covenant faithfulness," suggests that those who are so designated are bound closely to their God in love (e.g., Pss. 31:23; 148:14). The other,

S a l i m (saylim), a place near Aenon, possibly in the Beth-shean Valley near the northern end of the Jordan River, where John was baptizing (John 3:23). See also Aenon. Sallai (sal'i). 1A postexilic Benjaminite resident in Jerusalem (Neh. 11:8). 2 A priest in Jerusalem

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under the high priest Joiakim, possibly of the family Sallu (Neh. 12:20; see 12:7).

the location of John's imprisonment and death as the grim Herodian fortress of Machaerus; he also gives Salome's name (in the Gospels she is identified only as the daughter of Herodias). Salome later married her uncle Herod Philip the tetrarch. See also Herod; Herodias; John the Baptist. 2 According to Mark 15:40 and 16:1, one of the Galilean women at Jesus' crucifixion and later at the empty tomb, perhaps the wife of Zebedee and thus the mother of James and John F.O.G. (cf. Matt. 27:56).

Sallu (sal'oo). 1 A postexilic Benjaminite resident of Jerusalem (1 Chron. 9:7; Neh. 11:7). 2 A postexilic levitical family in Jerusalem (Neh. 12:7). Salma (sal'muh). 1 A descendant of Judah and father of Boaz; an ancestor of King David and in the ancestry of Jesus through Joseph (1 Chron. 2:11; Matt. 1:4). He is also called Salmon (Ruth 4:20-21; Matt. 1:4-5) and Sala (Luke 3:32). 2 A descendant of Judah and the father of Bethlehem (1 Chron. 2:51, 54). However, this passage represents more geographical and historical relationships than actual family genealogies (note v. 54). See also Salmon. Salmon (sal'muhn), the son of Nahshon and the father of Boaz (Ruth 4:20-21), and therefore ancestor of David and Jesus (Ruth 4:22; Matt. 1:4-5; Luke 3:32). Salmone (sal-moh'nee), modern Cape Sidero at Ermoupolis (ancient Itanos) on the northeast extremity of Crete, site of a temple to Athena Salmonia. Paul sailed past here en route to Rome (Acts 27:7). Salome (suh-loh'mee). 1 Daughter of Herod (not Philip as in Matt. 14:3; Mark 6:17), son of Herod the Great, and of Herodias. Matt. 14:3-11 and Mark 6:17-28 tell the story of her dance before her uncle and now step-father, Herod Antipas, and her request, at the instigation of her mother, for the head of John the Baptist. Josephus, who does not recount this incident, gives Salome dancing before Herod, twelfthcentury illuminated manuscript.

salt, the most commonly used seasoning in antiquity: "Can that which is tasteless be eaten without salt?" (Job 6:6). Its preservative powers made it an absolute necessity of life and a virtual synonym for essential life-giving forces and, not surprisingly, endowed it with religious significance. In the Sermon on the Mount, Jesus calls the people who listen to him the "salt of the earth" (Matt. 5:13). In Israelite worship, salt was used to season incense (Exod. 30:35) and all offerings had to be seasoned with salt (Lev. 2:13; Ezek. 43:24). A related usage finds salt symbolizing the making of a covenant (Num. 18:19; 2 Chron. 13:5). Numerous references to "the Salt Sea" (Josh. 15:5; Deut. 3:17) and the Valley of Salt (2 Kings 14:7; 2 Chron. 25:11) clearly identify the Dead Sea area as the place where supplies of salt were procured. Salt could either be mined in the rock formations along the Dead Sea (Lot's wife was turned into a "pillar" of salt, Gen. 19:26), or be obtained by letting water evaporate from pans. Once the salt was removed from sediment, it was rinsed, purified, and crushed until fine. Ironically, salt also became associated with the destruction of life, a land gone to waste (Deut. 29:23; Job. 39:6; Ps. 107:34; Jer. 17:6; Zeph. 2:9). In a common practice of conquest, Abimelech "razed the city and sowed it with salt" (Judg. 9:45). S.L.R. Salt, City of, a town assigned to the tribe of Judah (Josh. 15:62) in the wilderness and in association with En-gedi, along the Dead Sea. It is now identified as Khirbet Qumran, the location of the community that produced the Dead Sea Scrolls. Salt, Hill of, a place to which tradition has attached the locus of Lot's wife's turning to salt (Gen. 19:26). One suggestion for its location is modern Jebel Usdum ("mountain of Sodom") at the southwest end of the Dead Sea. Salt Sea, the. See Dead Sea. Salt Valley, the valley where David defeated the Edomites (2 Sam. 8:13; Abishai in 1 Chron. 18:12) and, later, Amaziah defeated the same enemy and took Sela (2 Kings 14:7; parallel in 2

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Chron. 25:11). Wadi el-Milk (Arabic, "salt") in southern Judah carries its name today, but most scholars would place it in Edom near the southern end of the Dead Sea.

ness"). The goal of such deliverance is the establishment of God's reign among his people and the other nations of the world (e.g., Isa. 49:25-26; 52:6-10; 55:1-5; Jer. 31:31-34; Ezek. 36:22-32; 37:23-28). Particularly the apocalyptic writings anticipate the arrival of this reign (e.g., Isa. 24-27). The NT writers, apparently following the lead of Jesus himself, appropriate this specialized usage of salvation to designate the establishment of God's end-time Reign. In doing so, they identify God's intent to "save'V'rescue" (the meaning of the Greek root) with the person and ministry of Jesus of Nazareth (e.g., Luke 19:10; also 14:16-24; 15:3-10; 18:10-14; Matt. 10:6-8; 15:22-28; 18:12-14; 21:28-32). Jesus' name comes from the Hebrew root meaning "salvation," and thus God the Savior and Jesus the Savior become (as in other ways) inextricably linked (e.g., Matt. 1:21; Luke 2:11; also John 4:42; Acts 5:31; 13:23; Phil. 3:20; 2 Tim. 1:10; Titus 1:4; 2:13; 3:6; 2 Pet. 1:1,11; 2:20; 3:2,18; 1 John 4:14). The meaning of the term "gospel" ("good tidings") is the essence of salvation (Rom. 1:16-17; 10:9-10). The traditions about Jesus record various accounts of Jesus' acts of delivering people from forms of physical, spiritual/psychic, and demonic/cosmic bondage to a condition of restored wholeness and soundness (e.g., Mark 1:40-45; 2:1-12; 5:1-20, 34; 10:52; Luke 7:50; 17:19; John 9; 12:3-7). "Saved" life is thereby seen in the context of a life that is "redeemed" in relation to God, oneself, and others in community. For these NT writers, the death and resurrection of Jesus is the ultimate focal moment for the dawn of salvation (e.g., 1 Cor. 15). Drawing on the sacrificial images and institutions of ancient Israel, early Christians associate Jesus' death with that of the Passover lamb as "atonement" (John 1:29, 36; 6:51; 1 Cor. 5:7; Heb. 9:24-26). The "on our behalf formula appropriates the efficacious significance of Jesus' death for those who receive it by faith as a gift of grace (e.g., Mark 10:45; 1 Tim. 2:6; Titus 2:14; Mark 14:24 and parallels; 1 Cor. 15:3-7; Eph. 2:5, 8). It means "reconciliation" (Rom. 5:1-11; 2 Cor. 5:18-20). It brings "regeneration" and a new conscience/consciousness. It encompasses the whole cosmos (Rom. 8:19-23; Eph. 1:10; Col. 1:19-20). The resurrection points, moreover, not only to present significance (Rom. 13:11-14; 1 Cor. 15:1-2) but also to future deliverance from impending judgment and wrath (1 Thess. 1:9-10; also Mark 13 and parallels; Rom. 1:18-2:11; 5:9-11; Phil. 3:20; Titus 2:13). The apocalyptic vision mentioned above (e.g., Isa. 2 4 - 2 7 ) is appropriated with certain qualifications to underscore the deliverance motif and that of life and well-being in the future Kingdom of God (e.g., Luke 13:28-30; 22:29-30; 23:43; 1 Cor. 2:9-10; 11:26; 1 Thess. 4:16-17; Rev. 21:1-22:5). Other traditions

saltwort, a plant of the genus Salsola. In biblical terminology it was formerly translated as "mallow" (for instance, in Job 30:4). It represents poor food sought in desperation. salutations, oral expressions of good wishes. Salutations have long been important in the Near East. Social status determined the form of the greeting: subjects prostrated themselves before their oriental kings and invoked eternal life for them (cf. Neh. 2:3; Dan. 2:4); clients or inferiors acknowledged their patrons or superiors by similar means. Hebrew and Aramaic greetings invoked peace, well-being, or blessing (cf. 1 Sam. 17:22; 2 Kings 4:29). The same sentiments were expressed as the initial greetings of letters. The Greek equivalent was the spoken "Hail!" or "Greetings!" {chaire), which was also used in letters as the writer's initial greeting to the recipient (cf. Acts 15:23). Greetings to or from a third party were conveyed in the letter closing with the Greek word aspazomai ("I greet"). Paul and other NT writers used this Greek formula in the Letter closing (e.g., 1 Cor. 16:19-20; Heb. 13:24; 1 Pet. 5:13) but preferred the fuller, oriental form of the peace wish in the initial greetings (e.g., Gal. 1:3-4; 1 Pet. 1:2; 2 John 1:3). See also Gestures; Letter. J.L.W. salvation, a term that has lost much of its original meaning in current English usage. In part, this may be due to overuse in former times, compounded by popular but imprecise application among various religious groups. Because of this, it is important to exercise care in exploring its range of meaning for the biblical writers. It is an extremely important term in the Bible; thus, further neglect can only lead to considerable theological loss. The term for salvation in the OT can connote, in keeping with its root meaning of "broadening" or "enlarging," the creation of space in the community for life and conduct. More often than not, this is created with divine help, particularly in circumstances where God's people face an adversary (e.g., Exod. 14:13-14, 30; 15:2; 1 Sam. 7:8; 2 Sam. 22:28; 1 Chron. 16:35; Neh. 9:27; Pss. 7:1; 17:7; 18:1-3; 54:1; 59:1-2; 106:43^8; 116:1-6; 118:5-14). God rescues and delivers from the situation of opposition and peril to one of recovered spaciousness, prosperity, and well-being. This meaning of the term is expanded to include deliverance from other forms of conflict, particularly in matters of the people's relationship to God. Such a field of reference draws on other terms such as "redemption," "atonement," "reconciliation," "pardon," "expiation" (cf. also "peace" and "righteous-

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SAMARIA, CITY OF

stress more the language of inheritance and the certainty of sharing the eternal life of Jesus' resurrection (e.g., Rom. 8:12-17; 1 Thess. 5:9; Heb. 1:14; 5:9; 9:28; 1 Pet. 1:5, 9; also John 4:14; 7:37-38; 10:10). The emphasis remains throughout the NT on the exclusive nature of the connection between Jesus' destiny and the promise of salvation (e.g., Acts 4:11-12; 5:31; Heb. 2:3). The consummation of salvation exceeds human ability to grasp it (1 Cor. 2:9-10); in the present, the gift of the Spirit is a foretaste of what is promised and hoped for (Rom. 8:23; 2 Cor. 1:22; 5:5; Eph. 1:14). See also Apocalyptic Literature; Atonement; Conscience; Conversion; Eschatology; Eternal Life; Expiation; Forgiveness; Grace; Holy Spirit, The; Justification; Kingdom of God; Liberty; Pardon; Peace; Reconciliation; Redemption; Regeneration; Righteousness; Sin. J.E.A. S a m a r i a (suh-mair'ee-uh), city of, the capital of the northern kingdom of Israel for the greater part of the history of that independent state. Omri built the city in the early ninth century B.C. and moved his administrative center there from Tirzah (1 Kings 16:24). It remained the capital until the demise of the kingdom in 721 B.C., when the city was taken by the Assyrians after a long seige (1 Kings 17:1-6, which credits Shalmaneser V with taking the city; compare the Assyrian annals, in which credit is claimed by Shalmaneser's successor, Sargon II). According to the folk etymology preserved in 1 Kings 16:24, the place name (Heb. Shomron) was derived from Shemer, from whom Omri is said to have purchased the hill on which the city was built. The name was also used for the administrative district of which Samaria was the capital and the gentilic form (Samaritan) was used for the residents of the area. Both usages came into vogue only after the Assyrian conquest, following the Assyrian practice of naming a province after its capital city. The city was well situated defensively on a hill rising about 300 feet above the valleys on the north, west, and south, with a long, sloping ridge to the east. Strategically located beside major roadways, the city gave access to Jerusalem on the south, Megiddo and the

4 ~v_^ AM A R I A - N _

Samaria"

/

"*~\

A bronzefigurineof a calf, found at a cult center in Samariafromca. 1200 B.C.

Jezxeel Valley on the north, the sea and coastal plain on the west, and Shechem and the Jordan Valley on the east. The city did lack, however, an adequate water supply. Thus, in addition to practical considerations, the building of the new capital was clearly a symbolic statement for Omri, expressing the dominance and power of his developing state. In the OT: Samaria is mentioned frequently in the OT, as would be expected of the seat of political power and, from the perspective of biblical historians and the prophets, the source of corruption. In addition to the mere chronicling of events that took place there, such as the tenure record of the kings who ruled the city, we are told that Ahab built an altar and temple for Baal in Samaria (1 Kings 16:32), a shrine later destroyed by Jehu in the Yahwistic reform that accompanied his coup d'état (ca. 834 B.C.). The royal city of the north, Bethel, did not become a cultic pilgrimage center after the model of Jerusalem in the south. Bethel remained "the king's sanctuary" (Amos. 7:13). The reference to "your calf, O Samaria'V'the calf of Samaria" in Hos. 8:4-6 is to the calf (or calves) of Bethel, venerated by the kings of Samaria, as is clear from the parallel oracle in Hos. 10:3-6 (Beth-aven in v. 5 [Heb., "house of falsehood"] being a term of contempt for Bethel). That Bethel was the site of pilgrimage and worship by the nobles of Samaria is seen also in the juxtaposition of oracles against Samaria and Bethel in Amos 4 : 1 - 3 and 4 - 5 . But Samaria was not exempt from prophetic criticism of its idolatry (Amos 8:14), being compared in this respect to both pagan cities and Jerusalem (Isa. 10:10-11; Ezek. 16:46-55; 23:1-49). Elsewhere in the prophetic oracles, the people of Samaria are condemned for their pride (Isa. 9:8-17), wickedness (Hos. 7:1-7), rebellion (Hos. 13:16), oppression and exploitation of the poor

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(Amos 3:9-12; 4:1-3), and for the indolence and spiritual insensitivity engendered by their wealth (Amos 6:1-7). Archaeological Evidence: The affluence of the people of Samaria so graphically portrayed by Amos (6:4-6: "those who lie upon beds of ivory . . . ") is revealed also in the material remains excavated at the site, including over five hundred ivory fragments used, mostly, as inlays for wooden paneling, furniture, boxes, and toilet articles. The site has been extensively excavated by numerous institutions and by some of the foremost Palestinian archaeologists: by Harvard University early in the century (G. A. Reisner and C. S. Fisher), by Harvard, the Palestine Exploration Fund, the British Academy, the British School of Archaeology, and the Hebrew University in the 1930s (J. W. and G. M. Crowfoot, E. L. Sukenik, K. Kenyon, N. Avigad, J. Pinkerfeld), by the Department of Antiquities of Jordan in 1965, and by the British School of Archaeology in 1968 (J. B. Hennessy). The excavations revealed that the city was built in the ninth century B.C., although pottery remains from the Early Bronze period (3000-2000 B.C.) indicated earlier, informal settlements. Six periods from the ninth century to the Assyrian conquest were distinguished and ascribed to the otherwise known activities of Omri, Ahab, Jehu, Jeroboam II, and the Assyrian conquerors. However, the various excavators and the subsequent interpreters of their publications have not agreed on the ascription of particular periods to specific kings. The interpretation of the excavations has been hampered by the fact that the city was destroyed several times and rebuilders deepened previous cuts in the bedrock for the foundations of their stone structures or cut new foundations rather than superimposing them on the other ones. During the Assyrian and Persian periods Samaria was the capital of the province of the same name. Following conquest by the Macedonians (332 B.C.) the city was rebuilt as a Greek polis (city). It was destroyed by John Hyrcanus in 108 B.C. and rebuilt magnificently by Herod the Great (ca. 30 B.C.), who renamed it Sebaste in honor of Augustus (Gk. Sebastos). The Greek name is still preserved in the name of the modern Arab village, Sebastiyeh. The Gospel of John records a journey of Jesus through Samaria, his conversation with a woman there, and the many who believed in him "from that city," which may refer to Samaria (4:4-42). See also Samaria, District of; Samaritans. Bibliography Crowfoot, J. W. and G. M., and K. Kenyon. The Objects from Samaria. London: Palestine Exploration Fund, 1957. Crowfoot, J. W., K. M. Kenyon, and E. L. Sukenik. The Buildings of Samaria. London: Palestine Exploration Fund, 1942.

Reisner, G. A., C. S. Fisher, and D. G. Lyon. Harvard Excavations at Samaria. Cambridge, MA: J.D.P. Harvard University Press, 1924. S a m a r i a , district of, the central hill country of Palestine, the natural borders of which were defined by the sea on the west, the Valley of Jezreel or Plain of Esdraelon on the north (with Mt. Carmel to the west and Mt. Gilboa to the east), the Jordan River on the east, and the Valley of Aijalon on the south. This was the region settled by the Joseph tribes, with the half-tribe of Manasseh settled in the northern half of the area and the tribe of Ephraim in the southern half or to the north and south of the twin mountains Gerizim and Ebal, respectively. The geographical centrality of these peaks (on the north-south axis) assured a prominent role for the city of Shechem, nestled on the lower slope of Mt. Gerizim. But the influence of Shechem came to be usurped by Samaria, after which the region was named. Other important cities of the region were Dothan, Megiddo, Taanach, Beth-shean, Bethel, and Tirzah. The area was comparatively more fertile than the southern portion of Canaan in which the tribe of Judah and its clans settled. Soil and rainfall were conducive to viticulture, the cultivation of fruit and olive trees, vegetable gardening, and wheat farming. It would appear that the use of the name "Samaria" for the region dates from the time of the Assyrian conquest (post-722 B.C.), following the Assyrian practice of naming a province after its capital city, rather than to the earlier period of the Israelite monarchy (924-722 B.C.). In the Bible: References to Samaria in biblical literature predating the Assyrian conquest of the Israelite capital are to the city and not the political district (e.g., Amos 3:9, 12; 4:1; 6:1; 8:14; Hos. 8:6; 10:5-7; 13:16; Isa. 7:9; 8:4; 10:9-11; Mic. 1:5-6). But the later oracle of Jer. 31:5-6 is clearly a reference to the region ("the mountains of Samaria'V'the hill country of Ephraim"). The use of the term "Ephraim" for the region and its people was popular with the prophets both before and after the Assyrian conquest of Samaria—especially with the earlier prophets Hosea (ca. thirty-six times) and Isaiah (ca. twelve times), where the term is often synonymous with the kingdom of Israel, of which this region was the political and cultural heart. That the region was not known as Samaria during the time of the northern Israelite monarchy is further indicated by the formulaic expression in 1 and 2 Kings, "X reigned (or began to reign) over Israel in Samaria" (e.g., 1 Kings 16:29; 22:51; 2 Kings 3:1; 10:36; 13:1, 10; 14:23; 15:8, 23, 27; 17:1). The Deuteronomic historians were themselves active after the time when the region came to be known as Samaria, and this is reflected in their use of the term "cities of Samaria" in the account of the settlement of Mesopotamian colonists in the regions by the

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Assyrians (2 Kings 17:24-28). But they did not generally refer to the region or to the kingdom of Israel as Samaria, except for two anachronistic slips: one in 1 Kings 21:1, where Ahab is called king of Samaria, the other in 1 Kings 13:32, where "cities of Samaria" is truly an anachronism, inasmuch as the city of Samaria itself had not yet been built at that point in the narrative. In addition to Samaria (Assyrian Sa-me-ri-na), Assyrian texts also refer to the region as the land of the House of Omri (Assyrian Bit Hu-um-ri-a), a term used not only after the fall of that dynasty but also after the fall of that kingdom (722 B.C.) History: Following the Assyrian conquest, the character of the local population of Samaria was altered due to the loss of some native Israelites by deportation (2 Kings 17:6; Assyrian records indicate ca. twenty-seven thousand) and evacuation (many of the evacuees settled in Jerusalem, expanding that city to about four times its previous size) and by the concurrent settlement of foreign colonists in the region (2 Kings 17:24-41). This is said to have resulted in the paganization of the area, of which the judgment in 2 Kings 17:34-41 appears to be an overstatement (cf. Jer. 41:5). During the time of Josiah (late seventh century B.C.) attempts were made by Judah to bring Samaria under political and cultural domina-

tion, but this was short-lived. Following the destruction of Jerusalem (586 B.C.), the Babylonians incorporated that city and the northern part of Judah into the province of Samaria. But the Persians later separated Jerusalem from Samaria and restored the Judean province, accounting for the hostility of Sanballat, governor of Samaria, who with his allies, Tobiah of Ammon and Geshem of Arabia, harassed the rebuilders of the Jewish state (Neh. 2:9-20; 4:1-9; 6:1-14). Antipathy between Judah and Samaria was also abetted by the refusal of the leaders of the Jewish community to allow the Yahwists of Samaria to assist in the reconstruction of the Jerusalem Temple (Ezra 4:8-24; 1 Esd. 5:64-73). At the beginning of the Hellenistic period (325-63 B.C.), a revolt against Macedonian rule broke out in Samaria and the local population was forced to flee. Samaria was rebuilt as a Hellenistic city and the ancient city of Shechem was rebuilt by the disenfranchised Samaritans. It was this segment of the Samaritan people who built a Temple to the Hebrew God on Mt. Gerizim and whose descendants are encountered in the NT and the writings of the firstcentury historian Josephus as "the Samaritans." During the Hasmonean period (ca. 166-63 B.C.), both Samaria and Shechem were destroyed by John Hyrcanus and the territory passed to Judaean control. But in 63 B.C. Pompey assigned the area to the province of Syria. It was later granted to Herod the Great (30 B.C.) and subsequently to Herod's son Archelaus (4 B.C.-A.D. 6). The Romans understood the cultural relationship between Judah and Samaria and did not divide the two into separate governances. Both were ruled by Roman procurators (and by Herod Agrippa, from A.D. 41-44) after Archelaus was deposed. In the NT, Samaria is mentioned as the region of members of the Samaritan religious community (Matt. 10:5; Luke 9:52; John 4:1—42), as a territory of early evangelization (Acts 1:8; 8:4-25), as the home of the arch heretic Simon Magus (Acts 8:9-24), and as an area whose churches were supportive of the theological position of Paul (Acts 15:1-3). See also Samaria, City of; Samaritans. J.D.P.

Fragment of an Achaemenid throne found at Samaria, probably from the Persian period (fourth century B.C.). The throne may have belonged to a governor of Samaria.

Samaritan, the Good. See Good Samaritan. Samaritan Pentateuch, the. See Samaritans; Texts, Versions, Manuscripts, Editions. Samaritans (suh-mair'uh-tuhnz), in the OT an ethnic term for the residents of the district of Samaria. The term appears only once (2 Kings 17:29) in the account of the settlement of Mesopotamian colonists in the region by the Assyrians, in the comment that these foreign people made gods of their own which they placed "in the shrines of the high places which the Samaritans had made." In the NT, however, the term is used exclusively for the members of a particular ethno-religious community based

SAMARITANS

SAMARITANS

Ruins of a Roman basilica constructed at the hilltop site of the ancient city of Samaria. in the area, living for the most part around Mt. Gerizim (John 4:1-42) but residing also in their own villages throughout the region (Matt. 10:5; Luke 9:52), who might be encountered in villages neighboring on Samaria (Luke 17:11-19) or even on the roadway between Jerusalem and Jericho (Luke 10:29-37). From these texts one learns that the Jews and Samaritans shared a common heritage ("our father Jacob," John 4:12) but differed from one another radically in regard to the relative sanctity of Jerusalem/Zion and Mt. Gerizim ("Our fathers worshiped on this mountain; and you say that in Jerusalem is the place where men ought to worship," John 4:20). They also had different legal traditions regarding the cleanliness of vessels and, in general, they avoided contact with one another (John 4:7-10). The negative attitude of the Jews toward the Samaritans is reflected in Jesus' statement in Matt. 10:5, in which Samaritans are linked with Gentiles in contrast to "the house of Israel" (cf. Acts 1:8, in which Samaria occupies a median position between Jerusalem/ Judea and the gentile world) and in John 8:48, in which the adversaries of Jesus refer to him contemptuously as "a Samaritan"—and demonpossessed as well. The itinerary of Jesus in Mark (10:1; it is followed in Matt. 19:1 but altered somewhat in Luke) seems to reflect a standard Jewish practice of avoiding Samaria in pilgrimages to Jerusalem. Basically, the Jews regarded the Samaritans as a people foreign to themselves, in spite of an obviously shared heritage: the term "foreigner"

used by Jesus of the thankful Samaritan leper in Luke 17:18 (Gk. allogènes] is the term used in the Jerusalem Temple inscription excluding non-Jews from the court of Israel. (The historian Josephus relates that the Samaritans were excluded from the Jerusalem Temple by formal edict, not because of nationality but due to acts of mischief they allegedly perpetrated there.) It was the alien nature of the Samaritans, as commonly perceived, that gave the ironic sting to the story of the grateful leper and to the parable of the good Samaritan: only one out of ten returned to express thanks, and "he was a Samaritan"; the Samaritan stranger was the good neighbor, not the priest or the Lévite! From the few references to Samaria and the Samaritans in the NT, one might be left with the impression that all of the residents of Samaria were members of this community. This is not so. There were, in fact, people of various cultural backgrounds living in the area. Nonetheless, the Samaritan community (i.e., the particular group with which this article is concerned) was quite large and had throughout the Roman and Byzantine periods (63 B.C. to fifteenth century A.D.) a diaspora of considerable size. There were communities scattered along the Mediterranean coast (notably at Gaza and Caesarea), in Lebanon, in Egypt and Syria, and as far away as Byzantium, Thessalonica, Rome, and Babylon. Today the community numbers only about five hundred but is characterized by vitality after centuries of decline. The main part of the community

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still resides in the shadow of Mt. Gerizim, in present-day Nablus. It is now, as in antiquity, a community led by priests. Unlike the situation in Judaism, the Samaritan priests remained active and in control of religious affairs after the destruction of their temple. There was, however, during the Roman and Byzantium periods, an active lay-led synagogue party, with which the Samaritan sect of the Dositheans had some connection. Religious Heritage: As a religious sect, the Samaritans are a strict, Torah-observing party with a resolute pride in their religious heritage. They maintain that they and not the Jews are . the bearers of the true faith of ancient Israel as expounded by Moses and as practiced at Mt. Gerizim in ancient times. The name by which they call themselves is Shamerim, "observers [of the Torah]." They understand themselves to be the descendants of the Joseph tribes of ancient Israel, as Jews are descendants of the tribe of Judah. Judaism as a heresy is traced to the priest Eli, who is said to have established a rival sanctuary at Shiloh. Thus, for them, the history of the Israelite faith as traced in the second and third divisions of the Jewish Bible is not of sacred but of apostate history. The Samaritans have for Scripture only the Pentateuch, and that in their own distinctive redaction. The chief error of the Jews, according to the Samaritans, is in having edited the Torah to minimize the importance of Gerizim and in having erected a Temple in Jerusalem. In addition to Eli and Solomon, Samaritans cite also Ezra and Hillel for having led the Jews astray: Ezra for having corrupted the text of the Pentateuch and Hillel for having introduced deviant legal and calendrical interpretations. As a priestly dominated community at odds with Pharisaic interpretations, the Samaritans invite comparison with the Sadducees of NT times and with the Karaites of later times. Comparisons have also been made with the Essenes and with the type of early Christianity represented in the Gospel of John. Indeed, recent studies of early Samaritan traditions reveal early Samaritanism as but one of a greater complex of disparate religious movements and ide-

ologies within Judaism (broadly defined) prior to the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple in A.D. 70. Origin: As for the origin of the sect, most scholars have rejected the Samaritan claim of being the remnant of the Israelite people who have always worshiped the Hebrew God at Shechem and have turned instead to the claims of their detractors, notably Josephus, whose personal animus against the Samaritans was intense. Josephus claimed that the Samaritans were descendants of the foreign colonists from Cutha mentioned in 2 Kings 17:24, an opinion shared by some rabbinic authorities who called the Samaritans Kutim. They came to have an independent cultic life, he said, as the result of a schism that occurred in the time of Sanballat (i.e., Sanballat II, not the contemporary of Nehemiah) and Alexander the Great (late fourth century B.C.), when a temple was built on Mt. Gerizim and staffed with renegade and disenfranchised priests from Jerusalem. This cultus was corrupted by hellenization in the time of Antiochus IV (ca. 175 B.C.) (a datum with which 2 Mace. 6:1 agrees) and later destroyed by John Hyrcanus in 128 B.C. Although there seems little doubt that the Samaritan sect of NT times (and of today) was derived from the Gerizim cultic establishment of the Hellenic period and developed subsequently through Samaritan Torah teachers who produced their own redaction of the sacred text, the account of Josephus presents difficulties in the reconstruction of early Samaritan history (or prehistory). Because it is highly biased and denegrating in its intent, one must view with suspicion his claim that the Samaritan priestly caste derived its sacerdotal authority from the Zadokite line of the Jerusalem Temple. Moreover, the story Josephus gives to explain the reason for the exodus of the priests from Jerusalem to Shechem—expulsion due to intermarriage with the family of Sanballat—is problematical (although not impossible). The story is remarkably similar to an earlier incident mentioned in the memoirs of Nehemiah (Neh. 13:28-29). This has prompted some scholars

Inscription from a fourth-century A.D. Samaritan synagogue at Shaalbim reads, "The Lord shall reign for ever and ever" (Exod. 15:18 preserved in the Samaritan version).

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SAMSON Samos (say'mos), a mountainous island twenty-eight miles long and twelve and onehalf miles wide, located about one and one-half miles from the western coast of Asia Minor, opposite Trogyllium. Greek settlers arrived on Samos ca. 1000 B.C. The Samian fleet was famous throughout the various periods of history. In the third century B.C., the Ptolemies of Egypt used the island as a naval base. During the Maccabean period, there were apparently Jews living on the island (1 Mace. 15:23). In 129 B.C., Samos became part of the Roman province of Asia. Paul and his companions stopped at Samos prior to sailing for the city of Miletus during their final trip to Jerusalem (Acts 20:15). M.K.M.

Archaeological remains on Mount Gerizim, where the Samaritan ethno-religious community was centered.

to postulate a Samaritan schism as early as the Persian period (sixth century B.C.), even though the Bible makes no reference to such and Josephus himself dated the alleged "schism" to the early Greek period (first century B.C.). It seems most appropriate to regard the Samaritans as a religious community that developed independently of the spiritual leadership of Jerusalem among a people who were, for cultural and historical reasons, alienated from the Jews and who, in time, found it impossible to maintain fraternal relations. See also Samaria, City of; Samaria, District of. Bibliography Coggins, R. J. Samaritans and Jews. Oxford: Blackwell, 1975. Montgomery, J. A. The Samaritans. New York: KTAV, 1968. Purvis, J. D. "The Samaritan Problem." In B. Halpern and J. Levenson, eds. Traditions in Transformation: Turning Points in Biblical Faith. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1982. Pp. 323-350. J.D.P. samech (sah'mek), the fifteenth letter ^ ^ of the Hebrew alphabet; its numerical ^ J value is sixty. No proto-Canaanite form is attested. By the early tenth century B.C. the form was three horizontal strokes crossed by a vertical one. The Aramaic cursive script transformed the letter considerably in the direction of the classical Hebrew square script form, which is similar in form to an oval. See also Writing. Samgarnebo (sam'gahr-nee'boh), a Babylonian mentioned among Nebuchadnezzar IPs officials who took their seats in the Middle Gate of Jerusalem during the siege of 587 B.C. (Jer. 39:3). The name Samgarnebo (Bab. Sîn-mâgir) is a Babylonian title that can also connote a district; it can be used as a personal name as well. S a m l a h (samluh), a pre-Israelite king of Edom (Gen. 36:36; 1 Chron. 1:47).

Samothrace (sam'uh-thrays), a mountainous island, elliptical in shape, in the northeastern extremity of the Aegean Sea, about twenty miles south of the mainland of Thrace. The rugged coastline leaves the island without a harbor. Before arriving at Neapolis on the second journey, Paul's ship dropped anchor off Samothrace (Acts 16:11). Samson (sam'suhn), an early Israelite hero. The traditions about Samson depict him as a judge who assisted his tribe, the Danites, in their struggle against the Philistines, although most of his heroic exploits were personally motivated and resemble a private vendetta. The stories present him as a Nazirite from birth, but his passion for foreign women compromised the Nazirite vow, which required him to refrain from cutting his hair and to avoid wine and any unclean food. The tales also attribute his extraordinary power to momentary seizure by the divine spirit, and they thereby point beyond the human hero to the true source of superhuman strength. A religious spirit colors the stories from first to last, despite their racy theme and legendary character. This exalted tone is greatest in the birth announcement and its sequel, an account of the marvelous disappearance of the revealing angel in the fire of an altar (Judg. 13:1-25). Although the name of Samson's father is given (Manoah), no comparable information is supplied about his mother. Nevertheless, she stands out in the story as the real heroine, and Manoah receives instruction from her. Mighty Exploits: Samson's mighty exploits were occasioned by his erotic involvement with three women. The first object of his affection was an unnamed woman from Timnah, a few miles southeast of Beth-shemesh (located between Jerusalem and Ashdod). At their wedding festivities a riddle contest had grave consequences. Furious that her countrymen had secured the answer to his riddle by threatening his bride, Samson took revenge on local Askelonites from whom he stole gar-

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Page from a 1310 Pentateuch portrays Samson grappling with the lion (Judg. 14).

ments to cover his wager. Since Samson then returned alone to his home in Zorah, his bride was given to the best man. This act in turn precipitated further revenge on Samson's part, the destroying of grain fields by catching three hundred foxes and setting fire to their tails, then releasing them in the fields. Angry Philistines retaliated by burning Samson's bride and her father, whereupon Samson smote a large number of them. Naturally, the Philistines sought revenge, and by threatening the local tribe of Judah, obtained its assistance in locating a hiding Samson. Bound by his countrymen, he was turned over to the enemy; but the spirit came upon him and he slew a thousand Philistines with the jawbone of an ass. Samson then composed a victory song and prayed for water to quench his thirst. Appropriate names are given for the sites of battle and prayer: Hill of the Jawbone and Partridge Spring (14:1-15:20). The second woman with whom Samson became entangled was a harlot in the Philistine city of Gaza (located near the Mediterranean seacoast). The local residents learned of his presence and surrounded her house, anticipating victory over an exhausted Samson. But he arose early and walked off with the doors of the city gate on his shoulders, depositing them some distance away on a hill opposite Hebron (16:1-3). Samson's downfall came when he fell in love with Delilah, presumably a Philistine. Their innocent flirtation quickly became a serious matter, and she toyed with Samson until he finally divulged the secret of his strength. Delilah's motivation is said to have been greed, and she summoned the Philistine lords to come for a shorn Samson. They put out his

eyes and set him to work grinding at a mill in Gaza. In due time they celebrated their good fortune with a victory song and made sport of Samson during a sacrifice to their god, Dagon. Resolving to get revenge once more, Samson asked to be situated by the two pillars holding up the house and prayed for renewed strength just once more. God granted his wish, and Samson died with the multitude of Philistines (16:4-31). Traditions and Stories: The traditions about Samson have been brought together with great skill; they probably circulated orally for some time before achieving written form. Various motifs combine to enhance their popularity: the barren wife, a helpless hero in the arms of a woman, the quest for a deity's hidden name, a hero's death wish, loss of charisma, and terror accompanying a theophany (i.e., the appearance of the divine). The stories also make use of many different literary forms, for example, three prayers, three riddles, two aetiologies, two victory songs, and five heroic deeds, a birth story, and a recognition scene. The stories reflect the period described in Judges, a period when tribal jealousies divided Israelites and when rivalry existed between the Philistine population and Israelite clans. The figure of Samson presented a problem to many later interpreters, who found it difficult to condone his behavior. Nevertheless, comparisons with Jesus and Heracles became common, and Samson was viewed as a type of Christ. The English poet John Milton's Samson Agonistes (1671) transforms Samson into a tragic hero and gives a psychological analysis of suffering. The exploits of this biblical strong man have thus entertained and inspired others throughout the ages, despite Samson's weakness where women were concerned. Bibliography Crenshaw, James L. Samson: A Secret Betrayed, a Vow Ignored. Atlanta, GA: John Knox, 1978. J.L.C. S a m u e l (sam'yoo-uhl), a prophet who ruled Israel at the end of the period of the judges and anointed the first two kings. He is the dominant figure at the beginning of the first of the two books of the Bible that bear his name. Samuel's father, Elkanah, was an Ephraimite from the village of Ramathaim-zophim. Samuel's mother, Hannah, who was barren before his birth, had prayed for a child during a visit to the temple at Shiloh, promising to devote him to the service of Yahweh (1 Sam. 1). The young Samuel, therefore, grew up in Shiloh under the tutelage of Eli, the chief priest. The first oracle he uttered (1 Sam. 3:11-14) was a renunciation of the house of Eli, whose sons had corrupted the cult of Yahweh (cf. 1 Sam. 2:12-17). This marked the beginning of Samuel's career as a prophet (cf. 1 Sam. 3:19-4:1).

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Samuel assumed national leadership after a disastrous battle in which the Israelites were routed by the Philistines (1 Sam. 4). Having driven out the enemy and pacified the entire land (1 Sam. 7:13-14), he began periodic visits to a circuit of cities where he passed judgment on cases brought before him (1 Sam. 7:15-17). This pattern continued for most of Samuel's life, but in his old age the men of Israel approached him to request a king (1 Sam. 8). Though angered, he acted on God's instructions and, after warning the people of the burdens a king would impose on them (1 Sam. 8:11-18), he acceded to the request. Samuel anointed Saul king during a private audience in Samuel's home town (1 Sam. 9:1-10:16). Subsequently, however, he presided over a public ceremony in which Saul was chosen king by casting lots (1 Sam. 10:17-27). After Saul's victorious campaign against the Ammonites (1 Sam. 11) the kingship was ratified in yet another ceremony conducted by Samuel (1 Sam. 11:15). Then in a final public appearance (1 Sam. 12) the prophet admonished the people and their new king to obey the commands of God and promised to continue to act on their behalf. Samuel was also the agent of Saul's rejection as king. Because he did not carry out God's instructions as conveyed by Samuel, Saul's kingship was condemned. Samuel prophesied that he would be removed from of-

fice in favor of a new king (1 Sam. 13:7-14; 15:10-29). Then God sent Samuel to Bethlehem, where he anointed David (1 Sam. 16:1-13). Although Samuel's death is reported in 1 Sam. 25:1, he makes one further appearance in the story. In 1 Samuel 28 we are told that Saul invoked Samuel's ghost before his final battle with the Philistines, hoping for a favorable oracle. The ghost, however, reminded Saul of the divine rejection of his kingship and predicted a Philistine victory in the battle. The biblical narrative presents Samuel as the last of the heroes of the premonarchical age and the first of the prophets who stand alongside the kings. It is tempting to think of him as having played such a transitional role historically—the last judge and the first prophet. He appears in the story, however, as a typical figure rather than as a historically accessible personality. The account of the rise of kingship in 1 Samuel 1-15 is told from a point of view that is suspicious of the institution of monarchy, to which the direct rule of Israel by God acting through a prophet is preferred. In 1 Samuel 7, Samuel is presented as the ideal prophetic leader, in whom all types of authority—military, judicial, and sacerdotal— are combined. In subsequent chapters, after the reality of kingship has been acknowledged, the portrayal of Samuel amounts to a paradigm for the prophetic office under the monarchy: the prophet will anoint and reject kings, intercede with God on Israel's behalf, and guide the conscience of the people (cf. 1 Sam. 12:23). See also David; Eli; Hannah; King; Prophet; Saul; Shiloh. P.K.M.

The men of Israel approach Samuel to request a king (cf. 1 Sam. 8); thirteenthcentury French miniature.

Samuel, the First and Second Books of, the eighth and ninth books of the Hebrew Bible, ninth and tenth in most English Bibles. Originally Samuel was one book, deriving its name from the great prophet who dominates the early chapters, but when it was translated into Greek, the book was divided into two with the curious result that Samuel does not appear in the second book that bears his name. Together 1 and 2 Samuel describe the rise of kingship in Israel and give an account of the life of David. Text: The Hebrew text of Samuel that has come down to us is filled with small defects, the result of copyists' errors over the centuries. Scholars attempt to repair these by study of other witnesses to the original text, especially the ancient translations of Samuel into Greek and other languages. Of particular importance for this process are three fragmentary copies of Samuel found among the Dead Sea Scrolls at Qumran. The Deuteronomistic History: 1 and 2 Samuel are part of the so-called Deuteronomistic History, which extends from Deuteronomy through 2 Kings. This long narrative, the final 968

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form of which derives from the sixth century B.C., contains a variety of ancient materials brought together and evaluated by editors whose criteria for judgment are drawn from the laws of Deuteronomy. Although Deuteronomistic revision and expansion seem to be less extensive in Samuel than in Judges or Kings, the stories told here have special importance for the larger history because they introduce David, the ideal against whom subsequent kings will be judged, and Jerusalem, the city where God chooses to be worshiped (cf. Deut. 12). Key passages include the oracle against the house of Eli in 1 Sam. 2:27-36, which justifies the subordination of priests from outlying districts to the descendants of Zadok of Jerusalem; the historical review in Samuel's farewell address in 1 Sam. 12:6-25, which belongs to a series of such speeches uttered by major figures in the Deuteronomistic History; and especially the oracle of Nathan in 2 Samuel 7, which asserts the divine election of the Davidic dynasty and warrants the erection of Solomon's Temple. Prophetic Influence: Much of the material in Samuel seems to have been shaped by editors who stressed the importance of the role of the prophets in Israel, often at the expense of the kings. This prophetic revision is responsible for the primary shape of many sections of 1 and 2 Samuel, especially where the leadership of Israel is at issue, such as the story of Samuel's birth and childhood (1 Sam. 1-3), the accounts of the anointing and rejection of Saul (1 Sam. 9:1-10:16; 1 Sam. 15) and the anointing of David (1 Sam. 16), and the report of Nathan's condemnation of David (2 Sam. 12). These passages seem to derive from a pre-exilic prophetic history, portions of which can also be detected in Kings; but they express certain ideas reminiscent of aspects of Deuteronomistic thought, and some scholars think they are the result of a prophetic revision that took place after the composition of the primary edition of the Deuteronomistic History. In any case, there is a group of related passages that are shown to derive from the early exilic period because of their extreme hostility to the institution of kingship and their identification of Mizpah as the meeting place of all Israel, a role played by that city only during a brief period following the fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.C. These passages include the description of Samuel's ideal rule of Israel in 1 Sam. 7:2-17; the story of the people's unwarranted demand for a king in 1 Sam. 8:1-22; the account of the lottery at Mizpah in which Saul is chosen king in 1 Sam. 10:17-27a; and Samuel's farewell speech in 1 Sam. 12:1-25. Original Narrative Sources: Certain early narratives upon which the prophetic and Deuteronomistic editors of Samuel drew can be identified. These include the Ark narrative, the

Saul cycle, the story of David's rise, and the succession narrative. The Ark narrative, an account of the capture and return of God's Ark, is found in 1 Sam. 4:1-7:1 and is sometimes thought to include parts of 2 Samuel 6. The story shows that the Ark was lost to the Philistines in battle because the corruption of the cult at Shiloh (cf. 1 Sam. 2:12-17, 2 2 - 2 5 ) had provoked God, who used the occasion to afflict the Philistines with plague. The Saul cycle, a loose collection of materials about Saul's early career, is most visible now in the tale of the lost asses of Kish (1 Sam. 9-10) and the stories about Saul's wars with the Ammonites (1 Sam. 11) and Philistines (1 Sam. 13-14). The story of David's rise, an extended account of David's career from court musician to king (1 Sam. 16:14-2 Sam. 5:10), places special

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OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The First and Second Books of Samuel I. The story of Samuel (1 Sam. 1:1-7:17) A. Samuel's birth and childhood (1 Sam. 1:1-3:21) B. The Ark narrative (1 Sam. 4:1-7:1) C. Samuel judges Israel (1 Sam. 7:2-17) II. The advent of kingship in Israel (1 Sam. 8:1-15:35) A. The demand for a king (1 Sam. 8:1-22) B. The election of Saul (1 Sam. 9:1-11:15) C. The farewell of Samuel (1 Sam. 12:1-25) D. The rejection of Saul (1 Sam. 13:1-15:35) III. The rise of David (1 Sam. 16:1-2 Sam. 5:10) A. The anointing of David (1 Sam. 16:1-13) B. David at the court of Saul (1 Sam. 16:14-21:1) C. David in the wilderness of Judah (1 Sam. 21:2-26:25) D. David in the service of the king of Gath (1 Sam. 27:1-30:31) E. The death of Saul (1 Sam. 31:1-13) F. David becomes king (1 Sam. 3 1 : 1 2 Sam. 5:10) IV. The reign of David (2 Sam. 5:11-12:31) A. David's achievements (2 Sam. 5:11-9:13) B. David's crimes (2 Sam. 10:1-12:31) V. Absalom's revolt (2 Sam. 13:1-20:22) A. Strife in the house of David (2 Sam. 13:1-14:33) B. The civil war (2 Sam. 15:1-20:22) VI. Miscellaneous materials (2 Sam. 20:23-24:25)

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emphasis on David's innocence of wrongdoing in the suspicious circumstances of his alienation from Saul, his career as an outlaw and Philistine mercenary, and his acquisition of power after the violent deaths of those who stood in his way. It may have been composed during the reign of David as a court apology, defending David and his throne against the charges of his enemies, though some scholars think of the apologetic material as secondary, part of a late redaction favorable to David. The succession narrative, a long narrative explaining Solomon's acquisition of his father's throne after the demise of his older brothers, is found in 2 Samuel 9-1 Kings 2. Until recently scholars regarded this material as a unified history composed by an eyewitness who impartially reported events both favorable and unfavorable to the royal family. The current tendency, however, is to question both the unity and objectivity of the succession narrative. The story of David's crimes involving Bathsheba and Uriah in 2 Samuel 11 and his subsequent condemnation by Nathan in chap. 12 are reminiscent of the prophetic stories about Saul and Samuel in 1 Samuel. 1 Kings 1—2, which is concerned with the justification of the bloodbath that accompanied Solomon's accession, cannot have been written before David's death. Yet the portions of the succession narrative contained in 2 Samuel, where Solomon appears only as an infant, seem to address issues that were current in the time of David. These include the account of Absalom's revolt in chaps. 1 3 - 2 0 and the story of the execution of the family of Saul in 2 1 : 1 - 1 4 and 9:1-13, which may have originated as independent narratives, composed during David's lifetime. See also David; Samuel; Saul. Bibliography Ackroyd, Peter R. The First Book of Samuel, The Second Book of Samuel. Cambridge Bible Commentary: New English Bible. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971, 1977. Hertzberg, H. W. / &• II Samuel: A Commentary. Translated by J. S. Bowden. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1964. McCarter, P. Kyle, Jr. I Samuel, II Samuel. Anchor Bible, 8-9. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1980,1984. P.K.M.

Sanballat's name was Babylonian (Sinuballit), but the names of his sons, Delaiah and Shelemiah, mentioned in the Elephantine papyri, show that he was a worshiper of Yahweh. In Neh. 2:10 he is called "the Horonite," i.e., a native of Beth-horon. The founder of a dynasty was sometimes referred to this way, and there is evidence that five of Sanballat's descendants governed Samaria, including Sanballat II early in the fourth century and Sanballat III at the time of Alexander the Great. See also Nehemiah, P.K.M. The Book of; Samaria, District of.

Sanballat (san-bal'at), governor of Samaria in the latter half of the fifth century B.C. and one of the chief opponents of Nehemiah's plan to rebuild Jerusalem. Sanballat conspired with Tobiah, governor of Ammon, and Geshem, king of Kedar, to intimidate the Jews and interrupt the work (Neh. 2:10, 19). As the walls neared completion, they authorized raids on the city (Neh. 4:1-2) and, accusing Nehemiah of planning a rebellion against Persian rule, repeatedly summoned him to account for his actions (Neh. 6:1-7).

sanctification, "making holy" or "consecrating" a place, thing, or person to God. Since holiness is primarily the attribute of God, what is "sanctified" is removed from "profane" or "secular" use and reserved to the Lord. However, created beings never attain the unique holiness that distinguishes God. In the OT, rites such as sprinkling with blood sanctify places, objects, and persons. The people must consecrate themselves before they can approach the Lord (Exod. 19:22-24). Religious purification may also be accomplished by sprinkling with water (Num. 19:9-22). As a "holy" day, the Sabbath is not to be profaned (Ezek. 20:12-24). Since the holiness or sanctity of God is to be reflected in the life of the people, obedience to the Torah is said to keep God's name "holy." Through the Torah, God "sanctifies" the people (Lev. 22:31-32). They are called to be "holy" just as God is "holy" (Lev. 19:2; 20:26; cf. also 1 Pet. 1:15-16, and the related call to manifest divine "perfection" in Matt. 5:48). In postexilic times, the persistent sinfulness of the people led to the image of an eschatological purification of the people (Dan. 7:18-22; Ps. 34:10). God would "sanctify" them and in so doing "sanctify" his own "name," which had been profaned among the nations by Israel's sinfulness. Ezek. 36:22-27 describes this process in three steps: first, the people are purified from their old sinfulness and idolatry by being sprinkled with clear water; second, the Lord gives them a "new heart" (cf. Ezek. 11:19; Jer. 31:31-34); and, third, the Spirit of the Lord is put in the human heart. The result of this divine sanctification is a person freed from the "evil inclination" of the human heart and obedient to the will of God. NT writers can speak of the eschatological sanctification as in the future (Matt. 6:9; "hallow" and "sanctify" are translations of the same Greek word) or as being accomplished for the Christian by the salvation received in Christ (2 Thess. 2:13). Christians, or their communities, are "sanctified" as temples of the Lord (1 Cor. 6:11, 20; Eph. 2:21; 1 Pet. 2:9). They have been "made holy" by anointing (1 Cor. 1:30; Eph. 5:26; 1 John 2:20). They benefit from the "once for all" sacrifice of Christ, which is able to affect the inner reality of the person and not just the

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externals (Heb. 9:11-14). Therefore, Jesus' sacrifice was said to "sanctify" the Christian (Heb. 10:10; John 17:19). A person might be "consecrated" to a particular mission or service as a prophet (Jer. 1:5; Eccles. 49:7). The Father "consecrated" the Son, sending him to the world (John 10:36). Similarly, the Son "consecrates" the disciples who are to take up that mission in the world (John 17:17-18). However, "sanctification" is not merely a "passive gift." Christians must live out their lives in a holiness that reflects what they have received (Rom. 6:19; 1 Thess. 4:3, 4:7; 1 Tim. 2:15; Heb. 12:14). See also Holiness. P.P. sanctuary, the holy place where Hebrews believed the Lord was present. In the wilderness, this was the tent of meeting; in the time of Solomon, this was at the Temple at Jerusalem. In both places, the Lord's presence was made visible by the fire, which could be seen as a pillar of smoke during the daytime and a pillar of fire at night. The Lord's presence is still indicated in the sanctuary of some churches by a burning candle or lamp over the altar. There were degrees of holiness in the Temple. A few steps up from the court was the holy place, which was separated from the court by a hanging curtain. Only priests were allowed in the holy place. A few more steps and a curtain separated the holy place from the Holy of Holies, where only the high priest was allowed. Sometimes the entire Temple was called the sanctuary; at other times the sanctuary meant only the Holy of Holies. G.W.B. sand, a collection of fine particles of stone, particularly siliceous stone. As is common throughout ancient Near Eastern literature, biblical writings include many references to the natural world, for which there was a deep appreciation. The vast deserts of sand as well as the long stretch of sandy coastal land along the Mediterranean Sea became the source of powerful metaphors. Most often the numerical quality of sand was alluded to: "make your descendants as the sand of the sea, which cannot be numbered for multitude" (Gen. 32:12); "Joseph stored up grain in great abundance like the sand of the sea" (Gen. 41:49); "I shall multiply my days as the sand" (Job 29:18). Sand is also known to be heavy (Prov. 27:3) and it served as a hiding place for the Egyptian killed by Moses (Exod. 2:12), as well as for buried treasure (Deut. 33:19). NT writers also used the metaphor of sand to symbolize great quantities (Rom. 9:27; Heb. 11:12). The shifting, unstable qualities of sand provided the image of one of the most memorable parables, "a house built upon the sand" (Matt. 7:26). S.L.R. Sandahanna, Tell san'dah-hahn'nah, tel). See Mareshah.

Leather sandal, almost two thousand years old, found at Masada. sandal, a shoe fastened to the foot with thongs or straps. See also Shoes. S a n h é d r i n (san-hee'druhn; Gk. synedrion), a council of leaders. The term is used in Greek literature in connection with councils of political and military leaders, federated states, and various trade and private associations. It is usually distinct from the town council of a Greek city (Gk. boulé) or the senate of elders (Gk. gerousia). The Gospels, Acts, and the first-century historian Josephus mention various Jewish bodies identified as sanhédrins, and rabbinic literature has a series of rules in the Mishnaic and Talmudic tractates Sanhédrin that describe the Sanhedrin's composition and function. In rabbinic literature the Sanhédrin functions as a court to decide major cases and to interpret disputed points of law, but the word "sanhédrin" is used seldom because this body is usually referred to by its Hebrew name, which means court [bet din). The NT occasionally uses "sanhédrin" for local councils of leaders and elders (Matt. 5:22; 10:17; Mark 13:9; Acts 22:5) and most often for the supreme court of chief priests and elders in Jerusalem which, according to the Passion narratives in the Gospels, judged Jesus (Matt. 26:59 and parallels), and according to the account in Acts, examined and punished the teaching and activity of Jesus' early followers (Acts 4-6; 23-24). Joseph of Arimathea was said to be a councilor (Mark 15:43; literally, a member of the boule; it is unclear whether the Sanhédrin is meant). In Josephus both Jewish and Roman sanhédrins abound as ruling councils [Antiquities 14.5.4; War 1.8.5) and as courts (Antiquities 14.9.4-5; 15.6.2), often with a king presiding. The Sanhédrin in Jerusalem: A variety of theories have developed concerning the Sanhédrin of Jewish leaders in Jerusalem. The three most prevalent are that the Sanhédrin was composed

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of political leaders, including some priests and aristocrats; that the Sanhédrin was composed of religious leaders knowledgeable in the law, including priests, Pharisees, and scribes; and that there were two Sanhédrins, one political and the other religious. All these theories try to reconcile and harmonize a diverse body of data into a coherent description of Jewish institutional leadership from the second century B.C. to the second century A.D. In addition, the first and third theories address a major issue of anti-Semitism by attributing the trial of Jesus to political leaders rather than to Jewish religious leaders. It seems that the attempt to produce a coherent account from diverse and incomplete sources is doomed to failure. The word "sanhédrin" refers to a series of councils and courts spread over several centuries, composed of whoever was powerful and influential at the time and entrusted with variable powers. Because religion and politics were so intertwined in the community structure, two separate sanhédrins, religious and political, seem unlikely and no direct evidence exists for a dual installation. In the Gospels: The Gospels attest that some Jewish leaders were opposed to Jesus (e.g., Mark 3:6; John 7:32) but they do not give accurate first-hand information and vary in their usage and characterization of scribes, Pharisees, elders, and chief priests. They refer to the Sanhédrin without giving its precise composition and powers. In Mark the high priest, chief priests, elders, and scribes (14:54-55; 15:1) are explicitly associated with the Sanhédrin in Jesus' trial. In John the chief priests and Pharisees gathered to discuss Jesus (11:47). In Acts the Sanhédrin sat in judgment on the preaching of Peter and John (chap. 4) and was composed of the high priest, the high-priestly family, rulers, elders, and scribes. Gamaliel, a Pharisee and "teacher of the law held in honor by all the people" was a member of the Sanhédrin (5:34). According to Acts 23 both Pharisees and Sadducees sat on the Sanhédrin. In evaluating and disciplining Jesus, Peter, John, and Paul the Sanhédrin sat as a judicial court interpreting and guarding Jewish life, custom, and law. In Rabbinic Writings: Rabbinic writings, especially the Mishnah Sanhédrin, speak of a great Sanhédrin of seventy-one that met in the Temple and was headed by the high priest, of three courts of twenty-three, and of other courts of three. These courts were assigned specific powers over crimes and legal decisions and were composed of scholars. The Mishnah's portrait of the Sanhédrin is set in the Second Temple period (ca. fifth-fourth centuries B.C.), but it is most probably an intellectual construct of the second century A.D. whose historical underpinnings are virtually impossible to determine because of the thorough editing of the Mishnah and Talmudic sources. The Qumran community had its council (Heb. 'esah) and it is likely that Jewish factions, schools and movements, such

as the Pharisees, had their own councils of leaders. The rabbinic accounts of the Pharisees before A.D. 70 and of the rabbis after 70 speak of various courts of scholars with legislative and judicial powers. While the rabbinic accounts of the Pharisees are heavily influenced by later ideas, the existence of a council at the head of an organization was very common in the Roman Empire, and a Sanhédrin, whatever its membership and responsibilities, must have existed in NT times. See also Council; Gamaliel; Senate of Israel, The. Bibliography Mantel, H. Studies in the History of the Sanhédrin. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1961. AJ.S. S a n s a n n a h (san-san'uh), a town in the Negeb belonging to the tribe of Judah listed in Josh. 15:31. It has been identified by scholars as Khirbet esh-Shamsaniyat, about three miles northwest of Beersheba, in southern Judea. Saph (saf), one of the four Philistines identified as "descendants of the giants" slain by David's soldiers (2 Sam. 21:18). In 1 Chron. 20:4 he is identified as "Sippai." S a p p h i r a (suh-fi'ruh), wife of Ananias who, like him, died after misrepresenting a gift to the apostles (Acts 5:1-11). See also Ananias. sapphire, a gem composed of corundum, blue in color. The references in Exod. 24:10; Ezek. 1:26; and 10:1 may be to lapis lazuli. See also Breastpiece; Jewelry. S a r a h (sair'uh). 1 Abraham's wife, who shared his journey to the Promised Land and his sojournings there. God promised to Abraham numerous descendants, to whom the land of Canaan would belong. For this promise to be fulfilled, the patriarch's wife had a necessary and crucial role. But no sooner was the divine promise given than Abraham jeopardized everything by going to Egypt, where he passed Sarah off as his sister and she was taken into the harem of Pharaoh (Gen. 12). A variant of this story appears in Genesis 20, where Sarah, here Abraham's halfsister, was taken by Abimelech, king of Gerar (cf. also Gen. 26). In both versions, Abraham practiced this deception for fear of being killed on Sarah's account (Genesis 12 stresses her great beauty, though if the placement of these chapters is taken into account, Sarah should be quite old). Another obstacle to the fulfillment of the promise of numerous progeny was Sarah's barrenness (Gen. 11:30; 16:1). Sarah's solution to the problem was to give her Egyptian maid Hagar to Abraham, a custom according to which Hagar's child would be considered Sarah's (Gen. 16). But the plan backfired when Hagar

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became pregnant and regarded Sarah with contempt. Asserting her superior status, Sarah dealt harshly with Hagar. Hagar fled to the desert, but the Lord instructed her to return and submit to Sarah. When Abraham and Sarah were too old for childbearing, God reiterated the promise, changing Sarai's name to Sarah. Sarah is a variant of Sarai, both forms having the same meaning, "princess," but as with Abraham (Gen. 17:5), the name change is symbolic, representing a special destiny: "I will bless her, . . . and she shall be a mother of nations; kings of peoples shall come from her" (Gen. 17:16). Not surprisingly, Abraham's reaction to this news was laughter (Gen. 17:17). Sarah also laughed to herself when she overheard their mysterious visitors) inform Abraham that she would bear a son (Gen. 18:1-15). She denied laughing, however, when confronted by the Lord. Finally (Gen. 21) the long-awaited heir was born to Sarah and Abraham and, appropriately, was named Isaac, meaning "laughter." Sarah protected Isaac's inheritance by having Hagar and her son Ishmael sent away. Though Abraham was displeased, God supported Sarah's decision, instructing Abraham, "Whatever Sarah says to you, do as she tells you, for through Isaac shall your descendants be named" (Gen. 21:12). Sarah died at the age of 127, and Abraham purchased the cave of Machpelah from the Hittites for her burial place. Later Abraham (25:9-10), Isaac (35:27-29), Rebekah (49:31), Jacob (50:13), and Leah (49:31) were also buried there. After Sarah's death, Abraham took another wife, Keturah (Gen. 25:1). Isaac was comforted after his mother's death when he married Rebekah (24:67). Sarah is mentioned in the NT in Rom. 4:19; 9:9; Heb. 11:11; 1 Pet. 3:6; and the allegory of Gal. 4:21-31. 2 Daughter of Raguel who, after many difficulties, became the wife of Tobias in the book of Tobit. See also Abimelech; Abraham; Hagar; Isaac; Ishmael. J.C.E.

of Hellenic sanctuaries, and consulted the oracle at Delphi. In the sixth century B.C. the Lydians controlled most of the coast of Asia Minor and the islands offshore. Its wealth, especially that of Croesus, was legendary. The influence of Lydian dress, turbans and soft leather boots, and musical innovations based on the sevenstringed lyre could be seen in Athens at the end of the sixth century. However, Croesus challenged the might of the Persian Empire and was defeated. Sardis was made the center of the regional satrapy. In Roman times Sardis was the center of the imperial cult in the region. The cult was administered by a provincial council. See also Revelation to John, the. P.P.

Sarai (sair'j), a variant spelling of Sarah, the name of Abraham's wife (Gen. 11:29-31; 12:5, 11, 17; 16:1-3, 5-6, 8; 17:15). Her name was changed by God to "Sarah" (Gen. 17:15) at the time she received a divine blessing; at the same time Abram's name was changed to "Abraham" by God (Gen. 17:5) when he also received a divine blessing. See also Sarah. sarcophagus. See Burial. Sardis (sahr'dis), the regional capital of Lydia in the province of Asia Minor and one of the seven churches addressed in Revelation (Rev. 1:11; 3:1, 4). The city was founded in Seleucid times (third century B.C.) and Greek was as widely used as the native dialect. The Lydian kings revered the Greek gods, were benefactors 973

sardius (sahr'dee-uhs), a deep orange-red chalcedony considered by some to be a variety of carnelian. It was used as decoration on the high priest's breastplate (Exod. 28:17; 39:10). It appears in the KJV in Ezek. 28:13 where the RSV has "carnelian"; it represents Tyre's lost perfection. In Rev. 21:20 the same terms reflect the incomparable glory of the new Jerusalem. Sarepta (suh-rep'tuh; Heb., "smelting place"; KJV: "Zarephath"), a Phoenician city midway between Tyre and Sidon, where Elijah lodged with a widow during a famine and restored her son to life (1 Kings 17:8-24; cf. Luke 4:26). It is probably present-day Sarfend (Surafend). See also Zarephath. Sargon (sahr'gon) II, king of Assyria, 722-705 B.C. Sargon succeeded Shalmaneser V, apparently his brother, whose sudden death may have been due to court intrigue. (Some have seen the very name of Sargon, meaning in the original Akkadian, "The king is legitimate," as a hint that he was a usurper.) The death provoked massive disruptions in the empire, which took Sargon two years to quell. His first year (721) focused on appeasing various groups at home, particularly those in the city of Assur. In his second (720), he attacked the two main rebellious clients: the Chaldean Marduk-apla-iddina II (biblical name: Merodach-baladan) and a Syro-Palestinian coalition led by the city of Hamath with Egyptian support (2 Kings 17:4). The battle against Merodach-baladan and his Elamite ally ended at the Mesopotamian city of Der, leaving Merodach-baladan as Babylonian king for the next decade. The battle against Syro-Palestine, however, crushed all resistance (Isa. 10:9-11), even pushing the Egyptians back to their Sinai frontier at Raphia, which was destroyed. In the process, Israelite Samaria was retaken—it had joined the rebellion after an apparently earlier conquest by Shalmaneser V in 722 (2 Kings 17:3-6)—and this time it suffered conversion to a province and large-scale deportation and replacement of its population. This

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Cuneiform inscription on a fragment of a stele erected by Sargon II at Ashdod after his conquest in 712 B.C. action by Sargon effectively marked the end of Israel as the Northern Kingdom (2 Kings 17). By contrast, Judah, the Southern Kingdom, was spared, having remained loyal to Assyria throughout. These wars of 720, far from providing a permanent peace, set a pattern for the rest of Sargon's reign of almost continuous fighting to maintain the empire. Thus, in Syro-Palestine, Sargon II (left) and his vizier on a bas-relief at his Khorsabad palace, eighth century B.C.

several further, and successful, campaigns were undertaken: in 717, to conquer Carchemish (Isa. 10:9); in 716, to force Egypt and the Arabs to yield control of the trade routes south of Palestine (Isa. 19:23); and in 713-711, to deal twice with Palestinian rebellions led by the Philistine city of Ashdod. Judah, however, was again spared, because it refused to join Ashdod against Assyrian rule (Isa. 20). In the same period, Sargon was also active in the north, against Urartu and its allies, and between 716 and 711 he seriously weakened this old enemy of Assyria, even as he strengthened the Assyrian presence in southeastern Turkey, building on the base established by his earlier capture of Carchemish. With the north and SyroPalestine thus relatively stable, Sargon returned, finally, in 710 to Babylonia, intent on removing Merodach-baladan from power and making himself king of Babylonia, like his predecessors Tiglath-pileser III and Shalmaneser V. By 709, these goals were achieved, and by 707, Merodach-baladan's capital was destroyed, although the Chaldean himself remained safe with his ally, the Elamites. Sargon's Babylonian triumph, nonetheless, was real, acknowledged by kings far and wide and nearly coinciding with his completion, in 706, of a lavish new capital in the Assyrian heartland, where all his triumphs could be celebrated. The new city, Dur-Sharrukin (modern Khorsabad), was under Sargon's rule for barely a year, for in 705 he lost his life against Tabal in southeastern Turkey, where trouble had stirred again. In the wake of Sargon's shocking death (cf. perhaps Isa. 14:4b-21), his successors abandoned Dur-Sharrukin as a royal residence, though they retained it as a headquarters for a provincial governor. See also Ashdod; Assyria, Empire of; Babylon; Samaria, District of. P.B.M. Sarid (sair'id), a town on the south border of Zebulun (Josh. 19:10, 12), most likely modern Tell Shadud in the Esdraelon Plain about six miles north and slightly east of Megiddo. Sarsechim (sahr'suh-kim), the name (title?) of one of the Babylonian princes who took Jerusalem (Jer. 39:3). If it is a title it means "chief of slaves." Satan (say'tuhn), the English transliteration of a Hebrew word whose literal meaning is "adversary." This is the basic idea associated with Satan in the OT. The figure of Satan is found in only three places in the OT, and all of these are postexilic in date (i.e., after 538 B.C.): Job 1-2; Zech. 3:1-2; and 1 Chron. 21:1. In the first two instances (Job 1-2; Zech. 3:1-2), Satan is depicted as a member of God's court whose basic duty it was to "accuse" human beings before God. He is clearly not at this point an enemy of God and the leader of the

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demonic forces of evil, as he becomes later. There is some question as to whether, in 1 Chron. 21:1, a specific personality is being described as in Job and Zechariah, or whether the "adversary" is to be understood here as a general tendency toward evil. In the Hebrew text, there is no definite article with the noun "Satan," and the word is probably best translated simply as "an adversary." In either case, the figure in 1 Chronicles is not yet the embodiment of evil. It should be noted that "the serpent" of Genesis 3 is never in the OT identified as Satan. It is during the late postexilic period (after ca\ 200 B.C.) and in the intertestamental literature that one first finds the development of the idea of Satan that is assumed in the NT writings. Probably under the influence of Persian ideology, there developed in Hebrew thought the idea of a dualism rampant in the created order—a dualism of good versus evil. There existed already the idea that God had a heavenly host, a group of messengers to carry out his work and orders. The Persians also believed in a ruler over the powers of evil, who had many servants in this realm known as demons. The Hebrews could easily understand and assimilate such thinking into their already existing ideas, but they had not yet developed any idea of a major being as a leader of the forces of evil. Thus, in the development of the religious thinking of the Jewish people, several different names were used to designate the leader of those forces hostile to God: the devil, Belial (also Beliar), Mastemah, Apollyon (meaning the "Destroyer"), Sammael, Asmodeus, or Beelzebub. Satan, however, came to be the most usual designation (in Greek, Satan was translated as "the devil"). Another interesting development took place during this period: the figure of the devil or Satan came to be identified with "the serpent" of Genesis 3. Satan and his cohorts then came to represent the powers of evil in the universe and were even known in Jesus' time as the Kingdom of Satan, against which Jesus had come to fight and to establish the Kingdom of God (e.g., Mark 3:23-26). The demons were considered to be the cause of sickness, both physical and mental, and of many calamities of nature (e.g., storms, earthquakes); in general, they were the forces responsible for much of human sin (and therefore misery), and they were always opposed to God's purposes and God's people. In the NT writings, Satan appears frequently, especially in the Gospels. The figure is also known by numerous other designations, among which are the devil (e.g., Matt. 4:1), the tempter (e.g., Matt. 4:3), the accuser (e.g., Rev. 12:10), the prince of demons (e.g., Luke 11:15), the ruler of this world (e.g., John 12:31), as well as certain of the proper names listed above. One of the most interesting designations is "the evil one." In fact, it is quite possible that, in the Lord's Prayer, the original meaning of the peti-

tion, "deliver us from evil," may have been, "deliver us from the evil one" (Matt. 6:13b). In both Jewish and Christian apocalyptic writings, it is clearly affirmed that, no matter how powerful Satan may appear to be, his final overthrow by the power of God is certain (e.g., Rev. 20:1-10, where "the dragon, that ancient serpent, who is the Devil and Satan" is to be "thrown into the lake of fire and brimstone . . . and tormented day and night for ever and ever"). Much modern thought about the figure of Satan, particularly at the popular level, owes its origin to John Milton's Paradise Lost (1667), not to the biblical writings (e.g., the application of Isa. 14:12-15 to Satan and his "fall" from heaven). While the figure of Satan is powerful and even heroic in Milton's work, it should be remembered that Milton's Satan and the biblical figure are not always the same. See also Adversary; Angel; Apocalyptic Literature; Baal-zebub; Belial; Demon; Devil; Eschatology; Evil; Fall, The; Lucifer; Serpent; Sin. J.M.E.

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satrap (say'trap), a provincial governor among the Achaemenid Persians. The word, originally Persian and taken over by the Hebrews and Greeks, occurs in the Bible only in the plural (Esther 3:12; Dan. 3:2). According to Dan. 6:1 (RSV), "It pleased Darius to set over the kingdom a hundred and twenty satraps," whereas the Greek historian Herodotus speaks of only twenty (3.89). satyr, an imprecise translation of the Hebrew sa'ir, which generally means "he-goat" but sometimes has the connotation of "goatdemon" (Lev. 17:7; 2 Chron. 11:15, both in a pejorative sense; see also Isa. 13:21; 34:14). Saul (sawl), a Benjaminite from the mountain village of Gibeah who became Israel's first king. According to biblical tradition Saul was divinely appointed in response to a popular demand for a king, but he was not long in favor with God, who rejected him for disobedience. He spent much of his reign in conflict with David, whom God had chosen as his successor. The chief reason that Saul became king was probably his prowess as a military leader (cf. 1 Sam. 14:47-48). He seems first to have achieved regional prominence by leading a successful march against Nahash, an Ammonite king who had laid siege to the fortress of Jabesh-gilead (1 Sam. 11). This victory won Saul a base of power extending beyond Benjamin and across the Jordan into Gilead. The summary of his wars in 1 Sam. 14:47-48 also mentions campaigns against Moab, Edom, the Aramean state of Zobah, and Amalek (cf. 1 Sam. 15). Israel's primary enemy at this time, however, was Philistia. Although Saul never achieved any permanent advantage over the Philistines (cf. 1 Sam. 14:52), he did enjoy some success against

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Saul being presented by Samuel to the people, who proclaim him king (1 Sam. 10: 17-24); detailfroma thirteenth-century French illuminated manuscript. them, and his kingdom offered the Israelites an alternative to Philistine sovereignty. His son Jonathan attacked the Philistine garrison in Gibeah, provoking an open revolt (1 Sam. 13:3-4). The result was a decisive Israelite victory at Michmash (1 Sam. 14), and the Philistines were temporarily excluded from the central hillcountry. It is difficult to determine how much territory Saul actually controlled, but it is unlikely that his kingdom extended beyond the central hills and parts of Gilead. The incorporation of Judah and the outlying territories into Israel was probably the achievement of David. The designation of Israel's first king is the subject of an old folktale underlying 1 Samuel 9-10, where Saul is introduced as the handsome and unusually tall son of a prominent Benjaminite named Kish. One day, while searching for some asses that belonged to his father, he entered a village in the Ephraimite hills to seek the assistance of the local seer. The man turned out to be the prophet Samuel, who anointed his surprised guest as prince, or kingdesignate, over Israel (1 Sam. 10:1). After this private ceremony Saul was selected in a public lottery and acclaimed king by the people (1 Sam. 10:17-27). His kingship was renewed or confirmed after his victory over the Ammonites (1 Sam. 11:14-15). The biblical account of the origin of monarchy in Israel reflects a point of view that is suspicious of kingship. The office of king is shown to be subordinate to the divine will as mediated through the office of prophet. Thus we are told that Samuel supervised all the events that brought Saul to the throne. Moreover, when

Saul failed to carry out instructions given him by Samuel, he was rejected by God (1 Sam. 13:7-14; 15:10-29), who sent Samuel to Bethlehem to anoint a new king (1 Sam. 16:1-13). The biblical account of the latter years of Saul's reign (1 Sam. 16:14-31:13) derives for the most part from an old story of David's rise to power. Saul serves as a foil, the divinely rejected king in contrast to whom the chosen successor is eulogized. Thus we are told that when David came to the court in Gibeah, he soon surpassed the king in military prowess (cf. 1 Sam. 18:6-7) and won the loyalty of all Israel, including Saul's eldest son, Jonathan (1 Sam. 18:1^4), and his daughter Michal, who became David's wife (1 Sam. 18:20-27). Saul, now tormented by "an evil spirit from the Lord" (1 Sam. 16:14), became increasingly obsessed with jealousy and suspicion. He persecuted David relentlessly, drove him into hiding in the desert, and even pursued him there. The conflict was not resolved until Saul, defeated in a battle with the Philistines on Mount Gilboa, killed himself by falling on his own sword (1 Sam. 31:4), thus leaving the way open for David to come to the throne. See also Benjamin; David; P.K.M. Jonathan; King; Samuel. savior, one who delivers from present and/or future danger or distress. The primary usage of the word "savior" in the OT is in reference to judges and other leaders raised up by God to bring deliverance to Israel in time of national crisis (e.g., Neh. 9:27). It was also used of God, who employed these human saviors as his agents. In Second Isaiah it became a recognized title for God (e.g., Isa. 43:3) in connection with

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the deliverance of Israel during the return from the Exile. This usage represents a turning point in the history of the word, since from then on salvation by God acquired more than political and military significance and prepared the way for its NT use in reference to the end-time salvation brought by Christ. Surprisingly, the word is rarely found in the earlier NT writings (Phil. 3:20; Luke 1:47; 2:11; Acts 5:31; 13:23), where it is used in the sense of end-time deliverer. The other instances all occur in later NT writings: once in the DeuteroPaulines (Eph. 5:23), six times in Jude and 2 Peter (Jude 25; 2 Pet. 1:1, 11; 2:20; 3:2, 18), and twice in the Johannine writings (John 4:42; 1 John 4:14) in the unique phrase "savior of the world." The term also occurs ten times in the Pastorals (1 Tim. 1:1; 2:3; 4:10; 2 Tim. 1:10; Titus 1:3, 4; 2:10, 13; 3:4,6). In the Greco-Roman world the title "savior" was frequently used of gods, not in the biblical sense of historical or end-time deliverer, but as the source of present, material benefits such as health, peace, and prosperity. The combined title "god and savior," or "god-savior," was very common. "Savior" also had political connotations. Ptolemy I was called "savior" in the same sense as that of another title, "benefactor" (cf. Luke 22:25). With the adoption of the imperial cultus in the Eastern Roman Empire, the emperors assumed the title "god and savior." This imperial usage may explain why the NT was initially reluctant to use the title "savior" and why it became common only in the second century. The true savior is not Caesar but Christ (four times in the Pastorals). Here it is no longer used in the sense of end-time deliverer but of Christ as the bringer of present, personal benefits such as cleansing from sin. R.H.F.

15:24, however, when describing a burnt offering and purification offering does not apply the term to the fat parts. This indicates that calling the burning of fat pieces of the purification offering a "pleasing odor" was not originally part of the way that sacrifice was understood. In a few cases "a pleasing odor" is used of the burnt offering plus the cereal offering and libation that accompany it (cf. Num. 15:7; 28:8). Ezekiel uses the phrase "a pleasing odor" regarding illicit offerings the Israelites make to idols (6:13; 16:19; 20:28). Once he uses it of God's accepting the people as "a pleasing odor," perhaps meaning accepting them when they make proper offerings to him (20:41). See also Savory; Worship. D.P.W.

savory, pleasing to the taste. Isaac asked his son, Esau, to make for him "savory food" from game so that he could give him a blessing (Gen. 27:3-4). Jacob, however, urged by his mother, Rebekah, went to his father disguised as Esau, offered him a substitute savory dish made of goat meat and received the blessing (27:8-14, 17, 25). This meal should not be understood as a meal that confirms a covenant (cf. 31:54), but simply as a family meal deriving from Isaac's taste for game (25:28). savour (KJV), in the OT, a pleasing odor. Offerings burned on the altar are often described as being a "pleasing odor to the Lord." This terminology occurs specifically with the burnt offering (which was entirely burned on the altar; cf. Lev. 1:9, 13, 17), the cereal offering (2:2, 9, 12), the fat parts of the well-being offering (3:5, 16), and the fat parts of the consecration offering and accompanying bread which was burned on the altar (Exod. 29:25). It is used once of the fat parts of the purification offering (Lev. 4:31). Num.

scall, a term in the KJV where the RSV has "itch," in Lev. 12:30 and numerous verses that follow. scapegoat. See Atonement, Day of; Azazel. scarlet, bright red color extracted from an insect, the Caccus ilicis, and used for dyeing fabric and leather. The Hebrew for scarlet was senî or tola'ath, used separately or in combination; the latter's basic meaning is "worm," referring to the insect producing the color. In Isa. 1:11 the two Hebrew words are used in parallelism, "scarlet" and "crimson," in this case referring to the blood-red guilt of the sinner as opposed to whiteness of innocence. Symbolic of honor and riches, scarlet was used extensively for the tabernacle furnishings (Num. 4:8), often in combination with blue and purple (Exod. 26:1). To be clothed in scarlet was prized (2 Sam. 1:24; Prov. 31:21), and, mockingly, Jesus was clothed in scarlet at his trial (Matt. 27:28). The scarlet thread (Gen. 38:28) and the cord (Josh. 2:18) drew particular attention to the firstborn of Tamar and the home of the harlot. N.L.L. scepter, a king's elaborate ceremonial staff (Ps. 45:6). Originally a club that could also be used for digging (Num. 21:18), the scepter appeared frequently in ancient art and scripture as royal regalia with an established role in protocol (Amos 1:5, 8; Isa. 14:5; Esther 4:11; 5:2; 8:4). Israel in the wilderness period was the scepter (i.e., constituted the sovereignty) of God (Num. 24:17). Judah acquired similar status (Gen. 49:10; Ps. 60:7; Ezek. 19:11), as the origin of the Davidic king, the mighty scepter God sends forth from Zion. By metonymy, "scepter" might stand for any national sovereignty: e.g., Moab (Jer. 48:17) or Egypt (Zech. 10:11). The single NT reference to scepter (Heb. 1:8) is a variation of Ps. 45:6. R.B. See v a (see'vuh), a Jewish high priest and the father of seven Jewish exorcists who attempted to imitate Paul's use of the name of Jesus in

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their exorcising of evil spirits, according to Acts 19:11-20. This unauthorized use of the name had unanticipated negative consequences when, rather than exorcising a spirit, the exorcists themselves were overcome by the spirit-possessed man. The name Sceva does not appear in known lists of the Jewish high priests of the era. The story must be seen in the context of first-century beliefs in demon possession and as an indication of the triumph of the Christian gospel (see Acts 19:17-20). See also Magic and Divination. A.J.M.

struct the people who came to the Temple, so it is highly likely that priests were trained at the Temple. Even at an early date (twelfth century B.C.), Samuel goes to Eli for an apprenticeship at Shiloh (1 Sam 1:24-28). In a later period Jehoshaphat is pictured as sending the Lévites and priests to teach the book of the Law of the Lord in the cities (2 Chron. 17:7-9). The kings, nobles, and high officials of the complex state under the monarchy (1025-587 B.C.) also needed training. When Solomon's son Rehoboam became king he consulted with the young men who had grown up with him (1 Kings 12:8-10) and one of Solomon's enemies, Hadad, married an Egyptian and had his son Genubath raised in Pharaoh's house among the sons of Pharaoh (1 Kings 11:20). The seventy sons of Ahab were raised by elders who were their guardians (2 Kings 10:6). Chronicles attributes to Jonathan, David's uncle, and to Jehiel the care of the king's sons. Though none of these texts speaks directly of an institutional school, they demonstrate the need for organized training of the leaders of Israel. Israel's position as an active participant in diplomacy and trade in the first millennium B.C. demanded that the leaders and numerous officials and bureaucrats be educated to read, write, and carry on business according to law and accepted form. Israel's calendar, taxes, and economics demanded a knowledge of mathematics and the numerous traditions that were handed on demanded written records, even in a society that still had a strong oral base. In addition, the OT often refers to writing, to the chronicles that lie behind the books of Kings, to the duty of reading the Law yearly (Deut. 31:12-13), and to the duty to write the law on doorposts of the house (Deut. 6:9). At least some people were assumed to be able to read and write, from Moses on Sinai to an anonymous boy from Succoth (Judg. 8:14) to the king's Scribe, a high official during the monarchy (2 Kings 22:3). Prophets (Elisha, Isaiah, Jeremiah) also had disciples who preserved their traditions orally and in writing; these schools of prophets may have been more like schools of thought and ways of life than institutional schools, but at some point literary training and activity took place. Finally, the OT itself bears witness to intense literary activity and reflection on previous written traditions from the Exile (586 B.C.) on. Possible Methods of Instruction: The OT reveals almost nothing about the content of instruction in school. Isaiah 28:10 and 13 have a pattern that may match the memorization that went on in school ("precept upon precept. . . line upon line . . . here a little . . . ") and some claim that the book of Proverbs is a school text. Archaeological discoveries in Palestine and the rest of the Near East reveal that students learning how to write copied exercises. (A calendar found at Gezer with the agricultural seasons on it may be

s c h i s m (from the Gk. for "tear" or "rip"), a formal division within a religious body. The word occurs once in the NT (1 Cor. 12:25) where Paul is speaking of the body of Christ and says that God has given greater honor to the inferior part "that there may be no discord [lit. 'schism'] in the body." The word is first used in its technical sense of a separation from the unity of the church in the writings of the second-century church father Irenaeus. In current theology Roman Catholics use schism for groups out of communion with the pope, in contrast to heresy which involves doctrinal differences. Protestants and Anglicans tend to use it of all divisions among Christian groups. See also Heresy. A.J.S. school, an institution outside the home in which teachers instruct students. In antiquity many wealthy families provided tutors at home for their children and all families passed on occupational skills, cultural information, and values to their children, but these wider educational processes must be distinguished from school. In antiquity school also referred to the groups who had a way of thought and life derived from a philosopher or religious leader and who promoted their way of life by gathering and training disciples. Schooling in the OT: The OT gives little direct information about schools, but the existence of schools may be deduced from the activities of the monarchy and priests and from Near Eastern parallels. The priests had to preside over a complex ritual, teach Israel's traditions, and inLintel from a third-century school at El-Al, near Golan, with the inscription, "This is the school of Eliezer Ha-Rapad."

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a student's exercise.) More advanced students copied classics and documents such as letters and contracts. Students being trained for high office learned diplomacy, economics, and government because the scribal class in the OT and the Near East was the bureaucracy of government. On the local level scribes wrote documents and kept records; on the higher level they were responsible officials of the government, working for the king. Such officials had to be recruited and trained in schools. It is a reasonable hypothesis that fortified cities and regional capitals had either scribes or priests able to teach the young. We know nothing specific about such schools, but following the Canaanite example, they were probably simple rooms in a building. Proverbs speaks of wisdom calling out to students in the city gate (Prov. 8:3), but this is not a clear reference to a school. Most probably the king's palace and the Temple saw to the education of the top officials and chief priests. Ezra the scribe (fifth century B.C.) was a high official of the Persian government charged to see that the law of God was known and observed. Though the law was read and explained to the people in Nehemiah 8, we have no evidence for schools. The book of Ecclesiasticus (early second century B.C.) has praise for the scribe (38:24-39:11) who knows God's law and is an advisor to rulers. It mentions a school in the concluding hymn (51:23), though it is unclear whether the speaker is Wisdom referring to her school metaphorically, or Ben Sira, the author, referring to his school in Jerusalem. Ecclesiasticus also mentions paying for instruction (51:28). The Ptolemaic and Syriac empires, of which Israel was a part from 332 B.C., and the Roman Empire, which succeeded it in 63 B.C., were highly literate and had well-developed institutions for instruction of youth. It is very probable that Jews of this period were influenced by this cultural milieu and had comparable educational institutions. The Essene community at Qumran, which had a strong priestly component and which produced the Dead Sea Scrolls, was highly literate, and Josephus, who was a firstcentury priest, describes his education, but not the schools he had contact with. The rabbis who emerged as the leaders of Judaism after A.D. 70 and who valued oral tradition were nevertheless highly literate because they read and studied the text of the Bible and eventually produced a massive corpus of written traditions in the Talmuds and midrashim (i.e., commentaries). A late tradition in the Babylonian Talmud [b. B. Bat. 21a) ascribes the founding of schools throughout Israel to Joshua ben Gamala, a first-century figure known also from Josephus. The Palestinian Talmud claims that there were 480 synagogues in Jerusalem, each with a school attached to it. Abot 5:21, a tractate in the Mishnah, gives a schematized and ideal curriculum of study with the ages at which students should progress from reading

and writing through studying Scripture, Mishnah, and Talmud. None of these texts provides historical data for OT or NT times, but they show where Jewish instruction arrived in later centuries. The study of the Torah became the center not only of education, but of Jewish piety. X JT Evidence: The NT tells us nothing directly about schools. In Luke Jesus is portrayed as reading from Scripture in the synagogue (4:16-20) but it is not certain that Luke gives a historically reliable portrait. We have no evidence that Jesus wrote anything as part of his teaching. He is portrayed as the oral teacher par excellence. John 8:6 says that Jesus wrote on the ground as part of his interaction with the crowd that wished him to condemn an adulteress, but it does not say that he wrote letters or words. Paul wrote greetings in his own hand in his letters to his churches (e.g., Gal. 6:11-18; cf. Col. 4:18) and had been educated in Jerusalem with Gamaliel but he does not describe the nature of his schooling. The early Christian community quickly set its traditions in writing in a variety of works inside and outside the NT. Sociological studies of the Christian community show that Christians were drawn from all classes of society, including the higher classes of the Roman Empire who received an excellent education in a variety of literary and philosophical schools. The majority of people in ancient society, including the majority of Christians, were illiterate, but schools existed for those who had opportunity to attend and the effect of the literate class on society at large as well as Judaism and Christianity was significant. See also Education; Mishnah; Scribe; Talmud; Teaching. A.J.S.

979

science, an organized body of knowledge. The word is found in the KJV to denote "knowledge," though not in the modern sense of "science" (Dan. 1:4; 1 Tim. 6:20). scorpion, any arachnid of the order Scorpionida of which a dozen species are known in Palestine, most of which are the yellow variety Buthus quinquestriatus. They are mainly nocturnal and carry a stinger at the end of the tail by which they paralyze food and defend themselves. They are symbols of desolate danger (Deut. 8:15), of extremely severe treatment (1 Kings 1 2 : 1 1 , 1 4 ; 2 Chron. 10:11,14), of the most hazardous surroundings (Ezek. 2:6), and of excessive pain and torture (Rev. 9:3, 5, 10). They symbolize the powers of evil (Luke 10:19) and Jesus uses them as a symbol of the paternal mistreatment no caring father would do to his child R.S.B. (Luke 11:12). scourge, whip or lash made of leather thongs attached to a handle (John 2:15). As a metaphor, it refers to any punishment (at the hands of enemies or natural disaster) visited on the people

SCRIBE

SCRIPTURE

by God (Josh. 23:13; Isa. 10:26; 28:15, 18; Job 9:23). The word often refers to the use of scourging to punish criminals. Legally, a "milder" form of flogging was used by magistrates as a warning to those responsible for disorder. Josephus [War 2.13.7) reports that authorities in Caesarea quelled rioting between Jews and Greeks by catching those responsible and punishing them "with stripes and bonds." Paul faced such punishment on several occasions at the hands of both Jewish and Roman authorities (2 Cor. 11:24-25; Acts 16:22-25; 21:24). A more severe beating was administered in connection with other punishments. It could sometimes lead to the death of the condemned person. Livy reports that such lashing preceded crucifixion [History 22.13.9; 28.37.3). In Luke 23:14-22 Pilate suggests that Jesus be given the lighter beating as a warning. Mark 15:15 and Matt. 27:26 report that Jesus received the severe beating as one who had been condemned to death. See also Cross; Trial of Jesus, The. P.P.

In the OT the scribe first appears as a muster officer (Judg. 5:14). In the monarchical period (eleventh to tenth centuries B.C.) the scribe was a high cabinet officer concerned with finance, policy, and administration (2 Kings 2 2 ; Jer. 36:10). Jeremiah's associate, Baruch, who recorded his words, was also a scribe (Jer. 36:32). In postexilic times (sixth century B.C.) Ezra the scribe was sent by the Persian king to instruct and guide the inhabitants of Judea. He was both an official of the Persian Empire and learned in the laws and customs of Israel (Ezra 7). In the early second century B.C. Ben Sira praises the scribe for his learning and also his involvement in affairs of government (Ecclus. 38:24-39:11). In the Maccabean period (167-63 B.C.) the learned Hasideans who sued Alcimus and Bacchides for peace (1 Mace. 7:12-13) and Eleazar, the prominent leader who was martyred (2 Mace. 6:18), are all called scribes, with the probable implication that they were learned in the Mosaic law. The term does not seem to denote a group with particular beliefs or a set political program, but rather learned men of whatever party or persuasion. In the NT the scribes appear alone occasionally and along with other Jewish groups often. In almost all cases they are opponents of Jesus (but see Mark 12:28-34). In Mark the scribes most often appear in association with the high priests and elders (11:27) and the bulk of their appearances are in conjunction with the death of Jesus. Similarly, in the early chapters of Acts the scribes and elders are opponents of Christianity (4:5; 6:12). In Matthew and Luke the scribes are also paired with the Pharisees in questioning Jesus. Thus the scribes are seen both as part of the leadership and also as a learned class. Two passages (Mark 2:16; Acts 23:9) speak of scribes of the Pharisees, indicating that scribes could belong to other groups within Judaism. Scribal traditions continued on into rabbinic Judaism, where the emphasis on study, knowledge of the law, and learned argument probably derived from the earlier learned class. Our sources tell us little about scribal training, but literacy and knowledge of the law demanded education, active teaching, the ability to interpret Scripture, and experience in judging individual cases. The scope of scribal authority at different periods and locations remains unclear, but they were probably influential in the Temple and at many levels of government. See also EduA.J.S. cation; School; Teaching; Town Clerk.

scribe, one capable of reading and writing, usually with competence in some area such as law, economics, or the like. The word derives from the Latin root for "write" and translates Hebrew and Greek words with similar etymologies. In the ancient Near East the designation "scribe" covered a variety of offices from that of the local scribe who copied documents and contracts for the people to government officials invested with serious responsibilities. Like the modern secretary, the scribe was generally concerned with written records, bureaucracy, and administration. Scribes were common to Egypt, Mesopotamia, Israel, and other countries of the Near East. The book of Proverbs contains international wisdom traditions that were developed by the scribal class in many countries; literature from other countries shows that the scribal class engaged in a vigorous and complex educational effort to continue its functions. Egyptian royal scribes, New Kingdom period.

scrip. See Bag. scripts. See Writing. scripture (from the Lat., "writing"), a document or collection of documents containing material that is highly esteemed in the religious community accepting the document(s). Such documents do not stand by themselves but are 980

SCROLL preserved and interpreted within ongoing religious communities that also have living traditions about worship, belief, and behavior. In late antiquity, Jews and Christians were not alone in esteeming written records of their religion. Greeks, Romans, Persians, and Egyptians all preserved and valued written documents such as hymns, oracles, myths, and revelations. In Judaism and Christianity, the term "Scripture" eventually came to be restricted to those writings listed in an approved canon. It is not always clear whether references in the NT speak of "Scripture" in the technical sense or simply of "writings" (see, e.g., Matt. 21:42; John 2:22; 19:24; Acts 8:32; Rom. 1:2; 1 Cor. 15:3-4; Gal. 4:30; 2 Tim. 3:16; James 2:23; 1 Pet. 2:6; 2 Pet. 3:16). See also Bible; Canon; Inspiration; New Testament; Old Testament; Revelation. L.W.C. scroll (Heb. megillah), a roll of papyrus or specially prepared leather used for writing on in antiquity (see Jer. 36). Papyrus scrolls were imported from Egypt, where they had been manufactured since at least 3000 B.C. To make a papyrus scroll even strips cut from the pith of the papyrus plant were laid side by side in horizontal and vertical rows, forming the front and back side of the sheet, respectively. Water and pressure were applied to make the strips adhere. After drying, the sheets were rubbed smooth with shells or stones. Leather scrolls were made of sheep, goat, or calf skin that had been dehaired, scraped, washed, stretched on a frame, and dried. The hair side, on which the writing was done, was scraped smooth and rubbed with a pumice stone. Rectangles of prepared leather were stitched together to make a scroll. Vertical and horizontal guide lines were traced with a dry point and a straight edge. Black ink was made from carbon soot mixed with water and gum, red ink from red ocher or iron oxide. While writing could be erased from papyrus with water (Num. 5:23), errors on leather had to be marked out or scraped off. Scribes wrote with pens made from rushes, frayed at the end, and from the Hellenistic period on (after 63 B.C.), with pointed reed pens split at the end. Equipment was carried in a case tied to the scribe's waist (Ezek. 9:2). Whether papyrus or leather scrolls were customarily used for writing biblical books in the pre-exilic period (prior to 586 B.C.) is disputed, but at least by the Hellenistic period leather was the preferred material (e.g., the Dead Sea Scrolls), and was required by rabbinic tradition (Sop. 1:1-4). References to scrolls and writing in the Bible include Deut. 28:58; Josh. 1:8; Ps. 45:1; Isa. 8:1; Jer. 8:8; 25:13; Ezek. 2:9-10; Rev. 5:1. See also Scrolls, The Dead Sea; Writing C.A.N.

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The Dead Sea Scrolls IN A BROAD SENSE, the Dead Sea Scrolls (DSS) are scrolls and fragments discovered roughly between 1947 and 1956 at seven sites along the northwest shore of the Dead Sea (eleven caves near Wadi Qumran, three caves of Wadi Murabba'at, at caves of Nahal Hever, Nahal Se'elim, and Nahal Mihras, and at Khirbet Mird and Masada); related to the DSS in this wide sense are medieval copies of Qumran texts found in 1896 in a genizah of a synagogue in Old Cairo, Egypt. In a narrow sense, however, DSS are restricted to the Qumran scrolls and fragments, the most important of the finds. Major discoveries are the following: Qumran Cave One: 7 major scrolls (2 copies of Isaiah, one complete and one fragmentary [lQIsa ab ]; Manual of Discipline [IQS]; War Scroll [IQM]; Thanksgiving Hymns [1QH]; Genesis Apocryphon [lQapGen]; Pesher [Heb., "commentary"] on Habakkuk [lQpHab]) and fragments of 72 other texts (15 biblical and 57 nonbiblical). Qumran Cave Two: 33 fragmentary texts (18 biblical and 15 nonbiblical). Qumran Cave Three: 14 fragmentary texts (3 biblical and 11 nonbiblical) and the Copper Plaque [3Q15], a record of buried treasure). Qumran Cave Four: the most important cave with no complete scroll but only fragments (close to 40,000), which have constituted a giant jigsaw puzzle for scholars; to date, 575 texts have been identified (157 biblical texts, 13 pesharim ["commentaries"] on quoted parts of the OT, and 405 nonbiblical documents including some sectarian texts, some Semitic originals of previously known Jewish intertestamental literature, and many previously unknown Hebrew and Aramaic literary texts). Qumran Cave Five: 25 fragmentary texts (8 biblical and 17 nonbiblical). Qumran Cave Six: 31 fragmentary texts (7 biblical and 24 nonbiblical). Qumran Cave Seven: 19 fragmentary texts, all written in Greek (2 are identified: Exod. 28:4-7 and Bar. 6:43-44; the others are tiny and not identified with certainty; on the basis of new photographs made by the Division of Identification and Forensic Science of the Israel National Police, 7Q5 is said by some Spanish, German, and British investigators to be a fragment of Mark 6:52-53). Qumran Cave Eight: 5 fragmentary texts (4 biblical and 1 nonbiblical). Qumran Cave Nine: a lone papyrus fragment. Qumran Cave Ten: an inscribed potsherd. Qumran Cave Eleven: 25 texts, all fragmentary but a few of considerable size (10 biblical, 8 sectarian, 2 apocryphal, and 5 unidentified; the most important: Psalmsa, Temple Scroll**' [llQTemple], Targum of fob [HQtgJob]). The texts from Caves One through Three and Five through Ten have been fully published, as have the majority from Cave Eleven, but approximately fifty percent of those from Cave Four, of varying size and importance, still await publication (since 1952!). The Qumran texts are dated roughly .between the end of the third century B.C. and A.D. 68 (year of the destruction of the community center at Qumran). These dates are palaeographic estimates (with a mar982

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gin of error of plus or minusfiftyyears), but a representative sampling of them has been confirmed by radiocarbon dating tests carried out in Zurich in 1991. The Hebrew and Aramaic documents were written in four basic scripts: Archaic Script (last quarter of the third century to 150 B.C.); Hasmonean (150-50 B.C.); Herodian (50 B.C.-A.D. 40); and Ornamental (mid-first century A.D. on), a form also used in the Murabba'at texts. The majority of the Qumran texts have been copied in the Hasmonean and Herodian scripts, as have those of Masada. The Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek texts of Murabba'at date roughly from between the two Jewish revolts against Rome (A.D. 66-70 and 132-35). According to preliminary reports, the texts from Hever, Çe'elim, and Mihras comefromthe same period; only some of them have been published. Khirbet Mird texts (from a Christian monastery) are of a later date (fifth-eighth centuries A.D.); Arabic texts and a few Christian Palestinian Aramaicfragmentsfound there have been published. The textsfromthis site are really unrelated to the others. The Qumran texts, "the greatest manuscript discovery in modern times" (W. F Albright), are important for the light they shed on four areas: languages of Palestine in the first centuries B.C. and A.D.; Palestinian Judaism before and at the beginning of the Christian era; the transmission of the OT text in the same period; and the Palestinian Jewish background of NT writings. Languages of Palestine in the First Centuries B.C. and A.D.: Nineteen Greek texts were found in Cave Seven, and a few comefromCave Four (Greek OT texts). Apartfromthese, the remainder of the Qumran texts were composed in Hebrew (the majority) or Aramaic. This newly recovered Qumran Hebrew is related to the late form of postexilic biblical Hebrew; it is not yet the same as Mishnaic Hebrew, but in The first page of the Thanksgiving Hymns scroll, which is a copy of the Essene community's prayer book; Qumran Cave One.

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Fragment of a scroll found at Qumran (1 Q Dan.a); it preserves portions of Daniel 1 and 2.

transition to the latter. Qumran Hebrew is used for the vast majority of the sectarian literature (rule books, prayer books, doctrinal writings) and seemingly represents an attempt on the part of the sect to restore to active use the holy language of old. Before the discovery of the Qumran scrolls, Aramaic, which was probably the language commonly used in Palestine at that time, was poorly documented, being preserved only in a few inscriptions on ossuaries and tombs. Now it is richly attested and revealed to be a good example of Middle Aramaic, in transition between Official and Biblical Aramaic of the fifth to third centuries B.C. and that of the Targums and rabbinic writings of the third to sixth centuries A.D. In such Aramaic texts, we have now good examples of the kind of Aramaic that Jesus of Nazareth and his followers in Palestine would have spoken. Palestinian Judaism: The Jewish historian Josephus mentions three kinds or "sects" of Palestinian Jews in his day: Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes (sometimes adding even a fourth, Zealots). He devotes his longest description to the Essenes, a group that he admired and whose life he personally attempted to live but eventually renounced. Essenes are also known to us from the Roman writer Pliny the Elder, the Jewish philosopher Philo of Alexandria (who relates them to the Therapeutae in Egypt), the Greek orator Dio Chrysostom of Prusa, and the Christians Hegesippus and Hippolytus of Rome. Even though what is learned from the DSS about the Qumran community does not agree in every detail with such ancient descriptions, especially that of Josephus, most modern scholars (beginning with E. L. Sukenik and A. Dupont-Sommer) have identified the Qumran community with the Essenes. The Qumran scrolls would represent, then, the literature either composed by this Jewish sect or used by it, members of which lived in Jerusalem near the "Gate of the Essenes," in towns and villages throughout Palestine, and especially in a desert retreat at what is now Khirbet Qumran, the only place that corresponds to Pliny's location of them on the northwest shore of the Dead Sea. Among the sectarian writings of Qumran there is an almost complete copy of a rule book (1QS) and tenfragmentarycopies of itfromCave Four. It bears witness to a mode of communal life that the Essenes and their candidates or 984

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novices were to lead. This rule differs from another, previously known rule book, the Damascus Document (CD), found in the Cairo genizah in 1896, extensive fragments of which came to light in Qumran Caves Four, Five, and Six. How to relate these two rule books of the sect is a major problem of interpretation today. The latter rule (CD) may describe the mode of life of Essenes who dwelled elsewhere than at Qumran, in "camps" of which it makes frequent mention, and possibly even reflects an earlier state of the sect's development. It contains enigmatic references to the history and prehistory of the sect, which are not easy to interpret. From Cave One have also come a copy of the community's prayer book (1QH) and a text describing preparations for an eschatological war (1QM), which reveals the sect's belief that God and his angels would join the "sons of light" (the sect) to wipe out "the sons of darkness" (its opponents) and all their evil ways. Fragmentary copies of both texts were also found in Cave Four but are only partially published. From Cave Eleven have come the community's psalter (or possibly another prayer book), containing biblical psalms in a different order mixed with nonbiblical writings (some clearly sectarian), and the lengthy Temple Scroll (llQTemple). The latter recasts much of pentateuchal legislation in a new form, putting it on the lips of God who speaks in thefirst-personsingular; it clearly was intended to be a Second Torah. It may, however, stem from a pre-Essene Jewish setting and reflect a stage of thinking among Jews who eventually became part of the Essene movement. The Scroll also describes in detail how the Jerusalem Temple should be rebuilt. Lastly, this sect's mode of interpreting Scripture is seen not only in its pesharim (verse-by-verse "commentaries" on passages from the Prophets and Psalms) but also in isolated citations of the OT in its own sectarian writings. This mode is quite different from anything in the later writings of the rabbis (in the third to fifth centuries A.D.). We also learn from the Qumran texts of the messianic expectations of this sect: their awaiting of three figures, a prophet like Moses (cf. Deut. 18:15-18), a Messiah of Israel (Davidic), and a Messiah of Aaron (priestly). Recently published is 4QMMT [Miqsat ma ase hattorah, "Collection of works of the law"), a halakhic letter written by members of the Qumran sect to opponents who did not agree with them, seemingly Pharisees. This text clearly marks off the Qumran group as a special group of Jews. Because the collection of the "works of the law," on which the letter insists, allegedly reflects a dispute in rabbinic writings between Pharisees and Seduqim (or Sedoqim), some scholars have tried to identify the Qumran sect with Sadducees. But that attempt has convinced only a few, especially since the sectarians speak of themselves in the Qumran texts as bene Sadoq, "sons of Zadok." The Qumran sect was founded by members of the priestly line of Zadok; hence their name, and the rabbinic use of Seduqim could well refer to these Essene sons of Zadok. So the identification of the Qumran sect with the Essenes remains still the best hypothetical explanation. It is important to realize, however, that not all of the Qumran texts are sectarian, i.e., composed by members of the sect and reflecting tenets and practices of the community of Jews who lived at Khirbet Qumran. Many belong to a common Jewish literary heritage often called "intertestamental" literature and were read and used by members of the Qumran community. Attempts have been

985

THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS

made at times to deny that an Essene community ever lived at Khirbet Qumran, to maintain that the site was rather a Herodian and later a Roman fort, and to explain that the texts discovered in the caves were really brought from Jerusalem libraries prior to the destruction of the city (A.D. 70) and deposited there for safekeeping, as the Copper Plaque (3Q15) might attest. But such attempts misinterpret the archaeological data, the character of the Qumran cemetery, and the unmistakable "Qumran system" of copying texts that characterizes many of the sectarian documents. The Jerusalem origin of the Qumran texts fails to explain the relation of the caves to the common center and the pronounced sectarian character of many of the scrolls. If some scrolls did come from Jerusalem, then they were brought there by sectarian confreres who may have dwelled in Jerusalem near the Gate of the Essenes, but that is no reason to deny the existence of an Essene community at Qumran. Transmission of the OT Text: Prior to the discovery of the DSS, the oldest copy of an extended portion of the Hebrew Bible was dated A.D. 895 (a codex of the Former and Latter Prophets, from the Cairo genizah). In Cave One, however, a full text of Isaiah was found, dated palaeographically and by radiocarbon to 100 B.C. The differences between the Qumran text and the medieval Hebrew Masoretic Text (MT), separated in date by a thousand years, amounted to little more than a dozen variants and a host of insignificant spelling differences, which have proved to be a gold mine for the study offirst-centuryB.C. Palestinian Hebrew. This illustrates, in general, the care with which the Isaiah text had been transmitted over the centuries. When Cave Four was discovered, however, a different picture appeared. For certain books of the OT, especially Samuel, Jeremiah, and Exodus, there were copies of the Hebrew text from pre-Christian times in a form differing from the medieval Hebrew MT. In some cases, these Qumran biblical texts were closer to the Greek Septuagint (LXX); in others, closer to the Samaritan Pentateuch. Hence, these differing ancient text forms deserve far greater attention than they have received in the past. The LXX, for example, is now seen not just as a poor, tendentious translation of the Hebrew but rather as a

Hebrew copper plaques rolled up as scrolls found at Qumran Cave Three.

986

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witness to a different pre-Christian Hebrew text form. Moreover, some scholars hold that there were three local text types in pre-Christian times: a "Proto-Masoretic" form of the Pentateuch known in Babylonia, close to the MT; a form known in Palestine, close to the Samaritan Pentateuch; and a form of OT books known in Egypt, related to the LXX. Eventually (probably between A.D. 70 and 132) in Palestine, a process of standardization set in, which preferred one form of the text, a set spelling, and even a definite shape of writing, which developed into the medieval copies of the MT. Palestinian Jewish Background of the NT: So far, in the nonbiblical DSS, which are thoroughly Jewish writings from the last century and a half B.C. and from the early part of the first century A.D., there is no mention of John the Baptist, Jesus, or early Christians. At times, attempts have been made to interpret persons or details in Qumran texts as early Jewish-Christian or as covert references to John or Jesus. But they are tendentious claims that disregard archaeological data and the palaeographic and radiocarbon datings. Many of the tenets and practices of the Essene community, however, as now known from Qumran texts, shed interesting light on NT writings and provide firsthand evidence of the Palestinian Jewish matrix of early Christianity. This matrix was often neglected in the past by interpreters who, realizing that the books of the NT were written in Greek and composed in areas of the eastern Mediterranean Greco-Roman world far from Palestine, exaggerated their Hellenistic context and background. Now the Qumran texts, both sectarian and intertestamental, illumine that Palestinian Jewish world in which the early Christian movement was born and from which its Scriptures, the NT, are ultimately derived. As an example of the new light shed on NT writings from the DSS, the mode of quoting the OT to illustrate something in the NT closely resembles the mode of quotation in many of the isolated citations of the OT in Qumran sectarian texts. Moreover, the formulas introducing such quotations in the NT are far closer to Qumran introductory formulas than to those in the Mishnah (the earliest part of rabbinic writings). Again, "sons of light," a designation for Christians (Luke 16:8; John 12:36; 1 Thess. 5:5), has no OT background and is not found in later Jewish rabbinic writings, but the same phrase occurs, with its counterpart "sons of darkness," in the Manual of Discipline (1QS 1:9) and the War Scroll (1QM 1:1). Furthermore, light has been shed on several titles used of Jesus in the NT ("Son of God," "Son of man," "Lord," "Prophet," and "Messiah"). Hence, such titles were not the product of the hellenization of the Christian gospel as it was carried by early missionaries from Palestine into the Greco-Roman world, as some had tried to maintain. Indeed, one instance is remarkably close to Luke 1:32, 35: it reads, "[X, an unknown person] shall also be great upon the earth, [and all peoples sh]all make [peace with him]; and they shall all serve [him, (for)] he shall be called [son of] the [gr]eat [God], and by his name shall he be named. He shall be hailed (as) son of God, and they shall call him son of the Most High" (4Q246 1:7-2:1). Other significant parallels have been found to many items and expressions in the Gospels of Matthew and John, the Pauline corpus, and the Letter to the Hebrews. Though there are many beatitudes in the OT and some of them are even paired, there is nothing like the collection of beatitudes that Matt. 5:3-11 and

987

THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS

Luke 6:20-22 put on the lips of Jesus. Such a literary form, a collection of beatitudes, has now turned up in 4Q525, which recordsfive(perhaps more, since the text is fragmentary) macarisms ("blesseds") uttered over the one who pursues wisdom. Moreover, the Essene teaching on justification by God's mercy (1QS 11:2-3, 12-15) is now seen as a transitional mode between OT teaching about righteousness and Paul's doctrine of justification by grace through faith. In particular, the Pauline slogan "the works of the law" (Gal. 2:16; Rom. 3:28), a phrase never found in the OT or in later rabbinic writings, is well attested in Qumran texts (4QFlor 1-2 i 7; the title of 4QMMT). Again, the function of episkopos (Gk., "bishop," literally, "overseer") in the Christian community (Titus 1:7) may owe some dependence to the superior of the Qumran community, called mebaqqer, "overseer" (1QS 6:12, 20). Further, the description of Melchizedek and his relation to Jesus the heavenly high priest in Heb. 7:1-3 find an enlightening background in the Melchizedek text (llQMelch). Lastly, whereas the origins of Christian monasticism were formerly traced to the Christian fathers of the Egyptian desert, the DSS, in agreement with Josephus's description of the Essenes, reveal this Jewish sect as an ascetic community, at least partially celibate, living a strict common life of poverty and obedience. In effect, this provides a far more intelligible matrix for early Christian monasticism than the later Egyptian fathers. See also Essenes; Messiah; Mishnah; Qumran, Khirbet; Samaritans; Septuagint; Teacher of Righteousness; Texts, Versions, Manuscripts, Editions. Bibliography Betz, O., and R. Riesner. Jesus, Qumran, and the Vatican: Clarifications. New York: Crossroad, 1994. Fitzmyer, J. A. The Dead Sea Scrolls: Major Publications and Tools for Study. Rev. ed. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1990. An almost complete listing of texts, their conventional abbreviations, and places where they have been published. . Responses to 101 Questions on the Dead Sea Scrolls. New York and Mahwah, NJ: Paulist, 1992. An attempt to answer the questions most commonly asked about the DSS. Vermes, G. The Dead Sea Scrolls in English. 3d ed. New York: Penguin, 1987. The most complete English translation, although it does not contain all published texts. . The Dead Sea Scrolls: Qumran in Perspective. Cleveland, OH: World, 1978. J.A.F.

988

SCULPTURE

SEAL

sculpture, the art of carving or modeling in relief or in the round. The second commandment's prohibition of graven (carved) images (Exod. 20:4) is thought to have inhibited development of this art among the Hebrews. The sculpture known to us from OT Scriptures and from archaeology attests dependence on foreign (especially Phoenician) models and artisans, e.g., the carved cedar beams and panels of Solomon's Temple, with their motifs of palms, pomegranates, and cherubim, and the carved ivory inlays discovered in Samaria (cf. Amos 6:4). While most standing images were understood as idols representing foreign gods (including Aaron's golden calf [Exod. 32] and Jeroboam's calves [1 Kings 12:28-30]), the cherubim in the inner sanctuary of the Temple (1 Kings 6:23-28) were a notable exception. The "sculptured stones" near Gilgal (Judg. 3:19, 26) may represent memorial stones or carved images in an open-air sanctuary (cf. Josh. 2:20). See also Cherub; Idol; Ivory; Temple, The. P.A.B.

seah (see'uh), a unit of dry volume measure of uncertain size, probably about one-third of a bushel. It is translated simply as "measure" in both OT (Gen. 18:6) and NT (Matt. 13:33) texts. See also Weights and Measures.

Scythians (sith'ee-uhnz), a nomadic people from the Caucasus who threatened the Assyrian Empire and later the Persian Empire from the north. In the OT they are called Ashkenaz (Gen. 10:3; 1 Chron. 1:6; Jer. 51:27). The fifth-century B.C. Greek historian Herodotus describes an unsuccessful campaign by the Scythians against Egypt in the course of which they looted a temple of Aphrodite in Ashkelon; on the basis of this account the Scythians have been identified as the unnamed enemy from the north in Jer. 1:14 (cf. Zeph. 1:10), but this seems unlikely. The Scythians' cruelty was proverbial in later antiquity (see 2 Mace. 4:47; 3 Mace. 7:5; 4 Mace. 10:7; and also perhaps Col. 3:11). See also Ashkenaz. M.D.C. Scythopolis (sith-op'uh-lis). See Beth-shan. sea (Heb. yam, a common Semitic root), a term denoting any large body of water, salt or fresh; "the sea" can designate the Mediterranean Sea and also the direction west (directions being reckoned from the standpoint of a person facing east). The bronze sea, sometimes simply "the sea," was a great basin in the forecourt of the Temple (2 Kings 25:13; Jer. 27:19). In the Ugaritic texts from Ras-shamra, Sea is the enemy of Baal Haddu, the storm god. The storm god uses his weapons of wind, lightning, and thunder to beat back Sea; their battles apparently interpret the alternation of fertile seasons in the world. Vestiges of the battle between Sea and Baal can be seen in the Bible, where God often is depicted with traits of the storm god (Isa. 27:1; 51:10; Job 7:12; 26:12; Pss. 74:16-20; 89:9-10; 93:3-4; 114, among other places). The personification of Sea, however, is much weaker in the Bible than in the Ugaritic texts. See also Creation. R.J.C.

seal, a device by means of which ownership of objects or origin of documents could be designated. The term is used in two primary senses in the Bible, with secondary meanings developing from them through the use of metaphor. The primary references are to an object, usually a small, semiprecious stone with writing cut into its surface, that makes an impression on clay or wax; and the second primary sense refers to the impression itself made by the seal. Use and Manufacture: Seals were widely used throughout the ancient Near East from the fourth millennium B.C. through the Roman period because they provided both identification and prestige to the owner. The majority of seals from the OT period identify the owner and often these have a title and an emblem or engraved scene as well. Those persons who possessed seals were usually members of the upper classes and often associated with the workings of government (see below). Their seals performed important functions in their professional activities. Cylinder seals were popular in antiquity though less so among Israelites and early Christians. Such seals could be rolled by hand across wet clay in order to produce an intricate scene once the cylinder had made a complete revolution. Scenes of religious activities and depictions of deities or royalty could be executed easily in this fashion and then made public through the distribution of impressions. The question of a seal's manufacture is an intriguing one, especially because so many of them are quite small (oval in shape, with some less than an inch long) yet possessed of exquisite design. Apparently copper and iron were used for drilling, sometimes with an abrasive glued to the implement. That diamonds were occasionally used is a recent conjecture, but the evidence is not conclusive. Water and olive oil were probable lubricants. The lapidary must have possessed keen hand and eye coordination, artistic talent, and the ability to write in reverse so that the

Seal from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II (605-562 B.C.) portrays a man, a woman, and a snake beneath the tree of life.

989

SEAL

SEA MONSTER

impression made by the seal could be read correctly. Some seals are bored through at one end so that they might be fastened to a cord and worn around the neck (see Gen. 38:18). Others were set in a frame and used for rings or necklaces. There are approximately sixty references to seals and sealing in the Bible. Representative examples of the use of seals are to render something secure against tampering (Jer. 32:10; Matt. 27:66), to demonstrate authority (1 Kings 21:8; John 6:27), to seal a letter (1 Kings 21:81; 1 Cor. 9:2), to seal a covenant (Neh. 9:38), to delegate authority (Esther 8:8; John 6:27), and to seal documents (Isa. 8:16; Jer. 32:10; Rev. 5:1). Archaeological research suggests some additional uses for seals among the Israelites known also among other peoples: as amulets, heirlooms, gifts, deposits in a temple, burial deposits, and as tools used to imprint pottery vessels. As Archaeological Evidence: Seals can be of great benefit to the reconstruction of past history and cultures, as the following illustrations make clear. On numerous occasions Egyptian scarab seals (so named because they resemble the sacred beetle) or cartouches (name-rings used to produce seals) have been found in excavations in Palestine. Not only does this illustrate the cultural influence of Egypt on Palestine during the third and second millennia B.C., but when a seal is found by an archaeologist in a stratified deposit it can be very helpful in dating the stratum. Excavations at Tel Lachish, for example, have uncovered a seal on one of the ancient gate systems bearing the name of Ramses III (ca. 1183-1152 B.C.). The gate is part of a stratum destroyed by fire. The destruction, therefore, is most probably dated to the reign of Ramses III and is taken by some scholars to be evidence of early Israelite incursion as they settled in the promised land (Josh. 10:31-32.). Recently discovered clay bullae (hardened seal impressions) from the postexilic era (i.e., after late sixth century B.C.) in Palestine have shed additional light on an obscure period in biblical history. They have provided names with the title "governor" that supplement the meager evidence of the Bible for reconstructing the succession of leaders for the community. Furthermore, various impressions bear the stamp yehud, "Judah," supporting the conclusion that Judah was administered as a separate province in the Persian Empire. Over a thousand seal impressions on jars have been discovered dating to the late eighth and early seventh centuries B.C. These impressions have in common the inscription "to" or "belonging to the king" (Heb. lmlk); a scarab figure with either two or four wings; and the name of one of four towns in Judah: Hebron, Ziph, Socoh, or an unknown location (Heb. mmsht). Recent investigation has dated these impressions to the reign of Hezekiah (ca. 715-687 B.C.)

and perhaps to his preparations for war with Assyria. The stamped jars were containers for commodities that may have come from taxation and/or royal landholdings. Personal Seals: A number of personal seals have been discovered that may shed light on the structure of Israelite society in the pre-exilic period. They range in date from the ninth to the sixth centuries B.C., with the vast majority coming from the eighth and seventh centuries. Among the titles following the personal name are: "Who is over the house," probably a title synonymous with major-domo or royal steward. The office is known from several references in the OT. "Scribe." A recently discovered impression reads: "Barakiah son of Neriah the Scribe." This name and title should be compared with that of Jeremiah's faithful friend of the same name and title in Jer. 36:32 ("Baruch" and "Barakiah" are the shorter and longer forms respectively of the same name). "Servant of the King." A number of seals have been found with this title. "Son" or "Daughter of the King." Several examples have been discovered belonging to men. Recently one example was found that belonged to a woman; it read: "daughter of the King" (Heb. Mah adanah). A beautiful lyre was engraved on the seal. While the NT uses the terms "seal" and "sealing" in their primary senses (e.g., Rev. 5:1), metaphorical use is made of the terms as well. Paul refers to the circumcision of Abraham as a "seal of the righteousness which he had by faith" (Rom. 4:11). Christians are "sealed with the promised Holy Spirit" (Eph. 1:13). Perhaps most striking of all is the reference in Heb. 1:3 to Christ as the "stamp" of God's nature, where the single Greek word [charaktar) refers to the impression made by a seal. Bibliography Gorelick, L., and E. Williams-Forte. Ancient Seals and the Bible. Malibu, CA: Udena Press, 1983. J.A.D. Seal of Solomon, the, a late medieval and modern form of reference to the five-pointed star or pentagram. It is first found in ancient Palestine on Judean seals. It occurs in a pagan Hellenistic tomb from Marissa and appears in ancient Jewish synagogue art, frequently together with the six-pointed hexagram later known as the "Star of David." Its origins are in pagan art. sea monster (Heb. tannin), a term that can mean simply "serpent" (Exod. 7:9-12; Deut. 32:33; Ps. 91:13) but more commonly a monster of the deep (Gen. 1:21; Ps. 148:7) or even a dangerous sea dragon, one of the foes of God (Jer. 51:34; Isa. 27:1; 51:9; Ps. 74:13; Job 7:12). "Sea monster" can also stand for Egypt, the great foe of God's people (Ezek. 29:3; 32:2).

990

SEA PEOPLES

SECOND COMING OF CHRIST, THE

Sea Peoples, the name given to a group of peoples, apparently from the Greek island of Crete, who began to invade the eastern coastlands of the Mediterranean Sea sometime around the thirteenth century B.C. Their attempt to invade Egypt was repulsed by Ramesses III (ca. 1190 B.C.), a victory he commemorated on a monumental frieze. There the Sea Peoples, called in Egyptian the Perasata (probably the source of the biblical term "Philistines," which designates these people), are depicted as slender warriors wearing tasseled kilts and magnificent helmets. Their subsequent invasion of the plains of Canaan sometime later was more successful, and, since their invasion from the west coincided with the invasion of Canaan by the Israelites from the east, a collision between them was inevitable. That collision, which lasted for many years, is reflected in the conflicts between the Israelites and the Philistines recorded in the books of Judges and 1 and 2 Samuel. See also Amarna, Tell el-; Ashdod; CaphK.H.R. tor; Crete; Gaza; Philistines.

1:9. Kings from Seba were mentioned together with those of Sheba and Tarshish as bringing tribute and gifts (Ps. 72:10) to Israel's king. Their definition as a distant wealthy source of riches seems clear. The precise location is not evident from biblical sources. From the evidence of archaeological work begun in 1762 and continuing to this day, with studies not only of sites, but of inscriptions coming to light in increasing numbers, it is clear that the Sabeans occupied the portion of southwest Arabia that is today the land of Yemen. It was comparatively well watered and fertile but the resources were augmented by extensive irrigation facilities (as at Marib). The Sabeans' location was also fortunate for trade development. They could capitalize on traffic in myrrh and frankincense through the land caravan route running north up the Hijaz, the coastal plain that lies at the eastern shore of the Red Sea. Their extensive trade in gold and precious stones was known to the biblical writers (see also Isa. 60:6; Jer. 6:20; Ezek. 27:22-23, where Sheba occurs as the Hebrew spelling of the South Arabic name Saba). Their territorial controls fluctuated, but included at times the port of Aden where contacts with shipments of goods from India as well as Africa were made. Sabean ships ranged to Africa and India, contributing both to the variety of trade goods and to the wealth of the exchanges flowing into Sabean resources. While Sabean history is only sketchily known, its Semitic inhabitants successfully developed caravan trade by the tenth century B.C. as evidenced by the visit of the queen of Sheba to Solomon (1 Kings 10:1-13; 2 Chron. 9:1-12). Sabean colonization apparently included parts of the adjacent Ethiopian coast. From the ninth to fifth centuries, Sabean kings numbered over twenty, from which archaeological evidence survives in the form of temples, dams, and sluices for irrigation, bronze statues, and inscriptions. Saba weakened thereafter, but its successful defense against Rome's initial efforts to subdue it led to importation of Hellenistic art and pottery soon locally imitated. Abyssinian occupation in the fourth century A.D. was accompanied by conversion of the leaders to Christianity, and subsequent Jewish leadership dominated the territory until the Persian conquest about 575 and its later capture by Islamic forces in 628. See also Sheba; Sheba, Queen of. R.S.B.

season, a period of the year marked off by prevalent climatic conditions. There are only two seasons in Palestine, the dry (AprilSeptember) and the wet (October-March). The amount and duration of rainfall and the temperatures vary from year to year and place to place. Generally as one goes south or east rainfall is lighter and the temperatures are warmer. In Hebrew or Greek no particular word designates season, but several words are used for a specific period of time described by such things as weather: the time of rain (Deut. 11:14), heat of summer (Ps. 32:4); features of the agricultural year: threshing and sowing (Lev. 26:5), blossoming of the fig tree (Matt. 24:32); or annual festivals: the Feast of Unleavened Bread or Passover (Exod. 23:15; Luke 2:41; 22:1). In the Gezer Calendar, a schoolboy's ditty written during the period of the early Israelite monarchy (tenth century B.C.) on a potsherd, the months of the year are described by agricultural activity: "His two months are olive harvest, His two months are planting grain . . . " See also Weather. N.L.L. seat, judgment. See Judgment Seat. Seba, Sabeans (seeTmh, suh-bee'uhnz; KJV: "Saba," "Sabeans"), a place mentioned four times and a people mentioned three times in the biblical text. Job 1:15 identifies the destroyers of his family as Sabeans. Isaiah sees the Sabeans as one of several nations God gave as a ransom for Israel (43:3). They were also a source of wealth (45:14), together with Egypt and Ethiopia. In Joel 3:8 they are described as a "nation far off" in Joel's threat that they will buy Phoenician and Philistine slaves from Judah. Gen. 10:7 catalogs Seba as a son of Cush, together with Havilah, Sabtah, Raamah, and Sabteca, as does 1 Chron.

Sebat (seeTsat). See Shebat. Secacah (si-kaylaih; Heb., "thicket, cover"), a city of Judah (Josh. 15:61), probably modern Khirbet es-Samrah, located three and a third miles southwest of Khirbet Qumran in the Valley of Achor.

Second Coming of Christ, the. See Eschatology; Millennium; Parousia.

991

SECOND DEATH

SEIR

second death, the death of the soul or spirit, the death of the resurrected person, or eternal damnation. In Matt. 10:28 a saying attributed to Jesus alludes to God as one who has the power to destroy both soul and body. A Jewish text written in the second century B.C. describes a chaotic wilderness in which fire blazes brightly. In this place the spirits of the wicked will be killed during the last days (1 Enoch 108:3-4). According to the book of Revelation, all the dead will rise on the day of judgment. Then the wicked will be cast into the lake of fire to suffer their second death (Rev. 20:11-15; 21:8). See also Abyss; Hades; Hell; Punishment, Everlasting. A.Y.C.

12:19-22). 4 The physical (Gen. 12:7; 17:7) and spiritual (Gal. 3:29; Rom. 4:11-12, 16) descendants of Abraham. 5 Jesus Christ as the seed of Abraham (Gal. 3:15-18) and David (2 Tim. 2:8). 6 The divine nature implanted in the believer (1 John 3:9). Jesus used seeds as examples in four of his parables: the seed and weeds (Matt. 13:24-30); the sower, seed, and soils (Matt. 13:3-9); the seed growing secretly (Mark 4:26-29); and the R.H.S. mustard seed (Mark 4:30-32). seer (Heb. hozeh, "visionary"; ro'eh, "seer"), a person who received divine messages in visions or dreams. Visionaries existed in Israel throughout the history of the nation and were found particularly in Judah, where they may have been connected with the royal court (2 Sam. 24:11; Amos 7:12; Mic. 3:7; Isa. 29:10; 30:10; 1 Chron. 21:9; 25:5; 29:29; 2 Chron. 9:29; 12:15; 19:2; 29:25, 30). The title "seer" is given primarily to Samuel (1 Sam. 9:5-21). See also Prophet.

Second Quarter, a part of the city of Jerusalem (2 Kings 22:14). See also College. sect, a sociological category usually referring to a religious group protesting against a parent body. Some characteristics common in sects are voluntary association, exclusiveness toward outsiders, equality of members, a low degree of internal organization and differentiation, total commitment, appropriation of the parent body's ideology and status, and rejection of the parent body as corrupt. Sectarian analysis was developed by the modern German historian Troeltsch in connection with Christian church history. If the category is applied to first-century Judaism with appropriate caution, the Qumran and early Jewish Christian communities may be understood as sects. Pharisees, Sadducees, and Zealots cannot be identified as sects in any proper sense of the term; they were rather "parties" within Judaism. See also Essenes; Pharisees; Sadducees; Zealot. A.J.S.

Segub (see'guhb). 1 The youngest son of a Bethelite named Hiel. He died (possibly as a human sacrifice) when his father rebuilt the Jericho gates (1 Kings 16:34), fulfilling the word of Joshua (Josh. 6:26). 2 The son of Hezron and a daughter of Machir (1 Chron. 2:21, 22).

Seir (see'uhr; Heb. "hairy"). 1 The mountainous region southeast of the land of Canaan inhabited by the Edomites. Also called "Mt. Seir," the region may have encompassed not only the mountains east of the Arabah (the Rift Valley), but those on the west side as well. This is suggested by such passages as Num. 20:16, where Kadesh-barnea (modern Ain el Qudeirat) is said Secundus (si-koon'duhs), a Christian from to be a town on the edge of Edom's territory (cf. Thessalonica who accompanied Paul from Num. 20:23; Deut. 1:44; 33:2; Judg. 5:4). The Macedonia on Paul's last trip to Jerusalem (Acts eastern highlands, built mainly of red Nubian 20:4-5). He probably helped Paul gather money sandstone, rise up to over 5000 feet above sea for his contribution from the Gentile churches to the poor in Jerusalem (see 2 Cor. 8:23). See level and receive enough rainfall for some cultivation and animal husbandry. Perhaps the most also Contribution for the Saints. important physical advantage of Seir in ancient times was its location, positioned to control the security, a term found in the biblical writings trade routes from Arabia and the Red Sea. The primarily in contexts where the people are said two centers of power in the land were Bozrah to be able to dwell in their land "in peace and and Teman, both of which guarded important security." In such instances, security has the caravan routes. connotation of safety, protection from harm or enemies, often with the added idea that God is According to Deut. 2:22, the Horites (Hurriproviding this protection (cf. Judg. 18:7; 2 Kings ans) had inhabited Seir before they were driven 20:19; Ps. 37:3; Jer. 33:6; 1 Thess. 5:3). In two in- out by the Edomites; these Horite clans are enustances, however, security appears to carry difmerated in Gen. 36:20-29. The Edomites, deferent connotations: that of collateral for a loan scendants of Jacob's brother Esau, eventually (Lev. 6:2) or bail for the release of someone from established a kingdom in the region (Gen. prison (Acts 17:9). 36:9-19, 31-43; Josh. 24:4). On Israel's journey from Kadesh-barnea to the Plains of Moab it seed. 1 The productive unit of a plant in con- was denied passage through Seir by the trast to trees, i.e., grain (Gen. 1:11, 12, 29; Deut. Edomites (Num. 20:14-21; Deut. 2:1-8). Subsequently the region continued to play a signifi11:10; 14:22). 2 Human semen (Lev. 15:16-18; cant role in Israel's history (cf. 2 Sam. 8:13-14; 22:4; Heb. 11:11). 3 Human offspring or descendants in general (Gen. 9:9; Lev. 22:4; Mark 2 Kings 14:7, 22). 992

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2 A hill on the northern border of the tribe of Judah, located west of Jerusalem on the western slopes of the Judean highlands, between Kiriath-jearim (modern Deir el Azar) and Chesalon (modern Kesla; Josh. 15:10). Its exact identification is uncertain. See also Edom. D.A.D.

Alexander the Great and until the Roman takeover of the region in the first century B.C. The name originates from Seleucus I Nicator, son of Antiochus, one of the generals of Alexander. In the struggle for power following Alexander's death in 323 B.C., Seleucus was eventually successful in carrying out a series of moves that made him one of the most powerful of the successor kings (Diadochi). The rule of the Seleucid dynasty dates from 312 B.C., when Seleucus and Ptolemy I of Egypt joined to defeat Antigonus of Phrygia at the battle of Gaza, thus regaining for Seleucus the satrapy of Babylonia, earlier lost to Antigonus. At the battle of Ipsus in 301 B.C., Seleucus gained much of Asia Minor and Syria, but Coele-Syria and Palestine, which Seleucus regarded as rightfully his, were appropriated by Ptolemy, his former ally. The struggle for CoeleSyria and Palestine was finally settled in 198 B.C., when Antiochus III ("the Great") defeated the Egyptian general Scopus at the battle of Paneas, and Seleucid rule of Palestine began. Of all the Seleucid rulers, Antiochus IV Epiphanes is most important as far as the biblical literature is concerned. His eleven-year reign was marked by an aggressive attempt to hellenize the Jews, an attempt that led to the Maccabean war and eventually to Jewish independence from Syria. The two books of Maccabees reflect this struggle, detailing the offensive actions of Antiochus, who meddled in the appointment of high priests, forced Greek customs upon the Jews, looted the Temple, defiled the altar, and cruelly persecuted the pious Jews who wished to observe their religious laws and customs (see 1 Mace. 1:10-62; 2 Mace. 4:7-7:42). The book of Daniel also reflects the impact of Antiochus Epiphanes upon the Jews. In chaps. 7-12, Antiochus plays a major role (he is the "little horn" of 7:8, 20-27; 8:9-14, 2 3 - 2 5 and the oppressor of the "saints of the Most High"; the "abomination that makes desolate" of 11:31 is almost certainly a reference to an

Seirah (see'uh-ruh; KJV: "Seirath"), the haven to which Ehud fled (Judg. 3:26). The location is unknown, as is the nature of the place, that is, whether it was a town, region, cave, or some other feature. Sela (seeluh; Heb., "crag"). 1 The fortress city of Edom (2 Kings 14:7) stormed and renamed Sela by King Amaziah of Judah. This Sela is modern Umm el-Bayyarah just above Petra in south Transjordan and excavated by C.-M. Bennett. 2 An Amorite border town (Judg. 1:36) whose location is unknown. An unidentified location mentioned in Isa. 16:1. selah (seeluh), a word of uncertain derivation and unknown origin and meaning found in certain psalms in the OT (e.g., Pss. 3, 4, 52, 88, 143). It appears additionally in Hab. 3:3, 9, 13, verses that are part of a psalm preserved in that prophetic book. There has been much speculation about its meaning—a musical notation, a pause in singing for narration, instructions on dynamics to the choir or to instrumental accompaniment—but there is no agreement among scholars about its function or significance. Absent new evidence, any attempt to define it must remain speculative. Seleucia (si-loo"shuh), the ancient port city of Antioch in Syria (modern Samandag, Turkey), founded by Seleucus I Nicator in 301 B.C., apparently on an older site called Pieria. In the mid-third century B.C., Ptolemy III Euergetes of Egypt took the city ("fortress" in Dan. 11:7), but it was regained by Antiochus III in 219. According to 1 Mace. 11:8, Ptolemy VI Philometor again captured Seleucia for Egypt in his coastal campaign of 146, but the city reverted to Seleucid control in 138. Granted the status of a free city by Pompey in 63 B.C., Seleucia remained such throughout NT times. According to Acts 13:4, Barnabas and Saul (Paul), accompanied by John Mark, sailed from Seleucia to Cyprus at the beginning of their first missionary journey (ca. A.D. 49). Other references to voyages to and from Antioch probably imply embarkation and landing at Seleucia (Acts 14:26; 15:39). Other cities also named Seleucia were in Cilicia, Mesopotamia, and Bashan. See also AntiC.H.M. och; Paul; Ptolemy; Seleucids, The. Seleucids (si-loo 'sidz), the, a dynasty of Hellenistic kings that ruled an area including, at various times, Bactria, Persia, Babylonia, Syria, and southern Asia Minor after the death of

THE SELEUCID DYNASTY Seleucus I Nicator Antiochus I Soter Antiochus II Theos Seleucus II Callinicus Seleucus III Soter (Ceraunus) Antiochus III ("The Great") Seleucus IV Philopator Antiochus IV Epiphanes Antiochus V Eupator Demetrius I Soter Alexander Balas Demetrius II Nicator (Antiochus VI Epiphanes Dionysus Antiochus VII Sidetes (Hereafter, much internal strife and rival claimants.)

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altar to Zeus that Antiochus caused to be erected on the altar of the Jerusalem Temple). The latter years of the dynasty saw much internal strife among princes of the Seleucid house and a conquest of their weakened kingdom by Tigranes of Armenia (83-69 B.C.). Eventually, the Romans put an end to the Seleucid reign when Pompey made Syria a Roman province in 64 B.C. The Seleucids founded Antioch in Syria as their capital, as well as many other cities that were to become centers for the spread of Hellenism (e.g., Antioch of Pisidia, Apamea, Laodicea, Edessa, Beroea, Seleucia, and DuraEuropos). Hellenized Jews lived in these cities, in large part because of the Seleucid practice of rewarding veterans with land in newly colonized areas (Jewish soldiers had fought in the army of Seleucus I, just as other Jews had fought with Ptolemy). Hellenism influenced Judaism in many ways, and this influence can be seen in some of the later OT writings, in the intertestamental literature, and in the NT. The Seleucid dynasty played an important role in developing this influence. See also Alexander; Antiochus; Daniel, The Book of; Maccabees; Maccabees, The First Book of the; Maccabees, The Second Book of the; Ptolemy; Seleucia. F.O.G.

Shem, one of Noah's three sons born after the Flood. In Gen. 10:21-31 there is a description of Shem's descendants according to the names of nations known to the biblical writer(s). The whole of Genesis 10 has been called by scholars the "table of nations," because it presents the then-known world of nations in three categories, each one tracing its lineage back to one of Noah's three sons, Shem, Ham, and Japheth (Gen. 10:1). It must be stressed that this is not an ethnic term and that unanswered questions remain regarding the origins of the Semitic peoples. Older historians somewhat romantically portrayed the Arabian, Sinai, and Syrian deserts as the original homes of the Semites and suggested that repeated waves of these nomads moved from the desert to the more fertile areas. This view is largely rejected today by scholars who find instead a very complex but often supportive relationship between the "nomadic" and the more settled, agrarian societies. Several elements of the oldest civilizations known to have left records of commerce and a spoken language in the Middle East show Semitic influence, and perhaps that is all that can justifiably be said about their origins. Linguists and philologists do use the term "Semitic" with regard to groups of languages. There is some disagreement among them concerning the interrelationships among the various Semitic languages, but there is general agreement among scholars on the following classifications: East Semitic includes various dialects of Assyrian and Babylonian. The term "Akkadian" is sometimes used as a reference to these languages. They are written in cuneiform, a type of writing impressed on wet clay with a wedge-shaped pen. Northwest Semitic includes the various Aramaic and Canaanite dialects. Classical Hebrew, Moabite, and perhaps Ugaritic are some examples of the latter. South Semitic includes Arabic and Ethiopie. The advance of archaeological work in the last two centuries has made available to scholars for the first time a number of texts written in these languages. This situation has allowed the student of comparative Semitics to place the study of classical Hebrew on firmer historical ground as far as its relationship to other ancient Semitic languages is concerned. The development of an alphabetic language and script among ancient Semites was transmitted by the Phoenicians to the Greek Isles, ultimately to influence many of the world's most widely used languages including English. While many details of this transmission remain obscure, the contribution of the alphabet is one of the enduring legacies of Semitic culture. Religion appears in great variety among the Semites as evidenced by surviving texts. Some scholars point to the early narratives in the

self-control, the English translation of a Greek term common in the Greek, especially the later Stoic, philosophical tradition but seldom appearing in the Greek OT (LXX) or the NT, probably because biblical faith sees human beings not as autonomous but as responsible to and directed by the will of God. Felix was alarmed when Paul "argued about justice and selfcontrol and future judgment" (Acts 24:25). Paul knew that it was difficult for Corinthian Christians to exercise self-control in sexual matters (1 Cor. 7:9). He compared himself with an athlete who "exercises self-control in all things" for the Gospel's sake (1 Cor. 9:25). For Paul, selfcontrol was not really a human achievement but was linked with love, joy, peace, etc., as "the fruit of the spirit" (Gal. 5:22-23). 2 Pet. 1:6 links self-control with such characteristics as faith, knowledge, and steadfastness. Again, "God did not give us a spirit of timidity but a spirit of power and love and self-control" (2 Tim. 1:7). A bishop must not be arrogant or quick-tempered or a drunkard but "a lover of goodness, master of himself, upright, holy, and J.F.J. self-controlled" (Titus 1:7-8). Semites (sem'/ts), a term used to describe various peoples of the Fertile Crescent in antiquity (i.e., Arabs, Arameans, Assyrians, Babylonians, Canaanites, Hebrews and Phoenicians). It originated in the eighteenth century A.D. among Western scholars to describe observable tendencies in language and culture within the peoples^ of the region from Persia in the east to Africa in the west. The term itself reflects the name

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book of Genesis concerning Israel's ancestors as one illustration. Yet another example can be found in the texts discovered in Syria at the site called Ras-Shamra (ancient Ugarit). Sacrifice and polytheism are characteristic of Semitic religions; however, such a milieu produced the three great monotheistic religions of the modern era: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Interestingly, the scriptures of each of these religions was written in a Semitic language. While the NT of Christianity was written in ancient Greek, its OT was written in Semitic languages (Hebrew and Aramaic). The term "anti-Semitic" is often used to describe those views prejudicial against Jews or Judaism. While such prejudice is to be deplored, the use of the term anti-Semitic to describe this bigotry is unfortunate because there is nothing about the definition of Semitic that should limit it to Judaism. J.A.D.

the most immediate threat to his rule, so that Sennacherib undertook a two-year campaign (704-702) to restore Assyrian suzerainty over the south. In 701, he turned to the troubled west. Details of this military undertaking are known from two major sources: an Assyrian royal inscription of Sennacherib's "third campaign" and 2 Kings 18:7-8, 13-16; 18:17-19:37, a patchwork of chronistic and prophetic material arranged and edited by the author of the book of Kings. These sources complement each other and are in agreement as to the main outline of the rebellion and its suppression by the superior Assyrian forces. Only the biblical source reports the miraculous salvation of Jerusalem. The following outline is based on a critical reading of both sources and on the assumption that Sennacherib campaigned only once in the west, in 701. King Hezekiah of Judah spearheaded an antiAssyrian coalition of Phoenician, Philistine, and south Syrian states. Though there were several years to prepare for the inevitable Assyrian response—note the drilling of the Siloam tunnel in Jerusalem to supply water to the city in case of siege (2 Kings 20:20; 2 Chron. 32:3-4)— the coalition was no match for Sennacherib. The coastal cities succumbed quickly, so that the full brunt of reprisal was soon directed against Judah. An Egyptian relief force under the command of Tirhakah engaged Sennacherib at Eltekeh in the Judean Shephelah (cf. 2 Kings 18:21; 19:9); but it suffered heavy losses and withdrew. During the attack upon Judah's border fortresses, Sennacherib sent a negotiating team, led by top Assyrian officers—their titles are recorded in 2 Kings 18:17 (Tartan, Rabsaris, Rabshakeh)—to solicit Hezekiah's surrender. The counsel of the prophet Isaiah not to surrender strengthened Hezekiah's determination to hold out (2 Kings 19:5-7; 2-34). But "when all the fortified cities of Judah" had fallen to

Senaah (suh-nay'uh), a city whose people are listed among those returning from exile in Babylon (Ezra 2:35; Neh. 7:38). It may be modern Khirbet 'Auja el-Foqa about three miles north of Jericho. Its location parallels its identification with Magdalsenna (Heb., "Tower of Sena'a"), a fortress that guarded the road from the Jordan valley to Baal-hazor in earlier times. Senate of Israel, the, a body called together by the high priest, along with the Sanhédrin, to assess and judge the apostles in Acts 5:21. "Senate," Greek gerousia, means literally a council of elders and was often the ruling council of a Greek city. In the Greek of Exod. 12:21 it translates the Hebrew "elders of Israel." It is likely that Senate and Sanhédrin are used interchangeably in this verse in Acts. Seneh (see'nuh), the name of one of two rocky crags flanking the pass at Michmash which Jonathan used in approaching the Philistines (1 Sam. 14:4). Identity of the crags remains uncertain, but they are probably to be located in the Wadi es-Suweinit about seven miles northeast of Jerusalem. Senir (see'nuhr), the Amorite name for Mount Hermon, according to an editorial note in Deut. 3:9. In Ezek. 27:5, Senir supplied fir planking and Lebanon a cedar mast for the metaphorical ship, Tyre—here Senir probably designates the entire Anti-Lebanon mountain range. Hermon and Senir appear together, as separate parts of a whole, in Song of Sol. 4:8 and 1 Chron. 5:23. See also Hermon; Lebanon; Tyre.

Sennacherib seated on his throne, receiving bootyfromLachish, which he conquered in 701 B.C.; Nineveh reliefs.

Sennacherib (suh-nak'uh-rib), king of Assyria (705-681 B.C). He assumed the throne of the vast Assyrian Empire convulsed by uprisings on both its southern and western flanks following the death of his father Sargon II. Babylon and its sometime ally Elam were perceived as 995

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Sennacherib, Hezekiah capitulated. He agreed to pay a heavy indemnity of "three hundred talents of silver and thirty talents of gold" (2 Kings 18:14-16), which together with other valuables he sent to Nineveh. Thus, the siege of Jerusalem was lifted and the city spared destruction. The other territories of the kingdom of Judah were ceded to loyal Assyrian subjects, namely, the rulers of Ashdod, Ekron, Gaza, and Ashkelon. Thus Hezekiah resumed his former status as Assyrian vassal. Sennacherib commemorated his victories in Judah with a wall relief in his palace at Nineveh depicting the attack and capture of Lachish. Assyrian historical inscriptions indicate that for most of the next twelve years Babylonian affairs engaged Sennacherib's attention. Other areas of the empire remained pacified; the fear of Assyrian military might sustained a pax Assyria. But at least three campaigns to Babylon were undertaken (700, 694-693, and 691-689). Apparently it was this seemingly intractable situation that led to the unprecedented decision to destroy Babylon and put an end to the problem once and for all. Sennacherib designated his son Esarhaddon as his heir, though he was not in the direct line of succession. Two of his other sons, Adrammelech and Sarezer, murdered their father and led an unsuccessful rebellion against Esarhaddon (2 Kings 19:37). See also Assyria, Empire of; M.C. Hezekiah.

(152-37 B.C.), the town probably became the administrative center for the Galilee area. Sepphoris submitted to Herod the Great, but, after his death in 4 B.C., it was sacked by Varus. While tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, Herod Antipas rebuilt the city and resided there prior to making the city of Tiberias his capital. After the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70, Sepphoris was the seat of the Sanhédrin until it moved to Tiberias. There is no reference to Sepphoris in the Bible, but the inhabitants of nearby Nazareth most certainly would have been acquainted with it. It was probably during the second century A.D., under Hadrian's reign, that the city's name was changed to Diocaesarea, meaning "City of Zeus and the Emperor"; it was still referred to by this name in the fourth century. M.K.M.

S e p h a r (see'fuhr), one of the limits of the territory inhabited by the family of Joktan (Gen. 10:30). It may be either a region, a boundary, or a town. The identity remains uncertain, although most suggestions place it somewhere in southern Arabia. S e p h a r a d (sef 'uh-rad), the residence of some exiles from Jerusalem mentioned in Obadiah 20. It is identified with Sardis (modern Sart) in east central Turkey, the capital city of the ancient Lydian Empire. Its standing as a major commercial center is reflected in the archaeological materials uncovered at the site, including a large Jewish synagogue from the later stages of settlement. S e p h a r v a i m (sef'uhr-vay'im), a city from which the Assyrian government drew settlers to place on Israelite territory after Israel's fall to Assyria in 721 B.C. (2 Kings 17:24, 31). Later references to the city of the same name (2 Kings 18:34; 19:33), whose kings and gods are impotent, may refer to the identical location, but that remains uncertain. Isa. 36:19 and 37:13 contain the same name but do not clarify the identification. Sepphoris (sef'uh-ris), a Jewish town in Lower Galilee, about three miles northwest of Nazareth. During the Hasmonean period

Septuagint (sep'too-uh-jint), the Greek translation of the Hebrew OT that began in the third century B.C. in Alexandria, Egypt. The name Septuagint comes from the Greek word for "seventy" (hence the symbol LXX, 70 in Roman numerals) and refers to the seventy-two Jewish translators brought to Egypt by Ptolemy II Philadelphus (285-246 B.C.) to translate the Pentateuch, according to the legendary account in the Letter of Aristeas. The translations of the books of the OT differ in style, accuracy, and substance, indicating that there was no single original translation into Greek. Manuscripts found at Qumran among the Dead Sea Scrolls and other early manuscripts and quotations from the Septuagint in ancient writings all indicate that revisions were constantly being made to the Septuagint. In addition, Hebrew manuscripts found at Qumran differ from the standard Hebrew text (the Masoretic Text) but agree with some of the Greek renderings in the Septuagint. Thus the Septuagint often witnesses to a Hebrew manuscript tradition different from and earlier than the Masoretic Text and so is valuable in solving textual difficulties. The Septuagint sometimes has a different order within books and a shorter or longer version of a book. For example, Jeremiah is one-eighth shorter in Greek and may derive from a Hebrew version earlier than the one presently in the Hebrew Bible; the order of the materials in Psalms and Proverbs differs from the Hebrew texts; and Joshua has many additions, omissions, and changes. Finally, several later Greek translations were made (Aquila, Theodotion, Lucian) and parts of these have found their way into the Septuagint. See also Masorah; Scrolls, The Dead Sea. A.J.S. Sepulchre, Church of the Holy, church located in Jerusalem dating from Byzantine times (after sixth century A.D.) and thought to contain the location of Jesus' tomb. The present edifice is based on the church built by the Crusaders (A.D. 1149). It is controlled by six groups, Latin Catholics, Greek Orthodox, Armenians,

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SERABIT EL-KHADEM Parts of it are hidden in and under neighboring buildings. See also Cross; Via Dolorosa. P.P.

View toward the apse in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem.

Syrians, Copts, and Ethiopians, and contains twenty-two chapels. In the first century A.D. this location lay outside the walls of Jerusalem in an unused quarry. Tombs of the first century have been found elsewhere in the area cut into the vertical surfaces left by the quarrying operations. Thus, the site fits the description of the place of crucifixion as "place of the skull" with nearby graves (John 19:17). Some scholars think that until A.D. 66, the outbreak of the revolt against Rome, the Jewish Christian community in Jerusalem assembled at the tomb for prayer. The Roman emperor Hadrian later filled in the area and constructed a temple to Aphrodite (A.D. 135). Some tradition may have led Constantine to choose this site for a church of the Holy Sepulchre (dedicated in A.D. 335). The caliph Hakim systematically destroyed the Byzantine structure in A.D. 1009. The present tomb monument only dates from the nineteenth century. A small section of the base of the original fourth-century tomb can be seen in the base of the Coptic shrine. Through a hole in the wall of the Syrian chapel one can see remains of a Jewish tomb, burial shafts, and ossuary pits from the first century. Part of this formation had been cut away by Constantine's builders. The fourth-century church was bigger than the present structure.

Serabit el-Khadem (suh-rab'it alkah'duhm; Arabic, meaning uncertain), a sandstone plateau about 2,600 feet above sea level in the mountainous region of southwest Sinai. The Egyptians came to Serabit elKhadem and the nearby Wadi Magharah to mine turquoise. This blue or greenish-blue semiprecious stone, called mefkat in Egyptian, occurs in a single stratum of rock running through the region and was easily mined by cutting shafts and galleries down from the top of the plateau or along the sides of the surrounding wadis (dry stream beds that flow only during the rainy season). Turquoise was frequently used by the ancient Egyptians for jewelry, amulets, and inlays. The mining expeditions sent to Serabit elKhadem left many inscriptions, which allow scholars to trace the history of Egyptian activity in this area. Some texts were carved on stelae and other objects, some were incised in the mine faces, and still others were carved in the rock on the hillsides. The earliest inscriptions are in the Wadi Magharah and belong to several kings of the third dynasty (ca. 2686-2613 B.C.). Egyptian expeditions worked in this wadi until the early part of the eighteenth dynasty (ca. 1490 B.C.). Beginning in the late twentieth century B.C., Egyptian expeditions also started mining at Serabit el-Khadem, and activity continued here until the reign of Rameses VI (1141-1134 B.C.) in the late twentieth dynasty, when the Egyptians ceased operations at the turquoise mines. The Egyptians built a temple at Serabit elKhadem to the goddess Hathor, "Mistress of Turquoise." Many of the Egyptian inscriptions were found in and around this sanctuary. A number of short inscriptions written in a Semitic language known as "Proto-Sinaitic" were found in the temple area and some of the nearby mines. These texts may date to the sixteenth and fifteenth centuries B.C. They are important because they were written in a linear alphabetic

SERAH

S E R M O N O N THE MOUNT, THE same name (namely, 1 Chron. 4:13-14; 4:35; 6:14 [possibly to be identified with Seraiah no. 2]; Ezra 2:2; 7:1; Neh. 10:2; and Neh. 11:11; 12:1, 12). W.S.T.

Egyptian temple of the goddess Hathor at Serabit el-Khadem, fourteenth century B.C.

script containing about thirty different signs. This is the earliest alphabet ever found. It provides a crucial link between the Egyptian pictorial script and the Phoenician alphabet, from which the Greek and ultimately our own alphabet are derived. See also Writing. J.M.W. Serah (sihr'uh), a daughter (or perhaps a family or clan) of the Hebrew tribe of Asher (Gen. 46:17) who reportedly moved to Egypt. She is subsequently included in the census (Num. 26:46 [KJV: "Sarah" ]; 1 Chron. 7:30) of settlers in Palestine. This prominence spawned heroine status in later nonbiblical stories. Seraiah (si-ray'yuh; Heb., probably "Yah [weh] persists"), the name of as many as twelve men in the OT. 1 David's scribe (2 Sam. 8:17). The attestation is, however, unreliable, for the same man's name is given in 20:25 as Sheva, in 1 Chron. 18:16 as Shavsha, and in 1 Kings 4:3 as Shisha. 2 The chief priest who had the misfortune of witnessing the burning of the first Temple in Jerusalem in 587 B.C. before he was personally executed by Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kings 25:18-21; Jer. 52:24-27). 3 The son of Tankhumeth who survived the same crisis, however, and brought his militia to swear allegiance to Gedaliah, the Judean governor installed by the Babylonians (2 Kings 25:23; Jer. 40:8). 4 The "quartermaster" who accompanied the defeated Judean king Zedekiah to Babylon, bearing with him the prophet Jeremiah's written curse against that enemy kingdom (Jer. 51:59-64). 5 The son of Azriel, whom King Jehoiakim had earlier sent to arrest Jeremiah and his scribe, Baruch (Jer. 36:26). Without giving us biographical details, the postexilic historian simply mentions another seven men by the

s e r a p h i m (ser'uh-fim), fiery beings of supernatural origin. Seraphim appear in Isaiah's vision of God where they are attendants or guardians before the divine throne, analogous to the cherubim (Isa. 6:1-7). They praise God, calling "Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of Hosts," and one touches Isaiah's lips with a hot coal from the altar, cleansing him from sin. Seraphim have six wings. Two cover their faces, two cover their feet (a euphemism for genitals), and they fly with the remaining two. The etymology of the Hebrew word seraphim (singular: saraph) suggests a translation of "fiery ones" and probably stems from the fiery imagery often associated with the Presence of God (cf. Ezek. 1:27). "Flying saraphs" (RSV: "serpent") appear in Isa. 14:29 and 30:6 together with "adders" and "vipers." These examples call to mind the use of saraph to describe the "fiery serpents" that afflicted Israel in the wilderness (Num. 21:6-9; Deut. 8:15). This suggests a serpentine form for the seraphim. If this association is correct, seraphim serve not only as guardians of the divine throne, but also as emissaries of divine judgment. See also Cherub. M.A.S. S e r a p i s (si-rah'pis), the deity of a cult established by Ptolemy I (d. 383/2 B.C.) to serve as a focal point for the Greek population in Egypt. The god was derived from Osor-Hapi, the deified Apis bull, and Osiris, the god of the underworld and consort of the goddess Isis. The cult mixed Egyptian and Greek features and was centered in Alexandria. The temple, called a Serapeum, contained a great cult statue with a gold head and jeweled eyes. Artistic representations of Serapis often present him with a head like Zeus. He is represented as ruler of the fertile earth and was thought, like Isis, to overrule fate. He was also a healing god known for curing blindness. As one of the many deities worshiped in the Roman Empire, Serapis would have stood under the ban of "idolatry" which Paul denounced (Rom. 1:22-23; 1 Cor. 8, 10). P.P. sergeants. See Police. Sergius Paulus (suhr'jee-uhs pawluhs), proconsul of Cyprus. He is mentioned in Acts 13:7. See also Paulus, Sergius. Sermon on the Mount, the, the first of five discourses of Jesus which are found only in Matthew's Gospel (chaps. 5-7, 10, 13, 18, 24-25). It is a compilation of sayings of Jesus, drawn, according to the Two-Source Hypothesis, mainly from Q but also from a source pecu-

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liar to Matthew (M). It has as its counterpart in Luke the Sermon on the Plain (Luke 6:20-49). The Sermon on the Mount may be outlined as follows: 5:1-2 5:3-12 5:13-16 5:17-20 5:21-48

The setting The Beatitudes The new community The abiding validity of the law On practicing righteousness toward others in matters of: Murder (5:21-26) Adultery (5:27-30) Divorce (5:31-32) Oaths (5:33-37) Retribution (5:38-42) Love of enemy (5:43—48) 6:1-7:12 On practicing righteousness toward God: Almsgiving (6:1-4) Prayer (6:5-15) Fasting (6:16-18) On not laying up false treasure (6:19-24) On not being anxious (6:25-34) On not judging (7:1-5) On not squandering what is precious (7:6) On resting assured that God hears prayer (7:7-12) 7:13-2 7 Concluding warnings and exhortations Jesus delivers this discourse as the Son of God (3:16-17) whose authority is greater than that of the scribes (7:28-29) or even Moses (5:21-48). It is the example par excellence of his teaching (4:23; 5:2; 7:28-29; 9:35; 11:1). The setting is an unnamed mountain in Galilee, and the audience is the crowds and the disciples (5:1-2; 7:28-29). The Beatitudes ("blessings"; 5:3-12) describe the reversal of conditions that will take place in the future when the end-time Rule of God becomes a consummated reality. Because God's end-time Rule is already a present, though hidden, reality in Jesus, the Beatitudes are pronouncements that bespeak the inestimable joy that attends the certainty that the events prophesied are in the process of coming to pass. The persons whom the Beatitudes envisage form the new community of Jesus' disciples, which is the "salt of the earth" and the "light of the world" (5:13-16). Through the lives they lead, disciples summon others to glorify God, that is, to live in the sphere of his end-time Rule by becoming disciples of Jesus. Jesus teaches that the law has abiding validity and that what distinguishes the lives of the disciples is the greater righteousness (5:17-20). The greater righteousness, in turn, has a double focus: it involves behavior toward others (5:21-48) and toward God (6:1-7:12). The essential mark of all such behavior is love (5:44-45; 7:12). In fact, for disciples to love as God loves is for them to be perfect (5:48), that is,

to be wholehearted in doing God's will as interpreted by Jesus (7:21). Wise disciples are those who both hear and do what Jesus has taught (7:24-27). See also Beatitudes; Kingdom of God; Law; Love; M; Matthew, The Gospel According to; Q; Torah. J.D.K. serpent, a reptile, in the Bible another term for snake. In the ancient world, there was general respect for, revulsion at, and fear of serpents, most being assumed to be poisonous and therefore dangerous. The serpent thus came to be understood symbolically with both positive and negative connotations. In some ancient cultures, the serpent was associated with deity and was depicted in statues and paintings with various gods and goddesses. Serpents also played various roles in ancient mythological stories (e.g., the Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic). Some even linked the serpent with the process of healing, as in the case of the Greek god Asclepius. In Canaanite religion, which the early Hebrew people encountered upon their arrival in the area, the serpent was associated with the fertility worship of Baal, his consort Astarte (also known as Anath or Asherah) being depicted with a serpent. Against this general background, one is not surprised to find many references to serpents in the biblical writings. In the OT literature, serpents usually have a negative connotation. The older story of creation (Gen. 2:4-3:24), which explains the sinfulness of the human race, has as its villain the serpent (note, however, that not

Aaron turning his staff into a serpent in an attempt to persuade Pharaoh to let the Israelites go (cf. Exod. 7:10); from the Alba Bible.

999

em f moy&tt j«mk fi^lt man** jp-*tr nl

SERPENT'S STONE

SERVANT

until much later is the serpent in this story identified with Satan or the devil). In ancient mythology, particularly in Mesopotamia, the great sea serpent was another symbol for evil and chaos, the great enemy of order and the gods. In the OT, references to Leviathan and Rahab (e.g., Isa. 27:1; 51:9b-10a; Pss. 74:14; 104:26; Job 26:12) are vestiges of this idea, and these creatures were understood to be the enemy of God and God's people. In the NT writings, the same negative attitude toward serpents is evident. The religious leaders were called "a brood of vipers" by John the Baptizer (Matt. 3:7) and by Jesus (Matt. 23:33). In Luke 3:7, even the people in general are so labeled by John. In a few instances in the Bible, there are references to positive qualities associated with serpents, however. The attribute seen as most desirable was that of "cunning" (Gen. 3:1; Matt. 10:16). There is also the story of the bronze serpent that Moses made in the wilderness and that was believed to have healing properties (Num. 21:4-9; cf. John 3:14-15; note, however, that Moses made the serpent only after an attack upon the people by deadly serpents). A story regarding Paul's harmless encounter with a poisonous serpent is reported in Acts 28:1-6. There are several passages in the Bible where the ultimate victory of God and God's people over the evil of this age is depicted using serpent imagery (e.g., Luke 10:19; Rev. 20:2-10). One must remember, however, that such materials are symbolic and metaphorical, and not to be taken literally as some have done. See also Asp; Dragon; Leviathan; Nehushtan; Rahab; Viper. J.M.E.

less, the servant-slave does share in Israel's cultic life in terms of circumcision (Gen. 17:12), the Sabbath (Exod. 20:10), sacrifice (Deut. 12:18), and the Passover (Exod. 12:44). In this way Israel recalled her own history of bondage (Exod. 20:2). "Servant" is also used as a term of humble self-designation (2 Kings 8:13) and as a way of expressing political submission (Josh. 9:11). Even the soldiers of the king's army referred to themselves as his servants (2 Sam. 11:24). It was against this background that a religious sense of the term developed that was applied to several categories of people. The OT calls the righteous person (Ps. 119) and the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (Exod. 32:13) servants of the Lord. Likewise it applies the term to other important figures such as Moses (Deut. 34:5), Joshua (Judg. 2:8), Samuel (1 Sam. 3:9), David (2 Sam. 7:5), Solomon (1 Kings 3:7), and Job (Job 1:8). In addition, the term becomes a way of identifying the prophets Abijah (1 Kings 14:18), Elijah (2 Kings 9:36) and Jonah ben Amittai (2 Kings 14:25), so that the phrase "my [thy, his] servants the prophets" becomes a frequent formula (2 Kings 17:13, 23). The most striking usage, however, occurs in the four servant songs found in the latter half of Isaiah. These are usually identified as Isa. 4 2 : 1 - 4 ; 49:1-6; 50:4-9; and 52:13-53:12. The last is the longest and the most puzzling of the poems; it speaks of redemption through suffering. While Christians have seen a prophecy of the suffering Messiah in it, many Jewish scholars identify the servant with Israel, especially the ideal Israel whose mission it is to redeem the nations. Others have identified the servant with some historical figure, either a king such as Hezekiah or a prophet such as Isaiah or Jeremiah. Whoever the servant represents, the figure portrayed in these songs brings the religious aspect of servant in the OT to a climax. In the NT: In the NT servants frequently appear in the Gospels, especially in the parables (Matt. 18:23-35; 21:33-44). For Jesus the concept becomes a way of expressing humankind's relationship to God. God is the Lord to whom the believer owes unreserved service. "No one can serve two masters" (Matt. 6:24). Nor is a servant above the master (Matt. 10:24). Rather, the faithful servant does the master's will (Matt. 24:45—46) and realizes that in the presence of God even the best disciple is only an unprofitable servant (Luke 17:10). Jesus presents himself as a servant when he washes his disciples' feet at the Last Supper (John 13:1-20). He tells his disciples that he came "not to be served but to serve" (Mark 10:45), and Matthew (12:18-21) quotes from the first servant song (Isa. 42:1-4) to describe Jesus. Likewise, Paul, quoting from an early Christian hymn, says that although Jesus was in the form of God, he "emptied himself, taking the form of a servant" (Phil. 2:7). On the basis of his own ex-

Serpent's Stone (KJV: "Zoheleth"), the place where Adonijah celebrated his self-established coronation in David's old age (1 Kings 1:9). It was reportedly near En-rogel, a spring south of the Old City (Ophel) of Jerusalem. Serug (sihr'uhg), the son of Reu; he was a descendant of Shem and ancestor of Abraham (Gen. 11:20-23) and he is in the ancestry of Jesus through Joseph (Luke 3:35). servant, a term in the English Bible often meaning slave as well as a hired attendant, since the English translates several Greek and Hebrew words that range in meaning from a hired servant to a slave bought or taken in war. In the OT "servant" is a frequent translation of the Hebrew ebed, the literal meaning of which is "slave." In the NT it translates the Greek doulos, which also has the literal meaning "slave." The English reader, therefore, must bear in mind that the notion of slave often lies behind the translation "servant." In the OT: The chief characteristic of the servant, understood as slave, is that the servant belongs to another and so has no legal rights. Nonethe-

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ample, then, Jesus encourages his disciples to be servants to each other (Mark 10:44; John 13:14). Obedient to this exhortation, Christians refer to themselves as "servants of God" (1 Pet. 2:16) and "servants of Christ" (1 Cor. 7:22; Eph. 6:6). The latter, however, is the most frequent. Paul describes himself as a "servant of Jesus Christ" (Rom. 1:1; Gal. 1:10; Phil. 1:1), as do the authors of James (1:1), 2 Peter (1:1), and Jude (1). Service to God and Jesus Christ, however, implies a change of allegiance from one lord to another. Paul makes this clear when he writes that Christians were once enslaved to other masters such as sin (Rom. 6:16-19) and the elemental spirits of the universe (Gal. 4:3). But with the coming of Christ this servitude is ended (Gal. 4:4-7). A similar idea is expressed in John when Jesus says "everyone who commits sin is a slave to sin" (8:34). In this regard, the NT is dramatically different from its milieu. For the Greek the highest ideal was self-determination expressed in freedom. Thus the Greek looked upon the slave as an inferior kind of person. It would have been contradictory to the Greek ideal to speak of becoming a servant to another, even to God. Christianity stood this ideal upon its head, but did not challenge the institution of slavery as such. Paul encourages slaves to be obedient (Eph. 6:5; Col. 3:22) and he sends the runaway slave Onesimus back to his master (Philem.). Nonetheless the NT undermines the institution of slavery inasmuch as it proclaims a radical equality in Christ (1 Cor. 7:21-22; Gal. 3:28; Col. 3:11). See also Isaiah, The Book of; Jesus Christ; Prophet. Bibliography Cullmann, Oscar. The Christology of the New Testament. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1963. Mowinckel, Sigmund. He That Cometh. New York: Abingdon, 1954. de Vaux, Roland. Ancient Israel. Vol. 1. New F.J.M. York: McGraw-Hill, 1965.

Priestly genealogy of 5:3 makes Seth Adam's firstborn). Seth's birth in 4:25 seems intended to contrast with the debauched and violent line of Cain. When Seth was born, the Hebrew text notes, "then began [the custom of] calling on Yahweh's name" (4:26). See also Sources of the Pentateuch.

service, in the Bible, normally something to be done by a slave, i.e., servile work. Servile work was servile because slave and nonslave belonged to two different species, so to speak, just as humans differ from God. Service referred to tasks performed by lesser persons for those who controlled their existence. Relative to God service looked to Temple worship and its rituals (e.g., Exod. 31:10; 35:19; Esd. 6:18; Luke 1:23), while relative to humans it pertained to forms of bondage (e.g., Gen. 30:26; Exod. 1:14). It is noteworthy that for Paul, the slave service a person owed God in temple worship is now to be displayed in the Christian's service to neighbor, which is service to Christ (Rom. 1 2 : 1 - 2 ; 14:17-18; Gal. 5:13; see also 1 Cor. 9:19; 2 Cor. 4:5). B.J.M. Seth (seth), the third son of Adam, according to the Yahwist's genealogy in Gen. 4:25 (the

seven, seventy. See Numbers. Seveneh (suh-ven'uh), an alternate reading for Syene, a city on the southern border of Egypt, toward Ethiopia (Ezek. 29:10; 30:6). See also Syene. seven w o r d s from the cross, the seven sentences spoken by Jesus from the cross in the passion stories. Mark 15:34 and Matt. 27:46 have the Hebrew/Aramaic phrase "Eli, Eli, lema sabachthani," alluding to Ps. 22. Lucan themes of forgiveness and repentance appear as Jesus forgives his enemies (Luke 23:34; "Father, forgive them; for they know not what they do") and promises salvation to the repentant criminal (23:43; "Truly, I say to you, today you will be with me in Paradise"). In John 19:26-27 Jesus entrusts his mother to the beloved disciple. John 19:28, "I thirst," fulfills Ps. 69:21. Luke 23:46 ("Father, into thy hands I commit my spirit!") and John 19:30 ("It is finished") indicate the completion of Jesus' mission as he entrusts himself to God. See also Eli, Eli, Lema Sabachthani; Vinegar. S h a a l b i m (shay-alTum; Heb., "place of foxes"), an Amorite city dominated by Dan (Josh. 19:42 [Shaalabin]; Judg. 1:35) and in the jurisdiction of Ben-deker, one of twelve administrative officers under Solomon's administration (1 Kings 4:9). The site is probably modern Selbit, three miles northwest of Aijalon and about five miles northeast of Gezer. S h a a l i m (shay'uh-lim; KJV: "Shalim"), an area scouted by Saul while he hunted the lost asses of his father, Kish (1 Sam. 9:4). The precise location is unknown, but it was likely in Benjaminite territory. S h a a r a i m (shay'uh-ray'im; Heb., "double gate"). 1 A town of Judah in the Shephelah (Josh. 15:36 [KJV: "Sharaim"]; it was somewhere near Azekah in or near the Wadi es-Sant (1 Sam. 17:52). 2 The Simeonite city of 1 Chron. 4:31. It may be the Sharuhen (modern Tell Fa'ra) of Josh. 19:6. Shaashgaz (shay-ash'gaz), the royal eunuch in charge of concubines at the second harem of King Ahasuerus (Esther 2:14). Shabbethai (shab'uh-thi). 1 A Levite opposed to Ezra's reform policy of separating from foreign wives (Ezra 10:15). 2 A Levite who helped explain the law (Neh. 8:7). 3 A Levite who

1001

SHADDAI

SHALMANESER

Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego in the "burningfieryfurnace" of Nebuchadnezzar; third-century A.D. fresco from the catacombs of Saint Priscilla, Rome.

conducted external business in the Temple of Jerusalem (Neh. 11:16). All three definitions may refer to the same person, or 2 and 3 may be identical. The name also appears in 1 Esd. 9:14, 48. Shaddai (shad'i). See El Shaddai. S h a d r a c h (shad'rak), the Babylonian name given to Hananiah, one of Daniel's three companions (Dan. 1:7), subsequently thrown into the fiery furnace. The etymology is uncertain. It has been taken as a deliberate pejorative variation of Marduk, god of Babylon. See also Abednego; Daniel; Meshach. S h a h a r a i m (shay'-huh-ray'im), a descendant of Benjamin (1 Chron. 8:8). He banished two of his three wives, although the reason for that action is not mentioned. Shalem (shayluhm; Heb., "peace"), a town near Shechem (KJV, Gen. 33:18). The RSV on the other hand translates the word not as a place name but as an adverb, to describe Jacob's arrival at Shechem—"safely," in other words, "in peace." S h a l i s h a (shuh-li'shuh), one of the regions scouted by Saul while searching for his father's lost asses (1 Sam. 9:4). It was probably located in the region of the tribal lands of Ephraim or Benjamin. S h a l l u m (shal'uhm). 1 The son of Jabesh, who made himself king of Israel by assassinating Zechariah, son of Jeroboam II, and so ending the dynasty of Jehu. He was himself assassinated a month later (2 Kings 15:10-15). 2 The husband of the prophetess Huldah (2 Kings 22:14; 2 Chron. 34:22). 3 Jehoahaz, the fourth son of King Josiah (1 Chron. 3:15). He was proclaimed king of Judah after his father had been killed by Necho of Egypt. Three months later Necho made Eliakim (= Jehoiackim) king, deporting

Shallum to Egypt, where he died (2 Kings 23:30-34), as announced in Jer. 22:10-12. 4 The father of Hanameel, a relative from whom Jeremiah bought family land (Jer. 32:6-10). 5 The father of Maaseiah, a Temple official (Jer. 35:4). 6 The chief gatekeeper in the Lévites' area of the Temple (1 Chron. 9:17-18), whose descendants were also gatekeepers (Ezra. 2:42; Neh. 7:45; 1 Esd. 5:28). He was one of those who divorced foreigners they had married (Ezra 10:24; 1 Esd. 9:25). He may be the same person as the Korahite official (1 Chron. 9:19), the father of Mattithiah (1 Chron. 9:31). 7 Another who divorced a foreign wife (Ezra 10:42). 8 A levitical priest (1 Chron. 6:1-15), ancestor of Ezra (Ezra 7:1-2; 1 Esd. 8:1; 2 Esd. 1:1). 9 The son of Hallohesh, governor of half of the district of Jerusalem. With his daughters he rebuilt part of the city wall (Neh. 3:12). 10 A Judahite of the Jerahmeel branch (1 Chron. 2:40-41). 1 1 A Simeonite (1 Chron. 4:25). 1 2 A son of Naphtali (1 Chron. 7:13). 13 The father of an Ephraimite leader (2 Chron. 28:12). S.B.P. S h a l m a i (snal'mi), a family of Temple servants resettled in Jerusalem after the Exile (Neh. 7:48). In Ezra 2:46 it is the term used by the KJV for the RSV's "Shamlai," probably designating the same people; see also 1 Esd. 5:30. S h a l m a n (shal'muhn), perhaps an abbreviation for Assyria's king Shalmaneser (IV or V). It may, on the other hand, refer to the Moabite monarch Shalmanu whose invasion of Gilead (late eighth century B.C.) would have been news close at hand for those whom the prophet Hosea addressed (Hos. 10:14). Shalmaneser (shal'muh-nee'zuhr), the name of two Assyrian kings important for the history of ancient Israel. 1 Shalmaneser III, the son of Ashurnasirpal II and king of Assyria (858-824 B.C.). Though not mentioned in the Bible, two contacts with kings of Israel are recorded in his royal inscriptions. In 853, Shalmaneser's advance into north Syria was halted at Qarqar on the Orontes River by a coalition of twelve Phoenician and Syrian states, among them "Ahab of Israel," who had sent a contingent of "2,000 chariots and 10,000 foot-soldiers" (although some scholars question the reliability of these figures). In 841, following Shalmaneser's defeat of Hazael of Damascus, King Jehu, who had seized the throne in Samaria in a bloody coup the year before (2 Kings 9-10), acknowledged Assyrian hegemony and rendered tribute. A relief on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser memorializes this act of submission. 2 Shalmaneser V, the son of Tiglath-pileser III, king of Assyria (727-722 B.C.). Though no contemporary royal inscriptions are extant, a picture of his short five-year reign is reconstructable on the basis of 2 Kings 17:1-6 and some passages in the writings of the

1002

SHAMMA

SHALOM

The Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (left), armed with a bow and arrows and accompanied by an attendant and a soldier, receives Sua, the Gilzanite; from the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser, ninth century B.C. first-century historian losephus (Antiquities 9.283-87). Shalmaneser undertook two military campaigns to the Mediterranean coast, the area that had been under his governance while he was crown prince. In 726, Hosea of Israel recognized him as overlord and rendered tribute (2 Kings 17:3). Shortly thereafter, a rebellion against Assyria, with the backing of a Delta chieftain of Egypt, broke out in Phoenicia and Israel; this prompted the second appearance of Shalmaneser in the West. Hosea was imprisoned in 724, in his ninth and last year as king (for this calculation, cf. 2 Kings 17:5; 18:9-10). Shalmaneser laid siege to Samaria, then ruled by army officers and/or city elders; the city held out for two years, until the autumn of 722. Samaria fell to Shalmaneser (2 Kings 17:6a); this event is recorded in the Babylonian Chronicle (col. 1, line 28): "He destroyed the city of Samaria." Because of Shalmaneser's death, the fate of Samaria was left undetermined; the usual punishments meted out to defeated cities were postponed. The "King of Assyria" who exiled Israelites from Samaria (2 Kings 17:6b) was Sargon II, who reconquered the city in 720 B.C. See also Assyria, Empire of. M.C. shalom (shah-lohm'), Hebrew spelling of the general Semitic term for "peace, wholeness, well-being." It describes the ideal human state, both individual and communal, the ultimate gift from God. As with Arabic Salaam, it has become part of personal salutations both on meeting and departing. See also Peace.

terms. Most frequently, it denotes the guilt a person feels or should feel for having sinned against God (e.g., Jer. 2:26), but it can also connote the disgrace one finds in failure, either by actively having done something wrong or by having failed to do something right (e.g., Prov. 14:34). While the OT writers did not really have an idea of "conscience," they did believe that there should be a natural sense of disgrace and unworthiness when one sins against God or one's companions. It was considered appalling when people no longer had any sense of shame (cf. Jer. 6:15; also Job 19:3). In the NT, it is possible to be ashamed (or not ashamed) of Christ and his gospel (e.g., Mark 8:38; Rom. 1:16; cf. Heb. 2:11; 11:16). See also Conscience; Guilt; Repentance; Sin. J.M.E. Shamed (shay'mid). See Shemed. S h a m g a r (sham'gahr), a mighty warrior in Israel in the premonarchical period. He was famed for killing a total of six hundred Philistines with an oxgoad (Judg. 3:31). Bearing a non-Semitic name he is identified as the "Anathite" (lit. "a son of [the goddess] Anath"). He was probably a mercenary who changed sides in the era of Deborah, collaborating with Jael (Judg. 5:6-7) in disruption of caravan trade, to Israel's great advantage.

Shama (shay'muh), the son of Hotham, and one of David's mighty men (1 Chron. 11:44).

S h a m i r (shay'muhr; Heb., "thorn"). 1 A Levite, the son of Micah (1 Chron. 24:24). 2 The home town of Tola, one of the minor judges (Judg. 10:1-2). 3 A hill country village assigned to the territory of the tribe of Judah (Josh. 15:48), probably modern el-Bireh about twelve miles southwest of Hebron.

shame, a concept that is expressed in the biblical writings by a variety of Hebrew and Greek

S h a m m a (sham'uh), the name of a family of the tribe of Asher (1 Chron. 7:37).

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SHARON, THE PLAIN OF

S h a m m a h (sham'uh), a Hebrew proper noun. 1 The son of Reuel who was born to Esau and Basemath. Along with his brothers Nahath, Zerah, and Mizzah, Shammah was a chief of Reuel in the land of Edom (Gen. 36:13, 17; see also Isaac's genealogy in 1 Chron. 1:37). 2 The third of Jesse's eight sons who passed before Samuel in order to determine who was the Lord's anointed (1 Sam. 16:6-10). He was one of the three eldest sons who followed Saul into battle against the Philistines, and to whom his younger brother David took provisions from Jesse in Bethlehem to the valley of Elah (1 Sam. 17:12-54). 3 The son of Agee the Haraite who is listed as one of three mighty men in the army of David. While others fled from the Philistines at Lehi, Shammah took his stand in a plot of lentils and slew the enemy (2 Sam. 23:11-12). F.R.M. See also Basemath; Esau; Jesse.

2 The grandfather of the Gedaliah in whose custody Jeremiah was placed after the fall of Jerusalem to Babylonian forces (39:14; 40:5), to assure that Jeremiah was cared for properly. Some scholars think that this Shaphan may be the same person described in 1 above, however. 3 The father of Jaazaniah (Ezek. 8:11) whose apostasy is reviewed in Ezekiel's vision. R.S.B.

S h a m m a i (sham'j). 1 The son of Onam (1 Chron. 2:28, 32). 2 The son of Rekem (1 Chron. 2:44, 45). 3 The son of Mered and the Egyptian woman Bithiah (1 Chron. 4:17). All three were Judeans.

S h a r a i (shair'i), one of the returned Judean exiles who had married foreign women (Ezra 10:40).

S h a m m u a (sha-myoo 'uh; Heb., "heard"). 1 The son of Zaccur; he was one of the twelve spies, a representative of the tribe of Reuben, who was sent by Moses into Canaan (Num. 13:4). 2 One of David's sons born in Jerusalem (2 Sam. 5:14; 1 Chron. 14:4); he is also called Shimea (1 Chron. 3:5). 3 A Levite whose son Abda (Obadiah) was a postexilic inhabitant of Jerusalem (Neh. 11:17); he is elsewhere (erroneously?) called Shemaiah (1 Chron. 9:16). 4 The head of the clan of Bilgah during the period of restoration (Neh. 12:18); he is possibly the same as 3 above, although since this person lived in the time of the second high priest after the return from the Exile, it is probably a different person (see v. 12). See also Shemaiah; Shimea. D.R.B. S h a m m u a h (sha-myoo'uh), KJV spelling of Shammua, the name of four persons mentioned in the Bible. See also Shammua. S h a p h a n (shay'fuhn; Heb., "rock badger, coney"). 1 The head of a family of Judeans serving the court at the time of King Josiah (ca. 639-609 B.C.; 2 Kings 22:3-20; 2 Chron. 34:8-20). He was involved in relaying the "book" found in the Temple to the king, on the basis of which the Josianic reforms were presumably shaped. He was sent to consult the prophetess Huldah as part of a royal embassy. His sons and grandsons continued to play roles in the life of the court at the time of the prophet Jeremiah, saving Jeremiah from the court's desire for his death (Jer. 26:24), relaying Jeremiah's letter to the exiles in Babylon (29:3), and providing the house in which Baruch could read Jeremiah's dictated scroll (36:10-12).

Shaphat (shay'fat; Heb., "judged"). 1 A Simeonite member of the group sent by Moses to spy out the land of Canaan (Num. 13:5). 2 The father of the prophet Elisha (1 Kings 19:16,19; 2 Kings 3:11; 6:31). 3 A Davidic descendant and a grandson of Zerubbabel (1 Chron. 3:22). 4 A Gadite chief living in Bashan (1 Chron. 5:12). 5 A herdsman of David, and a son of Adlai (1 Chron. 27:29).

Sharezer (shuh-ree'zuhr). 1 A son of the Assyrian monarch Sennacherib who reportedly helped murder his father (2 Kings 19:37; Isa. 37:38). 2 In Zech. 7:2 a name that appears in a very confused text, possibly as part of the name of a god, possibly the name of an emissary from Bethel. Sharon (shair'uhn), the Plain of, the area where the coastal plain widens south of the slopes of Mt. Carmel and the crocodile marshes (the modern Nahr Zerqa), extending about thirty miles south to the Yarkon River north of Joppa. It varies from about eight to twelve miles in width. The streams from the well-watered hills to the east must avoid a central mass of Mousterian Red Sand. They move sluggishly south and north of the mass, spreading into broad areas of swamps and flooding in wet seasons. In Israelite times the dunes supported an impenetrable oak forest (compared to the thick forests of Lebanon and Carmel in Isa. 35:2) rather than the citrus groves seen today. Pastureland would have been on the fringe of the forest (1 Chron. 27:29). The rose of Sharon is a kind of crocus growing as a "lily among brambles" (Song of Sol. 2:1-2). "Sharon is like a desert" (Isa. 33:9) and "Sharon shall become a pasture for flocks" as the barren slopes above Jericho will become a place for cattle to feed (Isa. 65:10). Thus the biblical picture of Sharon is a forbidding jungle of oaks and swampy marshes rather than a fertile or productive plain. The sand dunes and marshes meant the main land route, "The Way of the Sea" (Lat. Via Maris), hugged the drier foothills of the highland on the east. Along this road were the more permanent settlements, Socoh (1 Sam. 17:1) lying above the Iskanderun River (modern Wadi

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Zeimar) and Aphek (Josh. 13:4) (modem Ras elAin) at the source of the Yarkon. The coast was without good natural harbors. It was the Romans under Herod the Great who developed the imposing city of Caesarea with its artificial harbor, its aqueducts bringing fresh water from Mt. Carmel, and a network of roads N.L.L. to the interior. See also Plains.

king of Jerusalem, met Abraham as he returned from his battle with the kings of the north (Gen. 14:17). This valley, also called the King's Valley, was presumably the same as that in which Absalom erected his monument (2 Sam. 18:18). Suggestions as to its identity include the Kidron, the western Hinnom, and the Wadi Joz, all valleys in the Jerusalem area.

Sharuhen (shuh-rooTiuhn), an important Hyksos stronghold in southwest Palestine in the seventeenth and early sixteenth centuries B.C., captured by the Egyptian king Ahmose (ca. 1560 B.C.) after a siege lasting three years. Sharuhen was held by an Egyptian garrison at the time of Thutmose Ill's great victory at Megiddo in 1482 B.C. In Josh. 19:6 it appears in a list of cities allotted to the tribe of Simeon at the time of the Israelite conquest; parallel lists give its name as Shilhim (Josh. 15:32) and Shaaraim (1 Chron. 4:31). Sharuhen is probably to be identified with Tell el-'Ajjul, the largest mound in southern Palestine, which is located about four miles southwest of modern Gaza near the principal ancient highway leading up from Egypt. This site was excavated by the British Egyptologist W. M. Flinders Pétrie in 1930-34 and by members of his staff in 1938. Excavations indicate that the mound was initially used as a cemetery at the end of the third and beginning of the second millennium B.C. It became a rich and powerful city in the latter part of the Middle Bronze Age (ca. 1750-1550 B.C.), when it was protected on three sides by an enormous ditch set in front of a steep slope (glacis). Within this enclosure, Pétrie found several stratified city levels belonging to the Middle Bronze Age and beginning of the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1550-1200 B.C.), as well as evidence for a major destruction (probably due to Ahmose). He also discovered a series of five superimposed "palaces": two belonged to the Middle Bronze Age, while the final three were evidently Egyptian fortresses dating to the Late Bronze Age. The great wealth of the Hyksos city is attested by the fact that more gold objects were found at Tell el-'Ajjul than at any other Bronze Age site in Palestine. The end of the Egyptian Empire in the twelfth century B.C. resulted in the abandonment of the garrison at Sharuhen. There is little evidence of later occupation other than some burials on the mound that belong to the tenth century B.C. See also Hyksos. J.M.W.

Shaveh-kiriathaim (shay'vuh-kihr-ee-uhthay'im; Heb., "plain of Kiriathaim"), the plain where the Elamite king Chedorlaomer fought and subdued the Emim (Gen. 14:5). On the basis of the location in Kiriathaim the plain should be somewhere near el-Qereiyat, northwest of Dibon in what is now Jordan.

Shaul (shawl; Heb., "dedicated" or "asked for"). 1 An Edomite king from Rehoboth (Gen. 36:37-38). 2 The Israelite head of the Shaulite clan (Gen. 46:10; Exod. 6:15; 1 Chron. 4:24; Num. 26:13). 3 A son of the Lévite Kohath (1 Chron. 6:24). Shaveh (shay'vuh), Valley of, the valley where the king of Sodom and Melchizedek,

shaving, the act of removing facial hair, in the Bible particularly the beard. As a sign of mourning and as part of several purification rituals, shaving had religious significance in Israelite society. As Assyrian reliefs show, Israelite men of the pre-exilic period wore full beards and shoulderlength hair. (The short hair that Paul commended to men as natural [1 Cor. 11:14] was a later Greek or Roman fashion.) The beards were trimmed (2 Sam. 19:24), but under normal circumstances men were ashamed to appear in public without them (2 Sam. 10:4-5). When in mourning, however, they shaved their heads and beards (Job 1:20; Jer. 41:5; 48:37). Priests were prohibited from this practice (Lev. 21:5), and Deut. 14:1 extends the prohibition to all Israelites, but this law seems little known prior to the Exile (Isa. 22:12). The men or women who consecrated themselves to God as Nazirites could not cut their hair until they fulfilled their vow; then they shaved their heads and offered the hair on the altar for their purification (Num. 6:5-19). The most famous Nazirite was Samson (Judg. 13-16), and Samuel may have been one, though priests were later prohibited from such vows (Ezek. 44:20). Acts reports that even as a Christian Paul continued to observe such vows (Acts 18:18; 21:24). Shaving also played an important role in other purification rituals, whether for the patient who had recovered from serious skin disease (Lev. 13:33; 14:8-9), or for the female prisoner of war whom an Israelite desired to marry (Deut. 21:12). See also Nazirites. J.J.M.R. Shavsha (shav'shuh), a scribe in David's court (1 Chron. 18:16). Other forms of the name may include "Seraiah" (2 Sam. 8:17), "Sheva" (2 Sam. 20:25), or even "Shisha" (1 Kings 4:3). Because of its non-Hebrew origin, the name may indicate use of foreign scholars at the royal court. Sheal (shee'uhl; KJV: "Jasael"), a returning exile who had married a foreign woman (Ezra 10:29; see also 1 Esdras 9:30).

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Shealtiel (shee'al'tee-uhl; Heb., "God is a shield" or "God is victor"), a son of the Judean King Jeconiah (Jehoiachin; 1 Chron. 3:17; Matt. 1:12, not Neri as in Luke 3:27). He was the father of Zerubbabel, the leader of postexilic returnees (but 1 Chron. 3:17-19 calls him Zerubbabel's uncle). Shealtiel thus connected the royal family of King Jeconiah with postexilic Judean developments under Zerubbabel.

Shebat (shee'bat), the eleventh month of the Hebrew year, corresponding to JanuaryFebruary (Zech. 1:7; 1 Mace. 16:14).

Sheariah (shee'uh-ri'uh), one of the Benjaminite sons of Azel (1 Chron. 8:38; 9:44), and a descendant of Saul. Shearjashub (shee'uhr-jay'shuhb); Heb., "a remnant will return"), the eldest of Isaiah's sons (Isa. 7:3). By giving his child this unusual name, Isaiah made Shearjashub a living symbol of the prophet's early message concerning the Northern Kingdom of Israel (Isa. 10:21-22). Only a remnant of it would survive. Sheba (sheelmh). 1 A town included in Simeon's inheritance, along with Beer-sheba and Moladah (Josh. 19:2). 2 A Benjaminite, the son of Bichri, who led a revolt against David after Absalom's rebellion was put down. Hoping to seize northern Israel, he was pursued by Joab and his army and was decapitated at the instigation of a "wise woman" of the town of Abel-beth-maacah (2 Sam. 20). 3 A man of the tribe of Gad (1 Chron. 5:13). 4 The Hebrew spelling of the South Arabic name Saba, an area of great wealth (Isa. 60:6; Jer. 6:20; Ezek. 27:22-25). See also Seba, Sabeans. Sheba, Queen of, a ruler of the Sabeans contemporary with King Solomon (tenth century B.C.) whom she visited to test his wisdom. Impressed with his wealth as well as his wisdom, she blessed both Solomon and the God of Israel for such splendor. She gave Solomon 120 talents of gold in addition to other precious items, and Solomon in his turn bestowed rich presents upon her, prior to her return to her own land. Her appearance in the narrative of 1 Kings is intended to glorify the figure of Solomon rather than give information about this wealthy queen, who is otherwise unknown in the OT (1 Kings 10:1-10, 13; cf. 2 Chron. 9:1-9, 12). See also Seba, Sabeans.

Shebnah (sheb'nuh), the state secretary of King Hezekiah at the time of Sennacherib's campaign against Judah (2 Kings 18:18-19:2; Isa. 36:3-37:2). Apparently he had been demoted to this position from the higher office of royal steward following a bitter critique of Isaiah (Isa. 22:15-25). Shebuel (shi-byoo'uhl). 1 A Levite son of Gershom, hence a descendant of Moses (1 Chron. 23:14-16; 26:24). His duties (assisting the priests in Temple services, managing the treasuries, and dividing Temple duties) reflect late rather than early Temple practice, however. 2 A Levite musician (1 Chron. 25:4) also called Shubael (25:20). Shecaniah (shek'uh-ni'uh; Heb., "God has taken up abode"), a frequent name in Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah. 1 A descendant of David and Zerubbabel (1 Chron. 3:21-22) and head of a family that returned with Ezra from Babylon (Ezra 8:3). 2 The chief of the tenth division of priests in the Davidic order (1 Chron. 24:11). 3 One of the priests in Hezekiah's time who distributed the Temple offering to the priests in outlying cities (2 Chron. 31:15). 4 One who returned with Ezra (Ezra 8:5). 5 A man who had married a foreigner and repented, and who then proposed a covenant to put away foreign wives and children (Ezra 10:2-4). 6 The father of one who helped repair the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. 3:29). 7 The father-in-law of Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh. 6:18). 8 A priest who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. 12:3). P.A.B. Shechem (shek'uhm), a city located forty-one miles north of Jerusalem in the pass between Mount Ebal and Mount Gerizim. It dominated an important trade route and controlled a fertile valley to the east where Jacob's sons pastured their flocks (Gen. 3 7 : 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 4 ) . Shechem was a Korathite levitical city of refuge in the territory of Manasseh (Josh. 17:2, 7), although it is also described as being "in the hill country of Ephraim" (Josh. 20:7). The city was excavated

Shebah (sheeTmh). See Shibah. Shebaniah (sheb'uh-ni'uh; Heb., "Yahweh has restored"?). 1 A trumpeter in the Temple (1 Chron. 15:24). 2 A Levite from Jerusalem who joined in exclamations exalting God in Ezra's time (Neh. 9:4). 3 A priest who sealed the covenant between Israel and God at Jerusalem after the Exile (Neh. 10:4; 12:14); "Shechaniah," Neh. 12:3). 4 A Levite, possibly Shechaniah (Neh. 10:10). 1006

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Silver coin depicting a temple and altar at the top of a stairway leading up Mount Gerizim, ca. A.D. 198-217.

by a German expedition under the direction of E. Sellin between 1913 and 1934. More recently the Joint Expedition, directed by G. E. Wright, worked at the site for eight seasons between 1956 and 1969. The Patriarchal Period: Shechem was the first city visited by Abraham in his migration from Haran (Gen. 12:6), but it figures most prominently in the traditions associated with Jacob. It was the scene of the rape of Dinah by Shechem, the son of Hamor, king of Shechem (Gen. 34). In the narrative the prince and the city have the same name. The father's name, Hamor, means "ass" in Hebrew. During excavation in the east gate, the decapitated skeleton of a donkey was found, with what appeared to be the bones of an animal sacrifice nearby. The ass was probably the sacred animal of the city, and the names of father and son may symbolize the city itself. The city was "Shechem, the son of the ass [its

sacred animal]." When the Hebrews returned to Canaan from Egyptian slavery, they brought Joseph's mummified body with them and buried it in a tomb near the city (Josh. 24:32). Egyptian texts of the nineteenth century B.C. indicate that Shechem was an important urban center during the patriarchal period. Archaeological evidence shows that during the nineteenth and eighteenth centuries B.C. the city was surrounded by a massive embankment of earth, topped by walls of mudbrick on stone foundations. The highest ground within the walls was occupied by a multiroom palacetemple complex, set off from the rest of the city by a stone wall. In the seventeenth century B.C. the embankment was replaced by a wall composed of huge stones and entered by impressive gates on the north and east sides. The royal palace was moved to a position directly against the inner face of the new wall, and the palacetemple complex was replaced by a rectangular "fortress temple" with walls 17 feet thick. While the Israelites were in slavery in Egypt, Shechem continued to flourish. Its king, Lab'ayu, is described in the Amarna Letters (fourteenth century B.C.) as the most important ruler in central Palestine, controlling a small empire and making inroads on the territory of his neighbors. During this period the fortresstemple was rebuilt and continued in use into the Israelite period. It is the temple of the Lord of the Covenant mentioned in Judges 9. The Israelite Period: When the Israelites entered Canaan (thirteenth century B.C.) Shechem passed peacefully into their hands and became the earliest religious center of the tribes. At Shechem Joshua renewed the Sinai covenant with Israel's tribal leaders, probably at the temple of the Lord of the Covenant (Josh. 24). Abimelech, a son of Gideon by a concubine who lived at Shechem, roused the Shechemites to his support and had himself declared king

Remains of a high place at the site of ancient Shechem.

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(Judg. 9:1-6), against the spirit and traditions of the old tribal confederacy, which held that the Lord was the only king in Israel (Judg. 8:22-23). Shechem soon revolted against Abimelech's rule and in reprisal he destroyed the city (Judg. 9:45). After a time when the site was occupied only by crude huts and grain storage pits, the city was rebuilt. The old Canaanite royal tradition, which had long been associated with Shechem, continued to be attached to the rebuilt city. Rehoboam went there to be crowned king (924 B.C.) in the northern part of his kingdom (1 Kings 12:1). After the revolt of the northern tribes Jeroboam I rebuilt the city (1 Kings 12:25). Traces of his work survive at the tower of the east gate. For a time Shechem served as Jeroboam's capital, but its population had too many local loyalties and he moved his capital to Tirzah. Shechem then settled down to a fairly prosperous existence as a provincial center. Typical Israelite four-room houses were built on a series of terraces rising from the east gate to the former sacred area, which was now transformed into a granary, probably for the collection of taxes. The fortifications of the Israelite city followed the plan of its Canaanite predecessor. Israelite Shechem was destroyed by the Assyrian armies in 722 B.C. The walls of the houses were covered by over 4 feet of destruction debris. Shechem was rebuilt about 350 B.C. as the religious center of the Samaritans. Their temple stood on Mount Gerizim, and at the foot of the mountain they constructed a city designed to rival Jerusalem. A strong defensive wall enclosed solidly constructed houses and at least one luxurious villa near the old sacred area. The city was destroyed, probably by John Hyrcanus during his conquest of Samaria, in 107 B.C. It was razed to the ground. Its walls were buried beneath deep layers of fill and it was

never rebuilt. See also Abimelech; Amarna, Tell el-; Dinah; Rehoboam; Samaritans. Bibliography Toombs, Lawrence E. "Shechem (Place)." Anchor Bible Dictionary. New York: Doubleday, 1992. 5:1174-1186. Wright, G. E. Shechem: The Biography of a Biblical City. New York: Doubleday, 1962. L.E.T. Shedeur (shed'ee-uhr; Heb., "Shaddai is light" or "Shaddai is fire"), the father of the Reubenite Elizur who was chosen to help Moses as tribal head (Num. 1:5; 2:10; 7:30, 35; 10:18). sheep, a ruminant mammal related to the goat. Sheep are mentioned in the Bible more than five hundred times and a large variety of terms are employed to describe the different breeds, age, and sex types. While most of the references in the OT are literal, practically all references in the NT are metaphors comparing the relationship of Christ and his followers to that of the shepherd and his flock. The earliest evidence for the domestication of the sheep comes from Zawi Chemi Shanidar in northern Iraq and dates back to about 9000 B.C. Until recently it was believed that the sheep was imported to Palestine as an already domesticated animal, but recent finds from southern Jordan suggest that wild sheep were once living in the area and might have given rise to independent domestication. Sheep were originally domesticated to provide a steady supply of meat. Wild sheep do not have real wool, just a woolly undercoat, and it was probably not until 4000 B.C. that the animal's potential in this respect was discovered and they were bred especially for wool production. Another domestic trait is the fat tail, which is common to most breeds in the Near East, including the Awassi sheep, which is raised today in Israel. The fat tail is considered a deli-

Shepherds driving theirflockinto a fortified sheepfold erected to protect the animals from marauders. Extended walls shield the narrow entrance; a Safaite rock drawing found in the desert east of Amman, Jordan.

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cacy and was sometimes required as a sacrifice (Exod. 29:22-25). In contrast to the goat, the sheep prefers flat or gently rolling grazing grounds and eats plants down to the root, thriving on the stubble left over from the barley and wheat harvest. The Bible provides several references to the skill of the shepherd, who knows each of his animals by name, whose voice is recognized by his sheep (John 10:3-4), and who takes care of them in illness (Ezek. 34:15-16). The constant search for greener pastures is a regular task for those who tend sheep (1 Chron. 4:39-40). The importance of finding adequate shelter for the night is often alluded to (Luke 2:8; Num. 32:24). Sometimes natural caves were used for this purpose (1 Sam. 24:3), a practice that continues to the present day. A very moving picture of the relationship between a lamb and its owner is painted in 2 Sam. 12 (cf. Ps. 23:2, 5). Like goats, sheep provided most necessities of life: milk (Deut. 32:14; Isa. 7:21, 22), meat (1 Sam. 14:32), hides (Exod. 25:5; Heb. 11:37), and wool (Lev. 13:47-48; Job 31:20). Even their horns were used as containers for oil (1 Sam. 16:1) or as musical instruments (Josh. 6:4). The skins were usually made into clothing and the inner covering of the tabernacle was made from skins that had been dyed red (Exod. 26:14). Wool especially was a precious good and trade object. The Moabite king Mesha had to pay to the king of Israel an annual tribute of the wool of a hundred thousand rams (2 Kings 3:4). The shearing always was a special occasion and Jacob used it to escape from his uncle Laban, whose attention was on the shearing (Gen. 31:19). Jacob can be considered the first systematic animal breeder in the Bible. Genesis 30 tells how he tried to manipulate the quality of his flock by selecting the strong individuals for reproduction (w. 41—42). He also attempted to induce his ewes to produce offspring of a certain color by placing a similar color in front of them (w. 37-39). Throughout the NT the sheep is used in a figurative sense for human beings. Jesus compared Israel to sheep lost (Matt. 10:6; cf. Isa. 53:6) and without a shepherd (Matt. 9:36). Sheep also play a role in several parables of Jesus (Matt. 12:11; 18:12; 25:33), and the Gospel of John pictures Jesus as a protecting shepherd, willing to give his life for his sheep (10:7-9; cf. Ezek. 37:24; Ps. 23:1; Heb. 13:20). The people whom Jesus fed he compared to sheep without a shepherd (Mark 6:34) and he is himself compared to a sheep led to slaughter (Acts 8:32; cf. Isa. 53:7). I.U.K.

pool of Bethzatha (Bethesda) (John 5:2), it has been surmised that sheep to be sacrificed were brought into the city through this gate.

Sheep Gate, the, a gate probably located in the north city wall of Jerusalem, on the north side of the Temple area. This gate was built after the return from Exile by Eliashib and his brothers (Neh. 3:1) as part of Nehemiah's reconstruction of the Jerusalem walls (Neh. 12:39). Because of its proximity to the Temple area and

Sheerah (shee'uh-ruh; KJV: "Sherah"), the daughter of Ephraim (1 Chron. 7:24) who was credited with building up both Upper and Lower Beth-horon. Shehariah (shee'huh-ri'uh), a Benjaminite chief, and the son of Jehoram (1 Chron. 8:26). shekel (shek'uhl), in OT times a standard unit of weight, approximately 14.5 grams of silver; in intertestamental and NT times, a common silver coin of the same weight, struck by Jewish authorities. In Matt. 17:27, the RSV translates Gk. stater as "shekel." See also Money; Weights and Measures. S h e k i n a h (shuh-ki'mih), a Hebrew word from the root "to dwell" that is translated as the "Presence" of God. God's Shekinah is not a being or reality separate from God (despite the positions of Philo [late first century B.C. to first century A.D.] and Maimonides [A.D. 1135-1204]) but a title for and designation of God in post-OT writings, especially in his presence among humans and in the world. The Targums (Aramaic translation of the Hebrew OT) often avoid anthropomorphisms and substitute Shekinah for "God." Rabbinic literature refers to God's Shekinah in a variety of contexts. God's presence was seen in the cloud that led the Israelites in the desert and in the tent of meeting in the desert. The Priestly writer's word for the tent of meeting, the mishkan or "tabernacle," comes from the same root as Shekinah. The glory of God, which filled the Temple, was his Shekinah and when the Temple was destroyed, God's Shekinah left the Temple. In one tradition the Shekinah returns to heaven, but in another it remains in the Western (or Wailing) Wall of the Temple Mount. Rabbinic traditions conceive of God's Shekinah as omnipresent, but as especially present in Israel, and in the post-Temple period, in synagogues and houses of study. See also Tabernacle. A.J.S. Shelah (sheeluh; Heb., "javelin"). 1 A Shemite son of Arpachshad (Gen. 10:24) who was the father of Eber (1 Chron. 1:18, 24; Gen. 11:12-15; but see Luke 3:35-36 where he is identified as a son of Cainan). 2 The third son of Judah who is a Shelanite ancestor (Gen. 38:5, 1 1 , 14, 26; 46:12; 1 Chron. 2:3; see also Num. 26:20; 1 Chron. 4:21). Shelemiah (shel'uh-mi'uh; Heb., "God has recompensed," or "restored"). 1 The father of Nethaniah (Jer. 36:14). 2 One of Jehoiakim's men sent to seize Baruch (Jer. 36:26). 3 The father of Jehucal (Jer. 37:3; 38:1). 4 The father of

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Irijah (Jer. 37:13). 5 Two men who had married foreign women (Ezra 10:39, 41). 6 The father of Hananiah who helped repair the Jerusalem wall (Neh. 3:30). 7 A priest in charge of the storehouses (Neh. 13:13). 8 A gatekeeper (1 Chron. 26:14); this Shelemiah appears to be the same person called Meshelemiah in v. 1 and Shallum in 1 Chron. 9:17, 19, and 31. See also Shallum. P.A.B.

rather than linguistic or racial. In Gen. 9:20-27, Shem is the ancestor of Israel and is located in Palestine together with his two brothers, Ham (father of Canaan, representing the original inhabitants of the land) and Japheth (ancestor of the Philistines and other "Sea Peoples"). Canaan is cursed for dishonoring his father in the latter's drunken stupor and is made the slave of his brothers, who "covered their father's nakedness." Shem is rewarded by a special relationship with God (Gen. 9:26, RSV) and Japheth with an enlarged dwelling place "in the tents of Shem" (i.e., in the territory of Israel). P.A.B.

Sheleph (sheelif), a son of Joktan (Gen. 10:26; 1 Chron. 1:20). The names of Joktan's other sons indicate that Sheleph designated not an individual but more likely an Arabian tribe. The association with Hazarmaweth (i.e., the Hadramaut region in southwest Arabia) suggests a location in modern Yemen. Shelesh (shee'lish; Heb., "third" or "triplet'), a man who headed an Asherite tribe (1 Chron. 7:35). Shelomi (shi-loh'mi; Heb., "peace"?), the son of an Asherite chief, Ahihud (Num. 34:27). Shelomith (shi-loh'mith), a name that occurs both as a woman's and a man's; it is sometimes confused with Shelomoth. 1 The Danite mother of a sojourner in the Israelite camp who blasphemed the name of God (Lev. 24:11). 2 A daughter of Zerubbabel (1 Chron. 3:19). 3 A son (daughter?) of Rehoboam by Maacah, daughter of Absalom (2 Chron. 11:20). 4 A Levite, the chief son of Izhar (1 Chron. 23:18), called Shelomoth in 1 Chron. 24:22. 5 A Gershonite Levite who was a son of Shimei, according to the traditional reading of 1 Chron. 23:9 (written Shelomoth). 6 The head of a family group that returned with Ezra from Babylon (Ezra 8:10). P.A.B. Shelomoth (shi-loh'moth). See Shelomith. Shelumiel (shi-loo'mee-uhl; Heb., "God is peace"?), the Simeonite son of Zurishaddai (Num. 1:6; 2:12; 7:36-41; 10:19) who assisted Moses with the census. Judith's ancestry is traced to Salamiel, son of Sarasadai (Judg. 8:1), who is probably the same person as Shelumiel. Shem (shem; Heb., "name," "renown"), one of the three sons of Noah. Shem occupies a special place among the sons of Noah because he was the eldest (Gen. 5:32; 9:18), the recipient of special blessing (Gen. 9:26, RSV), and the ancestor of a group of peoples that included the Hebrews (Eber, Gen. 10:21, 24). The term "Semite" ("Shemite") has been applied in modern times to peoples speaking the Semitic languages. It has also been used as a racial designation. However, the list of Shem's descendants in Gen. 10:21-30 includes non-Semitic peoples (e.g., the Elamites, v. 22), showing that the basis for the grouping was geographical or political

Shema (shee'muh), an OT town (Josh. 15:26) that may be named after the clan of Shimei (1 Chron 4:26-27). It is associated with the Hebron area and the four Calebite clans (1 Chron. 2:43; as often in the OT, names of persons and places are used interchangeably). Shema (shuh-malT; Heb., "Hear you . . ."), the name of and first Hebrew word of the classical Jewish declaration of faith found in Deut. 6:4, which reads (literally), "Hear you, Israel, Yahweh our God, Yahweh is one"—although some have translated the last clause "Yahweh alone." The last letters of the first and last words of this verse are written in Hebrew Bibles in oversized script, thereby forming the Hebrew word "witness" to indicate that by this verse Jews testify to the oneness and uniqueness of their God—a difference in both quantity and quality from polytheism. By the second century A.D. the Shema prayer consisted of Deut. 6:4-9; 11:13-21; and Num. 15:37-41 together with special benedictions to be recited every morning and evening (based upon Deut. 6:7). In traditional Jewish practice, the Shema is written in the phylacteries and mezuzah. As a watchword of faith and faithfulness the Shema constitutes the climax of the saying recited before death. This declaration was also recited during martyrdom. Jesus identified the Shema as the first commandment in J.U. the law (Mark 12:29). S h e m a a h (shi-may'uh), the father of the Benjaminite bowmen Ahiezer and Joash, both of whom joined David to assist him in his battles (1 Chron. 12:1-3). S h e m a i a h (shi-may'yuh; Heb., "Yahweh has heard"), a popular biblical name; the popularity of the name is also confirmed by extrabiblical sources (it appears in several of the ostraca found in the excavations at Arad in the northern Negeb [nos. 27, 3 1 , 39]). 1 A late tenthcentury B.C. prophet who warned Rehoboam against fighting Israel (1 Kings 12:22; 2 Chron. 11:2) and called Rehoboam and his princes to repent before Pharaoh Shishak invaded Judah from Egypt (2 Chron. 12:5, 7). His prophecies were one of the sources for the Chronicler's

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history of Rehoboam's times (2 Chron. 12:15). 2 A false prophet in the days of Jeremiah who wrote from Babylonia denouncing Jeremiah and who in turn was denounced by God (Jer. 29:24-32). 3 A common name among the Lévites (e.g., 1 Chron. 9:14; 15:8; 2 Chron. 17:8; 29:14; Neh. 11:15). 4 Several of those who served with Ezra and Nehemiah in the return from Exile (Neh. 3:29; 10:8; 12:6; Ezra 8:13). 5 A descendant of David (1 Chron. 3:22). 6 A descendant of Simeon (1 Chron. 4:37). 7 A descendant of Reuben (1 Chron. 5:4). 8 The father, from Kiriath-jearim, of Uriah, a prophet whom King Jehoiakim put to death for his prophecies (Jer. 26:20-23). 9 The father of one of the princes of the court of Jehoiakim who listened to the scroll Baruch read to them (Jer. 26:12-15). N.L.L.

S h e m u e l (shem'yoo-uhl; Heb., "name of God" or "his name is God"). 1 A Simeonite land-divider, the son of Ammihud (Num. 34:20). 2 A clan chief, the son of Tola, who served in David's forces (1 Chron. 7:2). It appears in the KJV for "Samuel" in 1 Chron. 6:33.

Shemariah (shem'uh-ri'uh; Heb., "God has kept"). 1 One of the Benjaminite men who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chron. 12:5). 2 A son of Judah's King Rehoboam (2 Chron. 11:19). 3 A son of Pahath-moab who had married a foreign woman (Ezra 10:32). 4 A son of Binnui, one among the returnees from exile who had also married a foreign woman (Ezra 10:41). Shemeber (shem-ee'buhr), a king of Zeboiim (Gen. 14:2) who was defeated by an alliance of eastern kings. Shemed (shee'mid; KJV: "Shamed"), a Benjaminite who, with Eber and Misham, built (founded) the cities of Ono and Lod (1 Chron. 8:12). Shemer (shee'muhr; Heb., "watch"?; also Shomer [1 Chron. 7:32] and Shamer [KJV, 1 Chron. 6:46; 7:34]). 1 The owner (or owning clan) of the hill Omri bought and used for his capital city Samaria (1 Kings 16:24). 2 The father of Bani in the lineage of Temple musicians (1 Chron. 6:46). 3 An Asherite descendant (1 Chron. 7:32, 34). Shemida (shi-mi'duh; Heb., "Eshmun [the Phoenician God] has known"?), the Gileadite who headed the family of Shemidaite descendants of Manasseh (Num. 26:32; Josh. 17:2; 1 Chron. 7:19). The name appears on an ostracon from Samaria from the eighth century B.C. Sheminith (shem'uh-nith), a term used by musical groups (with lyres in 1 Chron. 15:21). It designates the eighth mode (in titles of Pss. 6, 12), one of several melodic patterns. Shemiramoth (shi-mihr'uh-moth; Heb., "name of heights"?). 1 A Levite harpist in the group David commanded to accompany the Ark and continue the worship (1 Chron. 15:18, 20; 16:5). 2 A Levite, a commissioned teacher in Judah (2 Chron. 17:8) during Jehoshaphat's reign (ca. 874-850 B.C.).

Shen (shen), the term in the KJV (following the Hebrew text) for the RSV's "Jeshanah" (following Greek and Syriac texts) in 1 Sam. 7:12. See also Jeshanah. Shenazar (shi-naz'uhr), the fourth son of the exiled Judean king Jehoiachin (Jeconiah; 1 Chron. 3:18), possibly the same person known as Sheshbazzar in postexilic days. Sheol (shee'ohl), a biblical term for the netherworld. In some sources, particularly poetic and prophetic ones (cf. Deut. 32:22; Amos 9:2), the reference is simply to the deep depths of the earth. More commonly, Sheol is the underworld where departed spirits go (Prov. 9:18). Some of the biblical texts preserve a distinct mythological flavor, where Sheol is a power that can destroy the living (cf. Isa. 5:14). The etymology of the word is still in question. As a gloomy netherworld for departed spirits Sheol is the counterpart of Hades and Tartarus. M.A.F. S h e p h a m (shee'fuhm), a place on the eastern border of Israelite land (Num. 34:10-11) presumably near modern Riblah, but of still unknown location. Shephatiah (shefuh-ti'uh; Heb., "God has judged"). 1 The fifth son of David, by Abital (2 Sam. 3:4). 2 The father of a Benjaminite who resettled Jerusalem after the Exile (1 Chron. 9:8). 3 One of the Benjaminite warriors who went over to David while he was at Ziklag (1 Chron. 12:5). 4 The chief officer of the Simeonites in David's tribal administration (1 Chron. 27:16). 5 One of Jehoshaphat's sons who were slain by their brother Jehoram when he ascended the throne (2 Chron. 21:2). 6 The head of a lineage whose members returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezra 2:4) and Ezra (Ezra 8:8). 7 An ancestor of a division of "Solomon's servants" who returned with Ezra (Ezra 2:57). 8 An ancestor of a Judahite living in Jerusalem in Nehemiah's time (Neh. 11:4). 9 One of the princes who sought the death of Jeremiah for his prophecies during the siege of Jerusalem and who cast P.A.B. him into a cistern to die (Jer. 38:1-6). Shephelah (shi-feeluh), the, a noun that in Hebrew is always used with the definite article. It refers to the low hills in western Palestine separating the coastal plains from the central mountain ridge to the east. The overwhelming number of references are to the Shephelah of Judah. These hills provided a buffer between Judah and Philistia, and both parties sought

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control of the Shephelah because of its strategic value (Jer. 17:26).

sheep are highly gregarious, the shepherd had to keep alert for strays and check his effort by counting the sheep as they entered their enclosure for the night (Lev. 27:32; Jer. 33:13; Ezek. 20:37). If animals were missing, the herdsman's duty was to rescue the lost (Ezek. 34:11-12; Matt. 18:11-14). Special attention was given to expectant ewes, newborn lambs, and sick animals (Isa. 40:11; Ezek. 34:16). In addition to fieldstone or brush sheepfolds, shepherds used simple but functionally sound equipment. Protection from the elements was provided by a heavy cloak (cf. Jer. 43:12). A staff was used to control the movement of the flock, and a rod was used to ward off enemies (Ps. 23:4). Also important were a bag for food and a sling (1 Sam. 14:40). Shepherds played reed flutes to calm the flocks and while away the hours (cf. Judg. 5:16). Reference should also be made to the use of dogs to help manage the movement of the sheep (Job 30:1). Shepherd Imagery in the Bible: Pastoral language was used in a figurative way throughout the ancient Near East and in the Hellenistic world; it is, therefore, quite natural that the OT and NT should also use shepherd imagery. In numerous passages the customs of shepherds are used to illustrate spiritual principles; e.g.,

Shepher (shee'fuhr), one of the camp stops of the Israelites (Num. 33:23-24) during their wanderings after the Exodus from Egypt. It is called "Mount" Shepher (KJV: "Shaphar") but is of unknown location. shepherd, one who pastures or tends a flock of sheep and/or goats. Since these were the most important domestic animals in Palestine, there are many references to sheep and shepherds throughout the Bible. Many important figures in Hebrew history were pastoralists, including Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Jacob's sons, Moses, and David. The occupation first appears in Gen. 4:2, when Abel, "a keeper of sheep," comes into conflict with Cain, "a tiller of the ground." While there has always been competition between shepherds and farmers, these two lifestyles actually exist symbiotically. Indeed, in one way or another, nearly everyone in ancient Palestine was involved in pastoral activity, from the lowly herdsman (cf. Amos 7:14-15) to the master breeder (cf. 2 Kings 3:4). The shepherd's humble status can be seen in the contrast drawn between David's pastoral and royal careers (2 Sam. 7:8; cf. Ps. 78:70-71). Nomadic peoples like the Amalekites and Midianites were shepherds, but the economic importance of sheep meant that many villagers and townspeople also tended flocks on a parttime or full-time basis. In addition to being a major sacrificial animal, sheep provided the ancients with meat, milk, fat, wool, skins, and horns. The economic value of sheep stands in direct proportion to the amount of supervision (i.e., guidance and protection) these beasts require. Sheep become lost easily; once lost, they are defenseless (Ezek. 34:5-6; Matt. 18:12). The unaggressive behavior of sheep is emphasized in Matt. 7:15: "Beware of false prophets, who come to you in sheep's clothing but inwardly are ravenous wolves." Perhaps most famous are the sheep's submissiveness (Isa. 53:7; Jer. 11:19) and its trust in the shepherd (John 10:3-5). Although the shepherd's work was often boring, it was undoubtedly a livelihood that called for diligence and endurance. The search for pasturage and water sometimes took the herdsman and his flock far from home. This meant that shepherds put up with simple food, harsh weather (cf. Gen. 31:40), and primitive lodging (Song of Sol. 1:8; Isa. 38:12). Such routine hardships were occasionally accompanied by danger from wild animals, e.g., lions, bears, and wolves (1 Sam. 17:34-35; Isa. 31:4; Amos 3:12; Mic. 5:8; John 10:12). Shepherds also had to be on guard against thieves (Gen. 31:39; John 10:1, 8,10). Most of the shepherd's work involved a routine of leading the sheep to food and water and returning them to the safety of the fold. Because

The "Good Shepherd" depicted on the ceiling of the crypt of Lucina in Rome, second or third century A.D.

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sheep without a shepherd are like those who have strayed from God (Matt. 9:36; Mark 6:34), and shepherds are compared to spiritual overseers (Num. 27:16-17; Eccles. 12:11; John 21:15-17). Many ancient peoples affirmed the sovereignty of their deities by referring to them as shepherds (cf. Gen. 48:15; 49:24). Descriptions of the shepherd's work are often used to describe Yahweh's activity. The most extended allegories of the shepherd are found in Psalm 23 and Ezekiel 34; both passages portray God as one who protects and cares for a helpless flock. In addition to these two chapters, this analogy appears in Psalms quite frequently (e.g., 28:9; 74:1; 77:20; 78:52-53; 80:1; 95:7; 100:3; 121:3-8), and it is a favorite literary device of the prophets (e.g., Isa. 40:11; 49:9-10; Jer. 23:1-4; 31:10; 49:19-20; 50:17-19; Mic. 4:6-8; 7:14). While kings and princes were called shepherds in other ancient Near Eastern literature (cf. Nah. 3:18), the OT normally applies this title to political leaders in a negative way. Since God was the true shepherd of Israel, the subordinate herdsmen (i.e., rulers) often fell short of God's standards; as such, they were condemned for their stupidity and mismanagement (e.g., Jer. 10:21; 22:22; 23:1^1; 25:34-38; Ezek. 34:1-10; Zech. 10:3; 11:4-17). Of course, there are exceptions to this negative use of pastoral imagery. David was a shepherd who ruled his people with an "upright heart" and a "skillful hand" (Ps. 78:70-72), and Cyrus was referred to as God's shepherd (Isa. 44:28). Most important was the promise that God would raise up new shepherds (Jer. 3:15; 23:4), a promise that eventually took on messianic significance (Ezek. 34:23; 37:22, 24). Not only would God's shepherd be from the Davidic lineage, but he would also suffer on behalf of the sheep (Zech. 13:7; cf. 12:10). The only literal reference to shepherds in the NT is found in Luke 2:8-20; elsewhere they appear in parables and figures of speech, most often in the Gospels. Jesus claimed that his mission was "to the lost sheep of the house of Israel" (Matt. 10:6; 15:24). The parable of the lost sheep was told to exemplify God's love (Matt. 18:12-14; Luke 15:3-7), while the shepherd's separation of sheep and goats was compared to judgment (Matt. 25:32-33). In a well-known allegory, Jesus refers to himself as the "good shepherd" who "lays down his life for the sheep" (John 10:1-29; cf. the quotation of Zech. 13:7 in Matt. 26:31 and Mark 14:27). Jesus is called "the great shepherd of the sheep" (Heb. 13:20), "the Shepherd and Guardian of your souls" (1 Pet. 2:25), and "the chief Shepherd" (1 Pet. 5:4). While issuing a warning about fierce wolves (i.e., false teachers), Paul admonishes the Ephesian elders to oversee and care for the flock, which he equates with "the church of God" (Acts 20:28-30). This same function is encom-

passed by the English word "pastor," which is the normal translation given in Eph. 4:11, although the Greek term used there is the same one that is usually rendered "shepherd" (cf. 1 G.L.M. Pet. 5:1-4). See also Sheep. Shephi (shee'fi), an Edomite, the son of the clan chief Shobal (1 Chron. 1:40). The name also appears as "Shepho" (Gen. 36:23). S h e p h u p h a m (shi-fyoo 'fuhm; KJV: "Shupham"), the name of a Benjaminite clan (Num. 26:39); "Shephuphan" (1 Chron. 8:5) and "Muppim" (Gen. 46:21) may be other names for the same clan. Sherebiah (sher'uh-bi'uh; Heb., "God has sent severe heat"?). 1 The "discreet" Lévite among the postexilic Judeans working with Ezra (Ezra 8:18, 24). 2 A Levite teacher of law (Neh. 8:7; 9:4, 5; 10:12). 3 A Levite chief who returned from exile with Zerubbabel (Neh. 12:8, 24). Sheshach (shee'shak), a cryptogram for Babylon (Heb. bâbel; Jer. 25:26; 51:41), obtained by using a rabbinical cipher called Athbash in which the last letter of the alphabet is used for the first (tav[t] = aleph[a]), the second from the last is used for the second (shin[sh] = beth[bj), etc. Many versions replace the word with "Babylon." Sheshai (shee'shï), a descendant of Anak (Num. 13:22; Josh. 15:14; Judg. 1:10), who lived in Canaan when the spying Israelites entered. He was defeated by Joshua's forces, presumably near his residence, Hebron. Sheshan (shee'shan), the head of a Jerahmeelite family of Judah (1 Chron. 2:31, 34, 35). S h e s h b a z z a r (shesh-baz'uhr), the "prince of Judah" (Ezra 1:8, 1 1 ; 5:14, 16, RSV) to whom Cyrus (538 B.C.) entrusted the "gold and silver vessels" of the Temple to be restored to Jerusalem. The name derives from Babylonian Samas- or Sîn-ab-utsur and means "O Shamash/Sîn preserve the father" (the versions allow for either). Identifications with Zerubbabel (Ezra 3:2) are circumstantial and thus questionable. Sheshbazzar may be identical with Shenazzar, a son of Jeconiah (1 Chron. 3:18). Sheth. 1 A form of Seth, the third son of Adam (Gen. 4:25). 2 A word usually taken as a proper noun, a group of people ("sons of Sheth") associated with the Moabites (Num. 24:17). However, it is likely that the word is a (deliberately?) corrupted form of the word "tumult" (Heb. sha'ôn) used to describe the warlike nature of the Moabites ("Sons of [battle] tumult"; cf. Jer. 48:45). Since Sheth is a form of Seth (1 above), this may be a wordplay that identifies the

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Moabites as distant kinsmen of the Israelites but at the same time condemns their aggression against the Israelites (see Num. 22:1-4). See also Moab; Seth. D.R.B.

Pelusiac or Bubastite branches of the Nile in the eastern delta are most likely meant.

Shetharbozenai (shee'thahr-boz'uh-ni), a Persian provincial official who, along with the provincial governor Tattenai, challenged Zerubbabel's right to rebuild the Temple (mid-sixth century B.C.). He sent an official protest to the Persian king Darius. After a search of the archives in Ecbatana, a copy of the decree of Cyrus allowing the Jews to return and rebuild the Temple was found and Darius ordered Shetharbozenai and Tattenai not only to cease harassing the Jews but also to lend financial assistance from the provincial treasury (Ezra 5:3, 6; 6:6, 13). See also Darius. Shethar-boznai (shee'thahr-boz'nj), KJV spelling of RSV Shetharbozenai, spelled Shetharbozenai in NRSV. See also Shetharbozenai.

Shihor-libnath (sh/'hor-lib'nath), a boundary of Asher where it adjoined Carmel (Josh. 19:26). It may be modern Wadi Zerqa which drains the western slope south of Dor. Shiloah (shi-loh'uh). See Siloam Inscription. Shiloh (shi 'loh), an ancient religious center of Israel. Located about ten miles north of Bethel to the east of the Jerusalem-Nablus road (Judg. 21:19), it is identified with modern Khirbet Seilun. Shiloh was the administrative and religious center for the Israelite tribes during the early settlement period (twelfth century B.C.). There the tabernacle was set up (Josh. 18:1), the distribution of the land by lot took place (Joshua 18, 19), the Lévites were assigned their cities (Judg. 21), and the ten tribes gathered to consider the apostasy of the east Jordan tribes

(Josh. 22). S h e v a (shee'vuh). 1 The chief scribe or secretary of King David (2 Sam. 20:25), elsewhere called Shavsha (1 Chron. 18:16) and Seraiah (2 Sam. 8:17). He is probably also the same person called Shisha, the father of two scribes in the time of Solomon (1 Kings 4:3). Some scholars suggest that he was a non-Israelite, probably Egyptian, which would account for the variation of the name. 2 A Judahite descendant of Caleb (1 Chron. 2:49). See also Seraiah; Shavsha.

Shiloh was the central sanctuary and seat of the priesthood (Eleazar, Josh. 21:1, 2; Eli and his sons, 1 Sam. 1:3, 9; Samuel, 1 Sam. 1:24; 3:21) until the Ark was captured in the battle with the Philistines at Ebenezer (1 Sam. 4). The Ark was not returned to Shiloh and the city never regained its prestige. Shiloh's destruction by the Philistines is not related in the OT, but Jeremiah cites its fate in his prophecies (Jer. 7:12-14; 26:6-9). It did continue as a town to some extent, as is shown by the fact that the wife of Jeroboam sought Ahiah the prophet at Shiloh (1 Kings 14:2-4) and that men of Shiloh shewbread. See Showbread. came to Mizpah after the murder of Gedaliah (Jeremiah 4 , 5 ) . Shibah (shi"buh; Heb., "oath"), the well dug by Isaac's servants during his time with Abimelech Shiloh has been the scene of several excavaof Gerar (Gen. 26:26-33). It is probably the tions. The evidence published from the early source for the city name "Beer-sheba." excavations was insufficient and debatable. The work of the Danes under H. Kjaer in 1926,1929, and 1932 was cut short by his death, and only shibboleth (shib'uh-lith; Heb., either "ear of grain" or "flood, torrent"), the password re- preliminary reports were published. Thirty quired by Jephthah's Gileadite sentries (Judg. years later, in preparing for the final publication, a short excavation was conducted by 12:6). Ephraimites retreating across the Jordan S. Holm-Nielson and resulted in different concould only say "sibboleth," and forty-two units clusions than the earlier work. From 1981 to (hardly 42,000) were slain. Apparently three 1984 I. Finkelstein conducted four seasons of sounds are involved, two of which merged earexcavation at the site. Eight strata of occupation lier in west Palestine, where the Ephraimites are now distinguished. lived, than in Transjordan, where the Gileadites resided. See also Judges, The Book of. The first Middle Bronze Age (MB II) settlement was probably a small unfortified village, but it was followed by a town of about four shield. See Spear. acres surrounded by a massive city wall reinforced by an earthen glacis. The glacis differed Shiggaion (shuh-gay'on), a Hebrew word of in size and construction depending on the need uncertain meaning that appears in the heading of Psalm 7. Its plural form appears in Hab. 3:1, for reinforcement. This city was destroyed in the sixteenthth century B.C. also in connection with poetic materials. Pottery and bones from the next period on the S h i h o r (shiTior), a body of water "east of summit may indicate an isolated cultic place, Egypt" (Josh. 13:3) or near the Nile (Isa. 23:3) but there was a period of abandonment before that served as a reference for the south edge of the site was resettled in the twelfth-eleventh Israel (1 Chron. 13:5). The northern parts of the centuries B.C. The latest excavators believe 1014

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SHIMSHAI Shimeath (shim'ee-ath), the mother of one of the murderers of King Joash of Judah (2 Kings 12:21; 2 Chron. 24:26).

/

/

\ ~"N. Jerusalem V_--,_^' »\

Shimeathites (shim'ee-uh-thj'ts), a scribal family living at Jabez (1 Chron. 2:55). Neither the place nor people can be precisely identified. _ , Dead

Shimei (shim'ee-j; Heb., "[God] has heard"), the name of at least eighteen men in the OT, some of which follow. 1 A Benjaminite of Saul's house, who cursed David as David fled Jerusalem during Absalom's revolt. When David returned, Shimei met him at the Jordan with a thousand Benjaminites, confessing his sin and pledging his allegiance. David spared Shimei's life on oath but on his deathbed instructed Solomon to put him to death. Solomon accordingly contrived to execute Shimei for breaking an agreement. 2 A member of David's court (1 Kings 1:8), perhaps the same Shimei who wielded authority over Solomon's Benjaminite district (1 Kings 4:18). 3 A Ramathite overseer of David's vineyards (1 Chron. 27:27). 4 The head of a levitical family (Exod. 6:17; Num. 3:18). 5 Several Lévites in various types of Temple service (1 Chron. 6:17; 25:17; 2 Chron. 29:14; 31:13). 6 The brother of Zerubbabel (1 Chron. 3:19). 7 A Benjaminite ancestor of Mordecai (Esther 2:5). 8 Three men who had married foreign women (Ezra 10:23, 33, 38). P.A.B.

u - , Sea

these were the early Israelite settlers who already had developed construction and architectural techniques. Pillared buildings on the west side yielded storage jars with "collared-rims." The fierce destruction was probably the work of the Philistines in the mid-eleventh century B.C. (as suggested after the early excavations, but denied by the 1963 excavators). The recent excavators believe the site lay in ruins for some time. Scanty architectural and ceramic finds represent village occupation of Iron Age II and Hellenistic times. Roman and Byzantine remains are much more widespread, with evidence of Roman fortification walls and two Byzantine churches with decorative mosaic floors witnessing to it as a pilgrimage site for early Christians. Bibliography Shimeon (shim'ee-uhn), a son of Harim who Shiloh: The Danish Excavations at Tall Sailun, had married a foreign woman (Ezra 10:31). Palestine, in 1926, 1929, 1932, and 1963. Copenhagen: National Museum of Denmark. Buhl, M-L., S h i m o n (shi'muhn), a family or clan of the and S. Holm-Nielson, vol. 1, The Pre-Hellenistic Re- tribe of Judah (1 Chron. 4:20). mains, 1969. Anderson, F. C, vol. 2, The Remains from the Hellenistic to the Mamluk Periods, 1985. Shimrath (shim'rath), the son of Shimei, a "Shiloh." In The New Encyclopedia of Archaeo- Benjaminite (1 Chron. 8:21). logical Excavations in the Holy Land. Edited by E. S h i m r i (shim'ri). 1 A Simeonite ancestor of Stern. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1993). 4:1364-1370. N.L.L. Ziza (1 Chron. 4:37). 2 The father of David's mighty man Jediael (1 Chron. 11:45). 3 A Levite Shilonite (shiluh-nit; KJV: "Shiloni"), some- working in the Temple during the reign of King Hezekiah of Judah (2 Chron. 29:13). one coming from Shiloh. 1 Ahijah the prophet is so identified five times (1 Kings 11:29; 12:15; 15:29; 2 Chron. 9:29; 10:15), perhaps reflecting Shimrith (shim'rith; Heb., "God has prohis association with the shrine there. 2 The fatected"), a Moabite woman who was the mother ther of Zechariah (Neh. 11:5). 3 Shilonites were of Jehozabad, one of the murderers of King among those settling Jerusalem after the Exile (1 Joash of Judah (2 Chron. 24:26). Chron. 9:5). Some argue that the instances in 2 and 3 are erroneous and should be designated Shimron (shim'ron). 1 The fourth son of Is"Shelonite" as in Num. 26:20. sachar and the head of the Shimronites (Gen. 46:13; Num. 26:24; 1 Chron. 7:1). 2 A Canaanite royal town (Josh. 11:1) assigned to the tribe of Shilshah (shil'shuh), a member of the tribe of Zebulun (Josh. 19:15). Asher and the son of Zophah (1 Chron. 7:37). Shimea (shim'ee-uh; Heb., "God has heard"). 1 The third son of Jesse (1 Chron. 2:13). 2 One of David's sons born in Jerusalem (1 Chron. 3:5). 3 A Merarite Lévite (1 Chron. 6:30). 4 A Gershomite Lévite (1 Chron. 6:39).

S h i m s h a i (shim'shi; Heb., "sun"), an officer of the Persian court on duty in Palestine (Ezra 4:8, 9, 17 and 23). He endorsed a letter to Artaxerxes, the king of Persia, complaining about Judean postexilic reconstruction work and

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received official support for its cessation. The work in Jerusalem was resumed later.

second (Libyan) dynasty (ca. 945-715 B.C.), whose capital was at Tanis (Heb. Zoari) in the northeast part of the delta. A contemporary of Solomon, he gave asylum to Jeroboam (1 Kings 11:40) until the latter returned to take over the northern kingdom of Israel after Solomon's death (1 Kings 12:2-3). When the country was divided between Rehoboam and Jeroboam, Shishak, for reasons still unclear, launched a major invasion of Palestine. This campaign, which took place in the fifth year of Rehoboam's reign (probably equivalent to a year late in Shishak's reign), is described in 1 Kings 14:25-26 and 2 Chron. 12:1-9. According to the biblical narrative, Shishak's large army took the fortified cities of Judah and "came up against Jerusalem." A list of cities captured by the king was carved on a wall in the temple of Amun-Re at Karnak. This list, which is in badly damaged condition today, originally contained the names of over 150 Palestinian cities. The absence of Jerusalem from this list is explained by Rehoboam's decision to pay tribute to Shishak, which included the treasures of the Temple and royal palace, to avoid an Egyptian conquest of the city (2 Chron. 12:5-9). See also Rehoboam; Zoan. J.M.W.

shin (shin), the name of the twenty4^44 first letter of the Hebrew alphabet. It | / / had a numerical value of three hun|fa/ dred and had the phonetic value of sh. A variant took the sound s. Both were written in a rough equivalent of the English letter "W." Shinab (shi'nab; Heb., "[the god] Sin is my father"), the king of Admah, one of the five monarchs in a coalition against the eastern alliance of four other kings (Gen. 14:2). Defeated initially, the alliance of five kings was rescued by Abram (Gen. 14:13-16). S h i n a r (shi'nahr), P l a i n of, a district of Babylonia in southern Iraq. According to Gen. 10:10, the Plain of Shinar included Babel (Babylon), Erech (Warka), and Accad or Akkade in central Mesopotamia close to Baghdad. The Tower of Babel is said to have been built in "a plain in the land of Shinar" (Gen. 11:2). "Amraphel king of Shinar" was one of the four kings who, according to Genesis 14, invaded the Dead Sea region and were subsequently pursued and defeated by Abraham at "Horbah, north of Damascus" (Gen. 14:1-16). Many scholars, however, believe this tradition to be legendary. In later times "Shinar" was equated with Babylon, from which, among other places, the exiles would one day be rescued (Isa. 11:11). Dan. 1:2 says that Nebuchadnezzar took "Jehoiakim king of Judah . . . with some of the vessels of the house of God" to Shinar. Zech. 5:11 predicts the ephah of wickedness will be taken to a house built for it in Shinar. See also Babylon; Nebuchadnezzar. D.B. Shion (shi'uhn), a border post of the lands of Issachar (Josh. 19:19). Its location is uncertain. S h i p h i (shi'fi; Heb., "abundance" or "overflow"), a member of the tribe of Simeon who was the father of Ziza (1 Chron. 4:37). S h i p h r a h (shifruh), a woman who was one of two midwives approached by Pharaoh to carry out his plan to destroy all Israelite boys when they were born (Exod. 1:15). Shiphtan (shif'tan; Heb., "the god has judged"?), the father of Kemuel, of the tribe of Ephraim (Num. 34:24). Shiphtan was one of the men assigned to divide the land among the tribes of Israel. ships. See Boats. Shishak (shi'shak; Heb.), a king of Egypt, whose Egyptian name was Shoshenq I (945-924 B.C.). Born in Egypt but descended from a line of Libyan nobles, he was the founder of the twenty-

Shitrai (shit'ri). A Sharonite, one of David's servants. He handled the livestock in the Sharon plain (1 Chron. 27:29). shittah (shit'uh; "acacia" tree or wood), a transliterated Hebrew term (sittâ) that identified the tree or wood Acacia nilotica or the more substantial Acacia tortilis. In the plural form, shittim (Exod. 2 5 , 26, 27, 30, 35, 36, 37, 38), it is designated as the proper wood to be used in constructing the Ark of the Covenant (Exod. 25:10) and the accompanying items like the carrying poles (Exod. 25:28), bars (Exod. 26:26), pillars (Exod. 26:32), tables (Exod. 25:23), and altars (Exod. 37:25; see also Deut. 10:3). In Isa. 41:19 it symbolizes the revival of lush life as part of a growth with other substantial trees. It was highly resistant to insects and other decay and was suitable for cabinet-making, being both hard and durable. R.S.B. Shittim (shi'tim), a place in the territory of Moab north of Mt. Nebo and Heshbon and across the border from Jericho (Num. 33:48-49). Here, according to the various narratives, the Israelite men sinned with Moabite women (Num. 25) and the Israelites were numbered in a census (Num. 26). At Shittim Joshua was commissioned to succeed Moses (Num. 27:23) and from there men were sent as spies to the promised land (Josh. 2:1). Shittim may be identified with the modern Tell el-Hamman in Jordan. Shiza (shi'zuh), a member of the tribe of Reuben. He was the father of Adina and a member of David's armies (1 Chron. 11:42).

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Shoa (shoh'uh), a people named in association with Babylonians, Assyrians, and probably Aramaeans who would threaten Judah, according to Ezekiel's warning (Ezek. 23:23). The people have not been precisely identified, although they were probably located north of Judah, given the known locations of the associated groups. In this section of Ezekiel, Judah appears as one of two sisters and is named Oholibah. See also Oholah, Oholibah. Shobab (shoh'bab). 1 One of David's sons born in Jerusalem (2 Sam. 5:14; 1 Chron. 3:5; 14:4). 2 A son of Caleb and Azuba (1 Chron. 2:18). Shobach (shoh'bak), commander of the eastern Aramaean forces of Hadadezer, who marshaled troops to assault David. In the subsequent fight at Helam in the Transjordan Shobach's forces were beaten decisively and Shobach himself was mortally wounded. The defeat stymied further Aramaean-Ammonite action against David (2 Sam. 10:15-19; 1 Chron. 19:16-19, where the name is spelled "Shophach"). Shobai (sholTbi), one of the families of returning exiles who served as gatekeepers in Jerusalem (Ezra 2:42; Neh. 7:45; 1 Esd. 5:28). Shobai (shoh'buhl; Heb., "basket"). 1 The second son of Seir, a Horite clan chief who lived probably in Edom (Gen. 36:20, 23, 29; 1 Chron. 1:38, 40). 2 An ancestor of a Calebite tribe in Kiriath-jearim (1 Chron. 2:50, 52), which was considered part of Judah (1 Chron. 4:1-2). Shobek (shohlDek), one of the men sealing the covenant in Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. 10:24). Shobi (shohTji), the Ammonite prince, son of King Nahash, who supplied David during David's stay at Mahanaim in the Transjordan while he was in conflict with his son Absalom (2 Sam. 17:27-29). Shobi may have served as successor to his brother Hanun following the latter's insolent treatment of David's servants and the subsequent military disaster. Such conduct on Hanun's part was all the more inappropriate because the Ammonites were then strictly a tributary people to David's throne (2 Sam. 10:1-11:1; 12:26-31; 1 Chron. 19:1-20:3). shoes, coverings for the feet, used for decoration as well as protection. Sandals were the common form of foot covering in biblical times, although laced or strapped boots were worn by Assyrian and Roman soldiers, and Palestinian women in ankle-high shoes are depicted in an Egyptian tomb painting (cf. Ezek. 16:10). Most people, however, appear barefoot in ancient Egyptian and Mesopotamian art, with sandals shown on soldiers, travelers, and persons of

Shoes: 1. Egyptian (1200 B.C.), 2. Egyptian, 3. Babylonian, 4. Assyrian (900 B.C.), 5. Greek krepis, 6. Greek pediba, 7. Roman calceus, 8. Roman crepeda

rank. Footwear may have been more common in northern regions. Sandals consisted basically of a leather, wood, or fiber sole attached to the foot by thongs (Gen. 14:23). Assyrian sandals were characterized by a heel cap. Putting on sandals was a sign of preparation for a journey (Exod. 12:11; Deut. 29:5; Josh. 9:5, 13) or for warfare (Isa. 5:27). Jesus' instructions in sending out the Twelve, that they should go barefoot (Matt. 10:10; Luke 10:4), countered normal practice. Sandals belonged to fine dress (Luke 15:22) and full dress (Acts 12:8). Footwear was removed indoors, in sacred precincts (Exod. 3:5; Josh. 5:15), and during mourning (Ezek. 24:17). Removing or carrying a master's shoes was a slave's task in NT times (cf. Mark 1:7; Matt. 3:11). Transfer of property was confirmed in Hebrew custom by the symbolic exchange of a sandal (Ruth 4:7, 8; Amos 2:6), arising, probably, from the practice of claiming title to land by walking its boundaries or casting a shoe upon it (Ps. 60:8). The public removal of a man's shoe by the woman he has refused to take in levirate marriage was a humiliating gesture with sexual innuendo (Deut. 25:9-10). See also Marriage. P.A.B. S h o h a m (shohliam), a Merarite Lévite, the son of Jaaziah (1 Chron. 24:27). Shomer (shoh'muhr; Heb., "keeper, watcher"). 1 The parent of Jehozabad, one of the murderers of Judah's king Joash (2 Kings 12:21). 2 A son of the Asherite Heber (1 Chron. 7:32; in v. 34 it appears as "Shemer"). shoot. See Branch. shophar (shoh'fahr), the horn of an animal formed into a musical instrument. The biblical shophar was a ram's horn (Josh. 6:4-13). Although it was possible to fashion a shophar from the horn of a sheep or goat, later Jewish tradition preferred that it be made from a ram's,

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the animal Abraham substituted for the sacrifice of his son Isaac (Gen. 22:1-14). The shophar is mentioned many times in the Bible, beginning with Exod. 19:16, the revelation at Mt. Sinai, where the loud blast of the horn caused the people to tremble in fear. The Israelites were commanded that when they entered the land God would give them, they were to proclaim the Jubilee Year with a blast of the shophar (Lev. 25:9). In the Bible, the shophar most often signifies an important announcement or a call to arms (Judg. 3:27) and was the means by which Joshua conquered the city of Jericho (Josh. 6:4-5). As an instrument, the shophar was also used as part of a musical ensemble (Ps. 98:6). In the Jerusalem Temple, the ram's horn was an integral part of the rituals. The book of Numbers describes the first day of the seventh month as the "Day of the blowing of the shophar" (Num. 29:1). Postbiblical Judaism termed this day Rosh Ha-Shanah (cf. Ezek. 40:1), and a prescribed sequence of notes are to be blown as a call to repentance with a long blast at the conclusion of the Day of Atonement. Jewish tradition, based on Isa. 27:13, maintains that the shophar will be sounded to usher in the final messianic redemption (cf. Rev. 8-9). The shophar plays a prominent role in the eschatological battle described in the War Scroll from Qumran. L.H.S.

21:6), or simply the bread (Exod. 40:23). See also Worship. D.R.B. shrine, specifically a box or container in which sacred objects are placed. In a general sense a shrine is any place in which sacred objects are housed or at which such objects are placed, or any sacred place at which worship is performed. Thus, the Ark of the Covenant was a shrine since it contained the tablets of the testimony (Exod. 25:16). The most holy place of the

S h o s h a n n i m (shoh-shan'im; RSV: "lilies"), a term in the KJV that appears in the titles of Psalms 45, 69, and 80. It seems to have been a type of instruction concerning performance, perhaps referring to the melody to be used. See also Music. shovel, an implement for clearing away ashes from the tabernacle's outer altar. The altar shovels were made of copper (Exod. 27:3; 38:3). The ashes were scooped up in them and apparently placed in copper pots (see Exod. 27:3), which were then carried outside the camp and emptied at the cultic ash dump (Lev. 6:10-11). Solomon's Temple also had copper shovels for its burnt offering altar (1 Kings 7:40, 45; 2 Chron. 4:11,16). When Jerusalem fell, the Babylonians took these as spoil (2 Kings 25:14; Jer. 52:18). showbread (in older English translations, "shewbread"), twelve loaves of unleavened bread that were placed on a specially constructed table in the holy place of the tabernacle and Temple as an offering to God. They were to be baked of fine flour and arranged in two rows of six with frankincense in each row. The bread was to be replaced with freshly baked bread every Sabbath day and the old loaves were to be eaten by the priests (Lev. 24:5-9; Exod. 25:23-30; 1 Sam. 21:5-6; cf. Matt. 12:3-^1). The showbread is variously referred to as the Bread of the Presence (Num. 4:7), holy bread (1 Sam.

Reconstructed shrine house with snake and animal decorative motifs; from Beth-shan, 1000-850 B.C.

tabernacle or Temple in which the Ark was housed can also be termed a shrine (Exod. 26:33; 1 Kings 6:19; 8:6). In the broad sense, the tabernacle and Temple can be called shrines since they were places of worship. Similarly, non-Hebrew cult places that housed idols or other sacred objects (cf. 2 Kings 23:4-20) or at which worship was performed can be called shrines. See also Ark; Cults; Tabernacle; Temple, D.P.B. The; Temples; Worship. shroud, the cloth used to wrap a corpse. One such piece of material was used to wrap the body of Jesus after the crucifixion (Matt. 27:59; but see John 20:6-7). That piece of cloth has never been confidently identified, although some claim the shroud kept at Turin, Italy, is the one used for Jesus. The shroud at Turin, which appears to bear the image of a human body, was first discovered in France in the fourteenth century. It has no

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known history before that. It is 14 feet long and 3-1/2 feet wide. It seems to have been used for a corpse that was 5 feet, 11 inches tall and weighed about 170 pounds, but that proves nothing, because no one knows how tall or heavy Jesus was. Many scientific tests have been applied to the shroud of Turin. These show that the body it contained had been crucified. Marks on the cloth in the area of hands and feet are evidently blood stains, but that does not prove the body was that of Jesus. Thousands of people were crucified in antiquity. Alexander Jannaeus (second century B.C.) crucified eight hundred prominent Jews on one day—all of whom were probably wrapped in shrouds and buried. Some of these were probably the same size as the body held by the shroud of Turin. Tests have been undertaken to determine the age of the cloth, but the results remain inconclusive. Even if it were proved to have been woven during the first century, that would still only reduce the odds to several thousand possibilities. G.W.B.

in his old age (1 Kings 1:3). 2 A woman whose dead son was revived by Elisha (2 Kings 4:8-37). See also Abishag.

Shuah (shoo'uh), a term akin to an Assyrian term for an Aramaean land on the Euphrates. The biblical word identifies three people. 1 A Canaanite father of Judah's wife (RSV: "Shua" in Gen. 38:2,12; KJV: "Shua" in 1 Chron. 2:3). 2 An Asherite, a child of Heber (1 Chron. 7:32, "Shua"). 3 A son of Abraham and Keturah (Gen. 25:2), possibly a reference to an Arab or Aramaean tribe inhabiting the Upper Euphrates region. This would link with references to Shuhites, a tribe thought to have lived either there or in Edom. Shual (shoo'uhl; Heb., "fox" or "jackal"?). 1 A territory (one of three) against which Philistine raiders moved in the time of King Saul (eleventh century B.C.; 1 Sam. 13:17). Its association with Ophrah suggests a northerly location for the Philistine camp at Michmash. 2 A portion of the Asherite clan of Zophah (1 Chron. 7:36). Shuham (shooliam), a clan ancestor of a group of people from the Hebrew tribe of Dan (Num. 26:42-43). Shuhite (shooTiit), identification according to ancestral location of Job's friend Bildad (Job 2:11; 8:1; 18:1; 25:1; 42:9). Approximate location is possible from the derivation of "Shuah" from Akkadian Sùu, a country (later an Assyrian province) on the Euphrates River. See also Shuah. Shulamite Shuni.

(shooluh-mit).

See

Shunem;

Shunammite (shoo'nuh-mit), a native of the town of Shunem. 1 Abishag, who nursed David

Shunem (shoo'nuhm), town on the southern border of Issachar (Josh. 19:18) guarding the pass to the Valley of Jezreel on the north, opposite the town of Jezreel at the foot of Mt. Gilboa. It is identified with modern Solem. Shunem is mentioned in the fifteenth-century B.C. conquest lists of the Egyptian pharaoh Thutmose III, the fourteenth-century Amarna letters, and the tenth-century inscription of Pharaoh Shishak at Karnak. The Philistines camped at Shunem before defeating the Israelites at Mt. Gilboa (1 Sam. 28:4), and David's nurse in his old age, Abishag, was from Shunem (1 Kings 1:3). Elisha frequently stopped at this town in his travels, and a woman there provided him with quarters; in return Elisha's promise of a son was fulfilled and later Elisha revived him from death (2 Kings 4). See also Gilboa; Jezreel. N.L.L. Shuni (shoo'ni), the third son of Gad, and the ancestor of the Shunites (Gen. 46:16; Num. 26:15). Shunite (shoo'nit), the name of the clan descended from Shuni (Num 26:15), among the descendants of Gad. See also Shuni. S h u p h a m (shoo'fuhm). See Shephupham. S h u r (shoor), Wilderness of, a desert region somewhere in the Sinai Peninsula, east of the present Suez Canal. It was inhabited by Ishmaelites (Gen. 25:18) and was for a period the home of Abraham (Gen. 20:1). The Israelites during the Exodus entered it immediately after leaving the Red Sea (Exod. 15:22). "The way to Shur," where the angel met Hagar (Gen. 16:7), is probably the desert track leading southward from Beer-sheba, along which Saul, and later David, pursued the Amalekites "as far as Shur" (1 Sam. 15:7; 27:8). No suggestion for the meaning of the name "Shur" has so far won general acceptance among scholars. See also Abraham; Amalekites; Beer-sheba; Exodus; Hagar; Ishmaelites. D.B. S h u s h a n (shoo'shan), the ancient capital of Elam (the southwestern area of modern Iran), which reached its height of importance as the residence and especially the winter capital of the kings of Persia. Called "Susa the capital" in Esther 1:2 (and Neh. 1:1), it provides the setting for the story of Esther and Mordecai. Daniel is also placed in Shushan during the reign of Belshazzar (Dan. 8:2). Archaeological work has determined the outlines of the history of Shushan from the fourth millennium B.C. until after its capture by Arabian armies in the seventh century A.D.

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Excavation has centered on the impressive remains of the royal palace and city as well as the acropolis. Shiite Muslim tradition later located Daniel's tomb there. The city was also the site of a huge marriage ceremony of about ten thousand men from the army of Alexander the Great with Persian women in 324 B.C. See also Esther; Persia. W.L.H.

with a handle to allow short horizontal strokes for cutting grass, weeds, or grains. Early models recovered are compound blades of serrated flint segments fastened in a wooden frame with bitumen. Later models include metal blades, but the use of flint continued long into the Bronze and Iron ages. A quick sweeping arc at the stems held by the other hand would be an efficient use of the tool. Biblical references to its use in harvest are numerous (Deut. 16:9; 23:25; Jer. 50:16; Joel 3:13; Mark 4:29) and it appears metaphorically as a tool of the harvest of human life at the Last Judgment (Rev. 14:14-20). R.S.B.

S h u s h a n Eduth (shoo'shan ee'duhth; Heb., "Lily of Testimony"), a part of the title of Psalm 60 that referred performers to a melody or song patterns to be used. Such song patterns and melodies have since been lost. Shuthelah (shoo'thuh-luh), the founder of an Ephraimite clan, the Shuthelahites (Num. 26:35-36). The Ephraimite mentioned in 1 Chron. 7:21-22 may be the same person, although on the other hand different generations may be indicated.

Siddim (sid'im), Valley of, depression at the south end of the Dead Sea (Gen. 14:3, 8,10) that was the scene of a war between four eastern kings and the monarchs of five local cities. The location is most likely the eastern shore of the Lisan projection, from modern Bab edh-Dhra south.

shuttle. See Spinning and Weaving. S i a (si'uh), a family of Temple servants who returned from exile in Babylonia who worked at the reconstruction of the city of Jerusalem (Neh. 7:47). They are probably identical to the "Siaha" of Ezra 2:44 (cf. 1 Esd. 5:29). Sibbecai (sib'uh-ki), a Hushamite who killed a giant named Saph (2 Sam. 21:18) in the battles against the Philistines at Gob (Gezer in 1 and 2 Chronicles). Identified as a Zerahite (1 Chron. 27:11), he commanded David's forces in the eighth month and was among the elite of the thirty mighty men (1 Chron. 11:29; the same person maybe named "Mebunnai" in 2 Sam. 23:27). Sibmah (sib'muh), a place in the rich Moabite plateau allocated to the tribe of Reuben (Num. 32:38; "Sebam" in 32:3; Josh. 13:19). In later prophetic oracles it was described as Moabite territory (Isa. 16:6-9; Jer. 48:31-32) known for vineyards. It may be modern Qurn el-Kibsh some five miles southwest of Hesban. sickle, an instrument with a simple or compound blade set as a small curve and rigged

Iron sickle, which represents the type of tools the Philistines manufactured and supplied to the Israelites.

side locks, hair alongside the temples which, like the corner of a beard, was not to be cut in a prohibition of what was apparently a pagan mourning practice (Lev. 19:27; see also 21:5). Sidon (si'duhn), one of the two leading cities (with Tyre) of ancient Phoenicia. Sidon is located twenty-two miles north of Tyre on the Mediterranean coast of modern Lebanon. Substantial archaeological investigation is not possible because of the modern city on the site, but a Crusader sea castle lies some meters offshore on the north side of Sidon while the ruins of a medieval land castle and an ancient heap of murex shells are on the south side of the town. It possesses a port with an inner and outer harbor on the north side and another on the south. Immediately outside Sidon stone round houses of the Chalcolithic period (4000-3000 B.C.) have been found, and the neighborhood cemeteries of the Babylonian to Late Roman periods (ca. 625 B.C.-A.D. 324) have produced numerous sarcophagi, the most famous of which (now in Istanbul) depicts Alexander the Great in battle and hunting scenes carved in marble. In the Amarna Age (fourteenth century B.C.) King Zimrida of Sidon wrote two letters to the pharaoh of Egypt. In one he professed his loyalty and requested Egyptian aid in regaining territory that had fallen to Habiru rebels. But in other correspondence the kings of Byblos and Tyre portrayed Zimrida as having joined the rebellion and allied himself with Aziru, king of Amurru, against them and Egypt. At the beginning of the Iron Age (ca. 1200 B.C.) Sidonian colonists re founded Tyre, according to classical tradition. The Egyptian Tale of Wenamun, dated to the mid-eleventh century B.C., mentions the presence of fifty ships in the port of Sidon. It may have outclassed Tyre during the first centuries (1200-1000 B.C.) of the Iron Age,

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but during most of the Phoenician period Tyre led or controlled Sidon despite the fact that from the Greek perspective of the Homeric poems the term Phoenician was synonymous with Sidon. For example, the Assyrian king Sennacherib in 701 B.C. defeated Luli, whom he called king of Sidon but who is almost certainly the same as Elulaeus, king of Tyre. In the seventh century B.C. Sidon was besieged by King Esarhaddon of Assyria who razed the city (677 B.C.) and built in its place an Assyrian residence nearby called Kar-Esarhaddon. Sidon's fortunes improved during the Persian period (539-332 B.C.), due in part to the decline of Tyre following a thirteen-year siege (586-573 B.C.) by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar and in part to the favor bestowed upon Sidon by Persian monarchs. The mainland settlement of Sidon may have been more tractable than island Tyre, which submitted but remained unconquered. Phoenician refusal to support the Persian king Cambyses' planned attack on North Africa, where Tyre's chief colonies were located, may have been led by Tyre. Cambyses conquered Egypt in 526 B.C. with the aid of the Phoenicians. King Tabnit of Sidon ruled about this time and it may be no accident that he was buried in an Egyptian general's reused stone sarcophagus upon which Tabnit left his own inscription. His mummified body in it revealed him to be a strong man, 5 feet 5 inches tall, with wavy reddish-brown hair tinted with henna. The sarcophagus of his son, King Eshmunazar II, possessed a Phoenician inscription of twenty-two lines from which we learn that he built several temples for Astarte at Sidon and for Eshmun at a mountain spring and that Sidon was given possession of Dor and Joppa south of Tyre. His father, King Tabnit, was a priest of Astarte and his mother, Amo'ashtart, was priestess of Astarte, and both were offspring of Eshmunazar I, king of Sidon. The sanctuary of Eshmun on a hillside a few miles away at the river Nahr el-Awali has been excavated by M. Dunand and others, revealing important buildings, inscriptions, and statuary of the Babylonian, Persian, and Hellenistic periods dedicated to Eshmun. He was the god of healing and was equated with the Greek deity Asclepius. In the Persian Wars, when Darius and Xerxes attacked Greek city-states, King Tetramnestus and his fleet of three hundred Sidonian triremes (warships with three banks of oars) led the Persian navy. In 351 B.C., on the enthronement of Artaxerxes III Ochus in Persia, Sidon revolted. King Tennes led Sidon in rebellion, but when the Persians reacted and the cause looked hopeless Tennes treacherously betrayed Sidon in order to save himself. The city was burned and, although rebuilt, did not regain its former position. Sidon quickly submitted to Alexander the Great in 332 B.C. and assisted him in the siege of Tyre. During the Hellenistic and Roman periods

Sidon was a prosperous center for commerce and learning. Sidon is mentioned frequently in the OT prophetic books, often in conjunction with Tyre (e.g., Isa. 23:2, 4, 12; Jer. 25:22; Ezek. 28:21-22; Joel 3:4; Zech. 9:2), and the area was visited by Jesus (Matt. 15:21; Mark 7:24) and Paul (Acts 27:3). Bibliography Jidejian, N. Sidon Through the Ages. Beirut: Dar el-Machreq, 1971. Katzenstein, H. J. "Tyre in the Early Persian Period (539-486 B.C.E.). Biblical Archeologist 42:1 (1979):23-34. T.L.M. siege, the military tactic of surrounding a community, cutting off its supplies and rescue aid, and reducing its resistance to the point of surrender or destruction. It can also refer to any prolonged distress or suffering. Biblical references to siegeworks, siege towers, and siege mounds indicate common experience with the process. Only unfruitful trees were permitted to be cut for preparing siegeworks against an enemy city (Deut. 20:20). Babylon built siegeworks against Jerusalem under Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kings 25:1). Metaphorically, Job speaks of God's treating him that way (Job 19:12), and the helplessness of siegeworks in the face of a wise man is touted by Ecclesiastes (9:14+43-15). Isaiah sees God besieging Jerusalem (Ariel) with towers and siegeworks (29:3), as does Ezekiel (4:2), and Daniel (11:15) sees it used against the king of the south (the Ptolemies). Ezekiel's description is quite graphic and accurate, combining a siege wall (the Romans in a later period built one entirely surrounding Masada, remains of which are still visible from the summit as well as ground level), a mound (the ramp is still visible also at Masada), camps (also visible at Masada), and battering rams (most graphically presented in the bas-reliefs from the palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh showing the Assyrian conquest of Lachish, but known also from Nimrud). Siege tactics also included sapping under the defender's walls, ramming the gates, storming the gates and walls with ladders or towers, or setting fire to the wooden materials in the defense system. One of the longest sieges in biblical history occurred at Samaria; the city held out for three years against the Assyrians before capitulating in 722 B.C. See also War; Weapons. R.S.B. sieve, a perforated plate or screen used for separating grain from chaff or various sized grains from each other. Earlier models used woven hair, grass, or small reeds set in flat, round rims or held in a concave basin form to allow shaking motions that would agitate the contents and separate them. Biblical usage is mainly metaphorical for the discipline of God (Amos 9:9) or his judgment (Isa. 30:28; Luke 22:31).

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sign, a significant event, act, or other manifestation that betokens God's presence or intention. Signs may be miraculous and spectacular, as in the case of those performed by Moses before the people of Israel to demonstrate that God had sent him to them (Exod. 4:1-9, 17, 30) or before Pharaoh for the same purpose (Exod. 7-11). On the other hand, a natural phenomenon such as a rainbow or a sunset may be called a sign (Gen. 9:13; Ps. 65:8), as may an identifying mark such as circumcision (Gen. 17:11) or even a prophet and his children (Isa. 8:18). In the NT, signs tend to be apocalyptic or miraculous, but the shepherds are told that the infant Jesus "wrapped in swaddling cloths and lying in a manger" (Luke 2:12) will be a sign of God's salvation. When Jesus is asked about a sign indicating the coming destruction of the Temple (Mark 13:4), he responds in terms of natural, if catastrophic, events (Mark 13:5-13). These phenomena are usually described as apocalyptic and merge with more distinctly supernatural events predicted later on in the same discourse (Mark 13:24-27). In the synoptic Gospels, when Jesus is asked to perform or manifest a sign, he refuses (Mark 8:11-12; Matt. 12:38-39) and denounces the quest for signs (cf. John 4:48). Yet Paul speaks of miraculous apostolic signs (2 Cor. 12:12), and Jesus is characterized in Acts 2:22 as "a man attested to you by God with mighty works and wonders and signs which God did through him in your midst." In the Gospel of John, Jesus repeatedly performs signs that are intended to evoke faith in him (2:11), although they also cause offense (11:47-48), and the Evangelist seems to be aware of the inadequacies of miracle faith (i.e., faith based on signs) except as the beginning point for a more adequate perception and understanding of Jesus (2:23-25; but cf. 20:30-31). See also Miracles. D.M.S.

dence dating to the Late Bronze Age and earliest Iron Age (fifteenth to twelfth centuries B.C.). None of this evidence relates directly to Sihon with the exception of the excavations at Tell Hesban, north of Madeba. Only scattered twelfth-century B.C. artifacts have been found there, and they give indication of a very small settlement during the end of the period assigned to Sihon. Nevertheless the memory of this defeat lived on in Israelite consciousness (1 Kings 4:19; Ps. 135:11; 136:19; Neh. 9:22). J.A.D.

signet. See Seal. Sihon (siTion), a king of the Amorites whose capital was Heshbon, a city lying east of the northern tip of the Dead Sea. The etymology of his name is obscure, as are the circumstances of his origins. According to the OT Sihon opposed the Israelites as they sought to move from the south through Trans Jordan. The two forces clashed at Jahaz, resulting in the defeat of Sihon and the incorporation of his territory into the Israelite tribal holdings (Num. 21:21-30; Deut. 2:24-37; Judg. 11:18-22). While the Israelites were not to inherit Moabite or Ammonite territory, the area attributed to Sihon's kingdom and claimed by Israel seems to have included some territory also claimed by Ammon and Moab. Recent archaeological work in the general area attributed to Sihon—essentially the area between the headwaters of the Jabbok and the Arnon—has shown some occupational evi-

S i l a s , S i l v a n u s (si'luhs, sil-vay'nuhs), generally regarded as alternate names for the same person, a leader in the early church and an associate of Paul. The Letters of Paul and 1 Peter refer to him as Silvanus (a Latinization), but Acts prefers Silas (either a Semitic or a shortened Greek form). According to Acts 1 5 : 2 2 - 3 5 , Silas and Judas Barsabbas, prophets in the Jerusalem church, were sent along with Paul and Barnabas to take the apostolic decrees from the Jerusalem conference to the church in Antioch. Silas's background was probably similar to that of Barnabas and John Mark, and it was thus perhaps no accident that they encountered one another more than once in early Christian history. For example, when Paul and Barnabas at Antioch quarreled over Mark (Acts 15:36-41), Paul chose Silas to accompany him on a mission tour in Asia Minor and ultimately into Macedonia and Achaia (Acts 15:41-18:5). Silvanus (Silas) is mentioned in the Letters of Paul (1 Thess. 1:1; 2 Thess. 1:1; 2 Cor. 1:19) and in 1 Peter (5:12). Except in 2 Cor. 1:19, he is connected with the writing of the Letters. He is either a co-author (in the case of Paul) or a secretary or courier (in the case of 1 Peter). Certainly Silas was an important figure in the churches in Macedonia (Acts 18:18 suggests that he may have remained in Macedonia when Paul left) and may have been regarded as an apostle (1 Thess. 2:6; cf. 2 Cor. 1:19). His early connections with the church in Jerusalem were no doubt helpful in giving added theological legitimacy to the Pauline mission. Silas's Roman citizenship, reported in Acts 16:37-38, would also have been of considerable personal help to Paul on his travels. See also Barnabas; Barsabbas; Mark; Paul; Peter, The First Letter of. A.J.M. Siloam (si-loh'uhm) Inscription, a Hebrew inscription recovered from the Siloam tunnel in Jerusalem. The text commemorates the excavation of the tunnel, which connected the spring of Gihon, the principal source of water for ancient Jerusalem, with a reservoir within the city known as the pool of Siloam. The Gihon arises on the eastern slope of the Ophel, the southeastern hill of Jerusalem, upon which the City of David was located. Originally, therefore, it emptied into the Kidron Valley.

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After the occupation of the site, however, an open basin was dug at the mouth of the spring to collect the waters. From this basin, known as "the upper pool," the waters were conveyed south along the slope of the city mound by an aqueduct called "the conduit of the upper pool" (2 Kings 18:17; Isa. 7:3). Recent excavation has shown that this aqueduct was in part a tunnel and in part an open canal, so that in addition to receiving the flow from the upper pool it collected rainwater from the slope of the mound. It contained a number of "windows," through which water could be released for the irrigation of the valley below. The reference in Isa. 8:6 to "the waters of Shiloah that flow gently" probably reveals the name for this water system that was in use during the reign of Ahaz. "Siloam" is a later, Greek form of "Shiloah." At the mouth of the aqueduct was another reservoir called "the lower pool" (Isa. 22:9). "The Pool of Shelah" (Neh. 3:15) and "King's Pool" (Neh. 2:14) are probably other names for this second reservoir. Because the original Shiloah or Siloam channel lay outside the fortifications of the city, it was difficult to protect during a siege. As part of his preparations for Sennacherib's attack on Jerusalem, therefore, Hezekiah sealed the old outlet of the upper pool (2 Chron. 3 2 : 2 - 4 , 30; cf. Isa. 22:8-11) and devised an underground passage to divert the flow of the Gihon to a reservoir within the fortified precincts of the city (2 Kings 20:20), evidently the "reservoir between the two walls" of Isa. 22:11. The shaft of Hezekiah's tunnel followed a sinuous path through 1,749 feet of bedrock under the City of David to a new pool on the

western slope of the Ophel in the valley later known as Tyropoeon. The name of the older aqueduct was transferred to the new system. The first-century Jewish historian Josephus knew the western reservoir as Siloam, and in John 9:7 Jesus refers to it as "the pool of Siloam." However, the modern village of Silwan, which also preserves a form of the ancient name, is located across the Kidron to the east of the Gihon spring. The Inscription, now in the Museum of the Ancient Orient in Istanbul, was found in 1880 by two boys wading inside the tunnel some 20 feet above the western reservoir. It consists of six lines incised on the lower part of a prepared surface on the rock wall of the shaft. The blank upper surface has led some scholars to suppose that part of the inscription is missing; others believe that the text was originally intended to be surmounted by a relief. The Inscription cannot be dated long before 701 B.C., the year of Sennacherib's siege of Jerusalem. The script is the Hebrew lapidary hand of the eighth century B.C., and the language is comparable to the standard Hebrew prose of the Bible. The text describes the completion of Hezekiah's tunnel by two crews who, having set to work from opposite directions, dug until only three cubits (ca. 4.5 feet) of rock separated them at a point one hundred cubits (ca. 150 feet) beneath the streets of the city. From there they were able to guide each other through the remaining rock by shouting. This was possible, we are told, because of something extending north and south in the rock. Perhaps this was a fissure, as the translation below suggests, but the Hebrew word is obscure.

Cast of the Siloam Inscription originally carved on the wall of Hezekiah's tunnel, Jerusalem, describing the construction and completion of the tunnel, which connected the Gihon spring to the Pool of Siloam; eighth century B.C.

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The Inscription may be translated as follows: 1. The [ ] of the penetration. This is how the penetration took place. While [the diggers were] still [wielding] 2. their axes towards each other, with three cubits still to be penfetrated, they could he]ar each other sho3. uting, for there was a fissure in the rock running to the south [and to the nor]th. So at the moment of pene4. tration, the diggers struck towards each other, axe against axe. Then the waters flowed 5. from the spring to the pool—one thousand two hundred cubits. And one h[un-] 6 red cubits was the height of the rock above P.K.M. the heads of the digger[s].

had a silver cup which he placed in his brother Benjamin's sack (Gen. 44:2, 5, 12, 16). Later he gave Benjamin "three hundred shekels of silver" (Gen. 45:22). As early as the period of the judges (ca. 1200-1000 B.C.), the Israelites knew of silver craftsmanship, as reported in Judges where Micah's mother took eleven hundred pieces of silver to a silversmith for fashioning anidolQudg. 17:1-6). Other OT references include silver used for foundations, decorations, vessels for worship, and trumpets for the tabernacle (Exod. 26:19; 27:10, 17; 36:24, 26; Num. 7:13, 14; 10:2), and the Jerusalem Temple with its treasury (1 Kings 7:51; 1 Chron. 28:15,16; 2 Chron. 2:7; Ezra 8:26, 28; Neh. 7:71). Figuratively, silver and the refining process are used to show the testing of people's hearts (Ps. 66:10; Isa. 48:10), great abundance (Zech. 9:3; Isa. 60:17; Job 3:15; 22:25; 27:16), and either positively the brightness of a dove's wings (Ps. 68:13) and the purity of God's word (Ps. 12:6) or negatively the corrosive deterioration of God's people (Jer. 6:30; Isa. 1:22). Silver was known in the raw state (1 Kings 15:15; Exod. 31:4; 35:24, 32) as well as mined (Job 28:1) and well refined (Prov. 10:20; 1 Chron. 29:4; Mai. 3:2, 3; Ezek. 22:20). Long before coinage silver was known as a standard of wealth (Gen. 13:2; 24:35; Exod. 25:3; Num. 22:18) and was weighed out for payment of an obligation by measures such as the shekel, talent, or mina (Gen. 20:16; Exod. 21:32; Lev. 27:16; Josh. 24:32). Silver was used for special articles of value or prestige such as Joseph's drinking cup (Gen. 44:2), a royal crown of silver and gold (Zech. 6:11), and as jewelry given to Rebekah (Gen. 24:53); as booty received from Egyptian women (Exod. 3:22); and as silver-studded ornaments for Solomon's bride (Song of Sol. 1:11). Oppositely, silver was often a material for idols as early as the Exodus and Judges and as decried in the prophets (Exod. 20:23; Judg. 17:4; Isa. 2:20; Jer. 10:4; Dan. 2:32, 33; Hos. 13:2). The NT mentions silver vessels (2 Tim. 2:20), idols (Rev. 9:20), and shrines to Artemis of Ephesus made by Demetrius the silversmith who feared Paul's preaching (Acts 19:23-27). Money had no ransoming power (1 Pet. 1:18). Peter had no silver (Acts 3:6) and Paul earned none for preaching (Acts 20:33). Books on magic arts burned by new Christians at Ephesus were valued at fifty thousand pieces of silver (Acts 19:19). Judas received thirty pieces of silver for his betrayal of Jesus (Matt. 26:15; 27:3, 5, 6, 9). Generally belittled in the NT, silver cannot be compared to the Deity (Acts 17:29) or Christ (1 Cor. 3:12). Wealth measured in silver corrodes and corrupts (James 5:3) and brings only weeping instead of joy (Rev. 18:22). Disciples of Jesus take no silver on their missionary ventures (Matt. 10:9). R.A.C.

Silvanus. See Silas, Silvanus. silver (Heb. kesep), a pale, precious metal capable of being hammered or drawn out thin, known to people of Bible lands as early as 3000 B.C. Silver mining and metallurgy were known and practiced by craftsmen at Ebla (Tell Mardikh in Syria). Some Ebla texts show the value of cattle in silver, and list silver as tribute from Mari, recording once as much as 2188 minas of silver (1 mina equals 47 grams). Silver bars, daggers, adze-heads, and small ceremonial shovels are in evidence from biblical times, as are pieces of jewelry and amulets. Silver was used as a standard for business transactions and as a measure of wealth. Excavations at Ur of artifacts from ca. 2500 B.C. show Sumerian use of silver for musical instruments, pipes, statuettes, and filigree jewelry. The source of silver in antiquity for the Bible lands was likely western Asia Minor and particularly the islands of the Aegean. The 1984 explorations by H. G. Bachmann may be able to pin the source specifically to the island of Sifnos, one of the Aegean Cyclades group. The Laurion mine near Athens was in use by 1000 B.C. as a source of silver. Spain's Rio Tinto silver mines were likely the source of silver for Phoenician and Roman coinage. Among the most recent archaeological findings in Jerusalem are two little silver scrolls bearing texts that include God's name in Hebrew. While the divine name Yahweh has been found on inscriptions in other parts of the country, this is the first time this name has appeared on an archaeological find in Jerusalem. The scroll dates to the sixth century B.C. The first biblical reference to silver from among the approximately four hundred OT passages from Genesis to Malachi is Gen. 13:2, where Abraham's possession of silver along with his cattle and gold mark him as a wealthy man. He purchased the burial cave at Machpelah from Ephron the Hittite for four hundred shekels of weighed silver (Gen. 23:16). Joseph, the Hebrew in Pharaoh's court (ca. 1750 B.C.),

Simeon (sim'ee-uhn; Heb., "to hear"). 1 The second son of Jacob and Leah (Gen. 29:33).

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Simeon and his brother Levi massacred the men of Shechem to avenge the rape of their sister Dinah (Gen. 34). Simeon was later held hostage in Egypt when Joseph sent the other brothers back to Canaan for Benjamin (Gen. 42:24). Subsequently Simeon and his six sons migrated to Egypt with the entire family of Jacob (Gen. 46:10; Num. 26:12-14; 1 Chron. 4:24). In Jacob's blessing, Simeon was rebuked because of his actions at Shechem and was told his descendants would be divided and scattered (Gen. 49:5-7). The tribe of Simeon was given an allotment within the tribal territory of Judah in the southernmost region of Canaan. Their cities included Beer-sheba, in the center of the Negev; Ziklag (possibly modern Tell Sheri'ah) and Sharuhen (modern Tell el Far'ah?) in the western Negev; and Hormah (modern Tell Malhata?) in the eastern Negev (Josh. 19:1-9). Simeon joined forces with the tribe of Judah during the early phase of the Israelite conquest of Canaan (Judg. 1:3-17). Simeon's subsequent history is shrouded in silence. In the days of Hezekiah (727-698 B.C.) the tribe achieved a military victory over the Amalekites, the perennial enemy of the inhabitants of the Negev (1 Chron. 4:41-43). During the Divided Monarchy (tenth to eighth centuries B.C.) Simeon seems to have been reckoned as one of the ten tribes belonging to the Northern Kingdom (cf. 1 Kings 11:30-32; 12:20-23; 2 Chron. 15:9). Little else is known of its fate; it is not mentioned after the Exile (586 B.C.). 2 An ancestor of Jesus according to Luke's genealogy (Luke 3:30). 3 An early, devout man of Jerusalem during the days of Herod who was looking for "the consolation of Israel" (Luke 2:25-35). He had been promised by the Holy Spirit that he would see the Messiah before he died. Simeon recognized the infant Jesus as the Messiah when Jesus' parents presented him at the Temple. He held the infant in his arms and praised God, "For mine eyes have seen thy salvation" (v. 30). He declared, "This child is set for the fall and rising of many in Israel" (v. 34). 4 The Hebrew name of Simon Peter ("Symeon"; 2 Pet. 1:1 in Greek; Acts 15:14, although the Symeon there may be Symeon Niger mentioned in Acts 13:1; see 5). 5 A Christian at Antioch with prophetic and teaching gifts, who served the church there together with Barnabas and Saul prior to the latter's first missionary journey (Acts 13:1). His surname, Niger (Lat., "black"), suggests that he was an African. D.A.D.

6:3). 6 The leper of Bethany in whose house Jesus was anointed with "very expensive ointment" (Matt. 26:6-13; Mark 14:3-9). 7 The Pharisee whose house was the scene of Jesus' anointing by a "sinful" woman (Luke 7:36-50, likely a variant verison of 6). 8 "A man of Cyrene" (North Africa) identified by Mark as father of Alexander and Rufus, who was compelled to carry Jesus' cross (Matt. 27:32; Mark 15:21; Luke 23:26). 9 The leatherworker (tanner) in Joppa with whom Peter remained "for many days"; during this stay Peter had his vision of the clean and unclean animals (Acts 9:43; 10:5-6, 32). 10 Simon Magus, a magician from Samaria (Acts 8:9-24); see Simon Magus. See also Alexander; Apostle; Bethany; Brothers; Cananaean; Cyrene; Disciple; Joppa; Judas; Peter; Pharisees; Rufus; Tanning; Twelve, The; Zealot. P.L.S.

Simon (si 'muhn). 1 Simon Maccabeus, the son of Mattathias Hashmon, a ruler in Palestine (142-134 B.C.). 2 Simon Peter, one of the twelve apostles (Matt. 10:2; Mark 3:16; Luke 6:14). 3 The second "Simon" among the Twelve, otherwise called Simon "the Zealot" (Luke 6:15; Acts 1:13) or "the Cananaean" (Matt. 10:4; Mark 3:18). 4 Judas Iscariot's father (John 6:71; 13:2, 26). 5 One of Jesus' brothers (Matt. 13:55; Mark

Simon Magus (si'muhn may'guhs), a magician ("Magus" is from the Gk. for "magic"; cf. Acts 8:11) in Samaria who became a Christian believer and was baptized as a result of the preaching of Philip, according to Acts 8:9-24. Subsequently, however, he was excoriated by Peter for attempting to purchase the power of the Holy Spirit. Thus, in Acts, he becomes both a negative model for the superiority of the Spirit of Christ over magic and, like Ananias and Sapphira, of the folly of greed (cf. Acts 5:1-11). Acts, which calls him simply Simon, tells us nothing about his origins. Perhaps he was not a Samaritan but lived among the strictly Gentile population of the area. The name Magus appears in later legends about him in the Clementine literature (a series of writings that deal with St. Clement of Rome and name him as author) and the church fathers, where he is either an opponent of Peter or an early Gnostic. Although in Acts Simon apparently repents (8:24), some later Christian writers regarded him as the veritable father of heresy (cf. Acts 8:10: "This man is that power of God which is called Great"). See also Ananias; Gnosticism; Holy Spirit, The; Magic and Divination; Peter; Philip; Samaria, District of; Sapphira. A.J.M. simple, term with the connotation of "unsuspecting" (Heb. torn; 2 Sam. 15:11) referring to someone who is naive, foolish, easily deceived, and led into evil (Heb. pethi; Job 5:2; translated by different expression in Deut. 11:16; Hos. 7:11; Prov. 20:19). It is also used to refer to persons whose innocence makes them an easy target for deceit (Rom. 16:18). S i n (sin; KJV; RSV: "Pelusium"), the "strength of Egypt" (RSV: "stronghold of Egypt") which, according to Ezek. 30:15, is one of the places destroyed by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar. The Hebrew word comes directly from the Egyptian sin, "fortress." Sin was an important stronghold protecting Egypt's northeast

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frontier. The Pyramid Texts of the Old Kingdom mention Sin as the provenience of good wine. A prince of Sin is mentioned in the Assyrian Annals of Ashurbanipal. Called Pelusium by the Greeks, Sin has been identified with modern Tell Farama, situated in the northeast corner of the Nile delta about twenty-four miles southeast of Port Said. This site has never been systematically excavated. See also Nebuchadnezzar. J.M.W.

Universality: Because sin is such an integral feature of human experience, both individual and corporate, many people have argued for a doctrine of "original sin," i.e., sin that is "born into" persons as human beings. There is no passage in the Bible that directly teaches such a doctrine, but there are many that certainly point to the universality and even inevitability of sin in human life. The OT prophets, for example, located the source of sin in the "heart," i.e., in the very depth of one's being, the seat of volition and action (e.g., especially Jer. 5:23; 17:9-10; cf. Ezek. 36:26; Isa. 29:13). In the NT, Paul insists that "all people, both Jews and Greeks, are under the power of sin" (Rom. 3:9; cf. 1:18-3:20; 5:12-21). The words of the author of 1 John rise up in the face of any notion that sin can be totally overcome and avoided in this world: "If we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. . . . If we say we have not sinned, we make him a liar, and his word is not in us" (1:8-10). Origin: As for the origin of sin, the OT writings have very little to say about the matter, the story in Genesis 3 being the only passage to speak directly to this issue. During the intertestamental period (ca. the last three centuries B.C.), however, many ideas were prevalent about the origin of sin. Most of the speculation focused on the story in Genesis 3 and the additional story in Gen. 6:1-4 about divine creatures having intercourse with human women. As a result of the development of later religious thinking regarding demons and Satan, many linked sin to an outside power that forced its way into the human situation. Others believed that humans were born with conflicting "inclinations," one toward good and one toward evil. These inclinations were constantly struggling to obtain controlling influence in each person's life. In the NT, Paul related the sinful condition of the human race to the original transgression of Adam, insisting at the same time, however, that the result of sin (death) "spread to all people" not simply because of Adam's sin but "because all people sinned" (Rom. 5:12). God's Activity: Whatever the origin of sin, the cumulative testimony of the biblical writers is that sin is universal, something that enslaves every person individually and that corrupts society collectively. Further, the enslavement of sin is something from which the human race cannot extricate itself by its own efforts. Perhaps the most persistent motif permeating the pages of the Bible is that of human sin and God's activity in dealing with it. In the OT writings, the emphasis is upon God's covenant with the Hebrew people, the establishment of a new relationship between God and the people such that all people could somehow learn about and enter into the proper divine-human relationship. In the NT writings, the emphasis is upon an even closer relationship between God and humankind through the new

sin, that which is in opposition to God's benevolent purposes for his creation. According to the biblical writers, sin is an ever-present reality that enslaves the human race and has corrupted God's created order. The concept of sin is first and foremost a religious concept, because all sin is ultimately against God, God's laws, God's creation, God's covenant, and God's purposes. It is the basic corrupting agent in the entire universe. There are numerous Hebrew and Greek words used to designate sin in the biblical writings. Perhaps the most basic is a Hebrew word meaning "revolt" or "transgression" and indicating a deliberate act of defiance against God. This idea lies at the heart of the Genesis account of the beginning of sin (Gen. 3:1-7), where the essential problem lies in the desire of the humans to "be like God." All sin is an act of idolatry, the attempt to replace the Creator with someone or something else, usually one's own self or one's own creation. Paul understood this very well, as he indicates in Rom. 1:18-3:20: all humankind lies under condemnation because all are idolators of one type or another. Manifestations: From this basic idea derive most of the other ideas connected with the attempt to describe the many different manifestations of sin. There is sin that is characterized by falling short of God's requirements or "missing the mark"; there are cultic sins (failure to observe the ritual requirements), political and social sins, and "spiritual" sins (e.g., envy, hate, etc.). In the NT, there is the "unforgivable" sin (against the Holy Spirit), which, in modern terms, might be paraphrased as an attitude or mind-set wherein a person willfully refuses to accept the forgiveness of sin offered by God through his Son (Matt. 1 2 : 2 2 - 3 2 ; Mark 3:19b-30; Luke 12:8-10; cf. also 1 John 5:16-17). There is sin implicit in the failure of a person to do right, especially toward one's fellow human beings (e.g., Matt. 25:31-46; Luke 16:19—31), the failure of a person to use God-given ability (e.g., Matt. 25:14-30; Luke 19:12-26), and there is sin even in ignorance, where one commits unconscious or inadvertent sin (e.g., Lev. 5). Perhaps the most heinous sins are those done "with a high hand" (i.e., deliberately and arrogantly; e.g., Num. 15:30-31) and the sin of hypocrisy, especially among "religious" persons (e.g., Matt. 23; Acts 5:1-11).

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covenant in Jesus of Nazareth. Through Jesus, the Kingdom of God has been proclaimed and inaugurated, sinners have been forgiven and reconciled to God, and a new relationship has been established that will bring the hopes, dreams, and aspirations of all the biblical writers to fulfillment. This is to be accomplished through the work of God in Christ to break the enslaving power of sin and liberate people from its sway. People must, however, participate in the process and in the struggle (e.g., Rom. 7). See also Atonement; Demon; Devil; Evil; Expiation; Fall, The; Forgiveness; Grace; Guilt; Holiness; Justification; Pardon; Reconciliation; Redemption; Regeneration; Salvation; Sanctification; Satan. J.M.E.

sula's southern region is covered by rugged, granite mountains, some of whose peaks exceed 8,000 feet in elevation and are snow-capped in winter. Although the Sinai Peninsula may appear to be inhospitable to human occupation, a number of settlements dot modern maps of this territory. The bedouin population alone numbers ca. fifty thousand. Recent archaeological research demonstrates that this wilderness has been occupied by sedentary and/or nomadic peoples, albeit intermittently and sparsely, for ca. thirty thousand years. Naturally, the prehistoric inhabitants of Sinai had contacts with neighboring regions, but the earliest significant evidence of such connections dates to ca. 2650 B.C. At this early date, the Egyptians began mining Sinai's turquoise, an enterprise that led to later Egyptian activities in the peninsula. Most famous are the turquoise and copper mines at modern Serabit el-Khadem, a site in west-central Sinai that was worked throughout most of the second millennium B.C. The proto-Sinaitic inscriptions from Serabit el-Khadem date to ca. 1500 B.C. and represent the earliest stages in the development of a Semitic alphabet. This script also serves as an example of the kinds of cultural exchanges that occurred in the Sinaitic corridor. Other contacts came through commercial and military activities in this region and, while the Bible notes that Sinai's environment was hostile (Deut. 1:19; 8:15), it also

Sin, Wilderness of, an area distinct from the "Wilderness of Zin." The Wilderness of Sin was a desert area "between Elim and Sinai" (Exod. 16:1), where the Israelites "murmured against Moses and Aaron" (Exod. 16:2-3), and where manna was first given to satisfy their hunger (Exod. 16:13-36). The Exodus is said to have continued to Rephidim via Dophkah and Alush (Exod. 17:1; Num. 33:11-12). Unfortunately, none of the places can be identified exactly, although it is possible that Dophkah is near the ancient Egyptian turquoise and copper mines at modern Serabit el-Khadim. If so, the Wilderness of Sin would be at the western foot of the Sinai massif. See also Elim; Rephidim; Sinai; Zin, Wilderness of. D.B. Sinai (si'ni; derivation uncertain, perhaps related to the Mesopotamian moon god Sin). 1 The Sinai Peninsula, a large, wedge-shaped block of territory that forms a land bridge between Africa and Asia. Sinai is bounded on the west by the Suez Canal and Gulf of Suez, while the Negeb and Gulf of Aqaba form the peninsula's eastern border. Sinai's northern and southern limits are clearly defined by the Mediterranean Sea and the Red Sea, respectively. Its total area is ca. twenty-four thousand square miles. The southern apex of this inverted triangle is ca. two hundred and forty miles from the Mediterranean shore; the northern base extends from Rapha to the Suez Canal, a distance of ca. one hundred and twenty-five miles. Since it is actually part of the Saharo-Arabian desert, Sinai's climate is arid. The peninsula's extensive wadi system drains an annual rainfall that seldom exceeds 2.5 inches, except along the Mediterranean coast. More diversity is found in the geology and topography of Sinai's three major regions. The northern region consists of a low, sandy plateau and includes large tracts of sand dunes and some oases; this coastal zone has served as a thoroughfare for many ancient and modern armies. Sinai's central region is a high, limestone plateau that has little water and sparse vegetation. The penin-

The Sinai Peninsula appears as an inverted triangle in this photo taken from an orbiting satellite.

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observes that Sinai was not impassable. When Abraham, Jacob, and the family of Jacob made their way between Canaan and Egypt, the trade routes across the peninsula were already well established. Many centuries later, Saul and David fought the Amalekites in northwestern Sinai (1 Sam. 15:7; 27:8), and Elijah made a pilgrimage to this region's famous mountain (1 Kings 19:8). Still later, Joseph, Mary, and Jesus entered the Sinai as they fled from Herod (Matt. 2:13). Throughout its history, Sinai was crossed or occupied by many other peoples—Assyrians, Babylonians, Persians, Greeks, Nabateans, and Romans—but the most famous sojourn in this wilderness was made by the Hebrews after the Exodus. Indeed, Sinai was the setting for some of the most important events in Israelite history. The OT does not, however, refer to the entire peninsula when it uses the word "Sinai." Instead, the OT mentions five smaller, distinct tracts of wilderness in this large territory (i.e., Shur, Sin, Sinai, Paran, and Zin). 2 The Wilderness of Sinai, the biblical name for the small, distinct wilderness region in which Mount Sinai was located. Its exact location cannot be ascertained, since its limits are defined in relation to other place names that also defy accurate pinpointing. In general, the Bible locates this tract of wasteland in between the wildernesses of Sin and Paran and in the vicinity of Elim, Rephidim, and Kibrothhattaavah (Exod. 16:1; 19:1-2; Num. 10:12; 33:15-16). The traditional location of the wilderness of Sinai is in the south-central part of the peninsula. It was in this wilderness that the Israelites were encamped when they received the law (e.g., Exod. 19:1-2; Lev. 7:38), were numbered (Num. 1:19; 3:14; 26:64), and celebrated the Passover (Num. 9:5). It was also in the wilderness of Mount Sinai that Moses encountered the burning bush (Exod. 3:1-2; Acts 7:30, 38). 3 Mount Sinai, the mountain on which the law was delivered to Moses (Exod. 31:18; 34:29, 32; Lev. 26:46; 27:34; Neh. 9:13). The biblical writers refer to Mount Sinai by various names (e.g., "the mountain," "the mountain of God," "Mount Horeb," "the mountain of Horeb," and "the mountain of God in Horeb"). This mountain played a significant role in the spiritual development of Moses (Exod. 3:1-12), and its sacred character was magnified when Sinai became the locus of divine revelation par excellence (Exod. 19:18, 20, 2 3 ; 24:16; Deut. 33:2; Judg. 5:5; Ps. 68:8). Indeed, the Lord's presence on this peak came to symbolize divine protection (Judg. 5:4-5; Ps. 68:8). In his allegory of the two covenants, Paul uses Sinai to symbolize the old system (Gal. 4 : 2 4 - 2 5 ; see Heb. 12:19-21). Although Exodus and Numbers provide many details concerning the itinerary followed by the Israelites in their trek from Egypt to the

plains of Moab, few of these places can be identified with any certainty. In fact, the general direction of the wanderings in Sinai is still debated, although scholars usually choose between three alternate routes (i.e., a northern, central, or southern route). Consequently, the location of Mount Sinai is also disputed. As many as a dozen mountains in Sinai and northwestern Arabia have been identified with this sacred spot, but none of them has been accepted by all scholars. Since none of the theories concerning Mount Sinai's location is supported by archaeological evidence, consideration must be given to the Jewish, Christian, and Muslim traditions that relate to the proposed sites. Once this word of caution has been stated, one can safely say that Jebel Musa, or another mountain in its immediate vicinity, remains the most likely candidate. This identification assumes that the Israelites followed a southern route across the peninsula and places the wilderness of Sinai and its fabled mountain in southcentral Sinai. See also Exodus; Horeb, Mount; Sin, Wilderness of. Bibliography Arden, Harvey. "Eternal Sinai." National Geographic April 1982: 90-102. Beit-Arieh, Itzhaq. "Fifteen Years in Sinai." Biblical Archaeology Review. July/August 1984: 26-54. Bernstein, Burton. Sinai: The Great and Terrible Wilderness. New York: Viking, 1979. G.L.M. Sinaiticus, Codex (sin'i-it'uh-kuhs, koh'deks). See Aleph. sinew, a word that in biblical usage appears to cover a variety of anatomical elements including tendons, ligaments, and possibly muscle and other tissues. In Gen. 32:32 it may even refer to nerve tissue. It is used figuratively in Isa. 48:4 for stubbornness. In Job 10:11 and Ezek. 37:6, 8 the actual connective human tissues seem to be involved. "The sinews of his thighs" in Job 40:17 in the description of an animal in sexual arousal or anger may refer to the penis or related organs. Sinim (sin'im, KJV; RSV: "Syene"). See Syene. Sinites (sin'its), a Canaanite tribe (Gen. 10:17; 1 Chron. 1:15). They have usually been associated with Lebanon or Phoenicia, but nothing about such a location is certain. sin offering. See Worship. Sion (si'uhn), the term in the KJV where the RSV has "Sirion" (Deut. 4:48) or "Zion" (Matt. 21:5 and other NT texts). See also Sirion. S i r a c h (si'ruhk), Son of (Heb. Ben Sirach), the author of Ecclesiasticus, also known as The Wisdom of Sirach. See also Apocrypha, Old Testament; Ecclesiasticus.

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Sirah (si'ruh), the cistern of (KJV: "the Well of Sirah"), the location from which the rebellious Absalom was called by Joab who subsequently killed him (2 Sam. 3:26-27). It is probably near Hebron, but its location is not precisely known. See also Absalom; Joab.

toral Letters of the NT were also called "sisters" (1 Tim. 5:2). See also Brothers.

Sirion (sihr'ee-uhn), the name used for Mt. Hermon by the people of Sidon (Deut. 3:9; 4:48). Ps. 29:6 employs the word in parallel poetic construction with Lebanon, as does Jer. 18:14, reinforcing the reference to Mt. Hermon despite some variations in the Hebrew text. Siron (si'rahn). See Senir; Sion. Sisera (sis'uh-ruh), the commander of nine hundred chariots opposing Israel for control of Esdraelon (Judg. 4-5). Sisera's name is of nonSemitic origin; he is possibly connected with the early Sea Peoples (the biblical designation of this group as "Philistines" is generic). His headquarters at Harosheth "of the nations" (possibly Muhrashti of the Amarna Letters) lay somewhere in the Sharon Plain. In Judg. 4 his overlord was "Jabin king of Canaan" at Hazor (4:2; 23-24; 1 Sam. 12:9 LXX; Ps. 83:9). If not anachronistic, the name evokes a memory of a peaceful settlement by Kenites near the northern Kedesh (and thus near Hazor) in the preceding era (Judg. 4:11, 17 as flashback). Sisera headed forces of the "kings of Canaan" in the far older poem (Judg. 5:19). With Israelite strength in the hill country (4:5) and Galilee, Barak at Kedesh in south Naphtali summoned ten units (hardly 10,000) from Zebulun and Naphtali to muster at Mt. Tabor. Judg. 5 lauds four more tribes. Battle was joined "at Taanach, by the waters of Megiddo." A cloudburst and an ensuing flash flood gave the advantage to Israel. Sisera's forces were destroyed in retreat, while he fled on foot to the tent of the Kenite woman Jael. Feigning hospitality she received him into her tent and then killed him (Judg. 4:17-22). The war may be dated ca. 1125-1100 B.C., when Megiddo was abandoned and Taanach was violently destroyed. "Sons of Sisera" are listed among Temple slaves (Ezra 2:53; Neh. 7:55; 1 Esd. 5:32). See also Barak; Judges, The Book of. R.B. Sismai (sis'mj; KJV: "Sisamai"), the Jerhameelite son of Eleasah and the father of Shallum (1 Chron. 2:40). sister, a term referring to physical or spiritual kinship. We know of Moses' sister (Exod. 2:4) and Aaron's sister (Exod. 15:20). Marriages were prohibited with one's full or half sister (Lev. 18). Yet "sister" is used for the beloved in Song of Songs 4:9-11, perhaps referring to fictive kinship ties. Members of Jesus' circle were "brother, sister, and mother" (Matt. 12:50). The co-worker Phoebe was Paul's "sister" (Rom. 16:1); young women in the churches of the pas-

sit. See Gestures. Sitnah (sit'nuh; Heb., "hostility"), a well dug by Isaac's servants, water rights for which were contested by the servants of Gerar's king Abimelech (Gen. 26:19-21). It may be near Rehoboth in south-central Judah but it has not yet been precisely located. S i v a n (si 'van), a word taken into Hebrew from the Akkadian language [simannu], it is used in Esther 8:9 as a synonym for the third month, which largely falls in May or June. six, a number that appears occasionally in the Bible without apparent symbolic significance. The mysterious number of the beast in Rev. 13:18—666—is the number of its name (v. 17). In Hebrew and Greek, letters were used also as numerals. Each name thus had a numerical value, calculated by adding the numerical values of the letters. 666 is the numerical value of "Nero Caesar" in Hebrew. See also Beasts; Numbers; Revelation to John, The. skirt, a word that in biblical usage designates three aspects of clothing. 1 A loose corner of a garment (1 Sam. 15:27; 24:4-5) like the one David removed from Saul's robe. 2 Both literally and figuratively the edge of a garment. For a literal description of the decoration to be put on the edge of the ephod, see Exod. 28:33-34; 39:24-26. Jer. 13:22, 26; Lam. 1:9; and Nah. 3:5 use the term figuratively as the sign of Jerusalem's shame. 3 The KJV uses the term for the "mouth" of a garment (RSV: "collar"; Ps. 133:2). Skull, Place of the. See Calvary. Skythopolis (ski-thop'uh-lis). See Beth-shan. slave. See Servant; Slavery. slavery in the ancient Near East, the total subjection of one person to another. Aside from crown and temple slavery, slave labor played a minor economic role in the ancient Near East, for privately owned slaves functioned more as domestic servants than as an agricultural or industrial labor force. The chief source of crown and temple slaves was captives of war (1 Kings 9:21; Num. 31:25-47; Josh. 9:23), while that of private slaves was defaulting debtors and their families (Exod. 22:2; 2 Kings 4:1) or indigents who resorted to voluntary self-sale (Lev. 25:39; Exod. 21:5-6; Deut. 15:16-17). Ancient Near Eastern law collections deal mostly with the slave in relation to an injuring third party, thus emphasizing the slave's status as chattel. However, most biblical

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SLAVERY IN THE NEW TESTAMENT (e.g., Col. 3 : 2 2 - 2 4 ; 1 Tim. 6:1-2). While the institution of slavery as such is not condemned in the NT, Paul urged Philemon to treat his slave Onesimus as a brother rather than as a slave (Philem. 15-16). See also Law; Slavery in the B.L.E. New Testament.

Terra-cotta tablet inscribed with a contract concerning the purchase of a slave by Lugal-Ushumgal, prince of Lagash; Tello, ca. 2300 B.C.

legislation focuses upon the relationship of slaves to their own masters, thus emphasizing the slaves' humanity. Although the Bible acknowledges the slave's status as the property of the master (Exod. 21:32; Lev. 25:46), it seeks to restrict the master's power over the slave. The master was punished for excessive use of authorized force leading to the immediate death or permanent maiming of the slave (Exod. 21:20, 25-26). The slave was part of the master's household (Lev. 22:11) and was required to rest on the Sabbath (Exod. 20:10; Deut. 5:14) and to participate in religious observances (Gen. 17:13; Exod. 12:44; Lev. 2 2 : 1 1 ; Deut. 12:12, 18; 16:11, 14). In contrast to ancient Near Eastern treaties providing for the mutual extradition of fugitive slaves, biblical law prohibited such extradition and granted them asylum (Deut. 23:16-17; but cf. 1 Kings 2:39-40). The servitude of a Hebrew debt-slave was limited to six years (Exod. 21:2; Deut. 15:12; Jer. 34:14). Upon manumission, slaves were to receive gifts (Deut. 15:14) to enable them economically to maintain their new freedom. The servitude of voluntarily selfenslaved Hebrews ended with the onset of the Jubilee Year and their return to their patrimonies (Lev. 25:13, 40). Slavery continued in the Roman Empire in NT times, and many slaves became Christians

slavery in the New Testament. Among the many relationships of personal power and submission constituting the patriarchal society of Greco-Roman antiquity, the most extreme form was slavery, the legal ownership of one person by another as property to be used at will. Despite the sense that God opposed the enslavement of Judeans by Judeans, Judeans had practiced debt slavery, including the sale of children by impoverished parents, for centuries in the context of a peasant society. Such slaves, some highly placed, are significant characters in parables of Jesus (Matt. 18:23-34; 24:45-51; Luke 16:1-13; 17:7-10). The Romans had developed a slave society in which as much as thirtyfive percent of the population were slaves, primarily as the result of enslaving rather than killing large numbers of conquered enemies. Such slaves functioned as managers and accountants as well as field hands, dominating large-scale production in both the countryside and the urban areas and providing their owners' primary income. This income, enabling the leisure class to develop high culture, supported in turn the maintenance of large numbers of domestic slaves, including cooks, body attendants, teachers, physicians, and musicians, who not only provided personal services but also displayed the owner's status and prestige. This is the context for references to slaves and slavery-related metaphors in the NT. Roman enslavement, whether by capture in war, birth to slave women, rescue of abandoned infants, purchase, self-sale (1 Cor. 7:23; 1 Clem. 55:2), or kidnapping (1 Tim. 1:10; Rev. 18:13), meant "social death," cutting the slave off from family, former home, and property. Children of enslaved women grew up knowing no other social condition (see the allegory in Gal. 4:21-31); such were most of the slaves mentioned in the Pauline Letters. In this state of degradation and dishonor, the slave's identity depended entirely upon the owner. With few limits, owners could sell, set free, punish, or reward individual slaves as they wished. How slaves were used and treated depended entirely on the character and mood of the owner. To understand NT texts mentioning slavery, one must keep in mind major factors that distinguish first-century slavery from that later practiced in the New World: (1) race differences played no role, and an enslaved person generally could not be distinguished by appearance; (2) education was encouraged and enhanced a slave's value (some slaves were better educated than their owners); (3) many slaves functioned in sensitive and highly responsible positions

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(see Phil. 4:22: "those of the emperor's household," some of whom were Christians); (4) persons sometimes sold themselves into slavery to escape poverty, pay debts, climb socially, and obtain special jobs (see Erastus in Rom. 16:23, who probably sold himself to the city of Corinth to secure the position of "city treasurer"); (5) slaves could control property (including owning their own slaves!); (6) slaves' cultural and religious traditions were largely those of the free; (7) no laws prevented public assemblies of slaves (there was no consciousness of being a social class or of suffering a common plight); (8) the majority of urban and domestic slaves could anticipate being set free (manumitted) by age thirty, becoming "freedmen" or "freedwomen" (1 Cor. 7:21-23; Acts 6:9). Astonishingly, if manumitted by a Roman citizen, the slave was granted citizenship and a new "social life." Slavery had become such an accepted part of the social fabric that no teachers of morality thought to question its practice, including the Stoic philosopher Epictetus, who was educated while a slave. No plan to abolish slavery motivated the well-known slave revolts that were confined to the period of rapid Roman expansion (140-70 B.C.). Only the Essenes at Qumran (see Josephus Antiquities 18.18-22) repudiated slavery in principle. While not rejecting slavery, the NT nowhere seeks to justify it, and Gal. 3:28 challenges its effects. To our knowledge, neither Jesus nor his immediate followers owned slaves, nor did Paul, Barnabas, or Timothy. Jesus' call for his followers to forgive debts (Matt. 6:12) would have undermined the basis for debt slavery. Slaves gained a new "social life" as "brothers and sisters" in the Corinthian house-churches. Onesimus, the only certain slave in the NT whose name we know, was probably a managerial slave owned by the house-church patron Philemon, whose trust he betrayed. While seeking to engage Paul as his advocate, Onesimus became a Christian himself, leading Paul to exhort Philemon to treat Onesimus "no longer as a slave but as a beloved brother" (Philem. 15-17). The "household codes" (Col. 3:22-4:1; Eph. 6:5-9; 1 Tim. 6:1-2; 1 Pet. 2:18-21) sought to transform attitudes endemic to both owners and slaves. A concern for the reputation of Christians in the eyes of patriarchal society left slavery, if not patriarchal attitudes, intact. Neither the selling of children nor the sexual exploitation of slaves is addressed directly in the NT. Paul continued the OT's use of slave metaphors when describing himself and Timothy as "slaves of Christ Jesus" (Rom. 1:1; Phil. 1:1), thus adding them to the tradition of God's servants, Abraham, Moses, and David. Paul also indicated a sharp contrast between "slavery" to sin and "slavery" to righteousness or to God (Rom. 6:12-23). See also Slavery in the Ancient Near East; Freedman; Freeman, Freewoman; Liberty; Onesimus.

Bibliography Bartchy, S. S. First-Century Slavery and the Interpretation of 1 Corinthians 7:21. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1985. Bradley, K. R. Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Martin, D. B. Slavery as Salvation: The Metaphor of Slavery in Pauline Christianity. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990. Wiedemann, T. Greek and Roman Slavery. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981. S.S.B. sledge, an instrument used for threshing grain. It was made of long, flat pieces of wood, turned up in the front, on which would be placed stones for weight. The underside was studded with sharp stones or pieces of metal (Isa. 41:15; Amos 1:3; Job 41:30). See also Threshing. slime, a moist, slippery substance of moderate viscosity. In the OT it is used to symbolize something that has no taste (Job 6:6), or something that is impermanent, as the trail left by a snail (Ps. 58:8). The KJV often uses the word "slime" for the RSV's "bitumen." See also Bitumen. sling, a weapon used to hurl small projectiles at an enemy, human or animal. This simple device was made of a cloth pad (i.e., "the hollow of a sling," 1 Sam. 25:29) and two cords, one attached to each side of the pad. Ammunition consisted of smooth brook pebbles (1 Sam. 17:40), hammerworked stones, or, in the Greco-Roman period, lead pellets. To "load" the weapon, the warrior placed a projectile on the pad, which was held with one hand; a small pouch was created when the slinger pulled the cords taut with the other hand. While holding the ends of the cords, the sling was whirled in the air, thereby building up centrifugal force. At the proper instant, one cord was released, and the missile was fired at its target. While the sling was long used by shepherds to protect their flocks from predatory animals, this weapon was also used at an early date in warfare. Indeed, the story of David's victory over the heavily armed Goliath illustrates the military value of slings (1 Sam. 17). The accuracy of the left-handed slingers from the tribe of Benjamin was famous (Judg. 20:16; 1 Chron. 12:2). From at least the tenth century B.C. onward, many ancient Near Eastern armies had regular units of slingmen (2 Kings 3:25; 2 Chron. 26:14). The sling was so well known in ancient Hebrew society that biblical writers referred to this weapon in symbolic ways (1 Sam. 25:29; Job 41:28; Prov. 26:8; Jer. 10:18; Zech. 9:15). See also Weapons. G.L.M. smith, one who works metal. The first-named smith of the Bible is Tubal-cain in Gen. 4:22. He is the son of Lamech and Zillah, a brother of

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SMYRNA

Rekhmire,fifteenthcentury B.C. Naamah of the eighth generation from Adam. Described as the hammerer of crafts, thus associated with the arts and crafts of earliest humankind, Tubal-cain is known traditionally as the father of metallurgy. Descriptions of the smith's craft are found in Isa. 44:12 and in Ecclus. 38:28. In Isaiah the term refers to an ironworker laboring over the coals of his forge, shaping the metal with hammers, powered by his strong arm. The passage in Ecclesiasticus pictures the smith seated at an anvil intent on the pattern of the iron object and its decoration. These descriptions serve as analogies demonstrating the power, diligence, and skill of the smith's work. Of all such craftsmen, not known for their counsel or discipline, it is said that they "keep stable the fabric of the world" (Ecclus. 38:33, 34). The Bible knows of smiths for silver (Judg. 7:14; Acts 19:24), gold (Isa. 40:19; 41:7; 46:6), iron (Isa. 44:12), and bronze (1 Kings 7:14). The name also describes a thousand men taken to Babylon during the second wave of exile under Jehoiachin. A significantly large proportion of the exiles (one-tenth of all captives) were smiths (2 Kings 24:14, 16; Jer. 24:1; 29:2). A more general term for a craftsman or artisan is sometimes translated as smith (Heb. horesh). The activities described by the term include the sharpening of plow points (1 Sam. 13:19), bronze working such as that of Hiram of Tyre's father (1 Kings 7:14) and, in Isaiah, workmen who make idols and weapons (Isa. 40:19; 41:7; 54:16). Deut. 27:15 tells of a curse laid upon such idol makers and Hos. 13:2 reports that Ephraim is condemned for perpetuating the sin of idolatry. The earliest archaeological finds related to the smith's craft come from Tell Mardikh (Ebla) in Syria dating to the early bronze age (ca. 3200 B.C.) where excavators found a ceremonial ham-

mer of gold and silver and pictures in bas-relief attached to wooden frames with copper pegs. A few of the frames had been overlaid with gold. Texts from Ebla indicate a guild or caste of smiths, and one burial site contained evidences of the goldsmith's art. Many processes and techniques of the smith's craft are mentioned in the Bible including forging, casting, beating, overlaying, furnishing, R.A.C. whetting, cutting, and soldering. S m y r n a (smuhr'nuh), an ancient city (modern Izmir, Turkey) on the west coast of Asia Minor. It is one of the seven cities mentioned in the book of Revelation (1:11). It lay at the end of a major east-west road, possessed an excellent harbor, and was surrounded by rich farmland. The city's leadership was consistently loyal to Rome. A temple dedicated to the worship of Rome [dea Roma; Lat., "the goddess Rome") was built there in 195 B.C. The message addressed to Smyrna reflects conflict between Christians and Jews (Rev. 2:9-10). It may be that local Jewish leaders were appearing before the city authorities or the Roman governor (cf. Acts 17:5-8) and accusing their Christian neighbors of crimes. Poly carp, bishop of Smyrna, was martyred in A.D. 156.

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The account of the martyrdom makes clear that there was great hostility between the local Jewish and Christian communities at that time. Information about the Christians in Smyrna between the time of the composition of the book of Revelation and the martyrdom of Polycarp is available in the letters of Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, written early in the second century. See also Revelation to John, The. A.Y.C.

B.C., or it may be derived from an Egyptian term pa Saw(w), which means "the Saite" and indicates an individual from the city of Sais in the Egyptian Delta. See also Pharaoh.

snail, a gastropod mollusk. Its sole biblical appearance in Ps. 58:8 is symbolic of impermanence by reference to its slimy trail. The KJV also uses the term for some unclean food (RSV: "sand lizard" in Lev. 11:30). snake. See Serpent. snare, a trap; technically, it is a slip-knotted cord or wire pulled tight to wrap and hold the leg(s) of an animal or bird when it steps into the loop to get the bait or by accident. Biblical usage includes reference to its use in catching birds (Ps. 91:3) and animals (Amos 3:5), but it is more frequently used symbolically for death (2 Sam. 22:6; Ps. 116:3), the actions of wicked people (Ps. 119:110), or the devil (1 Tim. 3:7). It capitalized on surprise, a feature often noted (Luke 21:34), and caused its victims to enmesh themselves while struggling to get free (Prov. 22:25). It depended on deceit to be successful (Prov. 21:6) and was camouflaged by hunters to R.S.B. take the prey by surprise (Ps. 64:5). snow, cystallized water formed when moistureladen air is chilled. It is relatively rare except in the northern reaches of biblical lands and at higher elevations. It is common in the mountains of Lebanon, northern Syria and Turkey, but it is rare in Jerusalem or the Transjordan. It was known well enough for biblical writers to refer to it literally (Ps. 148:8; Prov. 25:13; Isa. 55:10; Jer. 18:14; 2 Sam. 23:20). It also served as a common standard for whiteness, whether as symptomatic of illness like leprosy (Exod. 4:6; Num. 12:10; 2 Kings 5:27) or in its own right (Ps. 51:7; Isa. 1:18; Dan. 7:9; Matt. 28:3; Rev. 1:14). It was recognized to be properly seasonal (Ps. 26:1) and its control lay in the hand of God, as with all of nature (Job 37:6; 38:22). Its whiteness symbolized the ultimate in purity (Lam. 4:7). R.S.B. snuffer. See Temple, The. So (soh), the "king of Egypt" (2 Kings 17:4) to whom King Hoshea sent messengers just before the latter revolted against the Assyrians. The Assyrians under King Shalmaneser then attacked Samaria (725 B.C.). The identification of "So" is uncertain since no name similar to this one appears anywhere in the Egyptian records. "So" may refer to the twenty-second-dynasty king Osorkon IV, who ruled Egypt ca. 727-720

soap, a cleansing agent formed by the hydrolysis of fat with an alkali. In the Bible it refers to cleaning both the body (Jer. 2:22) and clothes (Mai. 3:2). The composition of such soap in biblical times probably used olive oil as the fat and some salt-bearing plants as the alkali source. sobriety. See Drunkenness; Vine. sociology of the New Testament. Throughout the twentieth century there have been a variety of scholarly efforts to utilize insights from the social sciences to increase understanding of the texts and of the historical processes involved in the origins of Christianity. In recent decades the level and the diversity of this kind of scholarly activity have increased markedly. These developments have been fostered by and have contributed to the radical redefining of older historical and cultural assumptions about Judaism and GrecoRoman culture that dominated scholarly theories earlier in this century. The neat distinction between Palestinian Judaism and Hellenistic Judaism and the notion that the rabbinic Judaism of the Talmud and Mishnah was already normative in the first century A.D. have been thoroughly discredited. Methodologically, the earlier practice of imposing on the historical evidence such sharply differentiated categories as church/sect and charismatic/institutional has also been shown to be simplistic and inaccurate. The major factors leading to the fruitful use of the social sciences are not only new methodological insights but also new sociocultural information about Judaism and Christianity in the early centuries of the Common Era. The new information includes the discovery and ongoing analysis of such documents as the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Gnostic library from Nag Hammadi, but also the results of archaeological finds that have resulted in recognition of the wide impact of Greco-Roman culture on Galilee in the first century and in awareness of the evolution of the synagogue in the post-temple period. Fresh examination of the canonical and extra canonical Gospels and of the NT Letters has been aided by insights from the social sciences. Among the scholars pioneering in the use of social science methods for understanding the NT and the historical development of early Christianity have been Wayne Meeks and Bengt Holmberg, in their analysis of the implications of the Pauline Letters for the circumstances of the gentile churches to whom Paul wrote and the patterns of authority and decision making that are implicit in them. Gerd Theissen, John Gager, and Howard Kee were among the first to

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employ insights from sociology in the reconstruction of the circumstances for the writing of the Gospels. Developments in the social sciences in the past two decades have had direct and fruitful implications for the study of Christian origins. Of prime importance has been the fresh appraisal of the nature of scientific knowledge as a consequence of the insights of Thomas S. Kuhn in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1970), which showed that the choice of an analytical paradigm by a scientist has a basic impact on the data under scrutiny as well as on the results of the investigation. Kuhn agrees with Ludwik Fleck, an earlier Polish historian of medicine, who affirmed that facts arise and are known only by virtue of a given thought style characteristic of a given thought collective. Accordingly, what earlier biblical scholars took to be "facts" about the circumstances of the origins of Christianity and the interpretation of the documents from this movement may tell us more about the scholars than about the historical development that they are purportedly describing. This insight about the social conditioning of what is called knowledge has been set forth in an illuminating way by Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann in The Social Construction of Reality (1966), and by Berger in The Sacred Canopy (1967). Human beings establish and maintain a relationship with the natural world and the culture that surrounds them through language, symbols, concepts, values, and activities that provide understanding and relative stability. These perceptions are given objective status as "truth," but also internalized to provide individual and social identity. Society seeks to maintain these structures of understanding and behavior as essential for social order and cultural continuity. What is powerfully important in stabilizing social structures is not only what is affirmed by members of the society, but also what are simply the shared assumptions of its members, including unacknowledged perceptions about the meaning of the common language, and the implicit meaning of certain literary and other communicative styles. These insights have direct implications for both translation and interpretation of early Christian texts, since attention must be paid to the specific connotations of crucial terms, awareness of which can be gained only by careful assessment of the specific sociocultural context in which the writing is produced and to which it is addressed. Akin to the linguistic distinctions are the changing literary modes used by Jews and early Christians, which must be examined in light of the form and functions each served in its own culture. Sensitivity to such factors is enhanced by insights from other aspects of the social sciences, especially as they have been perceived and articulated in recent decades. For example, the Sibylline Oracles produced by Jew-

ish writers can be understood only against the background of the function of the Sibyllines in the Roman culture. The importance of such interpretive distinctions has been heightened by the growing evidence of diversity within Judaism in the Hellenistic and early Roman eras. The projection of oral law and rabbinic modes of exegesis back to the time of Moses and the assumption that they provided the norms for Judaism throughout history have been effectively discredited in recent decades. Positively, the interchange of Jews and early Christians with the variety of literary modes and philosophical concepts operative in the wider Roman world requires scholars to employ analytical methods refined in the social sciences in order to become sensitive to the cultural complexity and the specific concepts operative in early Christianity as reflected in the NT. A major factor in the diversity that is now evident in Judaism at the beginning of the Common Era is the different ways in which Jewish groups understood themselves to be the covenant community. Some (such as Philo of Alexandria and the author of the Wisdom of Solomon) sought to develop syntheses between their biblical tradition and insights gained from Hellenistic philosophy. Others (such as those who produced Daniel and the other apocalypses) were convinced that God had vouchsafed to their own special group information and guidelines for them to prepare for the coming crisis when God would bring judgment on the wicked and vindicate them. Still others believed that if they maintained distinctive identity through careful obedience to God's law as they understood it, God would preserve them by their periodic withdrawal for study and devotion (the Pharisees) or their complete withdrawal from mainstream Jewish society (the Dead Sea community). Some insisted that only gaining and maintaining political independence would permit them to carry out God's will (the Maccabees and later Jewish revolutionaries). It is in response to this range of community formations that the early Christian movement arose and must be understood historically. Insights from the social sciences are of great value in tracing and understanding these developments and the literature that they produced. Community Formation: Clifford Geertz, in The Interpretation of Cultures (1973), defines culture as a historically transmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, a system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which human beings communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge about and attitudes toward life. He quotes Suzanne Langer's description of the function of symbols to synthesize a people's ethos—the tone, character, and quality of life, its moral and aesthetic style and mood, and the shared worldview, the way things are in sheer actuality, and the most comprehensive ideas of order. Ritual serves to structure the authority of the religious perspective by induc-

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ing a set of moods and motivations and defining an image of a cosmic order by means of a single set of symbols. These symbol systems serve as sources of information in terms of which the life of the community can be patterned, both individually and socially. When major strains develop within the culture and resources for coping are lacking, new ideologies arise that recast and revise as well as innovate with the aim of producing new maps of social reality and new matrices for creating a new collective consciousness. The struggle is for personal identity that can be collectively ratified and publicly expressed in order to create an ordered world. In his Communities of Discourse (1989), Robert Wuthnow analyzes various proposals to explain cultural change, decrying simple socioeconomic explanations (such as those of Max Weber or Karl Marx) and calling for attention to actual historical factors that have led to cultural innovation, including the impact of new intellectual insights and of creative leaders. He describes cultural change in terms of three stages: (1) production of alternatives to prevailing assumptions and expectations; (2) proliferation of charismatic figures, offering alternatives within the movement, resulting in a range of options and the ultimate necessity to make some choices as to the community norms; and (3) institutionalization as the outcome of this process of debate followed by routinization of the dominant concepts and patterns of behavior. He sees this not as an automatic process, but as the result of the work and perceptions of creative leaders, responding to new models that are becoming discernible in the culture. The importance of symbol and ritual in group identity has been highlighted by Suzanne Langer in Philosophy in a New Key (1942). The now discredited notion that sense data are the ultimate basis for human understanding is being replaced by recognition that shared verbal symbols provide the ground of knowledge and group identity. Verbal modes of analysis range from critical analysis to myth, which takes into account both social forces (leaders, masses, customs, laws, traditions) and the cosmic forces that provide the context of human life. The symbols are the means of representation for these factors that shape human existence and provide a framework of meaning and purpose. It is precisely the symbol systems of ancient and modern cultures that anthropologists are currently engaged in analyzing, including religious movements. The implications of these methods and observations are of major importance for analysis of the NT and the diverse communities that produced it. The combined import of these analytical insights for the study of the NT is obvious and basic. Jesus and the movement that he launched are to be perceived as beginning with the symbol systems of covenant community inherited from the range of options repre-

sented from within postbiblical Judaism. In light of the social, political, and cultural threats that the Roman Empire represented, Judaism was searching for new modes of community identity for those who claimed to be the people of God. Jesus offered yet another, which by its radical social inclusiveness and relaxation of ritual boundaries was seen as a threat to both the religious and the political order. Among his followers, diversity of response to him and his definition of God's people, led by such charismatic figures as Paul and Peter, resulted in tensions and conflict in the very first generation of the movement, in spite of the common affirmation that Jesus was God's unique agent for covenantal renewal. The different cultural environments from which Paul and the others came are reflected in the resources on which they drew for providing direction, norms, and structure to the movement. The cultural differences are likewise evident in the literary forms and the linguistic features of the various writings of the NT. Community Models: Another important development in the social sciences with direct relevance for the study of Christian origins is the careful distinction that has been drawn between categories and models. Both sociologists and historians seeking to use sociological methods have, probably unwittingly, treated insights offered by pioneers in the social sciences in ways that were never intended by their discoverers. For example, throughout the present century there has been a continuing impact on historical inquiry from the distinction between church and sect as formulated in the sociological theories of Emile Durkheim and Max Weber with respect to their observations about the collective nature of religious thought. The ideal types (church and sect) have provided a base for analysis of religious movements based on Ernst Troeltsch's formulation of sharp distinctions between them: church as tradition-oriented, accommodating to the prevailing culture, and intending to provide encompassing participation for the whole of society; sect as a small conversionist group, critical of the social and religious establishment, and finding its participants chiefly among the lower socioeconomic levels of society. This approach came to function as a classification system for religious movements in general, although the two categories were expanded to include other median types. Largely ignored by those using these categories was Weber's warning that the "ideal type" was not a historical reality but a conceptual construct intended to foster analysis of historical configurations by identifying both shared and distinctive features. Although certain aspects of this theoretical distinction continue to be useful, the mounting evidence that in the first century A.D. there was not a broad center of orthodox belief and practice among Jews shows

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that in Judaism of the first century there was no counterpart to the established church that served as the point of departure for these sharp sociological distinctions. There was the Temple and the elaborate cultus carried out there, in which Jews of many persuasions chose to participate. Yet the literary and other historical evidence that has survived from the period indicates that there was great diversity among Jews in Palestine and the Diaspora as to which aspects of their tradition and what configuration of the covenant tradition were to be regarded as the basis for their identity as the people of God. Another model that has been widely employed for historical analysis and NT interpretation is the "millenarian movement." Yet the data on which generalizations about such groups are based derive from modern, non-Middle Eastern evidence, such as Peter Worsley's study of Melanesian "cargo cults." The features that are identified as characteristic of millenarian groups include expectation of the overthrow of the present order of society, a strong sense of community, and the brief time of existence of the movement. The first two of these are scarcely unique among social movements, and the last does not fit the Christian movement, which altered, but never abandoned, its eschatological expectations. A more abstract and encompassing range of features was sketched by Mary Douglas in her study of modes of identity in religious communities, Purity and Danger (1966). She describes two dimensions of community structure: group and grid. The former is the degree of commitment required of members of the community, and the latter is the degree of control exercised over the members. She suggests four main types: (1) low grid/low group, which fosters individualism; (2) high grid/low group, which results in a complex society in which well-defined roles are assigned and accepted by the members; (3) low grid/high group, in which only the external boundary is clear, and the status of members is open and subject to negotiation; (4) high grid/high group, a hierarchical institution where leaders are respected and conformity is rewarded. Yet Douglas is explicit that these descriptive features are not categories into which groups are to be assigned by the analyst. Instead, they are catalytic agents to heighten the sensitivity of the interpreter for detecting features that are shared with other groups and those that are unique. In spite of this warning, some scholars currently use Douglas's scheme as a system of classification for segments of early Christianity. Her proposal is useful for helping to sensitize the historian or interpreter about implicit features of the material under scrutiny, but it violates her intention if the scope of features that she traces is converted into a set of categories. An important observation about the use of models in sociological analysis—and by exten-

sion, in historical analysis—is that of T. F. Carney, in The Shape of the Past: Models and Antiquity (1975). He notes that sociological models are less than theories and more than analogies. Theories are based on laws and general principles, which are aimed at explaining evidence and statements. The model serves as a link between theories and evidence, in that it is created and defined in order to serve as an instrument for identifying and interpreting a mass of detail concerning certain social phenomena. Thus, for example, a literary model (such as an apocalypse) or a social model (such as the criteria for participation in a group) will aid in identifying, organizing, and interpreting a mass of detail about some ancient material. The model is suggestive, rather than fixed and rigid. Deviations from the model in the phenomenon under examination are as significant and important as the aspects of conformity that are discerned. The model is essential in offering questions to be pursued, rather than determinative of the classification to which the evidence is to be assigned. One should not extrapolate from those aspects of the model to which the item under examination conforms and come to conclusions about identity. The distinctive features are as important as those that are shared with the model. The same kind of awareness of similarity and difference with respect to social contexts of ancient documents must be maintained at the lexical level. Comparative analyses of linguistic usages are essential, but the analyst must keep in mind the distinctive connotations and import that words and concepts are given in a particular social setting. This requires the translator or interpreter to examine the literary setting, the cultural milieu, the major social and cultural issues implicit in a document before settling on the meaning of the language that is used in it. A case in point is the term "righteousness," which is crucial in the Letters of Paul and in the Gospel of Matthew. Yet identical meanings cannot be assigned in both these bodies of literature. For Paul, dikaiosunê (Gk., "righteousness") refers to the action of God, who in Christ is reconciling the world to himself and setting his people in right relationship with him (Rom. 3:21-26; 2 Cor. 5:18). In Matthew, on the other hand, righteousness is total obedience to the divine will that Jesus has made possible (Matt. 3:15). Kindred areas of social phenomena that should be explored by interpreters of the NT are the sociology of literature and the intellectual history of the Greco-Roman world as it is reflected in social perspectives evident in the early Christian literature. The older analyses by form critics spoke of the "setting-in-life" of the gospel tradition, for instance, but then proceeded to assign certain traditions in wholly arbitrary fashion to categories: aphorisms and proverbs to the historical Jesus; miracle stories

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to the Hellenistic church, with its interest in the (purely hypothetical) "divine men"; eschatological pronouncements to the Pauline-influenced early church, etc. Ironically, a leading form critic (Bultmann) insisted on the timelessness of the true message of Jesus, so that for him the setting-in-life of that tradition was ultimately inconsequential. The social function of certain types of literature included in the NT are important clues to the aims of the author. This is the case, for instance, in the book of Acts, which comparative studies in the sociology of literature have shown is akin in style and strategy not only to historical writing of the early Roman period but also to the so-called Hellenistic romances, which use fascinating narratives of divine activity in behalf of the central figures as propaganda in behalf of the divinity. One such work, the Ephesiaca of Xenophon, for example, describes the journeys of a pair of devotees of Isis in which they visit Athens and Ephesus and which culminate in a sea voyage during which the pious couple is miraculously delivered from a fierce storm. The cultural similarities with Acts in literary style and intent as religious propaganda are unmistakable. Perceptive analysis of the aims and self-understanding of the community that stands behind Luke and Acts is offered by Philip F. Esler in Community and Gospel in Luke-Acts: The Social and Political Motivations ofLucan Theology (1987). Issues Raised Through Sociological Methods: The value of contemporary sociological methods for the analysis of the NT writings and the reconstruction of the complex historical developments that gave rise to them lies in the questions that these insights pose for the investigator in the process of interrogating the ancient texts and sources. These methods do not furnish neat categories into which the ancient data can be classified, but they sensitize inquirers so that they know what to look for in this evidence. The questions that the social sciences now pose for the literary and historical examiners of early Christian literature and related evidence may be grouped as follows: Group Boundary Questions: Who draws the boundaries that define the group? What factors are regarded as threats to maintaining these boundaries? Do the threats to the boundaries arise within the group or from outsiders? What are the temporal and social limits of the group? Does the group emphasize the identity of its members or the criteria for participation? Authority Questions: How is power exercised within the group, and how are the power figures authorized for their roles? What is the structure of power within the group, and how are the power figures ranked? What titles are assigned to the leaders, and what is their status? Who is in charge of the group, and how is the leader chosen? Can authority be passed on to successive generations and, if so, by what process?

Status and Role Questions: Is there definition of groups by age or are sex roles defined? Are the members assigned by class or rank within the total group? Do certain members enjoy special privileges? Are values indicated concerning wealth or property, or concerning clothing and ritual equipment? If conflict is evident within the group, what are the issues? What are the resources for resolving them? Who is authorized to perform rituals and to adjudicate disputes? Ritual Questions: What are the basic procedures within the group that lead to initiation and celebration and mark stages of transition within the community? Who performs these rites or official actions, and how are they understood by the group? How are these rites or procedures formalized, and how are they passed on to successors? Is there evidence of changing understanding or practices in matters of ritual on the part of successive generations? In what ways and for what reasons do these official procedures change? What language is used in these ritual and/or formal procedures? Literary Questions with Social Implications: What genre(s) does the group use for communication within the group, and to outsiders? What is implied by this choice of genre(s)? How does the choice of genre by the author affect the message that is being conveyed to the reader/user? What are the major themes in the text of the communication? What strategy is employed to convey the message? Who is affirmed in the document, and who is under attack? Has the author adapted the genre in order to serve certain special or distinctive needs? What are the specifics of the genre modification, and what are the ends that are sought? Is there a canon observed by the community? How is it defined, and what does it include? What does the literary organization of the document imply about the conceptual and social order of the community for which it was prepared? Questions About Group Functions: What are the dynamic forces that gave rise to and sustain the community? What are the shared goals, and what are the chief aids and obstacles to their attainment? What are the major factors in the wider culture that challenge or threaten the community? Who are the prime enemies, and how are they to be combatted? Does the group have certain normative practices akin to body language? If so, what are they, and what do they signify? Are there disparities or outright contradictions between various texts that the group produced, or between its principles and its practices? How are these tensions handled? What are the ritual practices by which group identity is established and maintained? Questions Concerning the Symbolic Universe and the Social Construction of Reality: What values, hopes, anxieties, and moral standards are shared by the members of the group? What is revealed concerning the group's symbolic

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universe by the statements about superhuman beings (good and evil) and in the reports of miracles, visions, portents, magic, and healing? How is the course of history understood, and what is the place of the group within that cosmic scheme? What is its view of time? Is it unidirectional or cyclical? Is it meaningful, or to be superseded? How does the group understand God, in divine essence and in divine activity? Are the divine actions discernible within history, within the cosmic structure, or primarily within the experience of the individual? Does the group's perception of reality include dualistic features? How is evil perceived? Do these evil factors appear in moral, social, political, or cultural modes? How is the group to respond to these evil powers? What are the dominant symbols in terms of which the group perceives its place in the universe and in the purpose of God? Are these symbols shared with other groups? If so, what is distinctive about the selfperception of the group under primary analysis? Indications of the Import of Sociological Methods: In recent years there has been a remarkable convergence between the results of archaeological discoveries and attention to the life-world or sociocultural context of Christian origins; this helps in direct ways to illuminate the lifeworld that was operative behind various NT writings. For example, excavations in Galilee and analysis of the results during the past decade have led to a radical shift in understanding of the social setting in which the Jesus movement began. Instead of the older notion that this region was a predominantly rural, cultural backwater, excavations have shown how much Sepphoris, the Herodian capital of Galilee located a few miles from Nazareth, was shaped by Greco-Roman culture, complete with an agora, baths, theater, and mosaic pavements typical of the era. It was located on major trade routes between Syria and Palestine and between the Decapolis and the Mediterranean ports. Careful study of Capernaum shows that it, too, was a significant center of trade and that its synagogue dates from centuries after the time of Jesus, as do all the structures in this region erected solely as places of worship and study (in contrast to the proseuchë, which earlier was a convenient gathering place for pious Jews). These were contemporaneous with the rise of the rabbinic movement in the second century A.D., which had its primary center in Galilee. Major changes in understanding the social context in which apocalypticism took shape in the Greco-Roman world came with a colloquium on that subject in Uppsala in 1983. What became clear was that the apocalyptic worldview was not the product of a Jewish fringe group that subsequently influenced some of the early Christians, but that it developed on a broad cultural and geographical base during the

Hellenistic period. Subsequent studies have shown developments among Hellenistic philosophers of the Cynic and Stoic persuasions analogous to those of Jewish and Christian apocalypticists, including the viewpoints expressed by such advisers to the Roman emperors as Cicero and Seneca, both of whom awaited a fiery renewal of the ages accompanied by divine judgment on the wicked and vindication of the righteous. As a result of these sociocultural insights, historians can now recognize the high probability that the apocalyptic features of the synoptic tradition (in Q and Mark) were by no means later accretions, but were an integral part of the oldest Jesus material. Further, one can now understand better why the apocalyptically oriented Christian message embodied in these strands of the gospel tradition and in the Letters of Paul so rapidly and effectively found a sympathetic audience in the wider Roman world. Similarly, careful attention to the cultural setting of the early Roman world enables one to understand the origins and aims of other forms of the gospel tradition. Already noted is the parallel between the book of Acts and the Hellenistic romance, a favorite propaganda medium for religious movements in the Roman period. The author has with great skill combined this with linguistic and narrative features of the Septuagint evident in his version of the gospel, which provided him with the historic-cultural base out of which developed the potentially universal religious movement that he depicts in Acts, utilizing a popular communication medium of his contemporary culture. In the Gospel of John the author has drawn on the literary modes and religiophilosophical perspectives of another facet of the culture of his time: mystical, visionary, highly symbolic features that invite the reader to participate in the divine life that is offered through Jesus, God's human revelatory agent: the Logos become flesh. Studies of the adaptation of the Platonic and Stoic traditions in the so-called Middle Platonism of the second century A.D. highlight the use of mystical symbolism to invite the inquirer to share in the divine and timeless sphere of life. For Plutarch, who was the major voice of this intellectual development, the world is a theater in which the cosmic drama is played out between Ultimate Being and the forces in the material world that are the ground of evil, but God (Apollo [understood as a-pollo] is interpreted as being "not Many," and hence the One) will ultimately triumph. Sharing in that cosmic victory are those who devote themselves to the knowledge of the One, and thereby come to experience immortality. In this same century some Christians adapted this view of reality and adopted it as the basis of their own understanding of Christian faith and existence. Building on the creation of the Adam story, they developed their own mythic image of Anthro-

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pos (Gk., "human being"), from whom all human beings are descended by a process of fragmentation and dispersal. Those who understand and relive this drama that provoked the rise and triumph of evil in the material world are enabled by their divinely granted knowledge to acquire ontological status and power. They recognize that the cosmos is incurably evil and must be rejected, so their goal is to escape from entanglement in it and to become united with the divine, who is perceived by the true seeker through knowledge of the truth. The powerful effect that this movement had on certain Christians is evident in their having reworked the gospel tradition in such a way as to depict Jesus as a timeless divine revelatory figure who came in human guise to invite human beings to escape the limitations of space, time, and bodily existence, so that they might gain eternal union with Ultimate Unity. This transformation was assumed to be possible for those who laid hold of the Gnosis (i.e., knowledge) that he brought, divesting themselves of such limitations of human existence as sexual and physical identity. The development of this lifeworld is already evident in the second-century writing known as the Gospel of Thomas. There it is affirmed that the "kingdom of God" (which now connotes achievement of Gnostic identity) is entered through knowledge of one's true self and is discovered within [Gos. Thorn. 3). Indeed, personal identity is forfeited, since the one who receives this revelation ("drinks from my mouth") will become like Jesus and will be identical with him [Gos. Thorn. 13, 108). The true Gnostic has existed since before the world was created [Gos. Thorn. 19) and in finding the kingdom is merely returning to the eternal source from which he or she came {Gos. Thorn. 49). What has happened in this transformation of the gospel tradition is that the historical orientation and apocalyptic-type hope of renewal of God's people and of the creation has been replaced by a flight to the realm of eternity, where such human limitations as time, body, and physical or social conflict are overcome through absorption into the Ultimate Unity. In sharp contrast, the Gospel of Matthew is written in a social setting where the chief concern is how the will of God is to be obeyed by his people. It was written in the post-70 period, at the time that the rabbinic movement was becoming the chief option for Jews, now that the priesthood and Temple were gone and nationalistic hopes were crushed. Perceptive analyses of the social setting of this Gospel show that it addresses precisely the issues under consideration within the emergent rabbinical movement: the binding force of the law of Moses, and the specifics of conformity to that tradition in order to qualify for covenantal participation. The structuring of Matthew and the details of the adaptation and supplementation of the Q and Markan traditions indicate that this Gospel was

written as an alternative to the developing rabbinic definition of the true people of God. Other sociological methods and insights have been employed with illuminating results by Wayne Meeks, in The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul (1983), and by Bengt Holmberg, in Paul and Power: The Structure of Authority in the Primitive Church as Reflected in the Pauline Epistles (1978). Meeks has selectively and illuminatingly drawn on insights from anthropologists and social historians to draw the outlines of the urban settings in which Paul carried out his work and the patterns that prevailed in the communities that developed as a result of his evangelistic and instructional endeavors. The themes that he traces include urban life in the cities of the eastern Mediterranean, the social level of the Christian communities that formed there, and the pattern and structure of the typical community, involving governance, ritual, theological beliefs, and patterns of life of the members. The sharp distinction that Meeks draws between the "village culture" of Jesus and his first followers and the subsequent urban development of Christianity may be called into question by mounting evidence of the depth and range of impact of Hellenistic culture on Galilee, but his careful analyses of status models and authority roles within the community provide important new insights and should serve as examples for utilization of the social sciences by NT interpreters. In other studies Meeks has also shown how the early Christians built various models of community based on, or in reaction to, various types of contemporaneous Jewish communities. Similarly illuminating results through the use of sociological insights were obtained by John H. Elliott in A Home for the Homeless: A Sociological Exegesis of I Peter, Its Situation and Strategy (1990). He shows that the churches of northern Asia Minor at the end of the first century were facing persecution as a result of their refusal to participate in the divine honors to the emperor and sketches the mixture of hope of apocalyptic deliverance, community stability, and civil obedience that are to characterize their common life in the interim. Another type of sociocultural adaptation on the part of first-century Christians is evident in the Letter to the Hebrews, which shows the influence of Jewish speculation about Wisdom as the divine agent by which God accomplishes his purpose in the creation and reveals his being and purpose to the faithful. But it also reveals how that wisdom tradition and the early church's understanding of Jesus are interpreted in terms provided by Hellenistic philosophy, both Stoic and Platonic. These features are evident in Hebrews, where the role of Jesus is depicted through the use of technical philosophical terms [hypostasis ["nature"], archëgos ["pioneer"], and teleiôtês ["perfector"]; Heb. 1:3; 12:2; cf. elenchos ["proof"], 11:1) as the ulti-

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mate reality of God's redemptive purpose, in contrast with the timebound cultic system of the Temple. In a sharply contrasting perspective, the Apocalypse of John pictures the Temple as eliminated in the new eschatological order that will prevail, where the city of God comes to earth from heaven and God's presence is direct and complete (Rev. 21), rather than symbolized by the Holy of Holies in the traditional Temple. The same motifs are operative in the various NT writings in significantly different ways, as a consequence of the range of sociocultural settings and assumptions that are operative in the various early Christian communities. In every instance, there are clear anticipations or parallels to these developments in postbiblical Judaism and in the wider GrecoRoman world, as the richly diverse literature of this period shows. To speak of "the Mediterranean culture," as though it were uniform throughout the Greco-Roman world, is to ignore the evidence. Careful attention to and defining of the various symbolic universes that were operative in this culturally diverse scene, as called for by the sociological methods of recent times, are essential for sensitive historical and exegetical treatment of the early Christian writings. Refined versions of the older sociological analyses of leadership roles in religious movements—dating back to Weber and Troeltsch—continue to be useful in tracing the shifts during the first century of Christianity's existence from its charismatic origins to its institutional forms. This process, as Meeks has noted, is clearest in the Pauline corpus, where the transitions are apparent when one moves from the authentic Pauline Letters to those probably written by his near successors in leadership (the writers of Colossians and Ephesians) to those coming from a later generation (the Pastorals: 1 and 2 Timothy, and Titus). The twin aims of these post-Pauline writings are to establish authority for the leadership and to achieve unity among the various churches. Organizational and structural images are used to describe the people of God: household of God, apostles and prophets as foundation, the whole structure as a holy temple, God's dwelling place (Eph. 5:21—6:9). The leadership qualifications and roles are even more specifically described in 1 Timothy 3. In Titus 2 the importance of sound doctrine is stressed, indicating that faith as trust in God has been replaced by faith as correct belief (2:2). Other kinds of sociocultural adaptation of the Pauline traditions are apparent in the book of Acts, where Paul is pictured as adjusting his message for audiences that range from synagogue gatherings to an assembly of intellectuals in Athens to Roman officials. Analogous, though by no means identical developments have been shown in the Johannine community as well. Additional evidence of the early Christian moves toward institutional modes of faith, ethics, leadership, and community organization have long

been recognized in such writings as those of the Apostolic Fathers, but the clarity and relevance of more recent work in the social sciences heightens the significance and sharpens the results of this kind of inquiry. Essential for gaining awareness, sensitivity, and meaningful analysis of this richly diverse range of evidence about Christian origins preserved in the NT and in Jewish and Christian writings and documents from the period 150 B.C. to A.D. 150 is the use of insights and methods derived from the social sciences. The intent of this methodological approach is not to reduce the social, literary, and conceptual data to doctrinally neutral raw material, but to sensitize the interpreter to the range of dynamic factors at work in the origins of Christianity. Only in this way can one discern, define, and account for the broad sweep of responses to Jesus and the movement he launched as evident in the richly diverse cluster of documents known as the NT. See also Apocalyptic Literature; Covenant; Daniel, The Book of; Essenes; Galatians, The Letter of Paul to the; Jesus Christ; John the Baptist; Magic and Divination. Bibliography Gager, J. Kingdom and Community: The Social World of Early Christianity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1975. Holmberg, B. Sociology and the New Testament: An Appraisal. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 1990. Kee, H. C. Community of the New Age. 2d ed. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1983. . Knowing the Truth: A Sociological Approach to New Testament Interpretation. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 1989. Meeks, W. The First Urban Christians. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1983. H.C.K. sociology of the Old Testament. Interest in the sociology of the OT—that is, all aspects of ancient Israelite society and the social changes that took place in Israel during the biblical period—is part of a more general concern with uncovering the historical setting of the biblical literature, a concern that is already reflected in the OT itself. Thus, for example, the editors of the book of Psalms sought to understand some of the Davidic psalms more clearly by identifying the occasions in David's life that prompted him to compose them. This historical information was then added to the Psalms' superscriptions as an aid to readers (e.g., Pss. 3; 18; 51; 54; 60). In a similar way, general historical information has been added to some of the prophetic books in order to make their oracles more comprehensible (e.g., Isa. 1:1; Jer. 1:1-3; Amos 1:1). Interest in the sociology of the OT intensified after the end of the biblical period. Readers of the OT began to recognize that an ever growing gap separated them from the world of the biblical writers and that this gap sometimes obscured the meaning of the text. The OT authors

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lived in a particular historical society and participated fully in its culture. Their language included idioms and images that were current in their own time, and they referred to events and social customs that were known by their contemporary readers and hearers. When ancient Israelite society ceased to exist, however, some of these references became unintelligible, and some of the richness of the text's meaning was lost. The more the language and cultural experiences of the OT readers diverged from those of the biblical writers, the less clear the text became. Early Studies: At least by the Middle Ages, Jewish and Christian interpreters began to try to reconstruct aspects of Israelite society in order better to understand the OT's message. Explorations into OT sociology in this period were usually unsystematic and employed a variety of investigative techniques. Unusual Hebrew words and idioms in the Bible were compared with similar constructions in rabbinic Hebrew and in Arabic, and some attempt was made to analyze the literary conventions that governed OT poetry. Social and cultural customs were explained by referring to the works of authors who were closer historically and culturally to the biblical period, and some medieval interpreters even drew on their own experiences to shed light on Israelite society. The use of contemporary comparative material became even more common in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when the social sciences began to establish themselves in universities throughout Europe. Sociologists such as Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), Karl Marx (1818-1883), Max Weber (1864-1920), and Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) studied social phenomena in their own time and described the regularities and overall patterns that were thought to exist in all societies, both ancient and modern. At the same time, anthropologists began to collect information on a variety of cultures, most of which were thought at the time to be "primitive" societies totally untouched by Western civilization. Some anthropologists, such as Sir Edward B. Tylor (1832-1917) and Sir James George Frazer (1854-1941), tried to organize these new data in such a way as to demonstrate the gradual evolution of human culture from primitive beginnings to the advanced state that it had reached in Western Europe. Later anthropologists, such as Bronislaw Malinowski (1884-1942) and A. R. Radcliffe-Brown (1881-1955), however, rejected this comprehensive approach and stressed instead the necessity of studying cultural data thoroughly in their own social context and then describing the complex interaction of the parts of the society as a whole. This view of the task of social anthropology led to the production of a number of detailed studies of individual societies. Modern social anthropologists continue this type of research, although they are more interested in the process of social change than were their scholarly ancestors.

From the very beginning of their establishment as academic disciplines, sociology and anthropology attracted the attention of biblical interpreters interested in reconstructing ancient Israelite society. By the middle of the nineteenth century, archaeologists were beginning to uncover large amounts of textual and cultural material from the ancient Near Eastern societies that surrounded Israel, and this comparative evidence added new depth to the scholarly understanding of Israelite history. This understanding was further enriched when biblical interpreters began to apply the results of sociological research to the Bible and to the ancient Near Eastern evidence. One of the early attempts at a sociological interpretation was made by the sociologist Max Weber, who tested his theories on the origins of capitalism by reconstructing a social history of biblical Israel. Weber concluded that Israel was originally a conglomeration of seminomadic and settled agricultural groups that were unified through their common allegiance to a covenant and governed periodically by "charismatic" leaders. This early social structure changed with the rise of the monarchy, when a strong central government robbed the individual tribes of their power. The monarchy helped to create a class of wealthy landowners, and the society was soon divided economically into two distinct social classes. The oppression of the poor provoked the judgment oracles of the prophets, who advocated a return to the earlier egalitarian society and stressed the necessity for ethical behavior in response to the demands of the covenant. Weber's reconstruction was quickly taken up and amplified by biblical scholars, and Adolphe Lods (1867-1948) and Antonin Causse (1877-1947), among others, produced histories of Israel based on Weberian principles. Less influential at the time were the sociological theories of Marx, Durkheim, and Tylor, although Tylor's work did convince important biblical scholars, including W. Robertson Smith (1846-1894) and Julius Wellhausen (1844-1918), that contemporary cultural data could safely be used to reconstruct the religion and society of ancient Israel. In contrast to the way in which biblical interpreters used nineteenth-century sociological research, the new anthropological data were generally used less systematically. Frazer tried to apply his enormous collection of material to specific biblical passages, and others invoked anthropological parallels to explain particular "primitive" features of Israelite society. More responsible was the use that biblical scholars made of anthropologists' comparative studies of folklore. Beginning with the pioneering work of Hermann Gunkel (1862-1932), interpreters reexamined the OT literature in order to uncover signs of its original oral form. Taking a cue from folklore studies, Gunkel argued that distinctive literary genres could be isolated in the OT and

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that their preliterary structures could be recovered. Each of these genres had a particular social setting in Israel's national life, and Gunkel thought that these settings could be reconstructed with the aid of cultural data drawn from modern societies. Gunkel's approach, with its stress on the sociological dimensions of Israelite literature, has had a profound influence on OT research, and his method continues to be used today, although in a somewhat modified form. Current Research: In spite of early enthusiasm for the application of sociological research to the OT, this sort of comparative approach was soon rejected by biblical interpreters, and by the middle of the twentieth century interest in the sociology of the OT had almost disappeared in the scholarly community. The primary reason for this rejection was the recognition by biblical scholars that the sociological and anthropological research they were using contained serious flaws. Some of the overarching sociological theories were based on unsound data, while others had difficulty dealing with unique social phenomena that could not be made to fit general sociological patterns. In the case of anthropology, material had sometimes been collected unsystematically and had been presented as part of a general theory of culture, the validity of which could not easily be supported. Comparative material of this sort was then imposed on the biblical evidence, and the result was a distorted picture of early Israelite society. Biblical interpreters therefore turned away from sociological studies and occupied themselves with the theology, literary genres, and traditions of the text. In recent years, however, OT interpreters have again recognized the important role that social factors play in shaping any piece of literature and have begun to do research on the sociology of the OT. At the same time, new developments in the social sciences have provided researchers with more sophisticated tools and have helped them to avoid the problems associated with earlier comparative studies. Several major approaches to the study of ancient Israelite society are now being employed. Using revised versions of the theories of Weber and Marx, some scholars have analyzed Israel's social structure in the period of the judges and have given coherent descriptions of the changes that occurred when Israel made the transition from a tribal society to a monarchical state. Others have collected the detailed studies of individual societies provided by social anthropologists and have then used this comparative material to study the nature and function of particular religious and social phenomena in ancient Israel. This sort of approach has been used to explore Israel's tribal organization and to analyze prophecy and apocalyptic. Finally, archaeologists working in the land of Israel have begun to

apply more sophisticated techniques of analysis to their material and have succeeded in reconstructing the social setting of some of the cultural remains they have found. In particular, they have begun to recognize the importance of studying sites outside of major urban centers in order to understand more clearly the daily lives of rural people whose activities are not well represented in the biblical texts. Detailed work of this sort throws important light on how ancient Israelites lived and thus aids in understanding the texts that they produced. Much of the new research on the sociology of the OT has not yet been tested and integrated into a comprehensive picture of the nature and development of Israelite society. As a result, there is no commonly accepted account of Israel's social history, and some scholars are even skeptical that such a history can be written. This skepticism is due largely to the recognition that relatively few archaeological remains survive from the biblical period and to the belief that the primary account of Israel's social history, the OT itself, is a tendentious work by much later writers and therefore a poor source for sociological reconstruction. While it is certainly true that all literary sources, including the OT, are likely to have particular points of view, most historians of ancient Israel believe that all relevant texts, when properly understood, have a role to play in scholarly reconstruction. Against the background of the archaeological and biblical data, then, it is possible to reconstruct a general outline of Israel's social history. Given the limitations of the evidence, this history will be far from complete and will focus primarily on the urban settings and groups from which most of the OT literature comes. Details can be filled in only when additional studies have been done, and new archaeological discoveries can always modify what was previously thought to be true. Early Israelite Society, a Lineage-Based System: Although archaeologists have traditionally traced the origins of biblical Israel to the movements of West Semitic (mostly Amorite) peoples that took place in Mesopotamia during the second millennium B.C., scholars are now increasingly inclined to begin Israel's history with the social and political changes that occurred in Palestine at the end of the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1550-1200 B.C.) and the beginning of the Iron Age (ca. 1200 B.C.). At this time many of the area's established cities went into a period of decline, and a number of small agricultural villages began to appear in previously uninhabited areas, particularly in the central hill country north of Jerusalem. These villages were generally unfortified and devoid of public buildings, and consisted mostly of collections of small houses, particularly the well-known four-room house. Assuming that these settlements were home to at least some of the Israelites living in Palestine during this period, it

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seems safe to conclude that early Israelite society was organized primarily on the basis of kinship. In such systems the basic social unit is the nuclear family (parents and their children), and this family model is extended throughout the rest of the social structure. Two nuclear families can be related to each other by tracing common descent from a single figure in an earlier generation, a grandparent. The nuclear families related in this way constitute an extended family, whose head is the ancestor from whom all of the family members are descended. Extended families can, in turn, be related to each other by tracing their descent to a still earlier ancestor, usually not living, and the resulting group can be seen as a single social unit, sometimes, though inaccurately, called a clan. Clans, in turn, can form tribes by claiming to be descendants of a single person, and in theory the process can be continued indefinitely until the whole society is united as one massive kinship unit. The society or any of its parts can then be described by employing a segmented or branched genealogy, a family tree. Kinship organizations of this sort are usually called "lineages" by anthropologists. Although a lineage-based society can, in theory, include any number of people, in fact lineage genealogies usually include no more than ten generations of ancestors, and the normal practice is to mention only five or six generations. This limit on genealogical depth means that the actual number of people in the society is also limited. There are two major reasons for this limitation. First, lineages tend to become socially unstable as they grow larger. Social and political authority in a lineage is vested in the lineage head, the oldest living member of the lineage and the person from whom all of the remaining members are descended. In small lineages, such as the nuclear or extended family, this person is capable of enforcing lineage decisions and maintaining social unity. In larger lineages, however, the lineage head named in the lineage genealogy is likely no longer to be living, and no one person can exercise authority in the lineage. This means that disputes must be settled by negotiations between the living heads of the smaller constituent lineages. As more people become involved in this process, there is more likelihood of disagreement and of a permanent split in the lineage. Second, most of the affairs of everyday life involve only the nuclear or perhaps the extended family. These groups therefore have a greater degree of social reality than do larger lineage groups, which may become important only on ritual occasions or in times of war, when individual families are incapable of defending themselves. The archaeological evidence suggests that Israelite society was organized as a hierarchical lineage system at least as early as the period of the judges (twelfth century B.C.), and this picture is also consistent with the biblical evi-

dence (Josh. 7). The frequent use of branched genealogies in Genesis further suggests that Israel's ancestors were similarly organized (Gen. 22:20-24; 25:12-16; 35:22-26; 26:1-43; 46:8-27), although it is doubtful that these lineages were originally as large or complex as the OT suggests. Early Israelite lineages of various sizes presumably settled in small agricultural villages, although some may have focused on herding and entered into a symbiotic relationship with the inhabitants of villages and towns (Gen. 12:6-9; 13:12-18; 33:18-20; 35:16-21; 37:12-17). The Israelites practiced farming (Gen. 26:12-16), but they were also sheep breeders, who periodically left their camps in search of pasture for their animals. In return for supplying the townspeople with wool and meat, these Israelites received from the towns agricultural products and some manufactured goods. Although there is no direct evidence on this point, it is likely that individuals occasionally left the lineage and took up residence in a town either because they were driven out of the lineage for some reason or because they sought better economic opportunities. Israel's lineage-based social system survived more or less intact into the period of the judges and could have provided a basis for the unity of Israelite society. The lineages involved seem to have been relatively small, however, and the few recorded attempts to form large lineages produced social structures that became progressively more unstable as time passed. Although all Israelites may have shared common religious beliefs, this religious unity did not always translate into social harmony. It was sometimes difficult to get all of the tribes to participate in defending individual groups (Judg. 5:15-17), and occasionally local disputes led to intertribal war (Judg. 19-21). There are several likely reasons for the progressive disintegration of Israel's larger lineages. First, after the Israelites settled in Canaan, their economy became more complex. Some groups may have moved into existing towns and taken up occupations there. Others became farmers in small hill country villages. The population began to grow, both because of improvements in the economy and because non-Israelites were incorporated into the Israelite lineages. The increase in population forced farmers to put new land under cultivation and pushed them into areas where Israelites had not previously lived. It is thus likely that some of the lineages became too large to function efficiently, and as a result they fragmented and group unity became difficult to maintain. Second, a number of Israel's smaller lineages seem to have been isolated geographically by the mountainous terrain, and this made their participation in larger lineage groups more difficult. Finally, outside of the lineage heads, Israel seems to have had no leaders capable of getting the small lineages to act together as a group. On occasion prophets such as Deborah

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may have played such a central role, particularly in time of war (Judg. 4:4-10), and Lévites may have served as itinerant priests and administrators, but the nature of the lineage structure prevented a single person from exercising political control over several lineages at the same time. In an attempt to solve the problem of social unity that is inherent in any lineage system, some Israelite lineages, mostly in the north, adopted the practice of delegating political authority to individual chiefs for a particular purpose and for a limited period of time. These "judges" were believed to have been chosen directly by God in times of danger and served primarily as military leaders (Judg. 2:11-23). Some groups apparently wanted to make the office of judge hereditary and to move Israel in the direction of a genuine monarchy, but this would have altered the traditional social structure and was resisted (Judg. 8:22-9:57). The Effects of the Monarchy: The line between lineage-based society and monarchical state began to be crossed decisively with the election of Saul as Israel's ruler. The change did not take place, however, without considerable opposition from some of the lineages, which feared the loss of their political power; moreover, it is unlikely that Saul's dominion was as extensive as the OT suggests. The OT narratives of Saul's rise reflect several different attitudes toward the idea of kingship, and it is difficult to know to what extent the stories reflect historical reality. It is probably safe to assume, however, that the strongest opposition to the monarchy came from the powerful northern tribe of Ephraim, whose point of view was represented by the prophet Samuel. As a prophet, Samuel gave divine legitimation to the idea of an extremely limited monarchy, and he sought to retain control over Israelite worship, to prevent the establishment of a principle of dynastic succession, and to ensure Saul's continued dependence on the lineage militias. When Samuel did not completely succeed in his attempt, he anointed David in Saul's place and thereafter opposed Saul with all of the power of his important office (1 Sam. 7-16). David (late eleventh-early tenth century B.C.) was more successful in consolidating the power of the monarchy, but he still experienced some limits to his authority, and it is likely that the old lineages remained strong during his reign. After Saul's death, the northern tribes rejected Davidic rule and unsuccessfully attempted to maintain their own monarchy. David, however, had political support from his own southern tribe of Judah and from a heterogeneous group of supporters that had no allegiance to the lineage system (1 Sam. 22:2). With this political base, he became king of Judah at Hebron, and his authority was later recognized by the north. Although he was successful in bringing the remaining Canaanite cities (including Jerusalem)

under Israelite control and in extending his power across the Jordan, he does not seem to have made serious attempts to break the power of the old lineage system, and the economy did not improve radically during his time. The nuclear and extended families apparently remained the basis of the social system, and the rebellions that took place during his reign attest to the continued life of the lineage system (2 Sam. 16; 20). David did, however, install a central bureaucracy in his new capital of Jerusalem and included in it members of his own family and some of his Judahite supporters. He may have also used forced labor for some of his building projects, but his attempt at systematic taxation does not seem to have been successful. Royal power was further centralized under Solomon (ca. 965-924 B.C.), who increased Israel's foreign trade, particularly with Tyre, and engaged in extensive building projects. This must have led to the creation of a large class of merchants, although there is not much archaeological evidence of economic growth, and it may be that Solomon's trading ventures were not as successful as the biblical texts indicate. It is certain, however, that the central government increased its power enormously during Solomon's reign. The building projects required both money and labor, and to obtain these Solomon reorganized his kingdom to facilitate tax collection and the recruitment of forced labor. In the process he broke down some of the old tribal boundaries, thus further weakening the lineage structure, and created a complex hierarchy of royal officials. As is typical with monarchies, political, religious, and economic power began to be drawn toward the central government and toward those involved in government-supported economic enterprises. Solomon's harsh imposition of royal authority provoked a revolt in the north, and after the king's death the northern tribes withdrew to set up their own state under Jeroboam (1 Kings 11-12). This revolt was originally supported by northern prophets, such as Ahijah of Shiloh, who opposed Solomon on both religious and political grounds. Ahijah and the groups he represented may have originally thought that the new monarchy in the north would restore them to the central roles in the religious establishment that they had enjoyed in the time of Samuel, but if so, their hopes were dashed when Jeroboam set up a state that simply duplicated the abuses of Solomon's kingdom. Ahijah therefore condemned the Northern Kingdom and became the first of a chain of prophets who opposed the religious and political policies of the crown (1 Kings 12-14). Only during the time of the prophet Elisha did this critique succeed in bringing about a change in the government's point of view, but this prophetic victory was short-lived, and the Northern Kingdom soon returned to its former ways (2 Kings 1-10).

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Although the prophets described in the books of Kings had nothing good to say about the religious practices of the northern state of Israel, in economic terms the north was relatively successful. Beginning with Jeroboam, Israel (also called Ephraim) enjoyed slow but steady economic growth and under the Omride dynasty (881-842 B.C.) became a major military and commercial power. The archaeological record contains evidence of expanding agricultural production and trade. Important industries were developed in pottery, textiles, wine, olive oil, and metal products. Given the hierarchical organization of the state, however, the growing economy primarily benefited those at the top of the social structure, such as merchants and government officials. Those in the lower classes became victims of the system, losing income and often hereditary land. This situation was condemned by the prophets Amos and Hosea, who saw economic oppression as a symptom of a greater religious illness. The prophets' oracles of doom were eventually fulfilled when the Northern Kingdom was destroyed by the Assyrians in 722 B.C. In the Southern Kingdom, Judah, the economic and political situation was rather similar. Political power was fully centralized in Jerusalem, which was also the country's major economic and religious center. Distinct classes of priests and bureaucrats grew up around the capital, and because of the continuity of the Davidic dynasty, members of the royal family were more influential than was the case in the North. After the fall of the Northern Kingdom, a series of disastrous political moves by the Judean kings made it necessary for them to pay heavy tribute, first to the Assyrians and later to the Babylonians. These bills were paid primarily at the expense of the lower classes, and the resulting poverty and oppression were condemned even by prophets such as Isaiah, who basically supported the ideals of the Jerusalemite establishment. The Exile: The destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple in 586 B.C. was a turning point in Israel's social history. Although the period of the Exile and the reconstruction still requires more study before a complete history can be written, several trends in the development of Israelite society can be noted. First, the Exile effectively ended the existence of an Israelite central government in Jerusalem. Although some of those who returned from Babylon may have tried to reestablish the Davidic dynasty, the real political power in Jerusalem was held by a succession of foreign rulers: first the Babylonians, then, in order, the Persians, Greeks, and Romans. Thus, after the Exile anyone who wanted to exercise political power had first to come to an understanding with a foreign government. Second, with the monarchical form of government destroyed by the Babylonians, the older lineage system seems to have reasserted itself,

at least at the levels of the extended family and the nuclear family. Cuneiform texts from Babylon show that family ties were maintained by the exiles, and a renewed interest in genealogies in the postexilic OT literature suggests that the lineage may have again become an important social group (1 Chron. 1-9). Third, at least some of the exiles prospered economically during their stay in Babylon and were tempted to integrate themselves completely into the surrounding culture. Finally, the Exile saw the development of numerous conflicting religious, political, and social groups, each advocating different explanations for the disaster and suggesting different ways in which a new Israel could be built. The Postexilic Period: The intergroup conflicts that began in the Exile became more serious when the Persian government actually allowed the exiles to return to Palestine (sixth-fifth centuries B.C.). Issues that were previously theoretical then became real, and the exiles had to decide how the new government would be structured and how the new Temple would be built. The postexilic OT books all reflect these debates and suggest that Israelite society became more fragmented as the reconstruction progressed. Priestly groups who did not return to power in the Temple opposed those who did. Advocates of cooperation with the Persians came into conflict with those who supported renewed Israelite independence. Those who returned from exile despised those who did not, and the builders of the new Temple excluded from the religious community Israelites who had remained in Judah during the Exile. As the postexilic period (late sixth century B.C. on) continued and more groups were deprived of social, political, and religious power, apocalyptic religion took on new life. Groups that considered themselves excluded from their rightful place in society increasingly looked for a solution to their problems at some future time when God would directly intervene in history in order to realize their expectations. Apocalyptic literature, such as that found in the latter parts of the books of Daniel and Zechariah, was produced by a number of these groups, although only a few such writings have found their way into the OT. The apocalyptic programs that these groups created varied depending on the composition of the group, but all of the scenarios reflected a feeling that the social structure was out of alignment and required major reform. Only in a few cases were these hopes fulfilled during the OT period, and most apocalyptic groups remained a minority voice in the midst of a hostile culture. See also Amorites; Apocalyptic Literature; Biblical Criticism; Covenant; David; Exile; Family, The; Jerusalem; Judges, The Book of; King; Priests; Prophet; Samuel; Saul; Semites; Sociology of the New Testament; Solomon; Temple, The; Tribes, The.

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Bibliography Fritz, V. The City in Ancient Israel. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1955. Matthews, V. H., and D. C. Benjamin. Social World of Ancient Israel 1250-587 B.C.E. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1993. Rogerson, }. W. Anthropology and the Old Testament. Atlanta, GA: John Knox, 1979. Silver, M. Prophets and Markets. Boston: Kluwer-Nijhoff, 1983. Wilson, R. R. Sociological Approaches to the Old Testament. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984. R.R.W.

some have proposed that to these two sites belong the valley cities of the Genesis narrative. Both of these cities were inhabited during most of the third millennium. Sodom is remembered as a wicked city that brought divine wrath upon it. The Genesis narrative records both attempted sexual perversity and gross inhospitality (Gen. 19:1-11). Other writers use Sodom as an example of warning (Deut. 29:16-28) and sometimes as an accusation against the covenant people (Amos 4:11; Isa. 1:9-11). This principle extends into the NT period, where references to the wickedness of Sodom may still be found (Matt. 10:15; Luke 10:12; Rom. 9:29, quoting Isaiah; 2 Pet. 2:6; Jude 7). There is also an interesting reference to the "Sea of Sodom" (i.e., the Dead Sea) in 2 Esd. 5:7, where it is stated that in the days to come this "dead" sea will produce fish as a miraculous sign. See also Abraham; Lot. J.A.D.

Soco (soh'koh; Heb., "thorny"; KJV: "Socho"). 1 A town in Judah between Adullam and Azekah (Josh. 15:35). It was used later by Philistines (1 Sam. 17:1), fortified by King Rehoboam of Judah (2 Chron. 11:7), and then used again by the Philistines (2 Chron. 28:18). It was probably modern Khirbet 'Abbad about two miles south of Azekah. 2 A second town in Judah (Josh. 15:48), probably the modern Khirbet Shuweikeh about ten miles southwest of Hebron. 3 A town in Solomon's third district (1 Kings 4:10). It was probably modern Tell er-Ras located about ten miles northwest of Samaria. 4 A descendant of Judah and a son of Heber (1 Chron. 4:18). Even in this case it may be a place name, possibly the one in Josh. 15:48 above. R.S.B. sod, an archaic term used in the KJV for boiled food (Gen. 25:29; 2 Chron. 35:13; Lam. 4:10). Sodom (sod'uhm), perhaps the best remembered of the five cities of the valley (Gen. 19:29). The city's inhabitants joined with neighbors in fighting the marauding Chedorlaomer, the king of Elam (Gen. 14:1). Abraham's nephew, Lot, chose Sodom for his residence (Gen. 13:8-13). A precise location is not given for the city though the general area is associated with the Dead Sea. Archaeological research early in the twentieth century suggested to some that Sodom, along with other cities of the valley, is located under what is now the shallow, southern end of the Dead Sea. Furthermore, this research assigned a date for Sodom early in the second millennium B.C. on the basis of observable settlement patterns in the general area and the assumption that the chronological reckoning of the patriarchal narratives implied such a date. There is no positive evidence that ancient Sodom is submerged under the Dead Sea, however. More recent investigation has shown in detail that there were urban areas just to the east and south of the Dead Sea during most of the third millennium and in places perhaps into the early second millennium as well. Indeed, on the basis of the excavations of the Bab edDhra (located on the tongue of land extending into the Dead Sea from its eastern shore) and at Numeira (further south on the eastern shore),

sodomy, a generic term for copulation that is not "natural" and heterosexual, derived from the story of Sodom whose inhabitants sought to have sexual relations with Lot's visitors (Gen. 19:1-11). The Bible frequently condemns male homosexuality (Lev. 18:22; 20:13; Rom. 1:27; 1 Cor. 6:9) as well as bestiality (Exod. 22:19; Lev. 18:23; 20:15-16; Deut. 27:21), presumably because it considered male and female to be natural correlates (see Gen. 1:27; 2:18-24). Lesbianism along with male homosexuality is condemned by Paul (Rom. 1:26-27). sojourn, a noun that derives its meaning from the meaning of the verb "to live among for an extended time." Therefore it is applied to the stay of a people (particularly Israel's tribes) in a place for any length of time, such as Jacob's tribes in Egypt (Gen. 47:4), the man of Judah (Elimelech) in Moab (Ruth 1:1), or Jacob and Isaac at Hebron (Gen. 35:27). sojourner. See Foreigner; Gentile; Stranger. soldier, a person involved in military activity, one who is trained for war. The word "soldier" appears in the Bible quite frequently, along with a number of synonymous terms (see 1 Chron. 12:23-38 for an extensive list of examples). Special attention should be drawn to the phrase "men who drew the sword," since this action identifies the soldier's primary function (i.e., combat) and symbolizes warfare in general (Judg. 8:10; see Ezek. 21:3). During the biblical period, warriors were equipped with a variety of offensive and defensive weapons; fully armed soldiers from two distinct eras are described in 1 Sam. 17:5-7 and Eph. 6:11-17, with the latter reference comparing the panoply of a Roman soldier to the Christian's spiritual armor. Distinction was made between infantrymen, horsemen, and charioteers (Ezek. 26:7; Acts 23:23).

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Assyrian infantry and cavalry equipped with spears and bows pursuing fleeing desert raiders; from a relief at the palace of the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal at Nineveh, seventh century B.C.

Although other ancient Near Eastern peoples had standing armies at an early date, the Hebrews had no professional soldiers until the establishment of the monarchy (eleventh century B.C.). Abraham's "trained men" were obviously skilled warriors, but they were recruited from his household (Gen. 14:14). The Hebrew conquest of Canaan (thirteenth-twelfth centuries B.C.) was accomplished by tribal militias of adult males (Num. 1:1—46). Since combat entailed great risk and called for courage and strength, some men were exempt from military service (Deut. 20:5-8). The Lévites were not counted among those who were "able to go forth to war," but they offered reassurance to soldiers before battles (Num. 1:47-50; Deut. 20:1-4). In the period of the judges and the early reign of Saul (twelfth-eleventh centuries B.C.), soldiers were mustered to battle by trumpet call or messengers (Judg. 6:34-35; 1 Sam. 11:7-8). The beginning of a standing army in Israel may be seen in the special force that Saul gathered together (1 Sam. 13:1-2; 14:52). David continued this process by developing his famous bodyguard of "mighty men" (1 Sam. 22:2; 2 Sam. 10:7) and by making a census of the Israelites, a necessary step in the establishment of a national army (2 Sam. 24). Thereafter, the professional soldier was the norm. Mercenaries were also a part of this early Israelite army (2 Sam. 20:23; 2 Chron. 25:6).

Soldiers usually shared in the loot captured in battle (Num. 31:27; Deut. 21:11; Josh. 22:8), and their return from war was a cause for celebration (Judg. 11:34; 1 Sam. 18:6-7). As in modern armies, the soldier's routine included guard duty (Judg. 7:19). Because the Roman Empire was maintained by military power, the Roman soldier was a common sight in NT times. Soldiers were involved in the arrest and crucifixion of Jesus (John 18:3, 12; 19:2, 2 3 - 2 5 , 32, 34). After Paul was arrested in Jerusalem, he was frequently in the company of soldiers; the apostle used the word "soldier" to describe his co-workers (Phil. 2:25; Philem. 1:2; see the figurative use of "soldier" in 1 Cor. 9:7 and 2 Tim. 2:3-4). See also Army; War. G.L.M. solemn assembly, the translation generally used for the Hebrew terms atzeret and atzarah. These terms refer to gatherings of the people, in a state of ritual purity, for sacred, religious purposes. These purposes include set festivals, such as the seventh day of the Festival of Unleavened Bread (Deut. 16:8) or the eighth day of the Festival of Booths (Lev. 23:36; Num. 29:35; 2 Chron. 7:9; Neh. 8:18). They might also include special assemblies such as that called by Jehu for Baal (2 Kings 10:20) or for times of emergency (Joel 1:14; 2:15-16). Such assemblies were sometimes criticized by prophets when the people acted unjustly in their

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everyday lives (Isa. 1:13; Amos 5:21). See also Worship.

had caused problems for David, was restricted from leaving Jerusalem on pain of death, a threat that was later carried out (1 Kings 2). Reign: Solomon appears to have been responsible for a political consolidation, demonstrated by his creation of administrative districts cutting across the old tribal boundaries (1 Kings 4:7-19). His priestly activities also suggest a substantial expansion of the king's role (1 Kings 8; contrast 1 Sam. 13). Solomon's reign was also characterized by vigorous activity in the international sphere. His empire included trade routes linking Africa, Asia, Arabia, and Asia Minor, thus generating substantial revenue while supporting widespread commercial activities, including, apparently, participation in the horse trade based in Asia Minor. His fleet sailed from Ezion-geber in the Gulf of Aqaba to Ophir on the coast of the Red Sea (either in eastern Africa or western Arabia). The Bible ascribes to him seven hundred wives, including Moabite, Edomite, Phoenician, and Hittite women (1 Kings 11:1), at least some of whom he doubtless married as part of political alliances. Among these were an Egyptian princess, whose father (probably Pharaoh Siamon) gave Solomon the city of Gezer, and an Ammonite woman, whose son Rehoboam eventually succeeded to the throne. Solomon's extensive building program included store cities as well as fortifications. In Jerusalem, he built an elaborate palace complex, which took thirteen years to complete, and a temple, which took seven, with die assistance of

Solomon (sol'uh-muhn; also known as Jedidiah; Heb., "Yahweh's beloved," 2 Sam. 12:25), David's son by Bathsheba and his successor, who reigned for forty years in the second third of the tenth century B.C. Although 1 Samuel 12 implies that Solomon was Bathsheba's second child by David, born after the child conceived during their adulterous affair had died, 1 Chron. 3:5 may indicate that there were intervening children. As David grew old, his son Adonijah began to take steps to succeed his father with the support of several court officials, including the general Joab and the priest Abiathar. Another faction gained the support of Bathsheba in approaching David on the basis of a previous promise, not recorded in the Bible, that Solomon would be his successor. David affirmed his commitment to Solomon, who was immediately installed by the priest Zadok with the assistance of Nathan, the prophet, and Benaiah from the royal guard. Solomon served as co-regent until David's death, at which time Adonijah, who had previously agreed to accept Solomon's succession, sought Bathsheba's support in his request to marry Abishag, who had served David in his old age. Solomon saw the request as a threat and had Adonijah executed along with his supporter Joab. The priest Abiathar was expelled from Jerusalem and Shimei, a Benjaminite who

Solomon is portrayed as a wise teacher in this late fourteenth-century illustration for the book of Proverbs.

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King Hiram of Tyre. The Bible's description strongly suggests Canaanite influence, as one would expect under the circumstances. Solomon also gave Hiram twenty cities in Galilee. Wisdom: Such activities brought wealth and a cosmopolitan atmosphere to Solomon's kingdom. His wisdom is said to have "surpassed the wisdom of all the people of the east, and all the wisdom of Egypt" (1 Kings 4:30, Hebrew 5:10), reflecting the kind of international intellectual activity Solomon's political accomplishments would suggest. According to the OT, this wisdom was God's response to Solomon's request, when offered whatever he might choose, for an understanding mind (1 Kings 3:5-9; Solomon is already called wise in 2:9). The OT makes much of his wisdom, describing his ability to determine which of two prostitutes was a disputed child's true mother (1 Kings 3:16-27), to answer difficult questions posed by the queen of Sheba (1 Kings 10:1-3), and to tell fables and sing songs (1 Kings 4:32-33, Hebrew 5:12-13). This tradition is reflected also in the ascription of several sections of the book of Proverbs to him (see Prov. 1:1; 10:1) along with the book of Ecclesiastes (see Eccles. 1:1), where his wealth and wives no doubt served as a useful backdrop for the author's own purposes. Solomon's many wives and internal references to his wealth (e.g., Song of Sol. 3:8) probably played a role in the traditional ascriptions of Song of Songs to him (Song of Sol. 1:1), just as the tradition that he wrote poetry was doubtless important in the ascriptions of Psalms 72 and 127. His impact, in part as the last Davidic king to rule over a united kingdom, seems also to have served as an inspiration for the activities of Judah's eighth-century B.C. King Hezekiah (see 2 Chron. 30:26; Prov. 25:1). Policy: The OT does not find all of Solomon's activities praiseworthy. The cosmopolitanism resulting from his participation in international affairs brought many foreign religious practices to Jerusalem along with a less stringent attitude than some biblical authors, at least, found acceptable. Whereas Solomon's policies about worship at some high places prior to the Temple's construction may have been countenanced, he is later condemned for building such shrines and for having married foreign women (e.g., Neh. 13:26). The book of Kings (e.g., 1 Kings 11:9-25) regards these as causing God's decision, announced by the Shilonite prophet Ahijah, to split the kingdom, removing ten of the twelve tribes from Davidic control. Solomon's policies were not only religiously offensive. The OT explicitly mentions three political enemies—Hadad, an Edomite prince (1 Kings 11:14), Rezon of Zobah (v. 24), and Jeroboam of Israel (v. 26), each of whom sought refuge in Egypt, adding an international dimension to his opposition. Moreover, Solomon's building activities were expensive in both eco-

nomic and human resources. (Some scholars consider the warning against royal behavior in 1 Sam. 8:11-17 to have been based on Solomon.) Later complaints suggest a high level of taxation, while the Bible mentions the use of forced labor, limited to non-Israelites according to some sources (1 Kings 9:20-22), but not according to others (1 Kings 5:13). The schism that followed Solomon's death is implicitly ascribed to his policies (1 Kings 12:4). To what extent the invasion by Pharaoh Shishak, which took place five years after Solomon's death, fits into this is less clear (see 1 Kings 11:40). The OT's view of Solomon is thus ambivalent. On the one hand, his reign clearly marks the peak of Israelite success, both politically and religiously (although Chronicles suggests and Kings implies that some credit for initiating the building of a temple should be given to David). It is in Solomon's reign that the promises made to the patriarchs come to their fulfillment (1 Kings 4:20). On the other hand, syncretism and the influx of foreign practices under Solomon mark the beginning of religious decay, accompanied by growth in internal dissent and the emergence of external enemies. The proverbial nature of Solomon's glory and his wisdom is reflected in sayings of Jesus (Matt. 6:29; 12:42). Matthew also lists Solomon as one of Jesus' ancestors (Matt. 1:6-7). See also David; Wisdom. F.E.G. Solomon, the Song of. See mon, The.

Song of Solo-

Solomon, Wisdom of. See Wisdom of Solomon, The. Solomon's Pools, three reservoirs, one above another, 714 feet (217 m.), 441 feet (134 m.), and 390 feet (120 m.) long respectively, about twelve miles (19 km.) south of Bethlehem, below Qala't el-Burak, a seventeenth-century Turkish fort later used as a caravanserai. Constructed no later than the second century B.C. and repaired by Pontius Pilate, as well as more than once subsequently, these supply water along two aqueducts to Jerusalem. The identification with Solomon is derived from Josephus, a Jewish historian of the first century A.D. See also Pilate, Pontius. Solomon's Porch. See Solomon's Portico. Solomon's Portico, a colonnade thought to have been situated along the east side of the Temple enclosure built by Herod the Great as part of his restoration of the Temple of Jerusalem. If so, the portico would have been directly above the Kidron Valley, facing the Mount of Olives. With the destruction of the Temple in A.D. 70, nothing from this colonnade remained standing, and there have been no excavations along the east side of the Temple Mount. Jesus was familiar with this porch (John

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10:23), and, after his resurrection, the apostles gathered there with the people (Acts 3:11; 5:12). See also Temple, The. M.K.M.

note the unique filial relationship of Jesus to God (Matt. 3:17; Mark 1:1; Luke 9:35; Acts 3:26), it also came to be applied to those who through trust in Jesus attained the same relationship with God (John 1:12; 1 John 3:1-2). See also Son of God; Son of Man. J.L.C.

Solomon's Seal. See Seal of Solomon, The. Solomon's servants, foreign slaves used for menial tasks in Solomon's Temple (Ezra 2:55, 58; Neh. 7:57, 60; 11:3). They were similar in function to the Nethinim (Ezra 8:20) who helped the Lévites after the Exile (586 B.C.). See also Nethinim. Solomon's Temple. See Temple, The. son, a male offspring. The Hebrew word ben (Aramaic bar, Gk. auios) enjoyed a rich semantic range, although it is used most often in the Bible with reference to actual physical lineage. In the plural it frequently combines with the word Israel to designate a specific group of people, male and female (the Israelites). An adopted son was also referred to by this word. In polite address persons with no actual kinship to the speaker were afforded this title; the one addressed was ordinarily an inferior (cf. the aged priest Eli's use of "my son" in speaking to the child Samuel, 1 Sam. 3:16). The expression "son o f came to describe a characteristic feature of something. For example, "son of fatness" with reference to the land suggests fertile soil (Isa. 5:1), and "son of strength" connotes might. A similar use of "daughter" occurs (cf. "daughters of song," Eccles. 12:4) and "daughter of Zion" really means the sister city, Jerusalem. When used with a place, as in "sons of Zion," the meaning is "inhabitants." In Proverbs and Ecclesiastes "my son" develops into a technical form for a student, although it seems also to retain its literal sense in many instances. This designation of students as sons was also the practice in Egyptian and in Mesopotamian wisdom literature. The biblical prophetic tradition uses the expression "sons of prophets" to describe professional membership in the prophetic guild (cf. Amos 7:14). Likewise, allegiance to a particular deity was expressed in this way (sons of Chemosh, Num. 21:29; cf. sons of Belial, KJV Deut. 13:13), and "sons of God" alludes to divine beings (godlike creatures). Satan belonged to this select group, according to Job 1:6. The singular "son of man" simply meant "human" at first (e.g., Ezek. 2:1) but eventually signified a heavenly being who descended to earth (Dan. 7:13-14; cf. Mark 8:38), whereas "son of God" was merely an exalted way of referring to a great man. In the NT, the use of the word "son" to designate a physical descendant (e.g., Matt. 21:28; Mark 13:12; Luke 15:31) is also common. In addition, the apostle Paul uses the word to denote a close and affectionate relationship in the Christian faith, both of individuals (1 Cor. 4:17; Phil. 2:22; Philem. 10) and of groups (1 Cor. 4:14). Because the term "son" was used to de-

song. See Music. Song of Ascent (KJV: "Song of Degress"), a musical piece sung by pilgrims as they climbed the hill to Jerusalem at the time of festivals such as the Feast of Booths, the Festival of Weeks, and the Passover, which were celebrated in the Temple. A number of such songs are preserved as Psalms 120-134. See also Music; Psalms, The. Song of Solomon, the (Heb. Shir Hashshirim, "Song of Songs," which means the best or greatest song), a poetic OT book known also as "Song of Songs" or "Canticle (of Canticles)." The attribution of the work to Solomon probably derives from that monarch's renowned marriages (1 Kings 11:3) as well as from the mention of his name in the Song (1:5; 4:6-11; 8:11-12). There is no certainty about the date, although the prevalent opinion is inclined to the postexilic period (after the mid-sixth century B.C.). The Song has been divided into several love poems (from five to fifty), depending on the interpretation of transitions within the eight chapters. However, a dialogue between a man and a woman runs throughout the work and gives it a certain unity. The characters in the work are a man (idealized as a king and a shepherd), a woman, and the daughters of Jerusalem. These latter function as a foil for the

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OUTLINE OF CONTENTS The Song of Solomon I. Title and introduction (1:1-6) II. Dialogue between the man and woman (1:7-2:7) III. Reflections (2:8-3:11) A. Reminiscence by the woman (2:8-17) B. Loss and recovery (3:1-5) C. Description of Solomon's wedding procession (3:6-11) IV. Dialogues (4:1-8:4) A. Dialogue between the man and woman (4:1-5:1) B. Dialogue between the woman and the daughters (5:2-6:3) C. Address of the man to the woman (6:4-12) D. Dialogue between the man and woman (7:1-8:4) V. Appendices (8:5-14)

SONG OF SONGS, THE

SON OF GOD

woman's statements. It is not likely that the work was conceived as a drama with three characters, wherein a king and shepherd vie for the hand of a peasant maiden. There may be allusions to the divine marriages known from ancient Near Eastern literature (M. Pope), but these do not enable us to understand the Song as a whole. The poems are of several kinds: songs of yearning, admiration, self-description, description of the beloved (similar to the Arabic love poem called a wasf). There may even be a proverbial saying in 8:6, where the power of love is compared to that of death, and its flame "the flame of Yahweh himself (NJB). The literal historical interpretation of the Song understands it as an exchange of love between a man and a woman. It is not clear that the setting is a marriage celebration. The two lovers express their feelings for one another in extraordinarily vivid, erotic, and exotic imagery (animals, flowers, spices, etc.). The closest analogy to this Hebrew poetry is the Egyptian love song; it also moves in the same make-believe world of love. The traditional interpretation by both the synagogue and church found in the Song another level of meaning: the love between God and people, i.e., the Lord and Israel, Christ and the church or the individual person. Such an interpretation can become arbitrary when individual details are explained in allegorical fashion. But if the work as a whole is interpreted in the light of the prophetic understanding of the covenant as a marriage relationship (e.g., Hos. 1-3; Isa. 62:5), this level of meaning can be defended. See also Love; Marriage. Bibliography Fox, M. V. The Song of Songs and the Ancient Egyptian Love Poetry. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985. Keel, O. The Song of Songs. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 1994. Murphy, R. E. The Song of Songs. Hermeneia. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 1990. Pope, M. H. Song of Songs. Anchor Bible 7C. R.E.M. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1977.

The addition follows the practice of supplying prayers and songs at appropriate places in stories, but it may also have been intended to shift the emphasis of Daniel 3 from the tyranny of the king to the piety of the three youths. The prayer is penitential in character and seems to reflect the desecration of the Temple by the Syrian king Antiochus IV Epiphanes in 167 B.C. It treats the catastrophe as the consequence of "our sins," begs God's mercy for the sake of his promise to Abraham (cf. Gen. 12:1-3), Isaac, and Israel (Jacob), and, in the absence of a "place to make an offering before thee" (v. 15), it presents the sacrifice of "a contrite heart and a humble spirit" (v. 16). The last suggestion echoes Psalm 51 but also anticipates the ultimate transformation of Judaism under the Pharisees and rabbis from a religion centered around the Temple to one concerned with prayer, acts of mercy, and the way of Torah. The hymn calls upon God's creatures to bless him, moving from heavenly to earthly things, then from animals to humanity, and finally to Israel. While its order is related to Psalm 148, it is possible that both the psalm and the hymn are dependent upon a system of cosmic order present in speculative wisdom. In contrast to the prayer, in which the Temple seems to be desecrated, the hymn places God in his temple (v. 31), although it may well be that the heavenly rather than the earthly temple is intended—an idea from the conceptual world of postbiblical Judaism (cf. Rev. 11:19). Protestants include the Song of the Three Children among the Apocrypha, while Catholics retain it as part of the book of Daniel. See also Apocrypha, Old Testament; Daniel, The Additions to. D.W.S.

Song of Songs, the. See Song of Solomon, The. Song of the Three Children, the, one of the Additions to Daniel found between Dan. 3:23 and 3:24 in the Septuagint (LXX) and Theodotion. It includes: I. The Prayer of Azariah, the Hebrew name of Abednego (vv. 1-22) II. Additional narrative material describing the intensity of the flames (vv. 23-27) III. A hymn sung by the three youths while in the furnace (vv. 28-68). The prayer and the hymn are probably independent liturgical compositions done in Hebrew and later adapted sometime during the second century B.C. to fit the story in Daniel 3.

son of God, a person or a people with a special relationship to God, often with a special role in salvation history. In the Old Testament: In the OT and preChristian Judaism there are four notable uses of the term "son of God." First, it is predicated of Israel constituted as a nation through the Exodus (e.g., Exod. 4:22; Hos. 11:1). Second, it is a title given to the monarch at the time of enthronement (e.g., Ps. 2:7, a coronation psalm). Third, angels are called "sons of God" (e.g., Job 38:7, NRSV note). Fourth, in the apocryphal/deuterocanonical Wisdom of Solomon it is applied to the righteous individual (Wisd. of Sol. 2:18, RSV; NRSV: "child"). Primarily it denotes not physical filiation but a divine call to obedience in a predestined role in salvation history. It is a matter of dispute whether the term "son of God" was already current in pre-Christian Judaism as a messianic title as Mark 14:16 would seem to suggest. Yet in view of the discovery of Ps. 2:7 with a messianic interpretation in the Dead Sea Scrolls (4QFlor 10-14) it is probably safe to conclude that it was just coming into use

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SON OF GOD

SON OF GOD

with this meaning during the period of Christian origins. In the New Testament: The pre-Easter Jesus undoubtedly had an unusual experience of God as his Abba (Aramaic, "Father"), perhaps paralleled only in certain charismatic figures in firstcentury Judaism. He addressed God with this intimate appellation, normally reserved for an earthly father (e.g., Mark 14:36). Although the synoptic tradition contains two sayings in which Jesus refers to himself as "Son" in relation to God as his Father (Mark 13:32; Matt. 24:36; Matt. 11:27 [Q]), the authenticity of these sayings is widely questioned. Perhaps Jesus in certain parabolic contexts compared his relationship to God with that of a son to his father (John 5:19, assuming with some British scholars that Matt. 11:27 [Luke 10:22] is a submerged parable, later reinterpreted as a Christological statement). Thus it remains uncertain whether Jesus directly referred to himself as "son" in relation to God as his father. The most we can be certain of is that, since his use of Abba implies a distinctive filial consciousness, it implies the idea that he is in some distinctive sense God's "son." The use of "Son of God" as a Christological title should be clearly distinguished from the Father/Son language. The evidence suggests that in spite of the title's occasional appearance in the synoptic Gospels, it did not come into use until after Easter. At his resurrection/exaltation Jesus was declared (better: "appointed") "Son of God" (Rom. 1:4). This belief seems to have arisen through the application of Ps. 2:7, already interpreted messianically at Qumran, to the Risen One (Acts 13:33; cf. Heb. 5:5). The use of the word "appointed" in Rom. 1:4 indicates that at this stage in the history of Christian thought the title "Son of God" denoted an office or function in salvation history, rather than a metaphysical quality as in later dogmatics. This usage is in accord with OT Jewish thinking. Such a Christology is sometimes designated "adoptionist." Yet it is not adoptionist in the later heretical sense, according to which Jesus, having initially been purely human, was later promoted to divine status. Rather, it means that at his resurrection/exaltation Jesus embarked upon a new stage in his role in salvation history as a mediator of God's final offer of salvation. In the course of time the moment at which Jesus was appointed "Son of God" in this functional sense was pushed back to his baptism, as is indicated by the voice from heaven (Mark 1:11). In Mark's perspective this was the moment at which Jesus was designated for his messianic role. The process of retrojection of the Christological title "Son of God" does not entail the Christologizing of a previously unmessianic life, for from the earliest time after Easter the community had recognized that God had been at work in the earthly Jesus (Acts 2:22; 10:38)

and terms such as "prophet" or "servant" were used to indicate that in his early lifetime Jesus had appeared as God's agent (e.g., "prophet," Luke 24:19; "servant," Acts 3:13). "Son of God" simply takes over the function of these early titles. It has also been suggested that the Son of God Christology was first pushed back only to the moment of the transfiguration (Mark 9:7), but this is unlikely since the voice at the transfiguration seems rather to have been modeled on the voice at the baptism. Once this process of retrojection had shifted the crucial Christological moment to the baptism, the title "Son of God" could be used occasionally by others, e.g., the demons (Mark 3:11). Yet Jesus never claims the title "Son of God" for himself. While he is represented as accepting it at his trial before the Sanhédrin (Mark 11:61-62), both Matthew (27:54) and Luke (22:67-68) are at pains to tone down Jesus' acceptance of the title as though what he says to the high priest is, "It—like the title 'Messiah'—is your word, not mine." The crowd's outcry "for he said, 'I am God's Son'" (Matt. 27:54) is clearly secondary as a comparison with the Markan parallel shows. A further development in this process of retrojection is the idea of the sending of the Son. This appears in a formula exhibiting a constant pattern: God as subject; a verb of "sending" or its equivalent; the Son as object; and a statement of God's saving purpose in sending the Son (see Gal. 4:4-5; Rom. 8:3-4; John 3:17). In the parable of the vineyard (Mark 12:6) a similar image occurs, though without an explicit statement of saving purpose. The roots of this saving formula probably lie in the earlier designation of Jesus as "prophet," which in turn originates in his own self-understanding. Jesus had a strong sense of mission (cf. Mark 9:37), a consciousness shared by the OT prophets, on whom it was patterned (e.g., Isa. 6:8). When "Son of God" took over from "prophet," the sending-ofthe-Son formula came into being. A related formula is that of the "handing over" or "giving" of Jesus (Mark 14:21 [Matt. 26:24; Luke 22:22]; Rom. 4:25; John 3:16). This in turn could have its roots in the earlier designation of Jesus as "servant of God," for the term "handed over" or "delivered" occurs in the fourth servant song of Deutero-Isaiah (Isa. 53:6, 12 in the Septuagint version). It is sometimes held that the sending formula expresses a préexistence Christology referring to the incarnation of the preexisting Son. The origin of préexistence Christology is, however, probably later than that of the sending formulas, for the latter almost certainly antedate the writings in which they occur. Thus Gal. 4:4 is widely held to be pre-Pauline, and John 3:16-17 similarly to be pre-Gospel material. Nevertheless Paul himself probably, and John certainly, understood these formulas in the light of their own préexistence Christologies.

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SON OF MAN

SON OF MAN

In the birth narratives of Matthew and Luke the title "Son of God" is shifted back to the conception, birth, or infancy of Jesus (Luke 1:32, 35; Matt. 2:15). This does not imply a préexistence-incarnation Christology or a divine sonship in the metaphysical sense. Rather, it implies Jesus' predestination from the womb for a messianic role in salvation history. The functional meaning of divine sonship is made particularly clear in Luke 1:32-33. There is a growing scholarly consensus that the préexistence Christology originated not with the title "Son of God," but with the identification of Jesus as the incarnation of divine Wisdom. This identification underlies the development of préexistence Christology in the Wisdom hymns of the NT (Phil. 2:6-11, though the presence of préexistence in this hymn is sometimes questioned; 1 Cor. 8:6; Col. 1:15-20; Heb. 1:2-3; John 1:1-18). This identification leads to the expansion of the meaning of "Son of God." The préexistent Wisdom or Word of God is as such also the eternal Son of God, who was with God "in the beginning" and was the agent of creation, revelation, and redemption. That ontological identification has already taken place in the Logos hymn of John 1 (see v. 14; also v. 18, if "Son" rather than "God" is the correct reading). The traditional dogmatic Christology of Nicaea (A.D. 325) and Chalcedon (A.D. 451) and of subsequent orthodoxy rests upon the Johannine development from a functional to a metaphysical Christology. See also Abba; Father; Incarnation; Jesus Christ; Messiah; Son; Wisdom. Bibliography Brown, R. E. An Introduction to New Testament Christology. New York and Mahwah, NJ: Paulist, 1994. Pp. 103-152. de Jonge, M. Christology in Conflict: The Earliest Christian Response to Jesus. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1988. Dunn, J. D. G. Christology in the Making: A New Testament Inquiry into the Origins of the Doctrine of the Incarnation. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1980. Pp. 12-64, 163-250. Fuller, R. H., and P. Perkins. Who Is the Christ? Gospel Christology and Contemporary Faith. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983. Pp. 41-66,96-108,121-134. Hengel, M. The Son of God. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1976. R.H.F. son of man, a term with a variety of meanings in the Bible. In the OT, "son of man" is an idiomatic way of speaking of a human being, or of humanity collectively. In the Psalms (Pss. 8:4; 80:17, RSV), "son of man" (Heb. ben'adam) is used in synonymous parallelism with "human being." In Ezekiel the prophet is addressed by God or by an angelic messenger as "son of man" (NRSV: "mortal"; e.g., 2:1, 6), suggesting the prophet's weakness and finitude as contrasted with the divine majesty. In Dan. 7:13 (RSV), the Aramaic

equivalent (NRSV: "one like a human being") is used as a symbol for the faithful people of God contrasted with other kingdoms symbolized by animals. Some scholars identify "son of man" here with an angelic figure who, however, is related to the people of God. In intertestamental Judaism this image was developed into an apocalyptic messianic figure [1 Enoch 37-91), the agent of divine judgment and salvation. It is disputed whether this development had already occurred before the time of Jesus and Christian origins. A similar development is found in 4 Ezra (2 Esdras) 13, a document dating from the end of the first century A.D. In the NT, the usage of the term "Son of man" is at first sight simple enough. With one exception (Acts 7:56) and apart from the citation of Ps. 8:4 in Heb. 2:6 (RSV) and an allusion to Dan. 7:13 in Rev. 1:13, the term is used exclusively by the pre-Easter Jesus in reference to himself. It is customary to classify these occurrences in the synoptic Gospels under three headings: sayings in which Jesus refers to his present activity during his earthly ministry (e.g., Mark 2:10 and parallels; 2:28 and parallels; 10:45a [Matt. 20:28]; Matt. 8:20 [QJ and 11:19 [Q]); sayings in which Jesus refers to his impending Passion and/or resurrection (Mark 8:31 [Luke 9:22]; 9:9 and parallels; 9:31 and parallels; 10:33 and parallels; and 10:45b); and sayings in which he refers to his future activity as Judge and Savior at the end (e.g., Mark 8:38 and parallels; cf. Luke 12:8 [QJ; Mark 13:26 and parallels; 14:62 and parallels; Luke 17:22, 24, 26, 30 [Q]). In John, "Son of man" as a self-referent of Jesus has a more varied usage, the most characteristic being those sayings that speak of the exaltation of the Son of man, an expression that makes a double allusion to the cross and resurrection/ ascension (John 3:14; 8:28; 12:34). John 1:51 looks like an original parousia saying (third category above) transferred to the present ministry (first category). John 6:53 speaks of eating the flesh and drinking the blood of the Son of man and John 9:35 (if the text is correct) of believing in the Son of man. The difficulties begin when one asks about the origin of the term. Is it authentic to Jesus? If so, in what sense did he use it? Is it a postEaster Christological title retrojected upon the pre-Easter Jesus? Regarding the term's origin, it is widely held, especially among German scholars, that "Son of man" was a title already current in pre-Christian Jewish apocalyptic writings (Dan. 7:13; Similitudes of Enoch). On the other hand, it has been argued by some, especially British scholars, that there was no pre-Christian, apocalyptic title "Son of man," and so no light is cast by such sources on the way Jesus used that phrase. Jesus must have used "Son of man" merely as a self-designation, perhaps as a self-effacing way of referring to himself simply as a human being (cf. Ps. 8:4).

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SOPHERETH

This usage could account for both the present and the suffering references. Sometimes, in this view, the future sayings are explained as postEaster developments under the influence of Dan. 7:13. A variant of this view, popular among some American scholars, is that Jesus used it in authentic sayings not as a self-referent, but in a generic sense. Mark 2:28 is susceptible to this interpretation. All other (titular) "Son of man" sayings are in this view post-Easter creations. Those who accept the view that there was in pre-Christian Jewish apocalyptic a concept of "Son of man" sometimes argue that Jesus used it in reference to a transcendental figure distinct from himself (see esp. Mark 8:38; Luke 12:8 [QJ, where Jesus appears to distinguish between himself and the coming of the Son of man). This coming Son of man will vindicate Jesus' present offer of final salvation. After Easter, with the rise of an explicit Christological faith in Jesus, his followers then saw in him his own vindicator. Thus they were able to identify him with the apocalyptic Son of man. As this survey indicates, there is at present no unanimity among scholars as to the origin or the exact meaning of "Son of man." Bibliography Brown, R. E. An Introduction to New Testament Christology. New York and Mahwah, NJ: Paulist, 1994. Pp. 89-102. Dunn, J. D. G. Christology in the Making: A New Testament Inquiry into the Origins of the Doctrine of the Incarnation. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1980. Pp. 65-97. Hare, Douglas R. A. The Son of Man Tradition. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 1990. Linders, B. Jesus Son of Man: A Fresh Examination of the Son of Man Sayings in the Gospels in the Light of Recent Research. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1983. R.H.F.

In Job 38:7 the phrase occurs in parallel with "the morning stars" (RSV), and in Ps. 89:6, a heavily mythological hymn, God is beyond comparison with other deities, the "sons of God" (RSV fn.). In Ps. 29:1 the "heavenly beings" (RSV fn., "sons of God") are called to praise God. The expression also appears in Deut. 32:8 (RSV reading with 40 from the Dead Sea Scrolls and similar to LXX; MT reads "sons of Israel"). The phrase is closely related to the idea of a heavenly court as in Psalm 82 (see also, e.g., Isa. 6; Ezek. 1-3). The other prominent context, reflecting a somewhat different use of the term, is Job 1-2, in which "the satan" is one of "the sons of God" (1:6; 2:1). Here the LXX translates the phrase "angels" (Gk. angeloi). That seems to be an accurate interpretation, for the "sons of God" here certainly are not deities as such. They are subordinate to God and function primarily as messengers. Similar in force is the reference in Dan. 3:25 to the fourth figure in the furnace whose appearance was like "a son of the gods." In later, mainly apocalyptic, reflection such ideas provided the basis for accounts of the rebellion or fall of the angels {1 Enoch 6-36; Jubilees 5:1-10). In the NT, the two phrases "sons of God" and "children of God" are synonymous, and refer to those who accept Jesus Christ as God's gift of reconciling grace (Gal. 3:26; see also Rom. 8:14,16,19, 21). While Jesus specifically identified those who make peace as God's sons (Matt. 5:9), for the most part the two phrases came to mean what we express with the word "Christian" (e.g., John 1:12; Phil. 2:15; Heb. 12:7; 1 John 3:1; 5:2). In all cases, "sons" means both men and women. See also Angel. G.M.T.

sons of God, children of God, phrases denoting superhuman beings. The words "sons of" (Heb. bene) in this phrase indicate the members of a people, tribe, or group, just as "sons/children of Israel" (Heb. bene ysrael) means "Israelites." The "sons" or "children of God" in the OT refer to different beings, the main alternatives being reflected in two prominent groups of texts. In the first group is the enigmatic passage in Gen. 6:1-4, which gives an account of how the union of "the sons of God" with "the daughters of men" produced a race of "mighty men that were of old." Here the expression clearly refers to divine beings, and male divine beings at that, given their union with human women. The passage is a remnant of ancient Near Eastern mythological tradition. In the Ugaritic texts, for example, the pantheon or the gods as a whole are identified as the children of the chief god, "the totality of the sons/children of El." There are other OT texts in which "sons/children of God" refers to divine beings.

sons of prophets, a term probably denoting a group of professional prophets (e.g., 1 Sam. 10:5). When Amos asserts he is neither a prophet nor a prophet's son, he is probably disclaiming any identification with such a group (Amos 7:14). See also Prophet. Sons of Thunder. See Boanerges. soothsayer, one who foretells events. The word has a negative connotation in the OT, where soothsayers are classed with sorcerers (Jer. 27:9) and with magical practices (Deut. 18:10, 14) and are forbidden to Israel (Mic. 5:12). sop. See Morsel. Sopater (soh'puh-tuhr). See Sosipater. Sophereth (soruh-rith; Heb., "scribe"), a family of Temple servants who returned to Jerusalem in postexilic times (Neh. 7:57; RSV: "Hassophereth," Heb., "the scribe," Ezra 2:55; 1 Esd. 5:33).

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SOURCES OF THE PENTATEUCH

Sophia (soh-fee'uh), the Greek word for "wisdom," occasionally used to identify the personification of wisdom as a woman in Proverbs 1-9, Ecclesiasticus 24, Wisdom of Solomon 6-12, and Bar. 3:9-4:4. The Greek is used because the figure of wisdom personified seems to take on a special life in Hellenistic Judaism, where she is suggestive of Philo's logos, the rationality of God, and may be intended to counter the role of the goddess Isis in the Hellenistic world. Where Hellenistic Judaism speaks of Sophia either as hidden in heaven at the throne of God or as revealed on earth in Jerusalem, in later Gnosticism Sophia is the "aeon" whose fall from the spiritual world gives birth to the psychic and material world. See also Wisdom; Apocrypha, Old Testament; Gnosticism.

known about him. See also Corinth; Crispus; Gallio; Paul; Synagogue. A.J.M.

sorcery. See Magic and Divination. Sorek (sor'ik), the name of the valley (and brook) where Delilah, Samson's lover who betrayed him, lived; it is mentioned only once in the Bible (Judg. 16:4). There Samson was captured by the Philistines and taken to their city Gaza, where he destroyed the temple of Dagon. The story, along with other evidence, indicates that the area, once inhabited by the tribe of Dan and serving as the boundary between Dan and Simeon, was under Philistine control during the period of the judges (1200-1000 B.C.). The valley extends between Ashkelon and Gaza in southwestern Palestine, and the brook that bears its name runs westward and then northward into the Mediterranean Sea from the area near Beer-shemesh. In biblical times this city served as the guardian of the Sorek Valley, which is known in modern times as Wadi esSarar. See also Delilah; Samson. F.R.M. Sosipater (soh'sip'uh-tuhr), a Jewish Christian who, with Timothy, Lucius, and Jason (all except Timothy are referred to as "my kinsmen"), joins Paul in sending greetings in Rom. 16:21. Perhaps he was the same person as Sopater of Beroea, who accompanied Paul through Macedonia as he prepared for his last trip to Jerusalem (Acts 20:4). Sosthenes (sos'thuh-neez). 1 The "ruler" of a Jewish synagogue in Corinth while Paul was there, according to Acts 18:17. He either replaced Crispus as synagogue leader when the latter became a Christian or had shared the office with him (Acts 18:8). Sosthenes was beaten by a local mob in the presence of Gallio the proconsul, who chose not to intervene in what he regarded as a religious dispute (Acts 18:12-17). 2 The co-author with Paul of 1 Corinthians (1:1). If he is the same person described in 1, he became a Christian and possibly went from Corinth to Ephesus to visit Paul with the delegation of Stephanas, Fortunatus, and Achaicus (1 Cor. 16:17-18). Otherwise, nothing further is

soul, a word in the Hebrew Bible with a wide range of meanings. God "breathed the breath of life" into Adam and he became a "living soul" (Gen. 2:7); Adam is living clay, as opposed to ordinary clay (Gen. 3:19). This life principle can ebb and flow; one may fear for one's soul (Ezek. 32:10), risk one's soul (Judg. 5:18), or take one's soul (1 Kings 19:4). "Soul" may refer to an individual person: Leah bore sixteen "souls" (children) to Jacob (Gen. 46:18). For a Hebrew, "soul" indicated the unity of a human person; Hebrews were living bodies, they did not have bodies. This Hebrew field of meaning is breached in the Wisdom of Solomon by explicit introduction of Greek ideas of soul. A dualism of soul and body is present: "a perishable body weighs down the soul" (9:15). This perishable body is opposed by an immortal soul (3:1-3). Such dualism might imply that soul is superior to body. In the NT, "soul" retains its basic Hebrew field of meaning. Soul refers to one's life: Herod sought Jesus' soul (Matt. 2:20); one might save a soul or take it (Mark 3:4). Death occurs when God "requires your soul" (Luke 12:20). "Soul" may refer to the whole person, the self: "three thousand souls" were converted in Acts 2:41 (see Acts 3:23). Although the Greek idea of an immortal soul different in kind from the mortal body is not evident, "soul" denotes the existence of a person after death (see Luke 9:25; 12:4; 21:19); yet Greek influence may be found in 1 Peter's remark about "the salvation of souls" (1:9). A moderate dualism exists in the contrast of spirit with body and even soul, where "soul" means life that is not yet caught up in grace. See also Flesh and Spirit; Human Being. J.H.N. source criticism. See Biblical Criticism; Synoptic Problem, The; Sources of the Pentateuch. sources of the Pentateuch, the materials from which the first five books of the OT were composed. As a very extensive composition that incorporates many diverse genres and discrete units of material, the Pentateuch {Genesis through Deuteronomy) is without parallel in ancient Near Eastern literature. The question of how this unique composition was produced has occupied biblical scholarship for four centuries, and various models accounting for the composition of the Pentateuch have been propounded. No single model satisfies the evidence conclusively. There are two broad types of models. One views the Pentateuch as the product of an author who worked earlier traditions and sources into a new, independent composition. The other sees the Pentateuch as a composite, produced by a redactor who edited parallel literary

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SOURCES OF THE PENTATEUCH

documents into a single text. Some envision a longer history of oral tradition and literary sources behind the documents the redactor used, some a shorter history. Some reconstruct a series of redactions prior to the final one; others imagine a single redaction. It is also possible to mix the two models. Critics of all schools agree that behind the text of the Pentateuch lie earlier sources. They exist, however, only as a result of scholarly hypothesis; we have no actual texts. The theory that the text was not written as a single original creation entails developing procedures for finding the components of the text. It should be borne in mind that the process of discovering sources reflects some model of textual composition in the mind of the critic. Identifying the Sources: The Pentateuch quotes one source. It cites "The Book of the Wars of the Lord [Heb. Yahweh]" as the source for a border description in Num. 21:14—15. The excerpt appears to be in verse form, and the term for "book" (Heb. sefer) refers to a written record (e.g., Exod. 32:32; Num. 5:23; Deut. 17:18; 24:13). Apart from its intriguing title, that is all we know about this book. Num. 21:27 attributes a song about the fall of Moab to unidentified "ballad singers" (Heb. moshelim), which does not necessarily imply a written source. One may, however, compare this source to "The Book of Jashar," a written source from which the song at Gibeon (Josh. 10:13), David's lament (2 Sam. 1:18), and Solomon's hymn (Greek version of 1 Kings 8:13) were excerpted, and suggest that songs, like that in Num. 21:27-30, too, were excerpted from a written source. The Pentateuch further implies discrete written sources when it delineates specific records that Moses was to have written down: the indictment of Amalek (Exod. 17:14), the laws of Exodus 20-23 (Exod. 24:4), the cultic laws of Exodus 34 (Exod. 34:27-28), the Israelites' itinerary (Num. 33:2), the Deuteronomic law code (Deut. 31:9, 24), and the poem in Deuteronomy 32 (Deut. 31:22). Exod. 24:12 and Deut. 9:10 attribute a written form of the Decalogue to God, suggesting that it, too, had been a discrete source. It would also seem that the genealogy of ten generations from Adam to Noah in Genesis 5 once enjoyed independent written existence as it is introduced as a "book" (v. 1). Identifications of other sources in the Pentateuch are based on less explicit evidence or more subtle discriminations. The clearest cases are those in which the source of one passage is another text within the Pentateuch. Exod. 1:1-5 seems to draw directly on, and abridge, the family tree of Jacob in Gen. 46:8-27. The narrative outline of the Israelites' journey from Egypt to Moab, extending from Exodus 12 through Numbers, directly excerpts the itinerary in Numbers 33 (see, e.g., Exod. 12:37; 13:20; 14:1, 8, 2 2 ; 1 5 : 2 2 - 2 3 , 27; 16:1; 17:1; 19:2). One could infer

that an author or editor used material from written sources to frame the narrative or provide it with continuity. On the basis of the distinctive character of genealogical and other lists, and the inference that such lists were excerpted and inserted in passages like Exod. 1:1-5 and the narrative of the wilderness journey, one might also deduce that other lists were incorporated into the Pentateuch from elsewhere. Further support may be found in lists that abruptly break off before their anticipated end. An example is the genealogy of the Israelites in Exod. 6:14-27, which stops at Levi because the text's interest is in tracing the lineage of Moses and Aaron, as the conclusion of the passage states. An even more abrupt case is Gen. 37:2: "This is the history [lit., generations] of the family of Jacob." The expected genealogy of Jacob's twelve sons jumps ahead to Joseph, the focus of the ensuing narrative. Lists such as the Numbers 33 itinerary, genealogies, and the list of the kings of Edom (Gen. 36:31-39) display distinct beginnings and closings and a distinctive style. When critics observe distinct beginnings and closings and a distinctive style in other passages in the Pentateuch, they tend to conclude that these, too, were incorporated into the present text, or its sources, from earlier sources. Gen. 2:4a, for example, says: "These are the generations of the heavens and the earth when they were created." Verse 4b then says: "In the day that the Lord God made the earth and the heavens . . ."—another beginning. There follows an account of creation different from the one in Gen. 1:1-2:3 in both content (e.g., man was created before vegetation and the other animals) and style (e.g., the former account names God Elohim only, the latter Yahweh; the former denotes the act of creation by "create" [Heb. bara'], the latter by "form" [Heb. yatsar]). It tells a story with a beginning, middle, and end (3:24). One could deduce that Gen. 2:4a closes the preceding story and that Gen. 2:4b begins another, partly parallel one, and that each derives from a different source. Collections of law (especially Exod. 20:2223:19; 34:10-27; Lev. 17-26; Deut. 12-26) and archaic poems (e.g., Gen. 4:23-24; 27:27-29, 39-40; 49:2-27; Exod. 15:1-18; Num. 21:14-15, 17-18, 27-30; 23:7-10, 18-24; 24:3-9, 15-24; Deut. 32:1-43; 33:2-29) also stand out in genre, structure, and style and are attributed to independent sources. Most of these law collections and poems are set off by introductory and/or closing formulas. In passages where divergence in content and style is not accompanied by some explicit indication of a distinct source, identifying sources is less certain. We shall consider two such types of sources: those that are discerned within the text of the Pentateuch, and those that are hypothesized to have existed outside the text.

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SOURCES OF THE PENTATEUCH

Source-Critical Analysis: Critics have attempted to analyze passages into their components by segregating units that diverge in content and style. Repetitive duplication, substantive inconsistency or contradiction, abrupt digression, and sustained difference in terminology have been taken to suggest boundaries between sources. Although none of these features would in and of itself indicate different sources, the coincidence of a number of these features in the same place suggests such distinctions. A case in point is the Flood story in Gen. 6:5-9:19. Here we encounter repetitions, contradictions, and consistent divergences in style and terminology from passage to passage. The text fluctuates between passages in which God is called "the Lord" (Heb. Yahweh): "the Lord" commands Noah to take seven pairs of all pure animals and one pair of the impure animals into Ihe ark, and it rains for forty days and nights; and passages in which God is always called "God" (Heb. Elohim): God commands Noah to take only one pair of each animal, and the Flood rises for a hundred and fifty days. In addition, the former passages are characterized by a more personal "Lord" who "grieved to his heart" (6:6) about human behavior and "shut [Noah] in" the ark (7:6). The latter passages feature a genealogy (6:9-10), details of age and date (7:6, 11; 8:4-5, 13-14), and the covenant (6:18; 9:8-17). The former passages, which we shall follow scholarly convention and call "J" for its use of the Hebrew tetragrammaton f(Y)HWH, and the latter passages, which we call "P" ("Priestly") for reasons to be explained below, also employ distinctive vocabulary. Contrast these two descriptions of destruction of life by the Flood:

has been produced by intersplicing these two sources. A source-critical analysis is:

/: "Everything on the dry land in whose nostrils was the breath of life died" (7:22). P: "And all flesh died that moved upon the earth, birds, cattle, beasts, all swarming creatures that swarm upon the earth, and every man" (7:21). Critics are impressed by the fact that the stylistic difference here corresponds to the two accounts of creation, which likewise employ different names for God. Compare J here to J in Gen. 2:7: "Then the Lord God formed man of dust from the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life . . ."; and P here to P in 1:28: "And God said to [the humans], "Be fruitful and multiply, and fill the earth and subdue it; and have dominion over the fish of the sea and over the birds of the air and over every living thing that moves upon the earth." This last verse also resembles 9:1-3 and other passages attributed to P in the Flood story. It has been hypothesized that behind the Flood story lie two written sources, which extend beyond this story to include a creation account and many other units. The present text

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/: 6:5-8; 7:1-5, 12, 16b-17, 2 2 - 2 3 ; 8:6-12, 13b, 20-22; 9:18-19. P: 6:9-22; 7:6-11, 13-16a, 18-21; 7:21-8:5; 8:13a, 14-19; 9:1-17. Using similar criteria, critics isolate another source, "E," as it refers to God as Elohim, distinct from both J and P. Although E is difficult to identify outside Genesis, critics assign to it chapters that seem to present an alternate version of an episode that occurs in J: Gen. 20:1-17 (E), which doubles Gen. 12:10-20 (J); Gen. 21:8-20 (E), which doubles Gen. 16:1-16 (J); and Gen. 21:22-34 (E), which doubles Gen. 26:17-33 (J). Characteristic of E is that God appears less immanently than in J, through a messenger (angel) or dream. Commonly, J and E are understood to be combined in several narratives, for example, the story of Joseph (Gen. 37-50). In J Judah tries to save Joseph, the father is called Israel, the Ishmaelites buy Joseph and take him down to Egypt. In E Reuben tries to save Joseph, the father is called Jacob, and the Midianites kidnap Joseph. Style and vocabulary are also adduced to identify the two sources. Once separated, the hypothetical sources in the Flood story, the Joseph narrative, and other texts do not appear complete. Some narrative material was probably omitted (e.g., J's description of the ark). More crucially, we have no idea what or how much material of these sources is not in the Pentateuch. We cannot be sure of the full extent and shape of the sources. Hypothesizing Sources Outside the Text: Because many cultures transmit epics and other literary forms orally, and because the Bible frequently refers to oral performance or transmission of its texts or traditions (e.g., Exod. 13:8; 15:1,21), oral sources may lie behind the Pentateuch and its written sources. Oral traditions, of course, leave no record and their postulation is entirely speculative. Deut. 26:5-10, however, presents a formula summarizing Israel's story from the descent of the ancestors from Canaan to Egypt through God's deliverance of Israel from Egypt and guidance to the land of Canaan. This "credo," as it has been called, was to be recited by Israelites bringing first-fruit offerings to God. Perhaps, it has been suggested, this credo is a miniature of a large epic, verse in form and oral in medium, stretching from the patriarchal promises to the arrival of Israel at the promised land. Fragments of what looks like ancient verse (e.g., Exod. 19:3) dot the Pentateuch; they could be vestiges of the epic. That prose texts in the Pentateuch may have been transformed from earlier epic verse can be argued in two further ways. First, the prose account of crossing the Red Sea in Exodus 14 seems to adapt parts of the archaic song in

SOURCES OF THE PENTATEUCH

SOURCES OF THE PENTATEUCH

Exodus 15. Second, several of the prose episodes in Genesis 1-11 include occasional bursts of archaic verse (e.g., 1:27; 2:23; 3:14-19; 7:11b) and exhibit poetic patterns or diction (e.g., "the deep" [Heb. tehom], and "beasts of the earth" [Heb. hayeto-'erets], in Gen. 1). The written sources, or the redactors or authors of the Pentateuch, then, may have employed an extensive oral epic, or a number of smaller works in verse, in composing the present text, just as they drew upon "The Book of the Wars of the Lord" and the "ballad singers." More remote, and for the most part indirect, sources of sections of the Pentateuch are narratives and laws attested in other works of ancient Near Eastern literature. Among the many possible interrelations are: the Mesopotamian flood story (note the episode of the birds in the Epic of Gilgamesh Tablet 11) and the Flood story in Genesis; the Egyptian "Tale of Two Brothers" and Genesis 39; the Akkadian legend of Sargon and the birth story of Moses in Exodus 2; various law codes and Exodus 2 1 - 2 3 ; the Assyrian vassal treaties and the curses in Deuteronomy. Compare, e.g., Deut. 28:23-24 with this excerpt from the Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon: "May all the gods . . . turn your soil into iron. . . . Just as rain does not fall from a copper sky, so may there come neither rain nor dew . . . , but let it rain burning coals in your land . . . " (James B. Pritchard, éd., Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, 3d ed. [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969], p. 539). Since the correspondences go much further, a literary dependence of Deuteronomy 28 on Assyrian or Aramaean vassal treaties of about the eighth century B.C. seems likely. The Documentary Hypothesis: The prevailing account of the composition of the Pentateuch in modern scholarship is the "Documentary Hypothesis." In most versions of the theory four documents are hypothesized to have been redacted in forming the Pentateuch: J, a Judean source of about the tenth century B.C.; E, a north Israelite source of about the eighth century B.C.; D, the core of Deuteronomy, which is identified with the "book of the law [torah)" that was promulgated by King Josiah in 622 B.C. (see 2 Kings 2 2 - 2 3 ) ; and P, which is variously dated before, during, or after the Babylonian exile of the sixth century B.C. The redaction is generally understood to have taken place in stages: first JE, then JED, then JEDP. In each stage of redaction editorial adaptation and reshaping of the prior material is assumed. Most of Exodus 25-Numbers 36 is assigned to P, as are the first and last chapters of the Pentateuch, giving the impression that partisans of P were the final redactors. The final redaction occurred by the fifth century B.C. The chronological sequence of the documents is reconstructed by relating the other sources to D. Laws in JE seem to precede Deuteronomy. JE (e.g., Exod. 23:19) allows Israelites to bring offerings to God to any sanctu-

ary, but D (e.g., Deut. 12:13-14) restricts offerings to a single site. Several laws in D appear to revise laws in JE. For example, Deut. 15:12-28 follows the structure and uses some of the phraseology of the slave law of Exod. 21:2-6 (JE). D, however, treats women the same as men, unlike JE, and exhorts the Israelites to be generous toward manumitted slaves. The law concerning rape in Deut. 22:23-27could be regarded as an expansion of the less comprehensive law in Exod. 22:15-16. Alternatively, JE and D could in both cases be drawing on a common source. The position of P is even more problematic. Its laws focus on the rituals of the sanctuary, the priesthood, and ritual purity, hence its label, "Priestly." P does not abide offerings made by anyone but an anointed priest of the Lévite tribe. Thus, whereas in J's Flood narrative Noah offered the excess pure animals he took into the ark as thanksgiving to God after the Flood, in P's version Noah took no extra animals and made no offering as he was not a proper priest. P does not, however, explicitly forbid offerings at any but a single sanctuary, as D does. If P were later than D, P might presuppose the centralization of sacrificial worship in D and feel no need to legislate it. On the other hand, once ritual slaughter is centralized, as in D, it means any Israelite who wants to eat meat must travel to the one sanctuary. D makes allowance for profane slaughter of animals so that Israelites need not travel to the sanctuary for this purpose (Deut. 15:22-23); P forbids it (Lev. 17:3-4). Perhaps, then, P does not assume centralization of worship and is not later than D. All that is clear is that JE, D, and P differ in the substance of many of their laws and differ in their terminology as well. Favorite idioms of D and P can be readily identified. Content and style also serve to associate the legal portions of P with narratives attributed to P (see above on P and the Flood story and compare, e.g., Exod. 39:32 with Gen. 2:1-3, and Lev. 11:46 with Gen. 1:21, 24). Whether the material attributed to J, E, and P ever existed in single, long, parallel documents that covered the extent of the Pentateuch cannot be deduced merely from the identification of fragments of sources with affinities to one another throughout the text. Prior to redaction, J, E, and P may have existed as collections of small units. From the variety of sources we have identified above, it would also seem that the Pentateuch embodies many materials besides J, E, P, and D. Conclusion: Although the Pentateuch may allude to prior sources in certain passages, for the most part the final text does not call attention to its diverse sources. Had some of the sources circulated independently, the Pentateuch may at one time have been recognized as a composite. It does seem, however, that the process that constituted the Pentateuch, in each of its stages,

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tended to blend and integrate its material into a new entity, a text to be read as a continuous whole. See also Bible; Old Testament. Bibliography Blenkinsopp, Joseph. The Pentateuch. New York: Doubleday, 1992. Friedman, Richard E. Who Wrote the Bible? New York: Summit, 1987. Hahn, Herbert F. The Old Testament in Modern Research. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1966. Rendtorff, Rolf. The Problem of the Process of Transmission in the Pentateuch. Translated by John J. Scullion. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1990. Sellin, Ernst, and Georg Fohrer. Introduction to the Old Testament. Translated by David E. Green. Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1968. Pp. 103-95. E.L.G.

Greek and Hebrew words are frequently translated "bird" in the RSV (Pss. 11:1; 102:7; 104:17; 124:7; Eccles. 12:4; Lam. 3:52). Sparrows (Old World "sparrows" are members of the weaver family) are mentioned as nesting near the Temple altar (Ps. 84:3). They were sold in the marketplaces of the Middle East as inexpensive food for the poor, and Jesus used them as a symbol for something of minimal value (Matt. 10:29, 31; Luke 12:6, 7).

South, the; Southland, the. See Negeb, The. sowing, the act of scattering seeds as part of the cultivation of food grains. While the seeds of some crops were planted more carefully than Near Eastern cereals, "sowing" typically refers to the wholesale scattering of wheat and barley. Unlike their Mesopotamian counterparts, who sometimes used a seeding device that was attached to the plow, Egyptian or Palestinian farmers simply carried a container full of seed and broadcast this seed with their free hand. In contrast to Western practice, the Palestinian farmer often plows after sowing, thereby working seeds into the soil for protection and germination; this practice is apparently presumed in Jesus' parable of the sower (Matt. 13:3-8). If plowing precedes sowing, livestock may be driven across a field to harrow the seed. The Mosaic law contains regulations on sowing (Lev. 11:37-38; 19:19; Deut. 22:9). Eventually, sowing attained metaphorical significance (Ps. 126:6; Prov. 11:18; Matt. 13:3-43; 2 Cor. 9:6; Gal. 6:7-8). See also Farming; Plow; Seed. G.L.M.

speaking w i t h tongues. See Tongues, Speaking with. spear, a close-range weapon composed of a long wooden shaft on which was mounted a shorter, pointed blade (i.e., spearhead). During the biblical period, the spearhead was usually made of bronze or iron, and it was attached to the shaft in various ways. Through most of the spear's early history, a tanged blade was inserted into the end of a split shaft, and the juncture was tightly bound. By the middle of the second millennium B.C., the socketed spearhead became almost universal. Artistic representations and excavated examples demonstrate that spearheads were made in different sizes and shapes Warrior holding a spear with a triangular spearhead; from a Moabite stele, second millennium B.C.

Spain (spayn), a large peninsula in southwestern Europe known since Roman times as Hispania; it first received the Ligurerians from Italy, then the Celts (sixth century B.C.), who were then challenged by the Iberians (fifth century B.C.). Known by the Phoenicians and the Greeks, Spain was invaded by Carthage in 237 B.C. but lost to Rome in 206 B.C. After some two hundred years of stubborn resistance, a "pacified" Spain gave Rome three emperors and many of her best soldiers. Although Spain appears in Rom. 15:24, 28 as the intended western horizon of Paul's mission, this hope was probably cut short in Rome by Paul's martyrdom. C.J.R. span. See Weights and Measures. sparrow, a term that may refer to any small, brown bird that flits and twitters. Both the 1059

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(e.g., leaf-shaped, triangular, and barbed blades). Since the spear was a major weapon in most ancient armies, metallurgical advancements were quickly adapted for the production of stronger and more effective spearheads. The RSV uses "spear" to translate several words in the Hebrew OT; some distinction is made, however, since one of these Hebrew terms [kîdôri) is more frequently rendered "javelin" in the English text (see passages where both weapons are named, e.g., 1 Sam. 17:6-7, 45; Job 39:23; 41:16; Ps. 35:3). Although these two weapons were similar in form, they served different functions in combat. The spear was used primarily for thrusting or stabbing (Num. 25:7-8; 1 Sam. 26:8; 2 Sam. 23:8,18, 2 1 , as opposed to 1 Sam. 18:11; 19:10; 20:33), but the lighter, shorter javelin was a medium-range weapon designed for throwing. Apart from a disputed reading in Matt. 27:49, the spear's only appearance in the NT is in John 19:34. The two hundred "spearmen" who escorted Paul to Antipatris (Acts 23:23) might have been javelin throwers. Although it is not so frequently mentioned as the sword, the spear was a well-known weapon in the biblical period. Deborah lamented the lack of spears in her army (Judg. 5:8; cf. 1 Sam. 13:19-22), thereby acknowledging their importance. To emphasize his trust in the Lord, David belittled Goliath's dependence upon sword, spear, and javelin (1 Sam. 17:45-47). Since spear and shield complemented each other in hand-to-hand combat, they are often mentioned together (2 Kings 11:10; 1 Chron. 12:8; 2 Chron. 11:12; 14:8). Indeed, one's ability "to handle spear and shield" made one "fit for war" (2 Chron. 25:5). Naturally, giants carried very large spears (1 Sam. 17:7; 2 Sam. 21:16). Figurative references to the spear are rare but potent (Pss. 35:3; 46:9; 57:4). The prophets speak about the future age of peace as a day in which spears would be converted into pruning hooks (Isa. 2:4; Mic. 4:3; see Joel 3:10, where the opposite process was envisioned). See also Soldier; War; Weapons. G.L.M. speck (KJV: "mote"), a small fragment of chaff, fiber, wood, etc. Jesus criticized the judgmental tendency when he said that we see such specks in the eyes of others but not the logs (note the hyperbole) in our own (Matt. 7:3-5; Luke 6:41-42). spelt, a variety of wheat generally known as Triticum dicoccoides or more specifically Triticum aestivum spelta. In biblical usage it refers to a crop that survived the hail plague because of late germination (Exod. 9:32), a crop used to border the field (Isa. 28:25), and an ingredient for bread (Ezek. 4:9). sphinx, the Greek name for a creature having a lion's body and human head. In Greek legend, this mythical beast posed a riddle that only

Ivory and gold winged sphinx from Nimrud, eighth-seventh century B.C. Oedipus could answer. The sphinx was a common artistic motif in ancient Egypt. Stone sphinxes served as guardians in front of temples; sometimes a row of sphinxes was placed along each side of the temple's avenue of approach. The most famous sphinx is the enormous recumbent example (240 feet in length) cut out of the living rock alongside the causeway leading up to the pyramid of King Khafre (Gk. Chephren) at Giza (ca. 2550 B.C.). The head of this creature is thought to be a representation of the king himself. The Sphinx may represent Khafre in the guise of the sun god Aton who guards the Giza necropolis. In Mesopotamian art, the sphinx was shown with wings and either a male or female head. Hittite sphinxes always had female heads. Later on, in Greek art, the sphinx was represented with female breasts and wings. The cherubs mentioned in the Bible may have been sphinx-like creatures with a human head, lion's body, and wings (e.g., J.M.W. Exod. 25). See also Cherub. spices, salves, perfumes, or aromatic oils. Spices were part of the luxury trade of the ancient world; a "balm," resin of Pistacia mutica, was among the gifts sent to Joseph (Gen. 43:11). Balsam oil or perfume in general appears in the catalogue of wealth that flows through Tyre (Ezek. 27:22). Spices were used in the anointing oil, perhaps a balsam oil (Exod. 35:28; 1 Kings 10:2). "Spices" may also refer to a sweetsmelling cinnamon or a sweet cane (Exod. 30:23). Aromatic oils and perfumes were used for embalming and anointing a corpse (Mark 16:1; Luke 23:56; John 19:40). P.P.

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spies, those who seek to obtain privileged information secretly. In the OT, spies are involved in three complexes of material: the dispatch of twelve spies by Moses to reconnoiter the land of Canaan (Num. 13-14; Deut. 1:19-46); the sending of two spies to Jericho by Joshua (Josh. 2); and the mission of the five spies sent to Laish as part of the Danite migration to the North (Judg. 18). The usual form of the spy story includes the selection and dispatch of the spies, their return and report, the announcement that God has given the reconnoitered land to Israel, and the report of the subsequent invasion and conquest. J.S.K.

also produced for the market (vv. 2 1 - 2 4 ) . The women of Israel spun the wool, flax, and goats' hair for the tabernacle hangings and coverings (Exod. 35:25-26), though the weaving was done, or directed, by men (v. 35). Before Josiah's reforms women wove vestments in the Temple for the Asherah cult figure (2 Kings 23:7). Delilah wove Samson's locks in her loom (Judg. 16:13-14). Textile production was an important industry of the palace and temple in ancient Syria and Mesopotamia, often employing slave labor. Ebla (in modern Syria) was the center of a far-reaching textile trade (ca. 2300 B.C.), and Phoenician weaving and dyeing were renowned. Early Egyptian models recovered from tombs show workrooms with women engaged in various operations of cloth production. Men appear as weavers in later texts, working in government factories or at home looms under contract. Wool and flax were the common textile fibers of Palestine, Mesopotamia, and Greece, while goats' hair was used for tent fabrics, coarse mantles, and sackcloth. Wool was often dyed to produce patterned weaves, including intricate tapestries. Linen, the main textile of Egypt, was usually left white, since it was difficult to dye. Cotton was not used in Palestine until Hellenistic times. The fiber was prepared for spinning by washing, retting (soaking to separate out the flax), and carding to produce a fluffy mass. This was secured on a hooked stick (distaff) held under the spinner's left arm, and wisps of fiber were drawn out in a continuous strand as they were spun—or a lightly twisted rope (rove) was formed with the fingers and coiled in a pot or basket. The drawn-out fibers were attached to a spindle, with which they were twisted and attenuated into a strong thin yarn. The spindle was a rod, 9 to 15 inches long and tapered at both ends, with a notch or hook at one end to catch the yarn and a perforated disk (whorl) of stone, bone, or pottery to weight it and steady

Spikenard. spikenard (KJV; RSV: "nard"), a scented ointment or perfume imported from the Himalayas in alabaster boxes and opened on special occasions (Song of Sol. 1:12; 4:13,14). In the NT it is its expense (approximately one year's wages) that is emphasized (Mark 14:3-5; John 12:3-5).

Woman spinning; stone relief, seventh century B.C.

spinning and weaving, the arts of producing yarn and cloth from fibers of various kinds. Spinning and weaving were traditionally women's arts in the ancient Near East and Greco-Roman world, and they remained a common household occupation even when weaving became a male profession or profession shared by men (among them perhaps Paul, Acts 18:1-3). The distaff represented the female domain, and portraits of noblewomen with spindle in hand show that spinning was common to all classes of women. The woman praised in Proverbs 31 "seeks wool and flax . . . puts her hands to the distaff, and . . . hold[s] the spindle" (vv. 13, 19). She clothed her family, but 1061

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its rotation. The spindle was twirled in the hand or hands, rolled against the thigh, or suspended after being set in motion. As a length of thread was formed it was wound onto the spindle and the process was repeated. Weaving was done by intersecting one set of threads (the warp), attached to a loom, with a running thread or threads (the weft or woof). Several types of looms were used in biblical times. The common loom of early Palestine and Greece consisted of two vertical beams fixed into the ground with a horizontal beam attached at the top (cf. Samson's spear "like a weaver's beam," 1 Sam. 17:7). The warp threads were hung from the crossbeam and weighted in bunches with small clay or stone weights (common objects in excavation sites). In later times, a lower crossbeam was introduced, and the web was woven up, rather than down as in the warpweighted loom. The ancient Egyptians used a horizontal loom consisting of two beams held by pegs in the ground, with the warp stretched between them. Similar looms are used by bedouins today. The weft was drawn by a shuttle through a "shed" created by separating the warp threads into two series by means of a heddle (today called a warping stick). After each passage of the shuttle the new thread was pressed firmly into the growing fabric with a sword-shaped beater (batten), pin, or (later) comb. Patterns were made by adding or alternating different colors of yarn and by changing the interlacing of warp and weft. Gold and silver "thread" was also used (Exod. 39:3). Simple garments were commonly woven in one piece, as Jesus' seamless tunic (John 19:23). Tassels were formed at the lower corners (Num. 15:38) from the free warps left when the garment was cut from the loom (Isa. 38:12). See also Asherah; Linen; Pin; P.A.B. Tabernacle; Wool.

all Christians are to manifest without variation (Gal. 5:22-23), the gifts of the Spirit are understood to vary from one believer to another (Rom. 12:6; 1 Cor. 12:4-11; cf. 1 Pet. 4:10). In the Letters of undisputed Pauline authorship, there are four separate listings of the Spirit's gifts (Rom. 12:6-8; 1 Cor. 12:8-10; 12:28; 12:29-30), but since no two of the lists are identical it seems clear that no one list is intended to be definitive. The various gifts may be grouped under three general headings: The gifts of utterance include prophecy (Rom. 12:6; 1 Cor. 12:10, 28; cf. 1 Cor. 12:8; 14:6), with which the ability to distinguish between true and false prophecy is closely associated (1 Cor. 12:10; cf. 14:29 and 1 Thess. 5:19-21); instruction (Rom. 12:7; 1 Cor. 12:28; cf. 1 Cor. 14:6); speaking in tongues (1 Cor. 12:10, 28; cf. 14:1-19); and the ability to interpret speaking in tongues (1 Cor. 12:10, 30; cf. 14:5, 13). The gifts of practical ministry are caring for the needy (Rom. 12:7-8): serving, encouraging (TEV), contributing, performing acts of mercy, and perhaps giving aid (1 Cor. 12:28: helping); and administration (1 Cor. 12:28; perhaps giving aid in Rom. 12:8). Healing (1 Cor. 12:9, 28) and performing miracles (1 Cor. 12:10, 28) are gifts of wonderworking faith, this "faith" (1 Cor. 12:9; cf. 13:2) being distinguishable from the faith "reckoned as righteousness" (Rom. 4:5) of which Paul usually writes. The gift of apostleship, ranked first in 1 Cor. 12:28, is active in all three ways: in the ministry of the word (e.g., 1 Cor. 1:17; 4:17), in pastoral care (e.g., Rom. 15:25-29; Philemon), and in the working of miracles (e.g., 2 Cor. 12:12; Gal. 3:5). It is notable, however, that the lists in Eph. 4:11 and 1 Pet. 4:10-11 include only gifts of intelligible utterance and of practical ministry; there are no references to speaking in tongues or miracle working. Responding to disruptions caused by speaking in tongues in his Corinthian congregation, Paul emphasized that every believer is graced by some gift and that all gifts are bestowed by "the same Spirit" (1 Cor. 12:4-11). Nevertheless, since their purpose is to serve "the common good" (12:7), he concluded that prophecy, intelligible to all, is to be preferred to speaking in tongues, intelligible only to God (unless there is an interpreter; 1 Cor. 14:1-5). See also Apostle; Corinthians, The First Letter of Paul to the; Holy Spirit, The; Miracles; Paul; Prophet; Teaching; Tongues, Speaking with. V.P.F.

spirit. See Flesh and Spirit; Holy Spirit, The; Soul. Spirit, the Holy. See Holy Spirit, The. Spirit of God. See Holy Spirit, The. spirits, evil. See Demon; Devil. spiritual gifts, a concept present only in the NT, primarily in the Pauline Letters, although the idea of being empowered by the Holy Spirit for particular tasks is by no means alien to the OT (e.g., Judg. 3:10; Num. 11:29). Various Greek terms are employed when these are in mind, but most notably ta pneumatika, which emphasizes the spiritual origin of the gifts [pneuma means "spirit"; see 1 Cor. 14:1), and, more often, ta charismata, which emphasizes that they are bestowed as an act of divine grace [charis means "grace"; see Rom. 12:6). In distinction from "the fruit of the Spirit," which

spitting. See Gestures. sponge, the porous skeleton of marine animals, whose fibrous connective structure has waterretaining properties that make it useful for bathing. The Gospels report that Jesus was offered a sponge soaked in wine vinegar to drink

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on the cross (Mark 15:36; Matt. 27:48; John 19:29).

(40:31, 34, 37). In this description access to second and third stories was by a single stairway on the side (41:7). Stairs were part of normal temple access in Roman architecture, in many instances using the foundation platform as a step or steps (Jerash, Baalbek, Petra, Pergamum). The same was true of the earlier Greek temples. Cities frequently cut elaborate stairways to ensure access to the water supply (Gezer, Megiddo, Gibeon). Some fascinating inside and outside stairways were built in both public and private buildings by the Nabataeans (modern Umm al-Jimal has some of the best preserved of both types). Ramps, rather than stairways, characterized some Egyptian construction (Hatshepsut's tomb at modern Deir el-Bahri), but the interior stairs in the great pyramid of Cheops at Giza are still R.S.B. spectacular.

springs. See En-gannim; En-gedi; En-rogel; Gihon; Jericho; Siloam Inscription; Water. squad (KJV: "quaternion"), the English translation of a Greek word designating a group of four soldiers. It is found in Acts 12:4 (cf. also John 19:23), where Peter was placed in the custody of four such groups, one for each of the threehour-long night watches. Normally, one squad would be sufficient, one person standing guard on each of the watches while the other three slept. Apparently Peter was thought to need especially careful guarding. See also Guard, Bodyguard; Prison; Soldier. square, a rectangle with sides of equal length. 1 A shape required for many of the appurtenances of the Temple described in Exodus (e.g., 27:1; 28:16) and Ezekiel (e.g., 43:16, 17). 2 A level area near the city gate in ancient cities used for various public assemblies (e.g., 2 Sam. 21:12; Job 28:7). stable, a shelter for animals, usually donkeys, horses, or other draft animals. The tradition of Jesus' being born in a stable derives from Luke's reference to Mary's putting the baby "in a manger" (Luke 2:7), a feeding trough usually found where animals are corralled. Caves used for such shelter are common even in modern times in the Near East. The KJV's "stable" in Ezek. 25:5 is rendered more correctly by the RSV as "pasture." Stachys (stayIds), a Christian who received a special greeting from Paul (Rom. 16:9). stacte (stak'tee), an ingredient to be used in preparing incense (Exod. 30:34). The meaning of the Hebrew root nâtâp, "to drip" or "ooze," has led some to identify it as the sap of the storax tree, Styrax officinalis, or the opobalsamum tree, Commiphora opobalsamum. Staff. See Rod. stairs, stepped ledges providing access up or down that are integrated into the construction of a building or other facility. Stairs were most common as a device for reaching the second floor or roof of a house. Biblical usage is somewhat diverse. The Temple built by Solomon had stairs to both the second and third stories (1 Kings 6:8). Repairs were made in Jerusalem in postexilic times, using the stairs down from the "City of David" as a zone marker for repair responsibility (Neh. 3:15; see also 12:37). Special stairs for Lévites are mentioned in Neh. 9:4. In Ezekiel's vision of the Temple the inner court vestibule facing the outer court had a stairway of eight steps on the south, east, and north sides 1063

stall, a space for one animal within a stable or barn. The biblical usage betrays less precision, using the term for what would now be called a pen. In Amos 6:4 the "calves from the midst of the stall" reflects the still-used practice of isolating animals for special preslaughter fattening or "finishing." Mai. 4:2 reports the typical exuberance of young animals released from their pen into open pasture. More traditional individual pens may be specified in 1 Kings 4:20, citing Solomon's forty thousand stalls of horses (2 Chron. 9:25), but 2 Chron. 32:28 and Hab. 3:17 may have indicated the group pens again. R.S.B. stars, Star of Bethlehem, respectively, the self-luminous bodies in the sky (except meteors, comets, and nebulae) and the star that guided the Wise Men to the infant Jesus at Bethlehem (Matt. 2:1-12). In modern times, the sun is considered a star; in ancient times, however, and in the Bible, the sun, moon, and stars are distinguished (Gen. 1:16). Moreover, while planets are not considered stars today, biblical writers considered them such, for the "Day star, son of Dawn" (Isa. 14:12), was most likely Venus, and "the star of the god Rephan" (Acts 7:43) was probably Saturn. In the ancient Near East, the stars were regarded as supernatural beings (divinities) affecting human destiny. The same was true in Greek and Roman culture, particularly after the time of Alexander the Great (fourth century B.C.). Astrology sought to predict coming events through observing the courses of the stars and planets. A lament over Babylonia refers to Babylonian astrologers "who divide the heavens, who gaze at the stars, who at the new moons predict what shall befall you" (Isa. 47:13). In the OT, the stars are not thought of as divinities, although certain passages imply that stars and planets influence human events (Job 38:33; cf. Judg. 5:20), and astrology is rejected

STATER

STEPHEN

as a foreign influence (Jer. 10:2). The stars and constellations have been created by God (Gen. 1:16; Pss. 8:3; 136:9; Job 9:9; Amos 5:8). God has named them (Ps. 147:4; Isa. 40:26) and has set them in their courses (Jer. 31:35; Job 9:7). No one can count them (Gen. 15:5; 22:17; 26:4). There is evidence that star worship was introduced in both the Northern and the Southern Kingdoms. Amos (eighth century B.C.) condemned it in the Northern Kingdom (Amos 5:26). Introduced in the Southern Kingdom during the reign of Manasseh (687-642 B.C.; 2 Kings 21:3-5), star worship was suppressed by Josiah (640-609 B.C.; 2 Kings 23:4-14). The book of Deuteronomy, which played a major role in Josiah's reform of 621 B.C., condemns star worship (4:19; 17:2-5). Instances of star worship were thus anomalies in the history of Israel; it was generally condemned as a form of idolatry. The Star of Bethlehem, according to Matt. 2 : 1 - 1 2 , led the Wise Men from the East to Jerusalem (2:1-2) and Bethlehem (2:9) during the reign of Herod the Great (37-4 B.C.). Although there have been different theories concerning the identity of this star, the prevailing consensus in modern times has been that the so-called Bethlehem Star would not have been a star at all but rather a conjunction of the planets Jupiter and Saturn in the constellation Pisces in 7 B.C., having the appearance of a great star. Moreover, Pisces was considered in astrological traditions a constellation of the Jews. Matthew's account is probably a blend of astrological lore and midrashic interpretation of OT texts: "a star shall come forth out of Jacob, and a scepter shall rise out of Israel" (Num. 24:17) and "nations shall come to your light, and kings to the brightness of your rising" (Isa 60:3). The tradition of a heavenly sign appearing about the time of Jesus' birth was seen by Matthew as a fulfillment of the OT texts, understood as messianic promises, and he related the story to show both the fulfillment of prophecy and the universal significance of Jesus. See also Astrologer; Midrash; Moon; Sun; Wise Men. A.J.H. stater (stay'tuhr), a Greek silver coin worth about four drachmas, the wages for four days' work. The stater in Matt. 17:27 was probably the heavier stater from the mint at Tyre accepted by Jews as a holy shekel. See also Money. Stealing. See Robbery. stele, stela (steelee, steeluh; Gk., "standing stone"; pi. stelae), an upright stone slab, usually inscribed, used to commemorate an event, mark a grave, or give a dedication to a deity. Egyptian stelae have been found at several sites in Palestine, such as Beth-shan, Timna, and Deir elBalah. Canaanite stelae are known from Beth-shan, Hazor, and Tell Beit Mirsim. A small piece of an inscribed Hebrew stele was found at

Black limestone stele of Melishipak II, the Cassite king of Babylon; 1200 B.C. Samaria; this fragment contains only a single word, asher ("who, which"). Several uninscribed stelae were discovered in the Israelite sanctuary at Arad. The most famous stele from Palestine is the Moabite Stone, written ca. 850 B.C. on behalf of Mesha, king of Moab, in a language close to Hebrew. This stele, found at Dhiban (biblical Dibon) in 1868, records Mesha's victory over Israel and his building activities at various Moabite sites. See also Mesha; Moabite Stone, The; Writing. J.M.W. Stephanas (stefuh-nuhs), Paul's first convert, together with his household, in Corinth (1 Cor. 16:15; cf. 1:16). Apparently he remained loyal to Paul, and when trouble broke out in the Corinthian church he accompanied Fortunatus and Achaicus on a visit to Paul in Ephesus with information about the problems (1 Cor. 16:17-18). Some of these problems were also detailed by a letter (1 Cor. 7:1), which may have been carried by the trio. They may also have carried the letter known to us as 1 Corinthians back to Corinth. Stephanas is strongly commended by Paul as one worthy of exercising authority in the church (1 Cor. 16:16). See also Achaicus; Corinth; Corinthians, The First Letter of Paul to the; Fortunatus; Paul. A.J.M. Stephen (stee'vuhn), a leader in the early Jerusalem church whose story appears in Acts 6:1-8:2. The other references to Stephen in the NT refer to this story (Acts 11:19; 22:20). According to Acts 6:1-6, a dispute had developed in the Jerusalem church between the "Hel-

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lenists" (probably Jewish Christians from the Diaspora whose first language was Greek) and the "Hebrews" (Palestinian Jewish Christians who spoke Aramaic). In order to resolve the dispute, seven Hellenists were chosen for positions of leadership, one of whom was Stephen. Thus, Stephen functions in Acts as the key representative figure for the very significant Hellenistic Jewish element in the primitive Jerusalem church. Stephen is portrayed in Acts as a bold man, wise, full of faith, and possessed of the Holy Spirit (Acts 6:5, 8, 10). The ecstatic aspect of Stephen's short Christian career is highlighted in the account. It was by the power of the Spirit that Stephen confronted his fellow Hellenists who did not believe in Jesus as Messiah. They, in turn, brought Stephen's activities to the attention of a wider audience: the Sanhédrin (Acts 6:11-15). Apparently, the opposition to Stephen was based primarily on a deduction he had made from his messianic faith in Jesus: that, with the vindication of Jesus as Messiah, the religion of the Temple had outlived its usefulness and the Mosaic law should now be seen in a new and different light (Acts 6:11-14; cf. Matt. 24:2; Mark 13:2; Luke 21:6). Stephen's opponents understood that this deduction would undermine the basic legitimacy of the religious practice associated with the Temple. The speech of Stephen in Acts 7:2-53 is presented as Stephen's defense of his position. It also functions, however, as a model of early Christian apologetic to Hellenistic Judaism. The essential point is that Israel has always been slow to accept a dramatic new activity of God in fulfilling his promises. After the promises were given to Abraham (vv. 2-8), Israel systematically rebelled against the call of its inspired leaders (w. 9-43) and was too prone to isolate the presence and activity of God to local places such as the Temple rather than see God in crucial historical events such as the recent case of Jesus' exaltation in Jerusalem (vv. 44-53). Once again, Israel was in danger of misperceiving a new expression of God's activity. According to Acts, this message angered Stephen's audience and he was stoned to death without judicial hearing before either Jewish or Roman authorities (vv. 54-58). It is clear that the writer of Acts wished to draw a close parallel between Stephen's death and that of Jesus (see Luke 23:34; Acts 7:60). Stephen and Jesus, both filled with the Spirit, died unjustly with a word of forgiveness on their lips. As Stephen, especially in his death, is linked to Jesus, so also Acts links him to the future with the mention of Saul's (i.e., Paul's) consenting presence at the martyrdom (Acts 7:58; 8:1; 22:20). Stephen's death and the subsequent scattering of his fellow messianic Hellenists led to the mission of Philip in Samaria and elsewhere (Acts 8:4-40) and ultimately to the wider

mission spearheaded by Paul throughout the eastern part of the Roman Empire (see Acts 11:19). Thus, although Stephen appears in only one episode in Acts, the author of Acts was conscious of the immense theological and historical significance of the early Hellenistic Jewish Christians in Jerusalem of whom Stephen is the exemplary figure. See also Hebrews; Hellenists; Law; Martyr; Paul; Persecution; Sanhédrin; Temple, The; Torah. A.J.M. steward, a word used to translate a number of terms and expressions in the Bible common to all of which is the idea of "overseeing" the possessions, business affairs, property, servants, the training of children, etc., of an owner or master. A steward is one who is placed "over the house" (Gen. 43:19; 44:1, 4; 1 Kings 16:9; 18:3; etc.). That "house" can be a private household and its function (Gen. 44:1; Luke 12:42; Gal. 4:2), a specific task (1 Chron. 29:6), a palace (Esther 1:8; 1 Kings 18:3; Isa. 36:3; Luke 8:3), business affairs (Matt. 20:8; Luke 16:1-8), a city treasury (Rom. 16:23), and in the NT in a metaphorical sense of the divine mysteries, i.e., the gospel revelation (1 Cor. 4:1), a divine commission (1 Cor. 9:17), or a divine gift (1 Pet. 4:10). Bishops/elders are called stewards (Titus 1:5-9) and are expected to possess holy qualities as they manage the household of God. The apostle Paul also saw himself as a steward (1 Cor. 4:1-2) who would have to give an account of his stewardship (1 Cor. 4:3-4; cf. 2 Tim. 4:7-8) as the Apostle to the Gentiles (Eph. 3:2; Gal. 2:7-8; Rom. 1:5-6; 13-15). There is also a sense in which every Christian is a steward en? trusted with a divine gift (1 Pet. 4:10). Faithful and wise stewardship of this gift or "talent" will result in blessing and reward but unfaithfulness will result in judgment (Luke 12:42-43; Matt. 25:14-30). R.H.S. stoa (stoh'uh; Gk., "colonnade"), an open colonnade with a back wall to which columns were joined by the roof. A stoa might be used as an independent architectural unit, used as an entrance porch, or placed on one or more sides of a court. Large stoas have inner rows of columns or sections of solid wall that make the stoa more like an enclosed hall. Shallow projecting wings with gables on either end give the free-standing stoa a more balanced appearance. In Hellenistic times stoas of two or more stories were developed. Those built on hills might have several stories or substructures. The upper story often served as a gallery over the lower section of the stoa. A stoa served many purposes: it was a place for council meetings, for law courts, or for magistrates' headquarters; a repository for public documents; a building housing offices, shops, and storerooms; or a meeting place for a school.

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A school of philosophy took its name from such a meeting place (Stoics), and when Paul was in Athens, he was confronted by them in the marketplace around which the stoas in Athens were ranged (Acts 17:17-18). See also Agora; Athens; Stoics. P.P.

rial provided in nature. Found in Palestine largely as limestone mixed with some chert, or sandstone, or the volcanically produced and very hard basalt, it provided amply for everyday construction needs. Precious and semiprecious stones were another matter. They were frequently imported from various supply points, as with turquoise from the Sinai peninsula. Ore-bearing stone carrying copper and iron was located in the southern reaches of both Palestine and the Transjordan. Biblical references provide examples of the wide spectrum of uses to which stone was put. It could serve as a memorial, shrine, and pledge (Gen. 28:18-22). It could cover wells (Gen. 29:2-10) and doorways to tombs (Mark 15:46; Matt. 27:60; Luke 11:39). It could be worked into bowls, mortars, pestles, sockets for doors, and other implements (Exod. 7:19). It served as a weapon, whether thrown by hand (Exod. 8:26), sling (1 Sam. 17:49), or catapult. It symbolized immediate destruction by its action of sinking rapidly in water (Exod. 15:5), and its immobility could symbolize death (Exod. 15:16). It could give the weary rest (Exod. 17:12), serve as construction material for altars (Exod. 20:25), or be a public record of binding law (Exod. 24:12), the accomplishments of persons (Exod. 28:10), or noteworthy events, as with royal stelae. It could serve as a device of public execution (Lev. 24:14) or private anger (Exod. 21:18). Used as an object of worship (Lev. 26:1) it could be conducive to sexual excess (Jer. 3:9, in probable reference to ritual prostitution as part of Canaanite religion) or other idolatry (Ezek. 20:32; Deut. 28:36, 64; 29:17). It could serve as a memorial of significant events (Josh. 4:1-10), or of covenant renewal (Josh. 24:26-27), or as a named boundary point (Josh. 15:6; 18:17). It served as a platform for executions (Judg. 9:5,18), and as a weapon it could be honed to fine accuracy (Judg. 20:16). It stood as the measure of hardness (Job 38:30, for ice; 41:24, for the human heart). It could cause accidental stumbling (Ps. 91:12) or serve as a device of magic (Prov. 17:8). Stone of special quality served as cornerstones for walls or buildings (Isa. 28:16), but it could symbolize ultimate ruin (Hos. 12:11). It symbolized the opposite of nourishing bread (Matt. 7:9) but could in properly fashioned form hold water or wine (John 2:6-11). Use of stone for tools like axes, knives, scrapers, hammers, and grinders, which began in prehistoric times, has continued in some respects to the present day in the biblical lands, especially in rural life. When boys get into a fight, the first weapon likely is a quickly grabbed rock. Stoning remains part of the punitive procedures used in some parts of orthodox Judaism. See also Limestone. R.S.B.

Stoics (stoh'iks), members of a philosophical school founded in Athens by Zeno (335-263 B.C.). Although the scholars of the school developed theories of physics, cosmology, and logic, it was best known for its emphasis on moral conduct. The school was named for the "Painted Porch," a colonnade (Gk. stoa), in which it met at Athens. The Stoics held that the entire universe was a living creature animated by the divine Logos (reason or mind). This Logos was identified with Zeus. Every person was a slave of the ruling Logos. Since the Logos pervaded everything, whatever happened in the universe was governed by this universal law of nature or providence. All human beings were brothers and sisters in this universal, living body. This imagery was well suited to the cosmopolitan empires of the period. Since everything that happens to people was determined, the only way in which individuals could control their lives was to control the passions governing how external events affected them. Control of oneself was the avenue by which humans showed their freedom and superiority to fortune. In the turbulent world of Roman politics, many leading Romans found the Stoic philosophy a consolation and guide for life. One frequently faced sharp, sudden reversals of fortune that called for the resources of inner discipline expounded by the Stoics. One of the most famous Stoic teachers and writers of the first century, Epictetus, was a lame Phrygian from Hierapolis, who had been slave to Nero's freedman Ephaphroditus. After gaining freedom, Epictetus lectured to large audiences that they should only be concerned about what was under their control. Another famous Stoic teacher was Nero's tutor and advisor, Seneca, who retired from the court when Nero's career turned bad and was later forced to commit suicide by the suspicious emperor. In the second century, the emperor Marcus Aurelius, who had studied Epictetus, recorded his meditations while in the field with the army. Stoicism did not hold out hope for life after death but sought to call people to identify with the divine reason immanent in the cosmos. Some Stoic philosophers in Athens discussed Paul's religious views with him (Acts 17:18). P.P. stone, any of a large variety of hardened natural inorganic, often mineral, substances. Occurring frequently in Syro-Palestine and Anatolia, largely absent in Mesopotamia, and available only up the Nile in ancient Egypt, stone forms the most stable construction mate-

stoning, a form of capital punishment. Most of the offenses punished by stoning were crimes

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against the sovereignty of God. They included blasphemy (Lev. 24:15-16; cf. 1 Kings 21:13; Acts 7:11, 58), incitement to worship other gods (Deut. 13:6-10), worship of other gods (Deut. 17:2-7), worship of Molech by child sacrifice (Lev. 20:2-5), divination by mediums (Lev. 20:27), violation of the Sabbath (Num. 15:32-36), and violation of the taboo of devoted objects (Josh. 7:25). Stoning is specified also in cases of adultery (Deut. 22:21; 24; cf. John 8:3-7), filial insubordination (Deut. 21:18-21), and homicide by a goring ox (Exod. 21:28-29). A description of the procedure in judicial stoning may be gleaned from various references. The stoning usually took place outside the city (Lev. 24:14; Num. 15:35; Deut. 17:5; 22:24; 1 Kings 21:13; but cf. Deut. 22:21). The criminal probably was stripped (Ezek. 16:39). The witnesses were the first to cast stones, followed by the entire community (Deut. 13:10; 17:7; cf. John 8:7). Accounts of nonjudicial stoning are recorded in 1 Kings 12:18; 2 Chron. 24:21. The custom continued into NT times, as attested by the stoning of Stephen (Acts 14:19; cf. John 8:5, 7). The fact that Jesus died by crucifixion rather than stoning shows it was a punishment inflicted not by Jews but by the Romans. See also Law. B.L.E.

(2 Chron. 11:11, 32:28), wheat, barley, and oil (Jer. 41:8); and iron (1 Chron. 22:3). People also stored documents (Ezra 6:1); silver, gold, and sacred vessels (2 Chron. 5:1); and baggage (Isa. 10:28). In popular cosmology God's storehouses held the wind (Ps. 135:7; Jer. 10:13; 51:16), snow and hail (Job 38:22), and the ocean (Ps. 33:7). People could store up sin (Hos. 13:12) and violence (Amos 3:10) and wrath for days to come (Rom. 2:5) as well as wisdom (Prov. 2:7). Stores could be carried off as booty of war (Isa. 39:6) and the very heavens and earth could be stored for the eschatological fire that would judge "ungodly men" (2 Pet. 3:7). Archaeological evidence shows that storage containers ranged from modest jars, bowls, and perfume juglets (silver tetradrachmas were found in a jug at Shechem and Islamic coins in a lamp at Hesban) to large store jars, to dry and wet storage pits and cisterns, to caves, to elaborate buildings such as those found at the Hittite capital of Boghazkoi or Masada or Shechem (where the Late Bronze Age temple was adapted for storage in the Iron Age). Jars held some of the Dead Sea Scrolls and a small juglet retained some dried ink in the desk of the scriptorium at Qumran. Some storage chambers could be entered only by ladders over the walls, and subterranean storage pits were frequently sealed with stone lids. Material could be stored on R.S.B. house roofs as well.

storage, the laying up of supplies for future use. Biblical references to storage focus on the special accommodations of store-cities and storehouses in addition to the routine acts of saving material or, metaphorically, emotions and other human traits. Store-cities were used in Egypt (Exod. 1:11) where Israelites helped build them. Solomon's construction program included store-cities (1 Kings 9:19; 2 Chron. 8:4-6) in addition to fortifications and other facilities. Store-cities in Naphtali were captured by Ben-hadad of Syria during his invasion of Israel at the time of King Baasha (902-886 B.C.; 2 Chron. 16:4). Jehoshaphat built store-cities in Judah during his rule (874-850 B.C.; 2 Chron. 17:12). In each of these cases it is likely that the facilities were intended to cache military goods in addition to economic supplies. Storehouses required assigned gatekeepers and watchmen (1 Chron. 26:15) and were regular parts of the postexilic Temple facility (Neh. 10:38). Royal storehouses could provide equipment for rescuing a person in trouble (Jer. 38:11-13). The Temple storehouse retained the tithes of the people (Mai. 3:10), and storehouses were coupled with barns as routine equipment for rich humans (Luke 12:16-19) but were not found among nature's inhabitants (Luke 12:24). Royal storehouses served to supply people in times of famine (Gen. 41:56), and empty storehouses at such times were a disaster (Joel 1:17). As for materials kept in storage, references include edible food (Gen. 6:21); crops (Luke 12:17) elsewhere specified as grain (Gen. 41:49), wine

stork, a large wading bird. The Hebrew word usually translated as "stork" {hasidâh) could also appropriately be translated "heron," which should perhaps be included in the term. Two species of stork migrate through Palestine in spring: the white stork [Ciconia ciconia) and, less frequently to be seen, the black stork {Ciconia nigra). Jer. 8:7 probably refers to the seasonal appearance of the stork, whereas Ps. 104:17 ("has her home in the fir trees") enigmatically refers to storks once nesting in Palestine. Zech. 5:9 compares the wings of angels to those of a stork, although it was considered an unclean animal (Lev. 11:19; Deut. 14:18). I.U.K. Stove. See Oven. stranger ("sojourner" or "alien" in some translations), in the Bible one who is not a member of a particular social group. Accordingly, Abraham was a stranger among the Hittites at Hebron (Gen. 23:4) as were Moses in Midian (Exod. 2:22) and the Israelites in Egypt (Deut. 23:7; cf. Ruth 1:1). After the settlement in Canaan, the term not only designated a temporary guest but also acquired the more specialized meaning of a resident alien who lived permanently within Israel. No doubt because the Israelites were keenly aware of their own heritage as strangers without rights in a foreign land, they developed

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specific laws governing the treatment of strangers (Exod. 22:21; 23:9; Deut. 10:19). Since the temporary guest was protected by the rather strict conventions of Near Eastern hospitality (e.g., Gen. 18:1-8; cf. Heb. 13:2), the laws more directly affected the resident alien who had no inherited political rights. Strangers were to be treated with kindness and generosity (Lev. 19:10, 33-34; 23:22; Deut. 14:29). They were included in the Israelite legal system (Lev. 24:16, 22; Num. 35:15; Deut. 1:16) and were subject to most of the religious requirements, such as the laws of ritual cleanliness (Lev. 17:8-13; but cf. Deut. 14:21) and the keeping of the Sabbath and fast days (Exod. 20:8-10; Lev. 16:29). They could celebrate Passover if they were circumcised (Exod. 12:48-49) and could offer sacrifices (Num. 15:14-16, 29). Ezekiel even envisioned a time when they would be granted an inheritance in the land as a sign of full citizenship (Ezek. 47:22-23). In later Judaism, the laws concerning strangers developed into the regulations governing the acceptance of Gentile proselytes into Judaism. In the NT "stranger" usually means simply someone who is not known (Matt. 25:34-40; John 10:5) or, in some older translations, a foreigner (Luke 17:18; Acts 17:21). The term "stranger" also appears in a figurative sense, usually in appealing to the generosity and mercy of God in dealing with his undeserving people (Ps. 39:12; 119:19; 1 Chron. 29:15). The idea of dwelling in a land owned by someone else is also applied theologically to the relationship of the people Israel to the land; it belonged to God and they were the strangers in it (Lev. 25:23). The NT picks up this concept in two different ways. On one level, the Gentiles, who were excluded by Judaism from being the people of God, are no longer aliens and strangers in the new Christian community but are counted as full citizens of God's own household (Eph. 2:11-21). On another level, the Christian is not a citizen of this present world but a citizen of the heavenly kingdom and is therefore only a stranger or a pilgrim in this world (1 Pet. 1:1, 17; 2:11; cf. Heb. 11:13). See also Foreigner; HosD.R.B. pitality; Proselyte.

the processing of cultivated cereals, either the stubble of the cut grain left in the fields for the herds to graze over or the chaff separated by winnowing from the threshed grain (Pss. 1:4; 83:13). Straw was used as a binder for mud bricks (Exod. 5:7-18) or, when mixed with animal dung, as an efficient fuel for kitchen hearths (Isa. 25:10). See also Chaff.

strangled a n i m a l s , animals the flesh of which could not be eaten because they were not slaughtered according to Jewish law, which calls for slitting the throat and draining the blood. This law also applied to meat eaten by Gentiles living among Jews (Lev. 17:10-14). In Acts 15:20, gentile Christians were enjoined not to eat meat from strangled animals, so that they could share table fellowship with Jewish Christians. straw, the dried parts of grasses or herbaceous plants often used as fodder for animals (1 Kings 4:28; Gen. 24:25, 32). It is also the by-product of

stripes, wounds inflicted by beating with a whip or rods (Exod. 21:25; Isa. 53:5; 1 Pet. 2:24 where Isa. 53:5 is applied to Jesus). Deut. 25:2-3 prohibits a judge from condemning a person to more than forty lashes, so Paul speaks of receiving "forty lashes less one" at the hands of Jewish authorities (2 Cor. 11:23). See also Scourge. stumbling block, any obstacle that may cause someone's downfall, whether literal (Lev. 19:14) or figurative (as elsewhere in the Bible). In Ezekiel it is idolatry (e.g., 14:3-4, 7), while in Jer. 6:21 it is left unspecified. According to Isa. 8:14-15, the disobedient stumble over their God, and in the NT this thought is applied to the unbelievers and Christ (Rom. 9:32-33; 1 Pet. 2:8). Paul specifically calls Christ's death a stumbling block or offense (Gk. skandalon) to the world (1 Cor. 1:23; Gal. 5:11), but he also warns that believers who flaunt their newfound freedom in Christ may place a stumbling block [proskomma) or hindrance [skandalon) in the way of others who do not share their knowledge (Rom. 14:13; 1 Cor. 8:9). See also Liberty; Rock; Snare; Stone. V.P.F. suburbs, the term in the KJV for the RSV's "common land" (Lev. 25:34) or "pasture lands" (Num. 35:2). The term designates open grazing terrain around villages or cities. Such plots are referred to as associated assets when cities are assigned (Num. 35:7; Josh. 14:4; Ezek. 45:2 [RSV: "open space"]; and others). The word is not used in the Bible in its modern sense of residential areas surrounding a metropolis. Succoth (suhk'uhth; Heb., "booths," "tents," or "temporary dwellings"). 1 A town in the Jordan Valley on the OT "Way of the Plain" (2 Sam. 18:23), which connected it with such towns as Adam, Zarethan, and Pella, and on a major route from central Palestine to Transjordan. Jacob returned from the East to Shechem by this route after his meeting with Esau (Gen. 33:17). Josh. 13:27 places it in Gad, although its previous control by Sihon, king of Heshbon (Hesban), would locate it farther south, near Madeba on the plateau. When Gideon was driving the Midianites out of Esdraelon to their homeland in eastern Transjordan, he asked the inhabitants of Succoth to give nourishment to his three hundred warriors. Perhaps because they feared reprisals from the Midianites, they refused him scornfully, for which after his victory he meted out brutal punishment (Judg. 8:5-16).

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The final biblical mention of Succoth concerns the bronze vessels to be used in the Temple, which Solomon had cast "in the clay ground between Succoth and Zarethan" (1 Kings 7:46; 2 Chron. 4:17, which has "Zeredah" in place of "Zarethan"). Two parallel passages in the Psalms (60:6; 108:7) celebrate the conquest of the "Vale of Succoth" as well as the territory of Shechem, and, in the following verses, the whole of Transjordan. This celebration evidently belongs to the period of the United Monarchy (ca. 1025-922 B.C.), and probably to the reign of Solomon rather than that of David, who would have discouraged any idea of "conquering" Shechem. All these passages put together indicate that Succoth was a place of considerable importance, fairly close to the east bank of the Jordan, where there was a ford giving access both to Shechem and to Esdraelon, and with easy access to the Transjordan plateau. Unfortunately, neither Succoth itself nor the neighboring towns of Zarethan and Penuel can be identified with any certainty. At present the weight of scholarly opinion seems to favor Tell Deir 'Alia for Succoth, about two miles (3 km.) north of the Jabbok (modern Zerqa), with Zarethan perhaps at Tell es-Sa'idiyeh about two miles (3 km.) farther north, and Penuel at Tulul edhDhahab one and a half miles (2.5 km.) up the Jabbok. Tell Deir 'Alia was apparently first occupied in the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1500 B.C.) and was evidently at that time an important sanctuary, but it was destroyed by an earthquake at the beginning of the twelfth century. The contemporary scholar Yohanan Aharoni suggests that the "officials of Succoth" in the Gideon story were priests of this sanctuary, and that its destruction belongs to the same occasion. Subsequently itinerant metalworkers occupied the tell in the twelfth century, and they were followed in the period of the United Monarchy by new immigrants from further east, who built a small walled town on the tell. This was captured by the pharaoh Shishak of Egypt during the reign of Jeroboam I of Israel (ca. 926-907 B.C.). Deserted for a considerable period, it was reoccupied and the sanctuary rebuilt in the seventh century B.C., but it was once more destroyed at some point in the Persian period and not reoccupied until the Middle Ages. H. J. Franken, who excavated the site in 1960-64, seriously doubts the identification of Tell Deir 'Alia with Succoth and suggests that it may have been Gilgal. The nearby, but much smaller, Tell Ekhsas, "Hill of Booths" and Tell es-Sa'idiyeh have also been proposed, and the question still remains a very open one. 2 The first stopping place on the Exodus route (Exod. 12:37; Num. 33:5-6), often identified with Tel el-Mashkutah on the eastern edge of the Nile Delta; but this now seems very dubious. The name may perhaps indicate a merely temporary encampment. See also

Adam; Gideon; Heshbon; Midianites; Pella; Penuel; Shechem; Shishak; Sihon; Transjordan; Zarethan. D.B. Succoth-benoth (suhk'uhth-bee'noth; Heb., "booths of girls"), the name of a god (perhaps Sarpanitu, although it is not certain) worshiped in Samaria by the Babylonians (2 Kings 17:30) brought there under Assyria's population displacement policy. In order to keep conquered areas pacified, Assyria deported native populations and replaced them with foreigners. That policy was implemented in the Northern Kingdom, Israel (Samaria), when it fell to Assyria in 721 B.C. suffering, pain or distress, one of the most persistent of all human problems. Even those who experience relatively minor suffering in their own lives are constantly confronted with the suffering of others—within their own families, among their acquaintances, or even in distant lands. Suffering takes many forms: physical pain, frustrated hopes, depression, isolation, loneliness, grief, anxiety, spiritual crisis, and more. Such unpleasantness comes to good religious people, too. Certainly, the biblical peoples struggled with the presence of suffering in their lives and sought ways to understand it and cope with it that could include their belief in both God's power and God's goodness. The biblical responses to suffering can be divided into five categories. Suffering as the Result of Human Sin: The most common way to understand the presence of suffering in the world is to say that it is the fault of human beings. The first three chapters of Genesis state that the world was intended to be a good place but that the disobedience of the man and woman (with a little help from the snake) introduced suffering into the world (as demonstrated by the curses in Gen. 3:14-19). No longer is the world the way God wanted it to be. All descendants of the first parents are now born into a sinful world where there is the potential for disaster. All are vulnerable to the possibility of suffering in their lives. The mere fact of being human and living in a world where people hurt each other and themselves can account for much of what is called suffering. Other OT texts push the idea of cause and effect between human sin and human suffering a bit further. Historians and prophets interpret the meaning of specific calamities in Israel's history. In the time of the judges, all went well for the people when they were obedient to God, but when they turned against God, the Almighty would raise up an enemy to punish them. When they finally cried to God in desperation, God would raise up a judge to fight on their side and restore their good fortunes. Thus, the ups and downs of Israel's history can be explained (says the Deuteronomic historian in Judges, Samuel, and Kings) as rewards for

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fidelity or punishment for idolatry. Similarly, the greatest catastrophe, the Exile, is seen as fit retribution for all of Israel's and Judah's failings (see esp. 2 Kings 17). Such a calamity would not have occurred if God did not will it (God has the power), and God would not have allowed it if it were not just (the people deserve it). This is not yet, however, a belief in just retribution in each individual life. Good people as well as evil people suffered and died in the defeat by the Babylonians. When a whole nation is destroyed, it is impossible to make such fine distinctions. When a city is destroyed, good and bad alike are affected. Nevertheless, it is still possible to say, as these texts do, that the suffering is retribution for wicked behavior. Other OT texts, however, do speak as if just retribution even for individuals is possible. Ezekiel 18 argues that God will deal with each individual, rewarding or punishing all persons according to their own deeds and not because of what their parents have done. Many of the Proverbs imply that the one who leads a good life will be more successful and less likely to suffer than one who defies God. Job's counselors were convinced that a good God who works in the world would never do such horrible things to Job if Job had not done something to deserve it. Though Job seemed to be innocent, he must have had a secret sin of which he needed to repent before his good fortunes would return. This theory about the origin of suffering may work fairly well as a general statement about the state of the human race or even to account for the suffering of a decadent society. It becomes more and more suspect, however, as a way to differentiate why one individual suffers and another does not. There are too many examples of innocent sufferers and wicked people who prosper for this to be pushed as a universal explanation for an individual's suffering. Many sufferers who have read the texts that see suffering as punishment need to know that other biblical passages argue against a simple-minded and heavy-handed universalizing of the retribution doctrine. The book of Job shows that the counselors are wrong and Job, as he said, was an innocent sufferer. In Luke 13:1-5 and in John 9, Jesus indicates the mistake of interpreting each example of suffering as if it is the consequence of someone's sins. In the apocalyptic frame of mind of many NT books, it is actually more likely that the good people will suffer rather than the evil ones. Jesus warns his listeners that if they follow him, they should be prepared to take up their crosses (Mark 8:34-35). Following Jesus is no guarantee that one will avoid suffering. Suffering Leading to Some Greater Good: Although suffering is by definition a very undesirable experience, it may lead to some greater good. As terrible as it seems at the time, one may look back on it from a distance and realize

that some good has come from it. Many have found this to be a helpful way to find meaning in their suffering. It avoids preoccupation with suffering as punishment, with God as the Judge, and turns the sufferer toward the future and the possibilities that God will work something good from what seems so bad. Suffering may be of benefit to other people. Joseph suffered greatly at the hands of his brothers, who sold him into slavery. At the end of his life, however, Joseph looked back at his life and saw that many people had benefited because of his suffering (Gen. 50:15-21). He was in the right place to prepare for the famine. He would not have been there if his brothers had not done evil toward him. They are indeed guilty of a hostile act toward him, but God used their wickedness and Joseph's suffering to bring about a greater good. It was, however, only with considerable hindsight that Joseph was able to come to this conclusion. Similarly, it is hard for most sufferers to believe this until enough time has elapsed that the trauma of suffering has been put into a larger perspective. Christians believe that the suffering of Jesus Christ is somehow of benefit to all humanity. His death, brought about by human beings acting out of wicked motives, has been turned by God into the Christians' most central saving act. The suffering of one has benefited the many. Another variation of this biblical understanding of suffering is the idea that a person's own suffering is of benefit to him or her. Many have attested that they are better people after being tested by the fires of adversity. Eliphaz (Job 5:17) and Elihu (Job 33:15-18; 36:8-12) suggest this possibility to Job. Prov. 3:11-12 describes suffering as the discipline of a loving parent, an idea picked up and expanded by the author of Hebrews (12:3-11). In Rom. 5:1-5, Paul tells his readers to rejoice in their suffering because it will help produce endurance and character and hope in them. Such words as these have often been comforting to sufferers, though only if this is a conclusion of their own and not an "answer" imposed on them by someone who seems callous to the reality of their present pain. Suffering Caused by Cosmic Evil Forces: The first view discussed blames humans for suffering, either collectively or individually. The second view hedges a bit on the blame but sees God's role as one of turning what is bad into something that, if not good, at least can be of some benefit. Another possibility is that the cause of suffering is neither human beings nor God but supernatural forces for evil, hostile to both God and humans, too powerful for humans to withstand on their own but no match for the Almighty. Most of the OT does not personify this power for evil as the Devil or Satan. The Devil is never mentioned, and Satan as a cosmic figure occurs in only three places—Job 1-2; 1 Chron. 21:1; and Zech. 3:1-2. The snake in the

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Garden of Eden is never called Satan, though later generations of interpreters surely made the connection. Other poetic passages in the OT refer to the Sea or a sea monster as a personification of superhuman powers of evil (e.g., Isa. 27:1; 51:9-10; Job 7:12; 26:12). In the NT, suffering is often ascribed to the presence of demons (Luke 9:38-39), evil spirits (Acts 19:11-12), Satan (Luke 13:16), or the Devil (Acts 10:38). Psychological, physical, and spiritual suffering may be caused by these evil forces and are not due to human sin or God's execution of justice. In modern times, many people are uncomfortable with these images as a way of identifying the origin of suffering. On the other hand, many find that there is no better way to talk about some forms of suffering. Some experiences of suffering are so terrible, so enormous in scale or depravity, that it is difficult to believe that humans are bad enough or that God is cruel enough to cause them. If one believes in a third force that is a common enemy of both God and humans, it is possible to join forces with God, not needing to blame either God or self, knowing that God will ultimately triumph over anything that can hurt humankind (see, e.g., Rom. 8:35-39). The Mystery of Suffering: Human efforts to explain with satisfaction all experiences of suffering are doomed to frustration. Answers may be found that are partially satisfying, that may work in some cases, or that may provide some help for the need to find meaning. No matter how hard one tries, however, unanswered questions remain. At some point, one is finally confronted with the necessity of giving up the intellectual search and leaving the unknown in the care of God. For chapter after chapter, Job and his friends try out all the best explanations for suffering that their tradition has to offer. Every interpretation offered up by the counselors is promptly rejected by Job. None of their answers fits. He wants a word directly from God, an explanation that will either acquit him or bring out into the open God's indictment against him. When God finally speaks in chaps. 38-41, it is not what Job has anticipated at all. Job cannot get in a word to force his own agenda. God overwhelms him with a comparison between the power and wisdom of the Almighty on the one hand and the weakness and ignorance of human beings on the other. Human beings cannot even begin to comprehend the complex wonders of the created order, let alone the mysteries of human suffering. There is an enormous gap between what God knows and what people know. Humans should be content to be human, leaving to God those matters that are, and will always be (at least this side of the grave), beyond human comprehension. God's presence apparently gives Job the confidence to trust God with those things that he cannot find out for himself. His

relationship with God is now secure enough that he can live with unanswered questions. Permission to Lament: This final category is of a different sort than the others. Whether or not humans can find answers to their questions about suffering, they still need some ways to cope with the immediate experience. The biblical laments provide some help, not with the "why" questions, but with the "how" questions. How can one survive? How can one get through the long nights of pain, the months of loneliness without the loved one, the weeks and months when despair hangs like a heavy weight around one's neck? "How long, O Lord?" The laments (e.g., Psalms 3; 5; 10; 17; 38) provide a biblical resource that helps sufferers to keep praying to God even when they are angry with God, doubtful of God's good intentions, uncertain even where God might be found. They give them permission to express negative emotions without fear of reprisal from God. They remove the isolation, letting people know that others who have traveled this way before, even great heroes of the faith like David and Jeremiah, have had thoughts and feelings similar to their own. They are not the only ones who have ever lived who have felt like this. Perhaps they are not losing their minds or their faith. In modern culture, there is an enormous pressure to stifle lament, to take one's pain with a "stiff upper lip," to smile on the outside and conceal the pain on the inside. The response of biblical peoples to the suffering in their lives can be helpful to all who seek ways to deal with unpleasant thoughts and emotions that intrude into their existence in times of great trial. There is no single biblical answer, then, to human questions about suffering. Rather, several possibilities are explored and presented. Some answers will be helpful to those who search for understanding; some will not. Some will ring true at one time in a person's life, but not at another. There will be times when no solution is forthcoming and one can only pray for the faith that is able to turn unanswered questions over to God. Throughout one's pilgrimage of suffering, however, there is assurance from the biblical writers that God will hear the prayers of those who cry out for help and comfort (e.g., Pss. 65:2; 66:16-20; 102:1-2, 17; Mark 11:24; 2 Cor. 1:8-11; Phil. 1:19-20). See also Apocalyptic Literature; Demon; Devil; Evil; Job, The Book of; Prayer; Providence; Satan; Sin. Bibliography Crenshaw, James L., ed. Theodicy in the Old Testament. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983. Gerstenberger, E. S., and W. Schrage. Suffering. Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1980. Simundson, Daniel J. Faith Under Fire: Biblical Interpretations of Suffering. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg, 1980. D.J.S. Sukkoth (suhk'uhth). See Tabernacles, Festival of.

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S u m e r (soo'muhr), an ancient civilization situated in the alluvial plain between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers in the southern part of what is now Iraq. The Sumerians developed the first major civilization of the ancient Near East. Together with Akkad, its neighbor to the north, the country was later known as Babylonia. Major cities of Sumer included Ur (the birthplace of Abraham, Gen. 11:26-32), Uruk (biblical Erech), Lagash, Nippur, Shuruppak, Eridu, Kish, and Eshnunna. Archaeological excavation of these cities and others in the past century has yielded a wealth of information on the culture, history, literature, and religion of Sumer, providing important material for understanding the cultural context of the ancient Near East and the Hebrew Bible. The Sumerians were not the original inhabitants of the Tigris-Euphrates plain. They entered the plain approximately 3300 B.C., displacing the native population known to scholars as Ubayids. The Sumerians' original homeland is uncertain, although their non-Semitic, agglutinative language, like that of the Turkic peoples, suggests south-central Asia as a possibility. Originally, Sumer consisted of a number of city-states, each with its own protective god. Political power was held by the free citizens of the city and a governor, called ensi. But as the city-states vied with one another for power and as pressures from outside invaders increased, the institution of kingship (Sumerian lugal, "big man") emerged, whereby the ruler of one citystate dominated others. Kings: The first known king of Sumer is Etana of Kish (ca. 3000 B.C.). He is described as the "man who stabilized all the lands." His descendant, Enmebarragesi, built a temple in Nippur to Enlil, god of the air and chief of the Sumerian

pantheon. This established Nippur as the leading cultural and religious center of all Sumer. Kish eventually lost its power as the kings of Uruk, Lagash, and other cities established their hegemony over the region. Conflict among the city-states so weakened the country that by 2360 B.C., a Semitic king, Sargon I of Agade (biblical Akkad), was able to conquer Sumer. During the rule of the kings of Agade (2360-2180 B.C.), the region became known as Sumer-Akkad and Akkadian, the Semitic language of Akkad, began to replace the Sumerian language. Sargon's grandson, Naram-sin, plundered the temple of Enlil at Nippur. Later Sumerian writers saw Enlil's anger as the cause of an invasion by the Gutians, who overran Naram-sin's empire and destroyed Agade. After several generations, Sumer began to recover under the leadership of King Gudea of Lagash. After the last of the Gutians were overcome, Ur-nammu founded the third dynasty of Ur (2050-1950 B.C.), which saw a renaissance of Sumerian culture. The famed ziggurat of Ur, a stepped-pyramid structure with a temple dedicated to the moon god, Nanna-sin, was built during this period. The law code of Ur-nammu is the earliest law code known in history. Later invasion by Amorites and Elamites resulted in the destruction of Ur and the following centuries saw continuing struggle between the Sumerian city-states. Finally, around 1750 B.C., the Semitic king Hammurabi of Babylon defeated King Rin-sin of Larsa and became the sole ruler of SumerAkkad. This marks the end of Sumer and the beginning of Babylonia. Invention of Cuneiform Writing: Nevertheless, much of Sumerian culture continued to thrive in Babylonia. Perhaps the most important

Shamash, the Akkadian sun god, stepping through the mountains at dawn with rays springingfromhis shoulders; cylinder seal impression, ca. 2400 B.C.

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Sumerian contribution to civilization was the invention of cuneiform writing, a wedgeshaped script formed by pressing a reed stylus into wet clay tablets, which were later dried, baked, and stored in libraries. The Babylonians and other surrounding peoples adapted the cuneiform script to their own languages so that for centuries cuneiform was the dominant mode of writing in ancient Mesopotamia. Most Sumerian tablets contain economic and administrative records but others include mythology, history, hymns, wisdom texts, law, and much more. Of special interest to students of the Bible are the aforementioned law code of Ur-nammu, the Sumerian King List, the Flood Story of Ziusudra, the Paradise Myth of Enki and Ninhursag, early forms of the Gilgamesh Epic, and the Descent of Inanna to the Underworld. Sumerian religion included a large number of gods and goddesses identified with the forces of nature. Prominent among them were the four creating gods who controlled the major elements of the universe: An, the sky god; Ki, the earth goddess later known as Ninhursag; Enlil, the air god and chief of the Sumerian pantheon; and Enki, the god of water and wisdom. Other important deities included Nanna, the moon god; Utu, the sun god; and Utu's daughter Inanna, the evening star, known to the Babylonians as Ishtar. Inanna's husband was the vegetation god, Dumuzi (Babylonian Tammuz). Dumuzi was conceived as a dying and rising god. During the dry season when nothing grew, he was in the world of the dead. But in Sumerian mythology, Inanna rescues him for six months of the year during which time the rains come and the earth blooms. Their reunion was celebrated at the New Year Festival when the king and a priestess assumed the roles of Dumuzi and Inanna in a sexual sacred marriage rite, thus assuring continued fertility and prosperity for the coming year. See also Babylon; Mesopotamia. Bibliography Kramer, Samuel Noah. Sumerian Mythology. Rev. ed. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972. . The Sumerians: Their History, Culture, and Character. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963. Pritchard, James B. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. 3d ed. Princeton, M.A.S. NJ: Princeton University Press, 1969.

whole earth from its heavenly course (Ps. 19:6), marking all that occurred below as existence "under the sun" (Eccles. 1:3, 9). It traversed its course like a runner (Ps. 19:4-5), or as drawn by horses and chariot (2 Kings 23:11). It was resplendent as a bridegroom (Ps. 19:5), as enduring as the ages (Ps. 72:17). Surrounding peoples worshiped the sun (Babylonian Shamash; Egyptian Re, Aton) and place names like Bethshamesh (Heb., "House or Sanctuary of the Sun") attest such worship in pre-Israelite Canaan. Illicit sun worship was also found in Israel (2 Kings 23:5, 11; Ezek. 8:16). The sun's radiance and restorative power served as figures of God's eschatological reign (Mai. 4:2: "the sun . . . with healing in its wings"; Isa. 30:26; cf. Rev. 21:23), and divine intervention in history was signaled by miraculous changes in the sun's course or appearance (darkening, Isa. 13:10; Mark 13:24; premature setting, Amos 8:9; advance or retreat, Josh. 10:12; Isa. 38:7-8). P.A.B.

sun, the star around which the earth orbits. The sun was recognized in the Bible as a beneficent source of light and heat (Deut. 33:14) upon which all life depended, but its power to smite was also known and feared (Isa. 49:10; James 1:11). Created and appointed by God to "rule over the day" (Ps. 136:8), it marked the hours and seasons by its movements (Gen. 1:14-16), and it marked directions by its rising and setting (Isa. 45:6; Deut. 11:30). It surveyed the

superscription, title, what is written above or on something, providing concise information. 1 The traditional names ("The Gospel according to Matthew," etc.) of biblical books. 2 The KJV rendering (RSV: "inscription") for what is written on a coin (Matt. 22:20; Mark 12:16; Luke 20:24). 3 The words ("the King of the Jews") written on the sign placed by Pilate on the cross of Jesus; at John 19:19 this is called a "title," while at Luke 23:38 it is an "inscription" (KJV: "superscription"), at Matt. 27:37 a "charge" (KJV: "accusation"), and at Mark 15:26 an "inscription of the charge" (KJV: "superscription of his accusation"). See also Cross. A.J.H. Supper, the Lord's. See Lord's Supper, The; Sacraments. surety. See Loan. S u s a (soo'sah). See Shushan. S u s a n n a (soo-zan'uh). 1 The heroine of the deuterocanonical book who is falsely accused of adultery by two elders whose advances she refused. In the story she is successfully defended by a wise youth, Daniel. The story precedes the book of Daniel in the Septuagint and follows it in the Vulgate. 2 One of the group of women who traveled with Jesus and his disciples and provided for them (Luke 8:3). See also Apocrypha, Old Testament; Susanna (one of the Additions to Daniel). Susanna, one of the Additions to Daniel in the Greek translations of the Hebrew OT, found after chap. 12 in the Septuagint (LXX) version and at the beginning of Daniel in Theodotion. It was probably composed in Hebrew and appended to some manuscripts of the Hebrew-Aramaic ver-

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sion of Daniel sometime prior to 100 B.C. Susanna is the story of Daniel's rescue of a young and beautiful woman, condemned to death for adultery as a consequence of a plot by two magistrates to blackmail her into having intercourse with them. The story opens with the marriage of Susanna to Joakim, in whose house the local court sits (vv. 1-6). Two of the elders or magistrates of the court desire Susanna and look for an opportunity to find her alone (vv. 7-14). As she takes a bath in her garden, they hide and then give her the choice of submitting to them or having them accuse her falsely of adultery (w. 15-21). Susanna refuses their demands (vv. 2 2 - 2 3 ) . She is accused, tried, and condemned to death (vv. 24-41). In response to her prayer for help, God sends the youth Daniel to aid her (vv. 42-46). He interrogates the two elders separately, proving their guilt, and the court sentences them to death in Susanna's place (vv. 47-62). The story concludes with Susanna's parents and husband praising God and the note that this case first established Daniel's reputation among the Jewish people (w. 63-64). The story is a masterpiece of the art of Jewish narrative. Like Tobit, Judith, the Rest of Esther, and the stories in Daniel 1-6, it illustrates how God defends the righteous who call upon him. The difference in the case of Susanna is that the threat comes from within the Jewish community rather than from outside it. Susanna also reflects the isolation of upper-class Jewish women in postbiblical times through virtual confinement to the home and the use of the veil in public. Protestants include the book among the Apocrypha, while Catholics consider it part of the canonical text of Daniel. See also Apocrypha, Old Testament; Daniel, The Additions to; Women. D.W.S.

used twice; once as a simile to describe the sound of clamor from the sick Hezekiah (Isa. 38:14), and once as an example of habit in contrast to the fickleness of God's people (Jer. 8:7). F.R.M.

swaddling, the practice of wrapping newborn infants in strips of cloth to keep their limbs straight. Ezek. 16:4 indicates the procedure that was followed in the birth of a child: the umbilical cord was severed, the infant was washed and then rubbed with salt, and then it was wrapped in cloths. According to Luke 2:7, 12, Jesus was wrapped in swaddling cloths after his birth. The Hebrew word of which "swaddling" is the English translation could also denote cloths used in the binding of broken limbs (cf. Ezek. 30:21) and was sometimes used figuratively (cf. Job 38:9). See also Child, Children. J.M.E. swallow, a small bird of the family Hirundinidae. It is not certain that either of the two Hebrew words [deror, sis) translated "swallow" (RSV) represents the bird we know by that name. The first term [deror) appears twice in the OT; once in Ps. 84:3 along with a general term for "bird" to portray the peace and tranquility of the Jerusalem Temple, and once in Prov. 26:2 where it is used to compare an unfounded curse to the flight of a bird. The second term [sis) is likewise

Swan. See Water Hen.

swearing. See Oath. swine, or pig, a stout-bodied, short-legged omnivorous mammal, family Suidae. Swine are "unclean animals" in the OT, because they have cloven hooves but no ruminant stomach (Lev. 11:7; Deut. 14:8). The prohibition against the pig as a food animal for Jews is probably rooted in religious prohibitions against animals sacred to other peoples. The modern fear of a trichinosis infection, a parasitic and often lethal disease transmitted to humans by consumption of insufficiently cooked pork, is valid but unlikely to be the original reason for regarding swine as ritually unclean (Isa. 65:4; 66:3). The pig was domesticated in Neolithic times (ca. 9000-4500 B.C.) from the wild boar [Sus scrofa), which still roams the Jordan Valley and the Jordanian highlands in great numbers today. Pigs were useful animals, because they converted all kinds of otherwise unusable food, such as leftovers, rodents, acorns, and roots, into meat. But they also required careful herding to keep them away from cultivated areas. The low estate to which the prodigal son fell is signified by his occupation as a swineherd (Luke 15:15, 16). Pigs also figure in the story in Matt. 8:28-34, where Jesus heals two men by allowing their demons to occupy a herd of swine that then rushes headlong into the Gadarene Lake. The proverbial foolishness of "casting pearls before swine" has its origin in Matt. 7:6, while the saying "like a gold ring in a swine's I.U.K. snout" stems from Prov. 11:22. sword, a close-range weapon composed of a metal blade, which was usually bronze or iron in the biblical period, and a wood or bone handle (Judg. 3:22). The sword is distinguished from the dagger on the basis of length; the former designation is normally applied to weapons that are over one foot long. Depending upon its function (i.e., slashing or stabbing), the blade was single- or double-edged (Judg. 3:16; Ps. 149:6), curved or straight, pointed or blunt. Since swords were so common in the ancient world, the biblical writers provided few descriptive details about these weapons. Fortunately, archaeologists have recovered many swords and daggers from virtually every period of antiquity; this makes it possible for readers of the Bible to obtain some understanding of the weapons mentioned in particular biblical episodes. Between the third millennium B.C. and the Greco-Roman period (333 B.C.-A.D. 324), the sword evolved through a variety of shapes,

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lengths, and levels of durability. The earliest swords were made of bronze and averaged only about 10 inches in length; blades were doubleedged, straight, and pointed. While this daggerlike weapon was used primarily for stabbing, the longer sickle-sword was made for slashing. Through the centuries, numerous changes were made in blade production and in the method of attaching the blade to its hilt, but the major change in the development of swords took place when iron-working became widespread. Archaeological and biblical evidence points to the Philistines' early monopoly on the military use of this superior metal (1 Sam. 13:19-22). With the arrival of the Iron Age ca. 1200 B.C., the straight, long sword was developed as a formidable weapon for the first time in history. Since iron possesses greater hardness and strength than bronze, iron was ideal for the forging of longer blades and more durable cutting edges. The double-edged, pointed sword reached a length of 30 inches, and this weapon was strong enough for thrusting and slashing. Although the long sword was improved and used throughout the Mediterranean region until relatively modern times, Greek and Roman soldiers also used shorter swords. The typical sword of Roman soldiers in NT times was the gladius, a lightweight, well-balanced weapon with a blade about 2 feet long (see Eph. 6:17: "sword of the Spirit," Lat. spiritus gladius). Between the first biblical reference to the sword, the mysterious "flaming sword" in Gen. 3:24, and the final mention of this weapon, the sword of judgment in Rev. 19:21, the term "sword" appears in the Bible well over four hundred times, making the sword the most frequently mentioned weapon in Scripture. References to swords occur in accounts from every biblical period. Most passages refer to the literal weapon of war, but the sword also symbolizes aggression (Jer. 2:30; Matt. 26:52), disharmony (2 Sam. 2:26; Matt. 10:34), deceit (Ps. 55:21), divine assistance (Ezek. 30:21-25), God's word (Eph. 6:17; Heb. 4:12), and divine wrath (Isa. 34:5-6; Jer. 50:35-37; Ezek. 21:9-20; Hos. 11:6). Since the sword was normally kept in a sheath (1 Sam. 17:51), the drawn sword signified war (Judg. 8:10). The prophets allude to the drawn and sheathed sword to symbolize the threat of God's judgment (Jer. 47:6; Ezek. 21:3-5,

28-30). Highly figurative are the book of Revelation's references to the sword of judgment that protrudes from the Lord's mouth, a probable reference to the power of his words of judgment (1:16; 2:12,16; 19:15, 21). Above all of this military terminology stands the hope that an age of peace will eventually eliminate the need for swords (Isa. 2:4; Mic. 4:3; see Joel 3:10, where this situation is reversed). See also Soldier; War; Weapons. G.L.M.

Curved sword from the excavations at Byblos, eighteenth century B.C.

s y c a m i n e (sik'uh-meen), a tree used in an example by Jesus (Luke 17:6). Most authorities believe it to be black mulberry.

Sycamine (black mulberry).

sycamore [Ficus sycomorus), the biblical sycamore, or mulberry fig, that thrives in warm lowland areas of the Holy Land, a tree not to be confused with the sycamore of more temperate regions. Although its fruit is smaller than and not as tasty as that of the regular fig, it is a popular food, especially for the desert bedouins, who often pause in the shade of its low, spreading branches. The wood, though soft and porous, is quite durable and is therefore often used in the manufacture of furniture and for the construction of buildings (1 Kings 10:27; 1 Chron. 27:28; Isa. 9:10; Amos 7:14; Luke 19:4). P.L.C. S y c h a r (silcahr), according to John 4:5, a village in Samaria where Jesus spoke with the Samaritan women (John 4:5-42). John 4:5 locates the village near a field reputedly given by

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Jacob to his son Joseph, with a well still active in Jesus' time (4:6). The actual site of the village is disputed, most scholars holding for Tel Balata, ancient Shechem (Lat. and Gk., "Sychem"; cf. Acts 7:16), but some for the nearby village of Askar. Both are near what is called today "Jacob's Well," some thirty miles due north of Jerusalem. The solution depends in part on the accuracy of the site of Jacob's Well. See also Jacob; Jacob's Well; Joseph; Samaria, District of; Samaritans. C.H.M. S y c h e m (sj"kuhm). See Shechem. S y e n e (si-ee'nee; KJV: "Seveneh"), a town on the east bank of the Nile just north of the First Cataract. Called Swn (modern Aswan) by the Egyptians, it was at the southern border of Egypt; Ezekiel's pronouncement on the forthcoming fate of all Egypt at the hands of the Babylonians speaks of "from Migdol to Syene" (Ezek. 29:10; 30:6). On the island of Elephantine (Heb. Yeb), across from Syene, there was a late sixth- and fifth-century B.C. military colony in the service of the Persians. The Elephantine Papyri, several groups of Aramaic documents found on the island, show that this colony included many Jews, who had their own temple to God, were permitted to celebrate the Passover festival, and lived both on the island and in Syene. See also Passover, The; Temples. J.M.W. symbol, a term derived from the Greek noun symbolon, meaning "token," "insignia," or means by which one party (e.g., an ally or partner) identifies another. The noun comes from a verb meaning "to put together" or "to compare." One thing, usually concrete and specific, represents or stands for something else, usually abstract and generalized. Although the word is not found in either the OT or the NT, symbolic words, objects, or actions are common throughout the Bible. Biblical symbolism (in the phrase of Paul Tillich) "opens up reality and opens up the soul." The symbol provides a place where spiritual and material come together. It arouses an awareness of God and God's will or purpose. For example, the law, the land, the covenant, and the Temple are symbols of God's electing grace. They are things present and visible that represent things transcendent or invisible, namely, God's electing grace and Israel's response of obedience. The symbol thus also opens depths within our own being. The inherent power of the commandment "You shall be holy, for I the LORD your God am holy" (Lev. 19:2) is that human beings, created in God's image and likeness, are the supreme symbol of God in the Bible. In the NT, the sense of the human as symbol of God reaches its culmination in John 1:14. Jesus, the divine Word incarnate, is the central symbol for NT faith. He is the one in

Loaves of bread and afish,which were symbolic in early Christian art of the Eucharist; wall painting from the catacomb of St. Callixtus, Rome. whose human life God is present and revealed. Natural Symbols of God's Power and Grace: Heaven and earth "proclaim God's handiwork." They reveal the splendor and power of God (Job 38:4-41; Pss. 19:1; 65:5-8; 103:19; 104:1-4). Since all that God has made is good (Gen. 1:31), living things and even inanimate matter can reveal the covenant relationship with the Creator. The relation between Israel and Yahweh finds expression in the love between bride and bridegroom (Ps. 45; Isa. 61:10). The fig tree and the vine (Jer. 24:1-8, cf. Luke 13:6; Isa. 5:1-7) symbolize Israel; wine in plenty, the abundance of the messianic age (Amos 9:12; Joel 3:18). The covenant manifested in the "bow in the cloud" (Gen. 9:8-17) stands as a reminder of God's promise not to destroy the natural order. It is therefore also a reminder of the grace and mercy of the Creator toward all living creatures. Oil, a natural product, is in both the OT and NT a symbol of the honor shown to a guest (Ps. 23:5; Luke 7:38, 46), of joy (Isa. 61:3), or respect for the dead (Mark 16:1). Natural Symbols of Sin and Estrangement from God: Heaven and earth also provide symbols of human sin and the need for divine redemption. The Synoptics (Mark 13:24-25; Matt. 24:29; Luke 21:25) use the traditional terminology of Jewish apocalyptic (e.g., Isa. 13:10; 34:4; Ezek. 32:7) to symbolize political upheaval and the end of the world. The darkness of night conveys terror (Ps. 91:5), threat of murder (Neh. 6:10), and national or personal evil or iniquity (Isa. 9:2; cf. 8:22; 60:2; John 11:10, cf. 9:4). Nicodemus came to Jesus by night (John 3:2). The later reference in the Fourth Gospel to night (19:29) suggests that the earlier reference is more than casual. To be estranged from God is to be "in darkness" (1 Thess. 5:5-7) and far from salvation (Rom. 13:12). In the new Jerusalem this eschatological darkness is past, for the glory of God is its light (Rev. 21:23-24), "and there will be no more night" (22:5). Other natural symbols include fire as a mark of divine judgment (Gen. 19:24; Exod. 9:24; but cf. Gen. 15:17 and Lev. 9:23-24, where it denotes the divine acceptance of the sacrifice).

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Water in the Noah tradition (Gen. 7:11-12) is no longer the source of created life (Gen. 1:9) but the mark of divine judgment (Gen. 7:4). This symbolism of sin and death underlies such NT references to baptism as Rom. 6:3-4; Col. 2:12; and 1 Pet. 3:18-21. In 1 Cor. 10:1-2 Paul sees baptism as symbolized by the passage through the Red Sea. James compares the evil spoken by the tongue to bitter water (James 3:11). In contrast, the absence of sap or water (as in the dried-up fig tree) is a sign of faithlessness or failure to be fruitful in obedience to God or Jesus Christ (Mark 11:20-21; Matt. 21:9-10). God's Revelation in Event and Word: Revelation in the OT is supremely God's selfdisclosure in the mode of word or speech. Only through such revelation can the gulf created by human sin be bridged. Since it expresses the reality of God—a reality that is not otherwise directly knowable—the word that comes to the prophets unveiling God's character or call (e.g., Isa. 1:2; Ezek. 1:3; Mic. 1:1) is the supreme symbol of God's self-disclosure. This word denotes God's will, presence, wisdom, or power to create, renew, or heal (1 Sam. 15:10; Ps. 119:105; Isa. 55:11; Jer. 37:17; Ps. 33:6; Ezek. 37:4; Ps. 107:20). The God so revealed is described throughout the OT as King, Lord, and so on, but imagery of childbearing and nurture is also frequent (Num. 11:12; Hos. 11:1, 3, 4, 8; Jer. 31:20; Isa. 42:14; 46:3-4; 49:14-15; 66:12-13; Pss. 22:9; 131:1-2). For Israel, the Teaching or Torah, revealed to Moses and the Jewish people, was the sum of Israel's religious doctrine and the foundation of its existence. In preparing the people for the revelation and reconciliation symbolized by the events in Exodus 19-24 (culminating in the

sealing of the covenant in blood), Moses instructed them to wash themselves (Exod. 19:10-11). Earlier, the mysterious fire in the bush presaged a revelation and commission from God (Exod. 3:1-6); the pillars of cloud and fire that accompanied the people on their journey (Exod. 13:21-22) testified to the watchful presence of God. Now, on Sinai, the cloud (Exod. 16:10) betokened the divine light or glory. Two symbols chiefly identified with the covenant are the Sabbath (Exod. 20:8-11; 23:12; Deut. 5:12-15), with its religious worship and ethical instruction, and circumcision. The life of Israel depended on keeping the Sabbath (Jer. 17:24-27; Ezek. 20:19-20; 44:24). The Sabbath was to be a day of rest, for God had rested on the seventh day and sanctified it (Gen. 2:1-3). In the Deuteronomic code, the Israelites were to remember the Sabbath by refraining from oppressing subject peoples, since they themselves had once been slaves (Deut. 5:12-15). In the P tradition, circumcision was the sign of the covenant made with Abraham (Gen. 17:1-14). It is a mark or token of initiation into the covenant community, as, in contrast, to be uncircumcised is to be outside that community (Ezek. 28:10; 31:18; 32:19). Jeremiah deepens the symbolism by calling for a circumcision of the heart (Jer. 4:4). The Feast of the Passover symbolized different events connected with the Exodus. Each subsequent commemoration of the Passover was a reliving of the original experience in a symbolic manner. The eating of unleavened bread, for example, was a reminder that there had been too little time to obtain sufficient food for the journey (Exod. 12:33-34, 39). Later additions (such as placing a roasted shankbone at the seder table, for example) were linked to the symbolism of redemption from evil. Symbolic Actions, Persons, Names, Places, Numbers, Objects, Colors, and Handedness: The prophets often conveyed a message in such enacted parables as Isaiah's walking barefoot and naked (Isa. 20), the spoiled waistcloth of Jeremiah (Jer. 13:1-11), and Hosea's experience through his marriage of God's displeasure with Israel's corrupt and syncretistic worship. For other symbolic acts, see also 1 Kings 11:29-30; 1 Sam. 15:27-28; Isa. 20:1-5; Jer. 19:1-11; 27:1-7; 28:10-11; 32:6-8; Ezek. 4:1-3; 24:15-18; Hos. 1-3. Clothing is often a symbol of the transient (Isa. 50:9; 51:6, 8). Tearing clothes is a mark of sorrow (Judg. 11:35) or anger (2 Kings 5:7). Paul expresses the inward transformation of the believer or of the believer's participation in Christ's death and resurrection as putting on new clothing (2 Cor. 5:2; Gal. 3:27; Col. 3:10; cf. 1 Cor. 15:53; Rev. 3:5). The giving of a name is frequently associated with the honor or character of its bearer or with good or painful events surrounding the bearer's birth. The names of Hosea's children ("Not pitied" and "Not my people," Hos. 1:6, 9) ex-

Menorah, shophar, and other traditional Jewish sacred objects; third-century pottery sherdfromBeit Natif.

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press God's condemnation of the house of Israel. Isaiah gave his son the name Shearjashub ("A remnant shall return") to signify the return of the remnant to carry on the history of Israel (Isa. 7:3). A new name often implies a change in a person's character or circumstance, for instance, for Abram (Gen. 17:1-8) or Jacob (Gen. 32:24-28). In the NT, Jesus' name is significant, since it points to his work of salvation (Matt. 1:21) and expresses the content of his mission (Acts 4:12). Egypt, the land of the Jews' captivity, becomes in the Prophets a symbol of spiritual bondage (throughout Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel; cf. Mie. 7:15; Hos. 8:13; 9:3). In Stephen's sermon (Acts 7:1-53) the deliverance from Egypt illustrated God's saving power (cf. Acts 13:17). Elsewhere Egypt denotes the unfaithfulness to God of the ancestors (Acts 7:39; Heb. 8:9; Jude 5) or the place of death (Rev. 11:8). Other place-names are symbolic of rebellion against God (e.g., Babel, Gen. 11:1-9) or of religious deviance (e.g., Samaria, Mic. 1:6-7). In contrast, Canaan symbolized the land of the covenant because its cities and people were God's heritage (2 Sam. 10:12; 21:3); above all this was true of Jerusalem, the place of the Temple and God's dwelling place (Ps. 48:1-3; cf. Ps. 84). Certain numbers have particular associations in the OT, the number one often suggesting wholeness or indivisibility (Deut. 6:4, marg.). Three is prominent in the Gospels (Matt. 12:40; 26:61; 27:40, 63; Mark 8:31; 14:58; 15:29; Luke 11:5; John 2:19-20). Four (Ezek. 10:21; Acts 11:5), seven (esp. in Revelation, see Rev. 1:4; 2:1; 4:5; 5:6; 8:2, etc.), ten, one hundred, and one thousand (all frequent) indicate completeness or fullness of some kind. Forty is a moderate round number (as in Gen. 7:12; Matt 4:2). Sacred objects such as amulets, made of various materials, were worn for protection against evil or for blessing. In the form of a capsule, they were at times fixed to a doorpost (Deut. 6:8-9). The color white symbolized purity (Ps. 51:7; Isa. 1:18; Dan. 11:35, marg.). In the transfiguration account of the white garments of Jesus (Matt. 17:2; Mark 9:3; Luke 9:29) and the appearance of the angels at the tomb (Matt. 28:3; Mark 16:5; Luke 24:4), the color white suggests the dawn of the resurrection (cf. Rev. 1:14). Black, in contrast, indicates death or mourning (Job 30:30; Isa. 13:10; 50:3; Jer. 4:28; Rev. 6:5 may refer to famine); and red, guilt, bloodshed, or warfare (Isa. 1:18; Nah. 23:3; Zech. 6:2; Rev. 6:4; 12:3). Blue is associated with sacred places or vestments (Exod. 26-28). Handedness also has symbolic significance. God brought Israel out of Egypt with a mighty hand (Gen. 32:11; cf. 2 Chron. 20:6; Ps. 89:21), a symbol of divine omnipotence and protection. Striking the hands together is a sign of anger (Num. 24:10); spreading out the hands, prayerful supplication (2 Chron. 6:12); clapping the

hands, joy (Ps. 47:1); placing them on the head, sorrow (Jer. 2:37). To put one's right hand on another's head is a way of blessing (Gen. 48:18). The use of hands in the ritual sacrifice of the Day of Atonement (Lev. 16:14-16) symbolizes the transfer of guilt to the scapegoat. To lay hands on someone can mean to hand over authority (Num. 27:15-19; Deut. 34:9). In the NT, laying on of hands is a gesture of blessing (Matt. 19:13,15) or healing (Matt. 9:18; Mark 5:23; 6:5; 7:32; 8:23; Luke 13:13; Acts 28:8). In the context of baptism (Acts 8:17-19; 9:17; 19:6), it implies a bestowal of the Spirit. It is also used of commissioning or ordaining for a service (Acts 6:6; 13:3; 1 Tim. 4:14; 2 Tim. 1:6). Sacred Symbols: From the time of the entry into Canaan, holy places commemorated events associated with ancestors, kings, or heroes; for example, Bethel (Gen. 12:8) or Dan (1 Kings 12:26-31). The significance of such sacred places diminished when the Temple became the one holy place for the Hebrews. While evidence varies from the pre- to the postexilic period, the symbolism of the Temple and its furnishings generally remains constant. In the Temple erected by Solomon, the idea of a portable sanctuary had not been wholly lost, even though the God of Israel had acquired a fixed dwelling place. Two cherubim covered the Ark in the Holy of Holies. They appear to have carried a throne, the earthly site of the shekinah or glory of the Lord, as the following passages suggest: 1 Sam. 4:4; 2 Sam. 6:2; Pss. 80:1; 99:1; Ezek. 43:6-7; 9:3; 10:19. The ephod or priestly garment and the breastplate (Exod. 28-29) symbolized the spiritual dignity of the priest. The robe of the high priest, adorned with pomegranates and bells, the turban with its inscription "Holy to the LORD" (Exod. 28:36-38), and all the sanctuary furnishings were sacrosanct: altar, utensils, and incense (Exod. 29:37; 30:10, 27-29, 34-38). Kneeling as an attitude of prayer (1 Kings 8:54; Ps. 95:6) is symbolic of reverence or humility (2 Kings 1:13), just as standing (Ps. 33:8; Ezek. 2:1) expresses awe or attentiveness. God's Revelation in Jesus Christ: Salvation in the NT is understood in terms of an essentially new event and word. The divine Word [logos) "became flesh" (John 1:14). The divine glory in all its fullness dwells in Jesus Christ (Col. 1:19). When the Word of God became flesh, he made the image of God visible. He is truly God, not a symbol of God. He is also truly human, and not merely a symbol of true humanity, for he assumed the form of those who bear God's image. He entered the very creation that is subject to sin and death, to renew it through his own death and resurrection (Phil. 2:6-11). Paul summarizes the content of his preaching as "the message [logos) about the cross" (1 Cor. 1:18). This shows the inherent power of a new symbol to denote the salvation that was central to the church's proclamation. The cross is a typical NT

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symbol of the sufferings and death of Christ (1 Cor. 1:17-18; cf. 2:1-2; Gal. 3:1} and of the believer's self-renunciation in order to follow Christ (Mark 8:34; Matt. 16:24; Luke 9:23). The Letter to the Hebrews gives prominence to the idea of perfection (Heb. 7:11; cf. 6:1), that is, Christ's perfection or fulfillment of the symbols of the former economy of grace. These foreshadowed the revelation given in Christ. All these, however, now yield place to the one who is the reflection of God's glory and is the exact imprint of God's very being (Heb. 1:1-3). Christ is the mediator of a better covenant, meaning that his sacrificial death replaced the covenant of Sinai (Heb. 8:6-7; 9:15; 12:24). The new covenant is better because in it the eternal world has become actual (Heb. 13:20-21). The Parables: The special significance of the parables is that they symbolize in their own way the character of God's reign, the eschatological nature of Jesus' preaching, and the seriousness of his call to decision for God and God's salvation (see esp. the so-called kingdom of heaven parables, Matt. 13:44, 45, 47; 18:23; 20:1; 22:2; 25:1, with their characteristic introduction, "The kingdom of heaven is like . . ."). Mark 4:10-12 expresses the ambiguity and openness to misunderstanding inherent in the parables, an ambiguity they have in common with symbols. For those with ears to hear, the parables have done their work in revealing the secret of God's reign. Others do not perceive its presence in Jesus. "Signs" in John's Gospel: In John's Gospel, the miracles of Jesus are distinct from the "signs and wonders" that many sought in the Hellenistic world. They are distinct no less from the miracles of the synoptic Gospels. John frequently uses the Greek word usually translated "sign" (John 2:11, 18, 23; 3:2; 4:48, 54; 6:2, 14, 26, 30; 7:31; 9:16; 10:41; 11:47; 12:18, 37; 20:30). The translation "characteristic" or "distinguishing mark" is also possible, since the miracles in John point to the messianic age that Jesus announces in his preaching. In John, Jesus' signs are typically followed by or associated with a teaching related to them: the feeding of the large crowd and the discourse on the bread of life (John 6); the healing of the blind man and the teaching about Jesus as the light of the world (John 8-9); and the raising of Lazarus and the "I am" saying about Jesus as the resurrection and the life (John 11). Many come to faith by means of the signs. For those who believe, they are proof of his glory, the glory that shines supremely in his death and resurrection, the greatest of his signs (John 12:31-33 and 18:32 both use the Greek verb meaning "to show by a sign"; cf. also 20:30-31). Ecclesial Symbols: In his preaching and ministry, Jesus laid the foundation of the church of the post-Easter period. Since his followers saw themselves as the true Israel, the NT language about the church uses much of the religious

and cultic language of the OT. The church is "a chosen race, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, God's own people" (1 Pet. 2:9), all phrases derived from Exod. 19:6. The early church also had its own distinctive ecclesial forms. Baptism, the universal symbol of incorporation into the church (as distinct from circumcision), symbolized dying to sin and rising to newness of life (Rom. 6:3-6; Col. 2:12) through the physical actions of descent into the water, immersion, and ascent from the water. The evidently simple rite of Romans and Colossians becomes in the later classical rites of baptism a complex symbolic ceremony, involving sight, sound, and movement. The Lord's Supper, as a visible sign of the death of Christ, is a remembrance of Jesus' last supper with the disciples (and other meals in his ministry), a participation or communion in his risen life (1 Cor. 10:16) and a foretaste or pledge of his completed work of salvation. The fourfold action of the Eucharist—taking bread, blessing, breaking, and giving—also becomes in later liturgical practice a highly developed and stylized ceremony. Revelation (or the Apocalypse): The symbolism of the book of Revelation, unique in Christian apocalyptic literature, is largely drawn from OT sources, particularly Daniel. The message essentially is that the hope of the church rests on the certainty of God's salvation in Christ, despite the apparently overpowering supremacy of Satan. The symbolism of Revelation includes various spirits, angels, battles, cities, bizarre creatures, human figures, and numbers. Among these are the symbolic number of the beast, 666 (Rev. 13:18) and the four horsemen (Rev. 6:1-8). See also Amulet; Ark; Baptism; Breastpiece; Cherub; Circumcision; Covenant; Ephod; Fire; Hand; Kingdom of God; Logos; Lord's Supper, the; Names; Numbers; Parables; Passover, The; Prophet; Rainbow; Revelation to John, The; Sabbath; Shekinah; Sign; Tabernacle; Temple, The; Torah; Word. Bibliography Eliade, M. Images and Symbols: Studies in Religious Symbolism. New York: Sheed and Ward, 1969. Johnson, F. E., ed. Religious Symbolism. New York and London: Harper & Row, 1955. J.A.R.M. Symeon (sim'ee-uhn). See Simeon. synagogue (sin'uh-gog), a Greek word meaning a "gathering of things" or an "assembly of people." The Jewish synagogue is both a congregation of Jews who pray, read Scripture, and hear teaching and exhortation based on Scripture and the place where the congregation assembles. As the synagogue developed in rabbinic Judaism, it also became a place for study of the Bible, its commentaries, and Talmudic materials. The origin of the synagogue is

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obscure, but it certainly existed by the first century A.D. in both Palestine and the Diaspora. First-century A.D. synagogues in Palestine are attested by the Gospels. Jesus preached and discussed with Jewish leaders and congregations in synagogues (e.g., Matt. 4:23; 9:25; Mark 1:21; 3:1-6; Luke 4:16-28; 13:10). The synagogue was a place of prayer, reading of Scripture, preaching, and teaching. It is uncertain whether the many references to synagogues in the Gospels reflect the situation during Jesus' lifetime or the period after the destruction of the Temple (A.D. 70) when the Gospels were finally written. Josephus, the Jewish historian of the late first century, speaks of a few synagogues in the north of the Holy Land. Synagogues were certainly common in the Diaspora. Philo, the first-century Egyptian Jewish writer, attests to the presence of numerous synagogues in Alexandria. Inscriptions found at various places in the Roman Empire show that Jewish congregations were found in many places. Acts portrays Paul as teaching in synagogues wherever he goes (e.g., Acts 18:4; 19:8). Origin: The origin of the synagogue remains unknown, but the question has produced a number of theories. Many have suggested that the synagogue arose in the Babylonian exile as a response to the loss of the Temple as the center of Jewish religious life. Though the suggestion is reasonable, no direct evidence exists for its presence and the biblical passages cited (Ezek. 11:16; 14:1) are far from convincing. In addition, no mention of the synagogue is made in Ezra and Nehemiah, nor is any destruction of synagogues mentioned during the Maccabean revolt. The public reading of Torah is described in Nehemiah 8 and mentioned in 1 Mace. 3:48, but these assemblies are extraordinary public gatherings; we do not know whether these practices were regularly done. Some scholars suggest that the Hellenistic crisis during the second century B.C., in which there was a conflict among Jews over acculturation and fidelity to tradition, produced the synagogue as a mode of resistance to Hellenism, i.e., Greek culture and custom. Since the synagogue existed in developed form in the first century A.D., it is likely that it came into being in the two centuries preceding, but no direct evidence for it then exists. In the Diaspora, some Egyptian inscriptions from the third and second centuries B.C. mention a "place of prayer" (Gk. proseuchê), but we do not know what went on in the houses of prayer and it is not certain that these refer to synagogues. A building has been found on the island of Delos in the Aegean Sea that has been identified as a Jewish synagogue, but the building has no clear Jewish symbols or characteristics to identify it unambiguously as a synagogue. It is likely that Jews often met in a large room in a house. A building set aside for special religious purposes had to await a certain level of mate-

rial prosperity and community development. In only four recently dug sites in Palestine have rooms or buildings been identified as synagogues: Masada, Herodium, Magdala (Migdal, Tarichaeae), and Gamala. The results of these excavations are preliminary and the identifications are not certain in all cases, especially for Masada and Herodium. Existing structures were transformed into assembly halls, but that they were specifically synagogues is not certain. In all cases the buildings or rooms are relatively small and unadorned and vary greatly in plan. Physical Structure: Buildings that can be clearly identified as synagogues become plentiful both in Palestine and the Diaspora during the third century A.D. This is consistent with the development of rabbinic Judaism, which gradually asserted control over Judaism after the Temple was destroyed in A.D. 70 and which stressed synagogue- and school-centered prayer and study. Synagogue buildings were often decorated with mosaics and reliefs and were built in three styles, the basilica, the broadhouse, and the apsidal. The basilica was borrowed from Greco-Roman architecture and often had the entrance facing Jerusalem. The inside was rectangular and divided lengthwise by two rows of columns into nave and two side aisles. When the congregation faced Jerusalem to pray, they had to face the entrance; consequently a permanent Torah shrine, where the scrolls of Scripture were kept, and a bema (Gk., "platform"; a raised platform where the leaders of the congregation stood or sat) were difficult to establish. Contemporaneously the broadhouse design developed, in which one of the long walls of the rectangle faced Jerusalem and so a permanent Torah shrine and bema were possible. Later the apsidal synagogue developed, in which the entrance was on the side away from Jerusalem and the side facing Jerusalem had an apse (a large semicircular niche) for the Torah shrine and bema. Synagogues in the Diaspora followed similar designs, though sometimes Jews took over buildings built earlier and adapted them to their purposes. In all cases, the floor plan, orientation, and architecture varied considerably. Some Diaspora synagogues are notable for their size or beauty, e.g., the ones in Sardis in Turkey, Dura in Syria, Stobi in Macedonia, and Ostia in Italy. Function: The function of the synagogue, how the congregation was organized, and what went on in the synagogue can only be surmised. In Palestine before the destruction of the Temple the synagogue would have been one of many indigenous organizations in Jewish villages and cities. People may have met to read Scripture and pray either in a house or outside, without any elaborate organization. In the Diaspora where Jews were a minority in the cities they inhabited, the synagogue probably functioned as the center of the community and its leaders

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may have been community leaders recognized by the civil authorities. Synagogues were used to teach the young, to house visitors, and for communal meals. Liturgy: The versions of Jewish prayers that have been transmitted in the tradition show that the synagogue liturgy did not have a fixed text but varied both in content and wording over time and from place to place. It is certain that Scripture was read, though probably not according to the later three-year and one-year fixed cycles of readings. Primacy was given to the Pentateuch, but readings from the Prophets were also included. The existence of many Targums (translation of the Hebrew Bible into the vernacular, Aramaic) and versions of the Septuagint (the Greek translation of the Bible) testifies to the importance of understanding the ancient text. Philo, Josephus, and the NT show that the Bible was interpreted to the people in the synagogues. It is also likely that the two most important prayers in Judaism were in use, though not according to a fixed text. The first is the Shema, consisting of three biblical passages (Deut. 6:4-9; 11:13-21; Num. 15:37-41) with attendant blessings. The second is the "Prayer," also called the Amidah or Eighteen Benedictions. This series of blessings has varied in text and number over time, but it is treated as very old in rabbinic tradition. See also Prayer. Bibliography Levine, Lee I., ed. Ancient Synagogues Revealed. Detroit, MI, and Jerusalem: Wayne State University, Israel Exploration Society, 1982. A.J.S.

Baal, the young god of the storm, mighty in war. Paucity of comparative evidence, however, makes it difficult to judge the exact extent of borrowing and transformation especially where institutions are concerned. Some elements of Israelite religion are not attested in comparable literature; these elements seem rather to be derived from the uniquely biblical affirmation that Yahweh alone is God. Belief in one God meant that Yahweh had no consort and did not therefore create by sexual generation. It implied further than no statue could represent him to the worshiper since the prohibition against statues in the first commandment is part of the command to worship Yahweh alone. The conventional ancient depiction of the gods, the divine assembly, is in the Bible shadowy and utterly subservient to the Most High. Monotheistic faith informs the peculiarly Israelite phenomenon of prophecy; the prophets speak in the conviction that the people's conduct affects the entire course of history because all that happens on earth is in the hands of one God. Other biblical themes are related to the distinctively biblical confession: the extraordinary interest in world history as revelatory of the one God, the avoidance of conventional narrative about the gods acting in heaven, and the emphasis upon divine and human justice. Though syncretism in the gradual sense noted above was always operative in Israel's history, the Bible sees certain periods as critical with regard to foreign influence. We prescind here from the popular narratives in Genesis about Israel's beginnings in which the ancestors are always different from the nations in the person of "the Canaanites," the local king, and Pharaoh. The conquest of Canaan, generally dated to the thirteenth century B.C., is accompanied in Deuteronomy, Joshua, and Judges by warnings not to intermarry with the Canaanites or to follow their ways. The reign of Solomon in the tenth century was a time of subversion of Israelite values by foreign wives (1 Kings 3-11). The ninth century in Israel and the early seventh in Judah were both periods of apostasy, to judge from the abundant literary record of apostasies for these periods. In the sixth century B.C., largely as the result of the Exile, the Jewish community defined itself against an alien environment through written Scripture and specific practices. These strong measures helped the Jewish community clearly to differentiate itself from its neighbors in the postexilic period. The next crisis of which there is record was the hellenization of many Jews in the wake of Alexander's conquest of the East in the late fourth century. The book of Daniel in the second century vehemently defends the ancient tradition against the new ways. In the first century A.D., Christianity developed from Judaism, a development that was caused not by the influence of foreign ideas

syncretism, either a conscious combining of two or more religions over a short period of time, or a process of absorption by one religion of elements of another over a long period of time. In both types the absorbed elements are usually transformed and given new meaning by the fresh context. The borrowed item may remain outwardly the same but its new context signifies something quite new. The religion of Israel as it emerged and developed in the late second and first millennia B.C. constantly reacted to the religions of the West Semitic ("Canaanite") world in which it lived. The Bible itself acknowledges the impact of neighboring religions through its constant polemic against some of their aspects and through its reinterpretation of other aspects. What is known about Canaanite religion (directly from the Ugaritic tablets of the late second millennium and indirectly from the Bible) and about the other religions of the ancient Near East suggests that Israel did its heaviest borrowing in its worship and legal systems, in its royal ceremonial, and in its wisdom literature. The portrayals of deities in the religion attested in the Ugaritic tablets influenced the depiction of Yahweh. The God of Israel combines traits of the prominent Canaanite god, El, the ancient patriarch who lives in a tent, and of

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upon the Jewish community but by an emphasis given by some Jews to the belief in Jesus as the Messiah, a belief interpreted in light of the apocalyptic tradition that already existed within early Judaism. Neither Judaism nor Christianity can therefore be adequately explained as purely syncretistic phenomena. R.J.C.

issues were examined with the tools of historical and literary methods. During the nineteenth century, almost every conceivable solution was proposed and tested, with only a few remaining as live options. Today, most scholars consider some form of the Two-Source Hypothesis to be the most adequate solution: Mark was the earliest Gospel and was used independently by Matthew and Luke. Matthew and Luke also used another source (no longer extant), known as "Q," consisting mostly of sayings of Jesus. In addition, both Matthew and Luke incorporated traditions preserved only by themselves ("M" and "L," respectively), usually regarded as complexes of tradition rather than unified documents. Alternative solutions to the Synoptic Problem are held by a minority of scholars: (1) the priority of Mark but without positing a Q, so that the double tradition is accounted for by Luke's use of Matthew (Austin Farrer and Michael Goulder); (2) the priority of Matthew, with Luke dependent on Matthew, and Mark written last as a conflation of Matthew and Luke (Griesbach or Two-Gospel Hypothesis); or (3) a complex elaboration of the Two-Source Hypothesis involving multiple editions and levels of interrelationship (M.-E. Boismard). As with all historical issues, the Synoptic Problem cannot be definitively solved but remains a matter of probabilities. Its significance for historical interpretation lies in the importance of determining the dating, chronology, and interrelationships of our sources for the study of the life of Jesus, early Christianity, and the interpretation of the Gospels. See also L; M; Q. M.E.B.

Synoptic Problem, the, the problem of accounting for the similarities and differences among the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Luke. If the four Gospels are printed in parallel columns with similar materials located alongside each other, it becomes clear that the first three have such similarities in content and order that their materials can be "seen together" (syn-optically). Hence they are called the "synoptic Gospels," in distinction from the more independent Gospel of John. Such an arrangement also discloses extensive and detailed similarities of content and order among the first three Gospels, as well as significant differences. Many narratives are told in almost the same words (e.g., Matt. 14:13-21/Mark 13:3-32/Luke 21:7-33; and Matt. 3:7-10/Luke 3:7-9). The agreements are sometimes among all three Gospels (the "triple tradition"), sometimes between only Matthew and Luke (the "double tradition"), less frequently between only Matthew and Mark, and rarely between only Mark and Luke. There are also significant phenomena involving the order of pericopes: e.g., that Matthew and Luke almost never agree where Mark's order is not being followed, and that Matthew and Mark have rather different orders in their first sections (Matt. 1:1-12:21; Mark 1:1-3:21) but never disagree regarding the order of pericopes thereafter. Such phenomena cannot be explained by independent memory of the actual events. That the Evangelists independently drew from a common stock of oral tradition is apparently excluded by the extensive agreement in Greek (the original tradition was almost certainly in Aramaic) and by the phenomena of order. Some kind of literary interrelationship among the three Gospels is called for. The earliest proposed solution was that of Augustine (fifth century A.D.), that the Gospels were written in the canonical order (i.e., Matthew, Mark, and Luke), with each of the later Evangelists utilizing the work of all his predecessors. This solution was generally accepted until the Enlightenment, when all such Relationships among the Synoptic Gospels according to the Two-Source Hypothesis.

Syntyche (sin'ti-kee), a Christian woman in Philippi who received urgent exhortations from Paul to resolve her dispute with Euodia, a fellow Christian (Phil. 4:2-3). See also Euodia. Syracuse (sihr'uh-kyooz), a Greek colony on the southeast coast of Sicily, founded by Corinth ca. 734 B.C. It developed into the principal city of the island, with a fifth-century B.C. temple of Athena. Phoenician settlers were expelled in 234 B.C., but the city was taken by Rome in 212 B.C. On his voyage to Rome, Paul spent three days there (Acts 28:12). S y r i a (sihr'ee-uh), an indeterminate regional term, sometimes signifying all the Levant (i.e., eastern Mediterranean shore) between Turkey and Egypt, sometimes the northern section, and sometimes only part of it. For ancient history the term "Syria" should be confined to the area surrounding Damascus, the Aram of the OT, which varied in size according to the strength of the rulers. Geography: Damascus lies in a great oasis east of the Anti-Lebanon mountains, fed by the river Barada ("Abana," 2 Kings 5:12), which also pro-

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vides a route westward into the elevated rift valley of the Beqa'a. Eastward the folds of the Anti-Lebanon spread fanwise toward the northeast, and southeastward lie the great basalt outflows, extending far into Arabia. These barriers to movement direct all routes toward the rich oasis, making Damascus a city of major commercial importance. The rainfall is everywhere scanty, however, with Damascus having only an average annual total of 8.6 inches (215 mm.). The whole area is therefore essentially desert, with settlements confined to the areas surrounding the rare springs. Further south Syria includes the better watered region of Bashan, which lies east of Galilee and which in NT times was divided into three areas: Gaulanitis on the west (OT "Geshur" and "Maacah"; modern Golan Heights), characterized by volcanic cones rising sometimes 1,500 feet (450 m.) above the plateau; the tableland of Batanea (OT "Argob," Deut. 3:4, or "Bashan"); and the wild volcanic area of Trachonitis, part of the territory of Philip (Luke 3:1). Bashan was famous in the OT for fertility and livestock (Ps. 22:12; Ezek. 39:18; Amos 4:1), and in NT times it exported grain to Rome. Northward from Damascus the corrugated landscape created by the fanlike alignment of the mountains is still dry steppe with only minor settlements, although pasturage improves. The northern limit of this "nuclear Syria" is reached at the broad Homs-Palmyra Depression cutting inland from the coast north of Tripoli. An evident cultural divide, this marks the southern limit of the richer northern steppeland controlled by Hamath (modern Hama), and earlier, from 2400 to 2250 B.C., by Ebla (Tell Mardikh). It was the limit also of Israelite imperial ambitions (Num. 34:7-9; 2 Kings 14:25; Ezek. 47:15-17). West of the Anti-Lebanon, in the Beqa'a area, known to the Romans as Coele-Syria, the northward flowing river Orontes and the southward flowing Litani both rise, not far from Baalbek, about 3,000 feet (915 m.) above sea level. This valley provides an obvious access for invaders from both north and south, but it is not an easy route and the great trading caravans all went through Damascus. Unquestionably Damascus considered the Beqa'a as Syrian, but its control was intermittent. Relations with Israel and Surrounding Empires: Israelite-Syrian relations were often antagonistic, but at times the two combined for mutual defense, as when King Ahab of Israel joined with Ben-hadad of Damascus and other rulers to resist the Assyrian Shalmaneser III at Qarqar (Tell Qurqur) in 853 B.C. Normally Syria dominated Israel, but David apparently conquered and garrisoned Damascus (2 Sam. 8:3-6), and Ahab gained commercial rights there (1 Kings 20:34). Jeroboam II of Israel (786-746 B.C.) is said to have conquered Damascus (2 Kings 14:28) and restored the empire of David and Solomon. The text is unfortu-

nately obscure, but evidently Syria for a time paid tribute to Israel. Later (753-733 B.C.) King Pekah of Israel sought the help of Rezin of Syria against King Ahaz of Judah, but he achieved nothing (Isa. 7:1-17). Ahaz appealed for help to Tiglath-pileser III of Assyria, who conquered and ravaged Damascus in 732, making it part of his empire. Later, in 720, Sargon II overwhelmed Hamath. Thereafter Syria was a vassal, passing from Assyrian control to Babylonian, and becoming in 333 part of the empire of Alexander the Great. After Alexander's death in 323 Syria was governed by the Seleucids, who in ca. 300 made Antioch their imperial capital. From 64 B.C. and throughout the NT period Syria was under Roman control, forming part of a much larger province of that name. Jesus never visited Syria, but after Pentecost Christianity spread rapidly into the region, and according to Acts Paul's conversion occurred as he traveled to Damascus to arrest the Christians there (Acts 9:1-25). The Nabatean king Aretas in distant Petra is said to have governed Damascus at the time (2 Cor. 11:32-33), but this seems doubtful. Perhaps the Nabatean ambassador had considerable authority in the city because of the importance of the Nabatean trade. See also Antioch, Aretas IV; Bashan; Damascus; Hamath; Trachonitis. D.B. S y r i a c versions. See Texts, Versions, Manuscripts, Editions. Syrophoenician (si'roh-fi-nish'uhn), the woman who, having heard of Jesus' ministry, sought healing for her daughter (Mark 7:26). She is also referred to as a Greek, i.e., as a Gentile, or, as some would say, a "pagan." The term "Syrophoenician" indicates that this woman was from Phoenicia, located in the Roman province of Syria, or, more specifically, from the area of the old cities of Tyre and Sidon. In the parallel passage (Matt. 15:22), the woman is called a "Canaanite," an ancient geographical designation that would have included this area. See also Canaan, Canaanites; Gentile; Greeks; Phoenicia; Sidon; Syria; Tyre. P.L.S. Syrtis (suhr'tuhs), ancient name of two bays on the northern coast of Africa south of Sicily, between Cyrene and Carthage. The Greater Syrtis, now the Gulf of Sidra off Libya, was to the east; the Lesser Syrtis, now the Gulf of Gabes, to the west. Both held navigational dangers dreaded by sailors in antiquity (Acts 27:17), the Greater Syrtis being shallow and full of shifting banks of quicksand, the Lesser because of its winds and --. surf.

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Opposite: The reading of the Torah, perhaps by Ezra; panel from the third-century A.D. synagogue at DuraEuropos. 1084

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Taanach (tay'uh-nak), a site in Palestine occupied for over three thousand years. Ancient Taanach is located at Tel Ta'annak next to the modern village that still bears the ancient name. It is situated on the southern edge of the Esdraelon Plain five miles southeast of Megiddo. The main route from the southern hill country to Megiddo and the Plain of Acco, and a route linking the Plain of Esdraelon with the Sharon Plain through the Carmel Range both passed by Taanach. The earliest historical text mentioning Taanach is the relief at the Temple of Karnak in Upper Egypt of Pharaoh Thutmose Ill's first Asian campaign in 1468 B.C. The Akkadian tablets found in the excavations at Taanach, some of which are letters to the local king, are dated to about 1450 B.C. According to the biblical tradition Joshua defeated the king of Taanach (Josh. 12:21), and although the town was allotted to Manasseh (Josh. 17:11; 1 Chron. 7:29) and named a levitical city (Josh. 21:25), the Canaanites were not driven out (Judg. 1:27). Taanach is mentioned as the place where Deborah and Barak defeated the Canaanites, and the victory is celebrated in the Song of Deborah (Judg. 5:19). The town may not have been controlled by the Israelites until the period of the monarchy (late eleventh century B.C.); it is listed in one of Solomon's administrative districts (1 Kings 4:12). Taanach is mentioned in another Karnak relief describing Pharaoh Shishak's victorious campaign in Palestine in 918 B.C. It does not appear again in a historical source until Eusebius's Onomasticon of the fourth century A.D. Taanach was one of the first sites to be excavated in Palestine in campaigns between 1902 and 1904 directed by Ernst Sellin. Spectacular finds included a Bronze Age patrician's house, a large incense stand with reliefs, and several Akkadian cuneiform tablets. Between 1963 and 1968 excavations were undertaken by the Graduate School of Concordia Seminary, St. Louis, Missouri, and the American Schools of Oriental Research under the direction of Paul W. Lapp. The results represent the occupational history of the site. Taanach was first inhabited in the Early Bronze Age about 2700-2400 B.C. (EB 11-111). It was a typical city-state of the period as attested by its fortifications, their rebuilds, and the intricate stratigraphy. The site was then unoccupied for about seven hundred years except for campsite occupation near the beginning of the second millennium B.C. In the Hyksos period of the seventeenth and sixteenth centuries B.C. (Middle Bronze II C) it prospered again. There were massive fortifications of the Hyksos type and one of the earliest casemate constructions found in Palestine. The fine patrician house of the earlier excavation belonged to this period, and about sixty subfloor burials revealed a great variety of intramural burial practices. At the

Taanach cultic stand with reliefs of animals and a winged sun disk in the top row; tenth century B.C.

end of the sixteenth century the city suffered a substantial destruction but revived quickly for a flourishing era in the next half century, attested by a large Late Bronze I building complex with an adjacent cobbled street. This occupation came to an end near the middle of the fifteenth century, probably at the hands of Thutmose III in 1468 B.C. A modest occupation followed, and it is to this period that the Akkadian tablets may belong, including another found in the later excavations. There is little evidence of occupation from the late fifteenth to the late thirteenth century B.C., which suggests that the place name in Amarna tablet no. 248 does not refer to Taanach. Several substantial structures belong to the twelfth century B.C., and a Canaanite cuneiform tablet concerning a shipment of grain was uncovered in one of these. The occupation ended in a violent destruction about 1125 B.C. which may be associated with the victory celebrated in the Song of Deborah (Judg. 5). The light eleventhcentury settlement was followed by an important tenth-century occupation revealing an area that contained a mass of cultic material includ-

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ing iron blades, pig astragali (bones), loom weights, three small stelae, about eighty reconstructable vessels, a unique cultic stand, and a complete figurine mold. This ended in a major destruction with ceramic evidence suggesting it was a result of Shishak's campaign of 918 B.C. Later occupation was limited to a few Iron Age II remains, a number of stone-lined pits and a building of the Persian period (ca. 538-333 B.C.), and scattered Hellenistic shards. An impressive fortress was constructed on the highest part of the mound in the Abbasid period (ca. 750-969 A.D.). See also Deborah; Esdraelon; Megiddo. Bibliography Lapp, P. W. "Taanach by the Waters of Megiddo." Biblical Archaeologist 30 (1967):2-27. Preliminary reports in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 173:4^14; 185:2-39; 195:2^19. N.L.L.

period, according to the Priestly sources of the Pentateuch and related texts. The directions for building it are given in Exodus 25-30 and the account of its actual construction follows in Exodus 35-40. It consisted of a rectangular enclosure, hung with curtains supported on poles, some 145 feet (44 m.) long, 72 feet (22 m.) wide, and 7 feet (2.2 m.) high (Exod. 27:18). Within this, there was another building, also curtained, divided in two by a veil, behind which was the Holy of Holies containing the Ark; before the veil stood the altar of incense, the sevenbranched lampstand, and the table for the bread of the Presence (Exod. 25:30). In the courtyard outside this building stood the altar of burnt offering and the laver (Exod. 30:18). When the Israelites moved about during their wilderness wanderings, the whole tabernacle was dismantled by the Lévites and re-erected by them wherever the tribes pitched camp (Num. 1:51). While it was stationary, the twelve tribes camped around it in a defined order (Num. 2:1-31), with the Lévites in its immediate vicinity (Num. 1:52-53). The furnishings of the tabernacle were made of the finest and costliest materials (Exod. 25:3-7). This picture raises doubts as to what extent the tabernacle can be considered an actual fact during the wilderness period. The constant movement of so large a structure is difficult to envisage in desert conditions, nor is it likely that wilderness Israel had the craftsmen, materials, or wealth to erect it. Above all, the Priestly account records a structure that, in its shape

Tabeel (tab'ee-uhl; Heb., "El [God] is good"). 1 The father of an unnamed person whom Pekah, the king of Israel (Northern Kingdom), and Rezin, the king of Syria, conspired to make king over Judah (Southern Kingdom) should they succeed in overthrowing Ahaz (Isa. 7:6). In some versions the name is Tabeal. 2 A Persian official residing in Samaria; he was one of those who wrote to the Persian king Artaxerxes protesting the rebuilding of the Temple in Jerusalem by the returned exiles (Ezra 4:7). tabernacle (tab'uhr-nak'uhl), the portable sanctuary of the Israelites during the wilderness

An ark—which stood within the tabernacle—with draped curtain [parokhet) and flanked by seven-branched lampstands [menoroth], lulavim, shofars, and incense shovels; mosaic from the fourth-century synagogue at Hammath-Tiberias.

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and the cultic objects it contains, resembles Solomon's Temple. What it presents is a description of the Temple under the guise of a portable sanctuary. It is thus a retrojection of the Jerusalem Temple to the wilderness epoch, in accordance with the Priestly view that all Israel's religious institutions originated at that time, but with the knowledge that a permanent building did not exist before the settlement in Canaan. Tent of Meeting: But the Priestly account is not therefore a mere fiction. As well as using the word "tabernacle" (Heb. mishkan) for its structure, it also employs, some 130 times, the expression "tent of meeting" (Heb. ohel mo'ed). This refers to a much simpler type of shrine that is much more likely to have existed during the wilderness wanderings. It is described in an early passage, Exod. 3 3 : 7 - 1 1 . From this we see that the tent of meeting was a simple tent that one man could pitch, it was outside the camp, unlike the tabernacle, which was in the middle, and it was looked after by a single officiant. It was not a place of sacrifice nor is there any real evidence that it sheltered the Ark. Rather it was a shrine for the receiving of oracles, and the divine presence did not reside permanently there but was manifested, in the form of a pillar of cloud, whenever Moses entered the tent to inquire of God. As such, it had a different function from a temple or tabernacle and there is nothing improbable in its existing later alongside a temple at Shiloh (1 Sam. 2:22) or alongside a high place as at Gibeon (2 Chron. 1:3) or, because it was easily portable, its being brought into Solomon's Temple (1 Kings 8:4). What the Priestly authors do is to build upon their knowledge of this ancient institution and transfer its most significant features to their picture of the tabernacle. So the divine cloud descends on the tabernacle (Exod. 40:34-35) and the "meeting" with God takes place over the Ark in the tabernacle (Exod. 25:22). The two are also brought together by the odd feature of a tent on top of the tabernacle (Exod. 36:14); the materials from which it was made, tanned ramskins and goatskins (Exod. 36:19), retain a genuine desert tradition, being those of a bedouin tent, and particularly the qubba (portable tent-shrine). For the NT writers, the significance of the tabernacle is found in Exod. 25:40, which they interpret as meaning that the earthly tabernacle had a heavenly counterpart, which is the true tabernacle (Heb. 8:2, 5; 9:22). In Acts 7:44-50, the wilderness tabernacle, made according to the pattern of the one in heaven, is contrasted with Solomon's Temple made with hands, while in Rev. 13:6; 15:5; and 21:3 the only tabernacle envisaged is that in heaven. See also Ark; High Place; Lévites; Temple, The. Bibliography Clements, R. E. God and Temple. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1965. Chaps. 3, 7.

The "tent of meeting" may have been a simple portable shrine similar to the one depicted in this drawingfromthe Temple of Bel at Palmyra and knownfromEgypt, Mesopotamia, and Canaan. Wright, G. E., and D. N. Freedman, eds. The Biblical Archaeologist Reader I. Garden City, NY: Doubleday (Anchor Books), 1961. Pp. 201-228. J.R.P. Tabernacles, Festival of (or Booths, Ingathering, Heb. Sukkoth), along with Passover and the Festival of Weeks, one of three major pilgrimage festivals of Judaism. Celebrated for eight days (from the 15th of Tishri [late September or early October]), it was Israel's joyous, thanksgiving, autumnal harvest festival for the ingathering from the threshing floor and the winepress (Exod. 23:16; 34:22; Deut. 16:13-15). Its main distinctive ritual is the requirement to "dwell in booths" in commemoration of God's protection of Israel during the wilderness wanderings (Lev. 23:39-43; Neh. 8:13-18). The preeminent annual festival, called "the feast of God" (Lev. 23:39; Judg. 21:19) or "the feast" (1 Kings 8:2, 65; 12:32; Isa. 30:29; Ezek. 45:23, 25; Neh. 8:14; 2 Chron. 5:3, 7-8; John 7:10; cf. John 7:2), it was the occasion of the dedication of Solomon's Temple (1 Kings 8), the public reading of the Torah (every seven years, Deut. 31:10-11), and the future ingathering of all nations to Jerusalem to worship God (Zech. 14:16). See also Feasts, Festivals, and Fasts; Time. J.U. Tabitha (tab'i-thuh), another name for Dorcas, a highly regarded Christian in Joppa (Acts 9:36-42). See also Dorcas. tablets of the Law, the two stone tablets of the Ten Commandments inscribed by God on Mt. Sinai (Exod. 24:12; 31:18; 32:15-16; Deut. 9:10-11; 10:1-6; Exod. 34:28 is ambiguous). The first set was broken by Moses in his anger at the sight of the Golden Calf (Exod. 32:19). The second set was placed in the Ark of the Covenant. Tabor (tayTDuhr). 1 An isolated mountain rising to a height of 1,843 feet in the northeast portion of the Plain of Esdraelon. Its relative height and steep ascent from the plain below give one standing on it a commanding view of the valley

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and of the heights of Mt. Carmel to the west and Mt. Hermon to the north. The slopes drain into the Jordan River on the east. Until recently the mountain was forested. On the border of the tribal lands of Issachar (Josh. 19:22), Zebulun (Chisloth-tabor in Josh. 19:12, cf. 1 Chron. 6:77), and Naphtali (Josh. 19:34), it was the central place for Barak to gather his forces (Judg. 4:6, 12) and from there he descended for his battle with the Canaanites (Judg. 4:14). The north-south road from Hazor and Damascus to the pass of Megiddo and the Coastal plain passed around its foot, and the east-west route from the Megiddo Plain went between Mt. Tabor and the Hill of Moreh to the Sea of Galilee. Here Gideon's brothers were killed by the Midianite kings, Zebah and Zalmunna (Judg. 8:18). Although not actually very high, Tabor's isolation in the plain led the Psalmist (Ps. 89:12) and the prophets (Jer. 46:18) to compare it to Mt. Carmel and Mt. Hermon. It may have been a sacred mountain from early times (cf. Deut. 33:18-19). It is not mentioned in the NT, but since the fourth century A.D. it has been celebrated as the site ofthe transfiguration. The date of the first church on the mountain is uncertain but pilgrim sources mention one in the sixth century. A crusader monastery fell to Saladin in 1187 and Melek el-Adel of Damascus fortified the mountain in the thirteenth century. On the summit today the Greek Orthodox have a monastery and the Franciscans have constructed a basilica over the ancient remains. 2 Tabor, Oaks of. They were located near Bethel (1 Sam. 10:3), but the exact location is unknown. See also Esdraelon; Transfiguration, The. N.L.L. tabret (tab'rit), a term in the KJV that the RSV renders "tambourine" (Gen. 31:27; 1 Sam. 10:5), "timbrel" (1 Sam. 18:6; Isa. 5:12; 24:8; 30:32; Jer. 31:4), or "one before whom men spit" (Job 17:6). See also Music; Timbrel. tache (tak), a term in the KJV that RSV renders "clasp" or "hook," a term that appears primarily in texts regarding the tabernacle (Exod. 26:6; 36:13; and others). Tadmor (tad'mor), a city (modern Tadmur) in Syria located in a fertile oasis in the Syrian desert a hundred and forty miles northeast of Damascus. Because of its location midway between Mesopotamia and the western arm of the Fertile Crescent it was an important caravan city from the second millennium B.C. to the early Islamic period (seventh-eighth centuries A.D.). During the height of its prosperity in the Roman period it was called Palmyra (from the Lat. for "the city of palms"). The well-preserved ruins from this era give a remarkably detailed picture of a wealthy Syrian metropolis. Its monumental architecture includes temples Semitic

Aerial view of the well-preserved ruins at Palmyra (Tadmor).

in plan but with classical decorative motifs dedicated to such gods as Bel, Nebo, and Baal Shamin, a theater, an agora, baths, and other typical elements of a Roman city, along with a large number of ornate tombs with elaborate sarcophagi and statuary. The large number of inscriptions from Palmyra in Greek and Palmyrene, the local Aramaic dialect, reveal its syncretistic religious traditions. Tadmor is mentioned only once in the Bible: in 2 Chron. 8:4 Solomon is said to have built "Tadmor in the wilderness." The related but not identical passage in 1 Kings 9:18 reports that Solomon built "Tamar in the wilderness, in the land of Judah." Tamar (Heb., "palm") is known from Ezek. 47:19 and 48:28 as a town south of the Dead Sea. Masoretic tradition interprets the received text's reading "Tamar" as "Tadmor." It is not impossible that Solomon engaged in some building activity in Syria, especially in light of David's defeat of the king of Zobah (2 Sam. 8:3-6), but it is more likely that the text of Chronicles (and the Masoretic reinterpretation of Kings) is due to the enhancement (by the Chronicler or one of his sources) of Solomon's prestige by attributing to him construction or at least reconstruction of one of the more famous Syrian centers. See also Solomon. M.D.C. Tahath (tay'hath; Heb., "beneath" or "low"). 1 One ofthe encampments ofthe Israelites during the journey in the wilderness (Num. 33:26-27); the site is unknown. 2 The son of Assir; he was a Lévite ofthe clan of Kohath (1 Chron. 6:24, 37). 3 A descendant of Ephraim and grandfather of 4 below (1 Chron. 7:20). Some scholars understand Tahan (Num. 26:35) to be the same person (or the same as 4), although Tahan could be another son (descendant) of Ephraim (see 1 Chron. 7:25). 4 A descendant of Ephraim (1 Chron. 7:20). Tahpanhes (tah'puhn-heez; KJV: "Tahapanes," Jer. 2:16), Tehaphnehes (Ezek. 30:18), the equivalent of Greek Daphnai, modern Tell Defenneh,

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situated on the Pelusiac branch of the Nile in the northeast delta. According to Herodotus {History 2:30), the twenty-sixth-dynasty king Psammetichus I (664-610 B.C.) established a garrison of Greek mercenaries at Daphnai to guard against the Assyrians; later on the Persian king Darius I (522-486 B.C.) also kept guards there. In about 586 B.C., the prophet Jeremiah and other Jews sought refuge at Tahpanhes from the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. 43:7; 44:1; 46:14). The British Egyptologist W. M. Flinders Pétrie excavated Tell Defenneh in 1887 and discovered what are probably the remains of the fortress of Psammetichus. See also Jeremiah, The Book of. J.M.W.

lived at Hebron when spies sent by Moses into that region of the Negeb returned with reports of giants in the land. The sons of Anak were finally driven away by the military commander Caleb (Josh. 15:14) or by Judahites (Judg. 1:10). 2 The king of Geshur whose daughter, Maacah, was one of David's wives and the mother of Absalom (2 Sam. 3:3; 1 Chron. 3:2). It was to Talmai that Absalom fled after killing his half-brother Amnon (2 Sam. 13:37). See also Caleb; Geshur; Maacah; Nephilim. F.R.M. Talmon (tal'muhn). 1 A Levite gatekeeper (1 Chron. 9:17). Scholars are divided over whether this passage (1 Chron. 9:17-34) should be seen as a record of postexilic Jerusalem (after 586 B.C.; cf. Ezra 2:42; Neh. 11:19) or of a much earlier time used as an introduction to the narratives of Saul and David that follow. In either case, Talmon was probably seen as the ancestral head of a clan of gatekeepers (see Neh. 7:45; 2 below). If the passage is postexilic, he is probably the same as 3 below. 2 A levitical family group of gatekeepers ("sons of Talmon") who returned from the Babylonian captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezra 2:42; Neh. 7:45). 3 A Levite gatekeeper in postexilic Jerusalem (Neh. 11:19; 12:25). D.R.B.

Tahpenes (tah'puh-neez), the wife of an unnamed twenty-first-dynasty pharaoh; her sister was given in marriage to Hadad of Edom at the time of David (1 Kings 11:19-20). The name Tahpenes is not attested in any Egyptian source. It is probably a Hebrew transcription either of an Egyptian title meaning "the king's wife" or an Egyptian proper name. See also Hadad. Tahtim-hodshi (tah'tim-hod'shi), a place name found in the KJV for an area visited by David's census takers (2 Sam. 24:6; RSV: "Kadesh . . . of the Hittites"). If the RSV is correct, it referred to Kadesh in modern Syria, located at Tell Nebi Mend on the Oronte River south of Horns. It represented the northern limit of David's kingdom. tale, a story that often contains imagined or exaggerated elements. To call something a tale implies it is an account unworthy of belief (Luke 24:11). In some older translations the word meant "tally," "total," or "number." More modern translations use other words: "number" (Exod. 5:18), "full number" (1 Sam. 18:27), or "count" (1 Chron. 9:28). talebearing, gossiping; it is closely connected to slander in the Bible, which condemns both. Lev. 19:15-16 lumps slander together with legal injustice and even false testimony in a capital case, but Proverbs uses the same word to condemn the talebearer and to warn the wise not to associate with gossips (11:13; 20:19). The NT also lists both as sins (Rom. 1:29-30). talent. See Money; Weights and Measures. talith a cumi (tal'uh-thuh koo'mi), an Aramaic sentence that means "young girl, arise," spoken by Jesus when he raised the daughter of Jairus from the dead. Mark translates it into Greek as "Little girl, I say to you, arise" (5:41). Many manuscripts have an eastern Aramaic form of the verb, "cum," instead of the Palestinian "cumi." Talmai (tal'mi). 1 One of the sons of Anak (descended from the Nephilim, Gen. 6:4) who

Talmud (tal'mood; Heb., "teaching, study, learning, a lesson"), two long collections of Jewish religious literature, one called the Palestinian Talmud, and the other called the Babylonian Talmud. The Talmuds are commentaries on the Mishnah, the Hebrew code of laws that emerged about A.D. 200 under Rabbi Judah the Prince. The part of the Talmud that is commentary is called the Gemara (from the Aramaic word "to learn") and consists of atomistic analysis of the words and sentences of the Mishnah, comparison of one Mishnah with another, a selection of traditions related to the Mishnah, interpretations of Scripture, stories about rabbis and others, and long digressions on various topics. The bulk of the Gemara is written in Aramaic, the vernacular of the Jewish community of the time, but some traditions such as the Baraitot ("outside" traditions), which claim to be tannaitic (before A.D. 200), are in Hebrew. The Palestinian Talmud covers the first four orders of the Mishnah which are concerned with agriculture, feasts, women, and damages. It was completed in the mid-fifth century A.D: The Babylonian Talmud covers the Mishnaic orders of feasts, women, damages, and sacrifices and was completed in the mid-sixth century A.D., with many additions and modifications being made in the succeeding few centuries. The Babylonian Talmud was more fully edited than the Palestinian and became authoritative for most of Judaism because of the dominance of the Babylonian community well into the Islamic period. See also Mishnah. A.J.S.

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Tamar (tay'mahr; Heb., "date palm"), a woman's name and a place name. 1 The Canaanite daughter-in-law of Judah, whom Judah promised successively to each of his three sons as each older one died without issue (Gen. 38:1-30). When Judah withheld Shelah, his youngest, fearing to lose him also, Tamar disguised herself as a prostitute and offered herself to her father-in-law. When she was exposed by her pregnancy, she identified he r partner, who confessed that she had acted "more righteously" than he (Gen. 38:26). Tamar bore twins to Judah, Perez and Zerah. Through Perez she is reckoned to the ancestry of David (Ruth 4:12, 18-22; 1 Chron. 2:4) and Jesus (Matt. 1:3). 2 The daughter of David who was raped by her halfbrother Amnon (2 Sam. 13:1-29). Her brother Absalom, to whom she fled, avenged her by having Amnon murdered. 3 Absalom's only daughter, "a beautiful woman" (2 Sam. 14:27), and his sister's namesake. 4 A city "in the wilderness," according to the RSV and the earliest form of the Hebrew text; the KJV and the traditional Hebrew vocalization read "Tadmor." 5 A city marking the southeast border point in Ezekiel's description of the restored territory of Israel (Ezek. 47:18-19; 48:28). The site remains unidentified (cf. Hazazon-tamar, Gen. 14:7). See also Absalom. RA.B.

died, rose, and was mourned during his absence. Some of Dumuzi's traits also appear in Adonis, a god first attested in Greece in the fifth century B.C. In Ezekiel's vision of four sins being committed in the Jerusalem Temple, the third is a group of women weeping for Tammuz in the north gate (8:14). The women in Ezekiel are mourning this dying and rising god. The action is an abomination to Ezekiel who believes that God does not die and cannot be mourned. See also Ezekiel, The Book of; Sources of the PenR.J.C. tateuch.

tamarisk (genus Tamarix), a tree or shrub referred to in Hebrew as eshel. Tolerating sandy and even saline soils, this drought-resistant tree grows in deserts as well as in watered places, near streams and marshes. The tamarisk is a graceful evergreen with tiny, jointed, greygreen, needlelike leaves which give it a feathery appearance. It provides year-round food for goats. Its wood is used for construction and is a good source of charcoal. Its common occurrence in desolate places makes tamarisk an ideal shade tree and a revered spot for burials (1 Sam. 31:13). See also Trees; Woods. Tammuz (tam'uhz), the Hebrew form of Dumuzi (Sumerian, "proper son"), a god widely honored from the third millennium B.C. in Mesopotamia. The vast and complex Mesopotamian literature about this god shows three essential aspects of him: as lover and consort of Inanna; as one held in the underworld and mourned because of his absence; as the embodiment of spring vegetation and then of vegetation in general. Many laments are preserved that bewail the "far one" who has disappeared, detained in the underworld. The laments reflect the aspect of Tammuz as god of vegetation; his disappearance is connected to the drying up of the steppe in summer. His cult may have been brought to Israel by the Assyrians in the ninth and eighth centuries B.C. Aspects of Tammuz became synthesized with West Semitic gods of similar characteristics. Baal Haddu, for example, went down into the underworld,

Tanis (tan'is). See Raamses, Rameses. tanning, the process of rendering leather permanently soft and pliable. Literally the Greek and Hebrew words for tanning translate as "reddened" or "to dye red." When skins or hides are transformed into leather, the skin darkens or "reddens" as a result of the process employed. The process of tanning is undoubtedly a very ancient form of technology whose practice is documented in ancient Egyptian texts and paintings. Once the hides were cleaned of all hair and foreign matter, they were ready for treatment in a special solution. The mixture consisted of plant juices, lime, and perhaps bark or leaves. Due to the nature of the work, the population did not hold the tanner in high regard. The odors accompanying the process as well as the tanning of unclean animals were repugnant to townspeople. Thus we read that tanners were consigned to live outside of the town: Simon the tanner, for example, lived by the seaside, at Joppa (Acts 10:16). Nonetheless, Peter and a devout soldier displayed a more tolerant attitude by lodging with Simon (Acts 9:43; 10:7). Because of the many uses to which it could be put, leather was a valuable commodity. "Tanned rams' skins" were offerings given by the people of Israel at Mount Sinai (Exod. 25:5; 35:7, 23). These skins were fashioned into the coverings for the tent of meeting which housed the tabernacle (Exod. 26:14; 36:19; 39:34). Skins were also used for many products besides clothing: leather buckets, waterskins, wineskins, and butter churns (Gen. 21:14; Judg. 4:19; Matt. 9:17). S.L.R. Taphath (tay'fath), Solomon's daughter who was married to Ben-abinadab, Solomon's administrator of Naphath-Dor (1 Kings 4:11). Tappuah (tap'yoo-uh). 1 A town of the Shephelah (Josh. 15:34), perhaps modern Beit Nettif, west of Bethlehem. 2 A northern town on the border of Ephraim and Manasseh (Josh. 16:8), probably Tell Sheik Abu Zarad, south of Shechem. Ephraim possessed the town but the territory of Tappuah was occupied by Manasseh (17:8). Menahem sacked Tappuah (2 Kings 15:16). A king of Tappuah was beaten by Joshua

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TARES (Josh.l2:17); probably one of the sites above is indicated. tares. See Weeds. target, the mark toward which something is delivered. Job depicts himself as the target of God's archers (16:12). The word is used in the KJV for two types of weaponry: 1 Kings 10:16 (RSV: "shields") and 1 Sam. 17:6 (RSV: "javelin"). Targums (tahr'guhmz), translations of the books of the Hebrew Bible into Aramaic, made when Aramaic was the common spoken language in Palestine. They were produced between about 250 B.C. and A.D. 300 and were usually read in the synagogues. See also Synagogue; Texts, Versions, Manuscripts, Editions. Tarshish (tahr'shish). 1 A Benjaminite son of Bilhan (1 Chron. 7:10). 2 One of seven princes of the Medes and the Persians (Esther 1:14). 3 An unknown location famous for associations with sea traffic (1 Kings 10:22; 2 Chron. 9:21; Isa. 23:1, 14; 60:9; Ezek. 27:25; Jon. 1:3). The Jonah association suggests a location in the Mediterranean, and sites suggested have included Tarsus, and Tartessus in Spain. Isa. 23:1 rather suggests Cyprus or the Aegean, but 1 Kings 10:22 cites a Solomonic expedition that in other associations has suggested a route eastward to Arabia, India, or the coast of Africa. 1 Kings 22:48 cites ships of Jehoshaphat bound out from Ezion-geber, reinforcing the eastern route and eliminating a Mediterranean option. Whether because of its rich gold resources or some other reason, it tended to be idealized (Isa. 2:16). See also Ophir. R.S.B. Tarsus (tahr'suhs), a large, prosperous commercial city located on the Cydnus River, about ten miles from the Mediterranean Sea at the foothills of the Taurus Mountains on the southeastern coast of Asia Minor. Situated 79 feet above sea level in the fertile eastern plain of the region of Cilicia, Tarsus became the capital of the region under the Romans. According to the Greek geographer Strabo (ca. 63 B.C.-A.D. 23), the Cydnus River had its source from the melting snows of the mountains above the city. The river flowed through the ancient capital into a lake some five miles to the south which served as a naval station and harbor for Tarsus. It was because of the river that inland Tarsus had the opportunity to develop into a thriving maritime center. This feature, combined with the fact that the main trade routes passed north through Tarsus to central Asia Minor via the Cilician Gates in the Taurus Mountain pass, or east via the Syrian Gates of the Amanus Mountains to Syria, gave Tarsus a cosmopolitan nature. Paul's boast, recorded in Acts, that Tarsus was "no mean city" (Acts 21:39) was certainly warranted. It

was the meeting place of West and East, of the Greek culture with its oriental counterpart. The date of the foundation of the city is uncertain, but archaeological evidence shows habitation dated back to the Neolithic Period (ca. 5000 B.C.), and several Bronze Age (ca. 3000-1200 B.C.) cities were built successively on the site. In the middle of the tenth century B.C., the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III conquered Tarsus. When the city rebelled during the reign of Sennacherib a century later, it was destroyed. Rebuilt, Tarsus was under Persian control until it was taken in 333 B.C. by Alexander the Great, who resided there for a short period. The city passed into the hands of the Seleucid dynasty (312-65 B.C.), whose efforts to hellenize the inhabitants provoked an insurrection against Antiochus IV Epiphanes (2 Mace. 4:30). With the advent of the Romans, the region of Cilicia was organized into a Roman province with Tarsus as its capital. Cicero, the Roman orator and statesman, was governor of Tarsus in 50 B.C. Mark Antony gave Tarsus the status of a free city, and it was here that he met Cleopatra in 41 B.C. It was under the rule of Augustus (27 B.C.-A.D. 14) that the city came to its golden age and was renowned as a center of intellectual life, surpassing even Alexandria and Athens. Tarsus had long been a center of Stoic philosophy, and several of its citizens were famous Stoic philosophers: Zeno, Antipater, Athenodorus, and Nestor. One of the basic tenets of Stoicism states that virtue is the only good as well as the means of fortification against all the pressures of life. This concept seems to be reflected in some of Paul's writings (e.g. Phil. 4:11-12). The author of Acts understood Paul to be a citizen and native of Tarsus (Acts 9:11; 21:39; 22:3) and thus a Jew of the Dispersion (i.e., who lived outside Palestine). As a Jew of Tarsus, Paul would have been reared in a nonJewish environment and would have spoken the common language of the Roman Empire, Greek. His knowledge of the Jewish Scriptures would have been from the Septuagint, the Greek translation from the original Hebrew. His Jewish name appears as "Saul" (only in

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Acts), along with the Roman "Paul." See also Cilicia; Paul; Stoics. M.K.M.

community (lQpHab 7). The Thanksgiving Hymns (1QH) also found among the Dead Sea Scrolls stress God's mercy toward the community, the true knowledge of God, salvation, and the trials undergone by the teacher. See also Essenes; Qumran, Khirbet. A.J.S.

Tartan (tahr'tan), an official title of rank within the Assyrian military, the commanderin-chief or field marshal second only to the king. An officer of this rank led Sargon's assault against Ashdod (ca. 712 B.C.; Isa. 20:1). Another officer of this rank was sent by Sennacherib along with two other officials, the Rab-shakeh and the Rabsaris, to demand Hezekiah's surrender of Jerusalem (ca. 701 B.C.; 2 Kings 18:17). In some versions the title is understood as a proper name; in others it is translated as "commander" or something similar. See also Rabsaris; Rabshakeh. Tattenai (tat'uh-ni), the governor of the province "Beyond the River" (Ezra 5:3, 6) under Persian rule in postexilic times. The province name Abar-nahara, "beyond the river," included Samaria and Judea, thus covering the rebuilding at issue in this episode in Ezra. Tattenai, after reporting on the rebuilding in progress in Jerusalem, was instructed by the Persian government not to interfere (Ezra 6:6, 13), in keeping with Cyrus's decree (Ezra 6:1-5). See also Shetharbozenai. Taurus (taw'-ruhs) Mountains. See Tarsus. Taverns, the Three, a way station on the Appian Way, about thirty miles south of Rome, ten miles north of the Forum of Appius, where Paul was met by members of the Christian community of Rome, as he journeyed there from Puteoli (Acts 28:15). See also Appius, Forum of. tax. See Money; Publicans; Treasures; Tribute, Tax, Toll; Worship. Teacher of Righteousness, the leader of the Essenes when they withdrew from Jerusalem to Qumran about 150 B.C.; his real identity is unknown. He was a priest who was prominent in the Temple; one hypothesis suggests that he had been high priest during the period from the death of Alcimus in 159 B.C. to the accession of Jonathan Maccabee in 152 B.C. He may have been associated with the Hasideans (the "pious") who supported the Maccabees in their wars against the Hellenizers who wanted to introduce Greek customs among the Jews. He and his followers most probably rejected Jonathan as high priest because he was not from a highpriestly family. The title "Teacher of Righteousness" may mean both the righteous teacher and the one who teaches righteousness. The title is in contrast to the Teacher's opponents: the preacher of lies who split from the community and the wicked priest in Jerusalem who persecuted the Teacher. The Teacher of Righteousness functioned as the true interpreter of Scripture for the

teaching, the process of instruction and the content of instruction. Little is known of the modes of teaching used in Israel during OT and NT times. Cultural parallels suggest that some schools were established to teach reading and writing to the small percentage of the population who were literate. Occupational, cultural and moral instruction took place within the family, clan, and village. Education for higher office probably took place within the king's court by scribes, and instruction in religious law was probably carried on by priests in the Temple. The books of Proverbs and Ecclesiasticus reflect some of the contents of higher education. The book of Deuteronomy stresses that the law of Israel must be taught and learned and this conviction continued into the rabbinic period. In the NT Jesus is presented as the oral teacher par excellence (John 3:2; 13:13). In the Gospel of Matthew Jesus is presented as a teacher and large blocks of his teachings are spaced throughout the Gospel (chaps. 5-7, 10, 13, 18, 2 4 - 2 5 ) . Little is said about how Christianity was taught in the early church. In Acts Paul is pictured as going to the synagogues to preach about Jesus and then withdrawing into the homes of believers to continue his ministry (Acts 18:4-7; 19:8-9). The Pauline and postPauline Letters speak of an office of teacher (1 Cor. 12:28-29; Eph. 4:11) but do not say how it was carried out. Emphasis is also put on the content of the message, which according to Paul must be the gospel (Gal. 1:6-9). Faithful teaching of the message is emphasized more and more in the later books of the NT, such as in the Pastoral Letters (1 Tim. 4:6, 11, 16; 6:2, 3). See also Education; School; Scribe. A.J.S. teeth, a word used of both humans and animals, in both literal and figurative ways in the Bible. It is used as a symbol to denote predators or agents of devastation. God breaks the teeth of young lions (Job 4:10) but can also send the teeth of beasts (Deut. 32:24) as a punishment for turning to others who are no gods (v. 21). In the prophet Joel the devastation wrought by the teeth of locusts is taken as a judgment sent by God, calling the people to repentance (Joel 1:2-2:27; cf. Rev. 9:8). In addition to actual animals or insects, "teeth" is used of symbolic (Dan. 7:5, 7,19) or mythic (Job 41:14) beasts and of human beings. The psalmist prays God will break the teeth of the predatory and impious (Ps. 58:3-6), and God is praised for not having delivered up the psalmist as a prey into the teeth of rampageous foes (Ps. 124:1-7; see also Ps. 3:7; Prov. 30:11-14).

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"To gnash the teeth at or against" expresses deep hostility and intention of harm (Job 16:9; Pss. 35:16; 37:12; 112:10; Lam. 2:16; Acts 7:52). "To have white teeth" (Gen. 49:12) or "teeth like ewes" (Song of Sol. 4:2; 6:6) is a sign, respectively, of blessing and beauty. "An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth" expresses the requirement of a physical punishment equivalent to—but not exceeding—the injury received (Exod. 21:24; Lev. 24:20; Deut. 19:21). "Weeping and gnashing of teeth" is a characteristic response among those excluded from the Kingdom of God (Matt. 8:12; 13:42; Luke 13:28). "Cleanness of teeth" is synonymous with famine (Amos 4:6). "With" (KJV) or "by" (RSV) "the skin of my teeth" (Job 19:20) suggests, respectively, that only the gums are left in the mouth or that the escape was as narrow as the film on teeth. One can "have one's teeth set on edge" by vinegar (Prov. 10:26) or sour grapes (Jer. 31:30; Ezek. 18:2). J.G.G.

was due to fundamental factors involving human settlement patterns as well as to weather and the peculiar nature of construction materials common in the Near East. Settlement by communities was bound by the necessities of a stable fresh water supply, an economic base of support, and the defense potential of a site. A good combination of all three drew people to a location century after century, and each culture left its physical remains, whether by design or accident. Weather in the Near East tends to be dry and hot, allowing unusually good preservation even of organic remains, in contrast to a temperate or jungle climate. Thus physical material left by a culture tends to be well preserved. Construction material and building habits involved the extensive use of mudbrick, because of its ease of production everywhere, and the economic fact that it was cheaper and safer to tear down and rebuild a mudbrick wall than to try to repair its structural damage or fault. Remains of such mudbrick covered all material lost or discarded when it was mashed flat, thus preserving over the centuries layer after layer of human occupation debris. The catch-basin effect of major city walls surrounding a town simply increased the cumulative pace. Tells, then, are the physical record of human occupancy starting with the first inhabitants of the site over bedrock or virgin soil and proceeding to the most recent inhabitants' deposits at the uppermost layer. Reading that record is the archaeological task called stratigraphy. The value of a tell is unpredictable. Huge formations like that at Beth-shan (over 100 feet high before excavation) are not necessarily most helpful. Tell el-Harmal in Iraq, a major administrative center, rose only four feet over the plain but R.S.B. contained much useful information.

Tekoa (tuh-koh'uh), a name used in reference to a wilderness (2 Chron. 20:20) and to a town. Two persons known to David came from the settlement (2 Sam. 14:1-17; 23:26), and according to the author of Chronicles, Rehoboam fortified the site (2 Chron. 11:6). The settlement is located on a ridge about ten kilometers south of Bethlehem. Because of its vantage point warnings could be given if an enemy threatened Jerusalem from the south (Jer. 6:1). Most likely this site is the home of the prophet Amos (Amos 1:1) despite the claim of some scholars that Amos's home must be a Tekoa in Galilee, a site known in postbiblical times. J.A.D. tell, the Arabic word for a natural hill or an artificial hill of accumulated debris from human occupation, the latter being its normal meaning in archaeological usage. Such tell formation

Tell el-Milh, located in the Negeb near Arad, is typical of the artificial hills of accumulated debris from human occupation common in Palestine.

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TELL BEIT MIRSIM Tell Beit Mirsim (tel bit meer'sim; also Kiriath-sepher). See Debir. Tell e l - A m a m a . See Amarna, Tell el-. Tema (tee'muh). 1 The ninth-named son of Ishmael (Gen. 25:15; 1 Chron. 1:3). 2 A location in northern Arabia, known for caravan traffic (Job 6:19), possibly an oasis (Isa. 21:14), with its occupying tribe named for the site (Jer. 25:23). Most agree it is the northern Arabian caravan intersection, Teima, located at the western edge of the Arabian Desert, east of the western mountain ridge, at 27°38' N and 38°29' E. Babylon's last ruler, Nabonidus, lived there some ten years, precipitating Persia's conquest of Babylon. Teman (tee'muhn). 1 Edomite son of Eliphaz, the grandson of Esau (Gen. 26:9-11; 36:15; 42; 1 Chron. 1:36, 53). 2 A location in Edomite territory (Jer. 49:7,20; E^ek. 25:13?; Amos 1:12; Obad. 1:9; Hab. 3:3?). It appears to be a regional designation, and site identifications are all contested. The reference in Hab. 3:3 may refer to a more southern location, presently unidentified. Temanite (tee'muh-nit). 1 The tribal or geographical identification of Job's visiting friend Eliphaz (Job 2:11), who offered several speeches (Job 4:1; 15:1; 22:1). Having received the charge of God's wrath (Job 42:7), he obeyed the Lord's instructions (Job 42:9) and left the scene. It may refer to origins either in Edom (see Teman 2) or northern Arabia (see Tema 2). 2 The tribal or geographic identification of Hisham, an Edomite king (Gen. 36:34; 1 Chron. 1:45). temperance. See Self-control.

The Temple THE RELIGIOUS STRUCTURE in Jerusalem that was the center of Israelite national life in the biblical period, beginning with the monarchy (tenth century B.C.) and continuing until its final destruction by the Roman legions in A.D. 70. Even in the sixth century B.C., when the Temple lay in ruins for about seventy years as the result of the Babylonian conquest of the kingdom of Judah (586 B.C.), sacrifice took place in the Temple courtyard. The Temple Mount (Mt. Zion in Jerusalem) continued to symbolize, in prophecy and tradition, God's relationship with the people. Despite the fact that the Temple's existence for over a millennium was nearly continuous, it did undergo two major reconstructions, one following the Exile, beginning in 520 B.C., and the other as part of the enormous building projects carried out by King Herod, who reigned in Palestine from 37 to 4 B.C. Because of these two rebuilding projects, it is customary to consider the Jerusalem Temple as having had three distinct stages of existence. The First Temple, also known as Solomon's Temple, is the product of Israel's United Monarchy in the tenth century B.C. The Second Temple was rebuilt on the site of its destroyed predecessor at the end of the sixth century; it is sometimes known as Zerubbabel's Temple because Zerubbabel was the chief political officer in the Persian subprovince of Yehud (Judah) at the time of the restoration of the Temple. The third stage of the Jerusalem Temple is known as Herod's Temple and consisted of Herod's enlargement and embellishment of the Second Temple. Although three major architectural periods for the Temple can be identified, many other changes in its ground plan, appurtenances, and decoration took place during the centuries when it stood in the administrative center of the nation in Jerusalem. Some of those changes are recorded in the biblical account of the monarchy; other alterations perhaps were made but were not included in the biblical record. Because of the continued refurbishing to which the Temple was subjected, the ancient sources that provide the bulk of the information about the Temple's appearance and function are sometimes confusing and contradictory. The building was one in its conceptualization but was many in its execution. Hence the sources from different periods would reflect the different appearances of what was, in concept, the same structure. These sources include twenty-three of the books of the OT and eleven NT books. In addition, many extrabiblical literary works, such as the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, the Dead Sea Scrolls (especially the Temple Scroll), the works of Philo and Josephus, and the Mishnah, contribute to our knowledge of the Temple, particularly in its final form before the fall of Jerusalem in A.D. 70. For many years, biblical scholars have tended to project back upon the ancient Temple their experience with contemporary religious edifices. 1096

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Yet sacrificial practices were carried out in Jerusalem, and that dimension of the Temple alone sets it apart from postbiblical religious buildings. Furthermore, temples in the ancient world functioned in many ways fundamentally different from the manner in which synagogues and churches operate in Western civilization. The Temple was not simply a religious or cultic building. Its very name—its most common designation in the Bible is "House of Yahweh"—indicates that it was conceived of as a residence for God and not as a place of public worship and prayer. In fact, the general populace had access only to the Temple courts and not to the inside of the structure itself. Even the clergy did not circulate freely within the building, the inner sanctum being off limits to all but the chief priest and to him only on one occasion annually (the Day of Atonement). Although the Temple was not a public building in the sense of its interior being open to the public, it was very much a public building in a political and economic sense. Because ancient Israel, even during the monarchy, was not a secular state, the Temple played an integral role in the organization, legitimation, and administration of the national community. First Temple: The First Temple is known chiefly from the description in 1 Kings 6-8 and the parallel account in 2 Chronicles 2 - 4 . Ezekiel also has an extensive Temple section (chaps. 40-46). However, because of the visionary nature of Ezekiel's description and because it probably dates from after the destruction of the Temple in 587/6 B.C., its reliability as a witness to the First Temple, at least as it appeared at the beginning of its history, is minimal. Not a trace of the first Jerusalem Temple is available archaeologically; and even if it were, it is doubtful that a razed building of the early first millennium could supply the kind of detail that exists in the biblical sources. Nonetheless, the archaeological recovery of other ancient temples in SyroPalestine provides an important corpus of comparative material. The basic shape of the Jerusalem Temple was a rectangle, which was subdivided laterally into three sections on the same axis, and all of the same interior width, 20 cubits. The building measured 60 cubits long and was 30 cubits high. (For the Temple, the royal cubit, 20.9 inches, is probably the intended unit of linear measure; that would make it about 105 feet long, 35 feet wide, and 52 feet high.) These are internal

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In this plan of the Temple of Solomon, the "Sea of Bronze" is placed according to 1 Kings 7:39.

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measurements based on the information in 1 Kings 6:2. The dimensions provided in Ezekiel (41:13-14) are for a 100 by 50 cubit structure. Ezekiel's data may reflect the external measurements of the Temple and include the subsidiary rooms built around it; they also may have been influenced by the proportions of the tabernacle, which was situated within a 100 by 50 cubit precinct. Although the interior decorations of the Temple are described in great detail (1 Kings 6), no information is given about its external appearance aside from the specifications about the hewn stone used for the walls. From the outside, the building probably presented a rather stark, formidable appearance. Entrance to the Temple interior was gained by passing through the first of its three sections, the 'ulam, which is related to an Akkadian word meaning "front" and which is translated "vestibule" by the NRSV (1 Kings 6:32; 2 Chron. 3:4). Other versions render it as "porch," "portico," or "entrance hall." None of these translations reflect accurately the function of this 10-cubit-deep section of the Temple. The 'ulam, unlike the two other sections, was not flanked by the side chambers of the Temple. Directions for paneling its internal walls do not appear, in contrast with the instructions for the inner two rooms, making it questionable whether its walls were paneled or decorated at all. Instead, its manner of construction (1 Kings 7:12; cf. 1 Kings 6:36) is identical to the technique described for the construction of both the public court of the Temple and also the great court of the adjacent palace area. Furthermore, the doorways to the inner two sections are described in detail, but no doorway to the 'ulam, is specified; it apparently had none. The account in the book of Kings also gives no height for the 'ulam. This series of contrasts between the information about the two inner rooms and the details of the first room suggest that it was not an enclosed room at all but rather was an open-air forecourt through which the divine dwelling was entered in much the same way that every Near Eastern house was entered through its private courtyard. The presence of Jachin and Boaz (two hollow, cast-bronze pillars) at the entrance to the Temple further suggests that the 'ulam was a forecourt. These great bronzed columns were situated at the top of the ten stairs that, according to Ezekiel (41:8), led up to the 6-cubithigh platform on which the Temple stood. Each stood 18 cubits high

A depiction of the Temple of Solomon by T. A. Busink, an authority on ancient architecture.

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(1 Kings 7:15; cf. 2 Chron. 3:35 and Jeremiah in the Septuagint, which record 35 cubits) and was surmounted by an elaborate capital or double capital of at least 5 additional cubits. The pair of Jerusalem pillars loomed large at the entrance to the Temple. They were highly visible elements of the Temple's architecture, and consequently they were the visual link for the general public to the unseen grandeur within the building. Furthermore, they were probably free-standing and as such represented the gateposts that were part of the entryway to the Temple's private forecourt. The second section of the Temple was its main or largest room, measuring 40 by 20 cubits and reaching a height of 30 cubits. Its name in Hebrew, hikhal, is related to Akkadian and Ugaritic terms, and ultimately to a Sumerian word, meaning "great house" and referring to a palace or any large and imposing dwelling (as in Hos. 8:14; 2 Kings 20:18). The residence of a deity would qualify as a "great house," and in fact this term for the largest chamber of the Temple is occasionally used to designate the Temple as a whole (e.g., Jer. 7:4; Zech. 8:9). The NRSV calls it the "nave" (1 Kings 7:50; 2 Chron. 3:4-5); other translations include "main room," "temple proper," and "holy place." Like the more common name for the Temple, "house of the Lord," this term also signifies the conceptualization of a temple as an earthly dwelling place of the deity. A large and elaborate cypresswood doorway carved with cherubim and palm trees and overlaid with gold provided entry to the central room. The size of the hikhal and also the fact that it had windows indicate that this was the chamber in which most of the cultic activity associated with the building's interior took place. The windows were probably clerestory windows, set in the upper part of the walls above the flanking series of external subsidiary rooms. In addition, the internal Temple furniture was situated in this room and required regular attending to. A small altar for incense, made of cedar and overlaid with gold, stood in front of the entrance to the third room. Ten golden lampstands, which probably consisted of cylindrical stands surmounted by multispouted lamps (1 Kings 8:49), were situated in two groupings, five on the north and five on the south. The third major appurtenance placed in this chamber was also made of gold, or at least overlaid with gold: the table for the enigmatic "bread of the Presence" (1 Kings 8:48). The floors and walls of cypresswood were overlaid with gold, the latter first having been carved withfiguresof cherubim and with flowers and palm trees. The extensive use of gold in this room and also in the third room is to be contrasted with the use of bronze for the other appurtenances: the huge "molten (or bronze) sea," the ten lavers with their stands, the pillars Jachin and Boaz, and probably the great altar for sacrifice. Made of the less valuable metal, they represented the lower order of sanctity of the outside courtyard in which they stood, to which nonpriests as well as priests had access. The innermost chamber of the Temple is known in Hebrew as the debir, which the NRSV translates "inner sanctuary" (1 Kings 6:5; 2 Chron. 4:20; 5:9) and which other versions render "Holy of Holies," "oracle," "shrine," "adytum," or "most holy place." The Hebrew word may be related to the ordinary verb meaning "to speak," in which case the inner chamber would be the place where God speaks, or the 1099

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"oracle." Entrance to the innermost room was gained through olivewood doors; like the doors to the hikhal, they were carved with flowers, palm trees, and cherubim and were overlaid with gold. The carved walls and the floors, also like those of the central chamber, were covered with gold. The internal measurements of the inner chamber, 20 by 20 by 20 cubits, made it a perfect cube. Its height was 10 cubits less than that of the adjacent central chamber, with which it was otherwise so closely associated in construction and decoration. Perhaps a slightly elevated floor and lowered roof accounted for the difference and helped to create an architectural focus on the contents of the inner room. At the same time, its elevatedfloormay have symbolized its location in cosmological terms over the "rock of foundation," the primordial mound of creation. The darkness of the debir was filled with two enormous olivewood cherubim, overlaid with gold, each with a 10-cubit spread to its outstretched wings and each 10 cubits high. Under the adjacent wings of the cherubim, which commonly represented the protective quality of supernatural beings (cf. Gen. 3:24) in ancient Near Eastern iconography, stood the "ark of the covenant of the Lord" (1 Kings 6:19). The Ark was the most important object in the Temple. If the building as a whole was conceived of as the earthly dwelling place of God, with the rich furnishings and decorations suitable for a microcosmic replication of the heavenly abode of the Lord, then the Ark was the object within that building that represented both the divine presence itself and also the binding covenantal relationship between God and Israel. Although the Israelites did not believe that God's presence could be localized or confined to a particular building, they shared with all peoples the psychological and emotional need for a visible and material indication that God was nearby. Because God was seen as the source of material blessing and national protection for the Israelites, affirmation of God's availability to provide those essentials was communicated by the physical structure that, with all its splendor, symbolized a divine dwelling and assured the people of ready access to their God. The symbolic nature of the Temple as a residence for God went beyond the function of providing assurance to the Israelites that God was with them. Construction of the Temple was anticipated by David, who brought the Ark to Jerusalem and who, at least according to the Chronicler (1 Chron. 22:2-5), began the task of assembling the raw materials— stone, metal, and wood—from which the Temple would be built. Within four years of ascending to the throne, Solomon began the actual construction. Although the biblical sources may exaggerate the scope of the project, it is clear that Solomon gave great priority to its completion. An enormous workforce was assigned to the task (1 Kings 5:27-32; cf. 2 Chron. 2:17-18). Within seven years, a remarkably short span of time for a project of this nature, the work was completed. According to the biblical record, an elaborate, fourteen-day ceremony of dedication was held, with a guest list that included international as well as national dignitaries (1 Kings 8:1-2, 65). The decision to build the Temple coincided with the formation of the monarchy and the emergence of Israel, for the only time in its long history, as a political power that was not only independent but that also was the dominant force in the Levant for almost a century. During 1100

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the reigns of David and Solomon, Jerusalem was the capital of a kingdom that appeared to have imperial control over territory that reached from "the entrance of Hamath to the Brook of Egypt" (1 Kings 8:65). The construction of the Temple was integrally related to the formation of the Israelite state and to the imperial claims of its capital in Jerusalem. The formation of nation-states or city-states in the ancient world involved the concept that the nation's or city's chief deity approved and would support the concentration of power in the hands of the few who controlled the administrative structure of a state. Consequently, the building of a temple nearly always accompanied the establishment of a dynastic power. A temple building, as the visible symbol of a god's presence, was the most effective way for the leaders of a country to communicate, in the days before mass literacy and broadcast media, the fact that their god favored the political organization that was being established. The building of a temple added the essential note of absolute legitimacy to the formation of a new system of governance. The Davidic monarchy depended upon the existence of the Temple, as well as upon the skill and charisma of the monarchy's leaders, to secure the support and loyalty of the populace. The legitimizing function of the Temple also operated on an international level. Its existence in Jerusalem demonstrated to non-Israelites— ambassadors and foreign wives, merchants and visitors—who had come to Jerusalem, especially during Solomon's long reign, that the God of Israel was present and had granted to the king his right to exercise dominion over Israel and over all the conquered territories. David had established extra-Israelite dominance through his brilliant use of military force; Solomon sustained that control through diplomacy. The Temple as part of the administrative center in Jerusalem bore the message that the Israelite domination of nearby states had divine sanction. Comparative archaeology contributes to this understanding of the political role of the Temple. The situation of Jachin and Boaz as gateposts to the Temple's inner court ['ulam) made them highly visible symbols of the entrance of the invisible God into the Temple, just as stone-carved reliefs from ancient Near Eastern sites marked the important event of the bringing of the cultic image of a city's god into its dwelling place. The enigmatic names of the pillars indicate God's cosmic rule and power: Jachin perhaps means that God "has founded" the dynasty and Temple, and Boaz refers to the divine "power" emanating from the Temple. That the Jerusalem pillars surpassed in size analogous entry columns of other Syro-Palestinian temples suggests that the status of the Jerusalem Temple was greater than that of the temples of any other contemporary city-state or nation-state. The very size of the Temple as a whole presents a similar situation. The interior space of the Jerusalem sanctuary was considerably greater than that of the excavated temples of Syria and Palestine from the centuries closest to the existence of the Israelite empire. The Jerusalem Temple with its tripartite plan was part of Near Eastern architectural traditions for temples; but it surpassed similar buildings in size, as befitting its location in a city of international status. A further indication of the political role of the Temple can be seen in the way it incorporated imported materials and workmanship into its 1101

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decoration. Israel's lack of skilled workers and suitable raw materials led Solomon to enlist Phoenician aid. However, with Jerusalem conceived of by the Israelites as the theological center of the ancient world, the use of materials from all parts of that world also helped establish Jerusalem's cosmic centrality. The greatest influence upon the embellishment of the Temple can be found in the artistic traditions uncovered in the ruins of the major Syro-Hittite cities of the early Iron Age. Solomon used the visual embellishments best known to those populations to whom he most needed to communicate the divinely chartered rule and dominance of Jerusalem. The international role of the Temple can also be seen in the elaborate, three-tiered complex of storerooms, thirty rooms to a story, which surrounded the Temple on three sides. The storage capacity of these rooms exceeded the needs of the Temple's rituals and personnel. Known as the yatsi'a (rendered "galleries," "side rooms," or "side chambers"), this structure housed the Temple treasury. It was a storehouse for religious objects as well as for precious items sent to Jerusalem as gifts and tribute or secured as booty or taxes. The fortresslike architecture of the Temple is a feature of its economic function, along with the palace, as a repository for the national wealth and even weaponry (cf. 1 Kings 7:51; 14:25-26; 15:18; 2 Kings 11:10; 12:4). Second Temple: The Second Temple was built between 520 and 515 B.C. to replace the Temple built by Solomon, which had remained at the center of national life in the southern kingdom of Judah after Solomon's death until the Babylonians conquered Jerusalem. Renovations, repairs, and refurbishings may have altered the First Temple somewhat during the course of the centuries of the Judean monarchy (924-586 B.C.), but the basic structure had remained the same. The Babylonians destroyed the First Temple by carrying away all its precious items and furnishings, in the process dismantling those too large to transport easily, and then burning it (2 Kings 25:8-17). However, since only the roofing and internal paneling of the Temple were wooden and could be burned, the stone foundation and much of the superstructure probably remained. There is no indication that the walls were razed. With the prodding of the postexilic prophets Haggai and Zechariah and through the leadership of the high priest Joshua and the Persian appointed governor Zerubbabel, who was also a Davidic descendant, the work of restoration was carried out. Concern about the lack of splendor in the postexilic building (Hag. 2:3; Ezra 3:12) probably reflects the dearth of precious metals in its decoration rather than any diminution in its size. Although the restored Temple was crucial in representing continuity with both the appearance and the role of the pre-exilic building and institution, a radical change took place in its traditional balance of religious and political-economic functions. Without a king to sit on the throne of David, the legitimizing role of the Temple in national life shifted to the priestly administrators of Judah, which had become the postexilic Persian province of Yehud. The priests had always been important in national life, but their responsibilities were enlarged after the Exile as they stepped in to fill the gap left by the absence of the civil authority of kingship. The Persians evidently allowed the high priest and his staff to assume much of the internal governance, fiscally 1102

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and legally, of Yehud. Zechariah's Temple visions, particularly in chaps. 3 and 4, continue the age-old concept of the Temple as a legitimizing factor for the administrative structure of the community. For Zechariah, the priesthood's role is expanded and the monarchic role becomes a matter of future expectation. The Temple stood alone, without the palace, as the center of semi-autonomous national life and as the focus of the dispersed community still in exile. Third Temple: Herod's Temple comes at the end of the sequence of Jerusalem temples and is best known to us physically because of the extensive excavations along its western retaining wall and at many other buildings dating from the rule of Herod the Great (37 B.C.-A.D. 4). The Second Temple had undergone desecration and despoliation after the Greeks (325 B.C.) and then the Romans (63 B.C.) replaced the Persians as the imperial masters of Palestine. Yet Herod's templebuilding project, described in considerable detail by the first-century Hebrew inscription historian Josephus and referred to extensively in other Jewish sources (shown here in part) (especially the mishnaic tractate Middoth) and in the NT, went far be- theTempïeMount yond any simple task of refurbishing or repairing the sixth-century reads, "of the place of structure. Herod's struggle to take over the Judean kingdom and his tmm P etin g"; first cenmonumental efforts to make it a significant part of the Roman Empire are reflected in the magnitude of his building projects. Herod, probably the descendant of an Idumean, was in essence a usurper of the throne in Jerusalem. He did not enjoy the traditional Jewish support that had been held by the Hasmonean (Maccabean) rulers who preceded him and who had combined the office of high priest with the kingship acquired as the result of their revolt against the Seleucids in the second century B.C. His grandiose building projects included the construction of an entirely new, gold-covered Temple, although with the sanctuary itself corresponding approximately to the Solomonic dimensions, on an enormous platform (ca. 169,000 sq. yds.) and within a broad public area (see Matt. 21:12; Mark 12:15). The Temple and its courts were surrounded by a Roman-style double colonnade and entered through monumental gates. Both the literary sources and the archaeological discoveries affirm that the builders of this vast complex sought to incorporate the current Greco-Roman architectural fashion. It is questionable that Herod's intentions arose

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Jesus driving the money changers from the Temple (Mark 11:15-19); alabaster relief at the Basilica of St. Mark, Venice, sixth century A.D.

from religious sensibilities or allegiance to the God of Israel. The political dimension that had always been present in temple building came to dominate Herod's plans. His attention to the Temple would win over, he hoped, dissident Jewish elements within his kingdom. Furthermore, the scale and style of the Temple, as of the other buildings of Herodian conception, were meant to make a visual statement to Rome about the importance of the Jewish kingdom. The importance of the Temple in the religious life of Jews at this time is evident in the NT. The birth of John the Baptist was announced in the Temple (Luke 1:11-20), and the sacrificial offering for every Jewish male child was offered there for Jesus (Luke 2:22-24). The Temple was also the place his future prominence was announced by Simeon (Luke 2:25-35) and Anna (2:36-38). Jesus' religious significance wasfirstseen in the Temple (Luke 2:42-51), and he taught in its precincts when he went to Jerusalem (Mark 12:35; John 7:14, 28). His later purging of its worship practices (Mark 11:15-19) figured prominently in the charges that brought about his death (Mark 14:58; 15:29; cf. 13:1-2). Early Christians continued to gather in the Temple (Acts 2:46; cf. 3:3; 4:1-2), and Acts records that Paul was arrested there at the instigation of his opponents (Acts 21:27). The largest and grandest of the Jerusalem temples was also the shortest lived. The Roman siege of Jerusalem had the Temple as its focus, and Titus and his legions set fire to the edifice in A.D. 70. Today, the Muslim shrine called the "Dome of the Rock" or the Mosque of Omar stands on the Temple site. The destruction of the Jerusalem Temple hardly brought an end to its importance for Judaism and Christianity. Without the presence of a physical temple building the religious communities focused on its future existence. The early Temple had been a force for Jewish survival; the idea of the heavenly temple, which had always been part of the Temple idea, continued to exist in Jewish life. At the same time, the hope for rebuilding the Temple persisted, spawning the intense consideration of Temple matters in rabbinic texts. In contrast, the early church paid little heed to the notion that the Temple might be reRomans carrying spoil, including a menorah and trumpets, from the Temple; relief on the Arch of Titus, Rome, A.D. 81.

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stored. Its eschatological visions of a new Jerusalem had no place for a temple. Yet the temple idea persisted in Christianity as well in the conception of Jesus as the sacrifice that secured eternal redemption. Despite several postbiblical attempts to rebuild it—the most notable initiated by Julian the Apostate (ca. A.D. 362-363), perhaps to disrupt the Christian character of Jerusalem—Temple restoration efforts proved futile. Yet interest in the physical characteristics of the building, its furnishings, and its rituals surfaced in the rich tradition, nearly two thousand years old, of graphic representations of various features of the sacred building. Depictions of the Temple have been found in nearly every available artistic medium—such as mosaic floors, tomb paintings, sculpture, gilded glass, coins, and manuscripts—from Roman antiquity to the present. The many detailed architectural reconstructions and models produced by nineteenth- and twentieth-century scholarship continue the millennia-old focus on the Jerusalem Temple. See also Altar; David; Herod; Jachin and Boaz; Lampstand; Priests; Solomon; Tabernacle; Temples; Worship; Zerubbabel. Bibliography Barker, Margaret. The Gate of Heaven: The History and Symbolism of the Temple in Jerusalem. London: SPCK, 1991. Haran, Menahem. Temples and Temple Service in Ancient Israel. Oxford: Clarendon, 1978. Lundquist, John. The Temple: Meeting Place of Heaven and Earth. London: Thames and Hudson, 1993. Meyers, Carol. "Temple, Jerusalem." Anchor Bible Dictionary. New York: Doubleday, 1992. 6:350-369. C.L.M.

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temples, religious structures which were probably the most important and most visible institutions in the biblical world. Their prominence as architectural structures on the ancient landscape is a reflection of their integral role in the political and economic structure of ancient society. While we think of temples primarily in terms of their religious dimension, i.e., as relating specifically to deities, temples were in fact basic components in the political organization and administration of territorial units, from city-states to nation-states or empires, in the ancient Near East. The English word "temple" is misleading in its usage as a translation of certain terms in the Hebrew Bible. Derived from the Latin word templum, which strictly speaking denotes separated or marked-off space, or a holy place, it could theoretically denote any of a number of types of worship places known in the biblical world, including altars, high places, and stelae. English parlance, however, normally uses "temple" to indicate an actual building or structure that partakes of the sacred. The essential nature of such a building in OT times is revealed in the two Hebrew terms translated "temple": bayit, "house [of God]," and hikhal, "[Yahweh's] palace." These words differ from the two NT (Greek) terms for temple: naos, which denotes a sacred building, and hieron, which refers to a sacred area or place. Both Hebrew terms are essentially secular in origin, both refer to a structure rather than to a holy place or precinct, and both conceptualize such a structure as a residence or dwelling for the deity. While neither the Israelites nor their Canaanite neighbors may have adhered to the literal notion of a deity inhabiting an earthly building, that idea undoubtedly underlies the origins of all ancient Near Eastern temples and continued to function symbolically throughout the biblical period. Indeed, the plan, furnishings, personnel, and service associated with temples can be reconstructed rather well on the basis of both archaeological and textual sources. All this information depicts the functioning of an institution intended to provide amply and royally for the needs of its divine inhabitant, even if the earthly house was only a pale copy of the deity's real and splendid residence in heaven. Archaeological Data: The archaeological investigation of temples is not quite so simple a matter as it might seem. Since the organizing principle of temple building was the construction of a dwelling place for a god, the designs for temples were drawn, at least in the earlier stages of their architectural history, from the typical plans for larger human houses or palaces. Identification of excavated buildings as temples is thus problematic. Nonetheless, a number of features usually allow certain buildings to be identified as temples. Temples tend to be located in prominent

places within a city. As part of the administration of the political unit in which they existed, they were often adjacent to similar, and often larger, royal buildings. Together, the royal and divine residences, which we call palace and temple, constituted a separate precinct in an ancient city. At least in some cases, the templepalace complex was set off as an acropolis or as a raised and/or walled section of the city. Even if a palace was not included, the temple by itself, since it was technically sacred space, would normally have been separated from the rest of the city by surrounding courtyards and walls, although the dwellings of the city's inhabitants were often built up against the courtyard walls. In addition to the prominence of their location, temples can often be identified as residences for deities by some architectural divergence from the secular monumental buildings of their time. Size alone is not a criterion since, as we have noted, palaces might exceed temples in size. However, the thickness of a temple's walls matched or even surpassed that of the walls of adjacent palaces. The temple was in a sense like a fortress, protecting the sanctity of the god, the lavish furnishings of the god's dwelling, and also the precious commodities brought into and stored in the temple storerooms. Perhaps the most indicative feature of a temple is that its ground plan typically includes, in its innermost part, a special recess or distinct small room meant for the statue of the resident deity. Furthermore, the artifacts recovered in buildings that might be classified as temples include a repertoire of pottery forms and other objects not found in normal domestic settings. Superior workmanship, religious symbolism in the decoration, and costly materials characterize such artifacts and allow them to be designated "cultic objects." They constitute the furnishings of the deity's house and the vessels for the provision of all the god's needs. Finally, the courtyard of a temple if it can be fully excavated would be expected to reveal an altar. As a place for burnt offerings of all kinds and for animal sacrifice, altars had to be outside the roofed temple building, although small altars might exist inside the building for the burning of incense. Types of Temples: With these criteria in mind, the existence of temples in many of the major cities occupied by the Canaanites or Philistines, either prior to or contemporary with ancient Israelite origins in Palestine, can be established with reasonable certainty. Two major types of temples have been recognized. The oldest is called the broad-room, which was basically a rectangular or roughly square room with the entrance on one of the long sides and a niche or platform for the god opposite the entrance. The orientation is thus along the short axis. Some of the earliest examples, as in Early Bronze Age

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Early Bronze Age (3000-2000 B.C.) "broadroom" at Ai, which may have been a temple. (3000-2000 B.C.) Ai and Megiddo and possibly also at Arad, are clearly derived from typical Early Bronze Age house architecture. It is to be noted that some scholarly dispute regarding their identification as temples persists. The basic broad-room was expanded in various ways: by the addition of ancillary rooms around the associated courtyard, by the development of the niche into a discrete cella (shrine-room), or by the construction of a portico at the entrance. The last two mentioned features extend the short axis of the building and so relate the broad-room sanctuary at least in some instances to the other major temple type, the long-house buildings, in which the orientation is along the long axis. In their more developed forms, they consisted of a series of rooms, usually two or three, along an axis so that an officiant would have to pass through each room in succession to reach the innermost room. Usually, the second or middle room in a longhouse temple was largest; it provided the space for the daily rituals carried out in attending the resident deity. The first room served as an anteroom or inner court; it marked the transition from the profane exterior world to the sacred space within. The third room was a cella, the place where the deity lived, as marked by a statue. It was the most holy spot in the temple, the place where the divine presence was accessible to humans. Courtyard space and sometimes annexes or subsidiary rooms for personnel and equipment often combined within the tripartite building itself to form a sacred precinct. The basic tripartite arrangement is evident in several Megiddo and Hazor structures as well as, according to the biblical description, in the Jerusalem Temple. This type emerged in the Middle Bronze Age (2000-1500 B.C.), with the earliest examples perhaps being the extremely thick-walled fortress temples of Shechem, Hazor, and Megiddo. This typology does not exhaust the kinds of temples excavated in Palestine. The Philistines, as at Tel Qasile, evidently had their own variation; and so did those Canaanites strongly influenced by Egyptian (as at Beth-shan) or northern (Syrian) traditions. In addition the so-called square temples, such as the one from the begin-

ning of the Late Bronze Age (1500-1200 B.C.) at Amman, are set apart from urban areas; but such buildings may not be temples at all but rather mortuary installations. In short, there is no dominant form, although all types tend to have an inner and outer sanctuary as well as an anteroom. Each example adhering roughly to one of the major types nonetheless exhibits its own unique characteristics. Similarly, no dominant pattern of orientation can be discerned, except that orientation tends to remain constant at a given temple site over the duration, often many hundreds of years, of its existence. This may indicate that the principle of orientation relates to the layout of the city in which the temple is built and not to any theological concerns. Further developments in temple architecture appeared, beginning in the Hellenistic period (300 B.C-300 A.D.), with the introduction of Greco-Roman temples into Palestine. These imposing structures along with the older Semitic sanctuaries helped determine the architectural form of the synagogues and churches that emerged in the early centuries A.D. While early Christians continued to participate in Temple worship in Jerusalem (Acts 2:46), after its destruction in A.D. 70, a destruction predicted by Jesus in word (Mark 13:2) and act (Mark 11:15-16), the Christian community did not build its own temple. Worship was held in houses, which owed more to the synagogue than to the Temple in Jerusalem. Biblical Information: The archaeological recovery of Palestinian temples is supplemented by biblical references to temples, or residences for non-Israelite gods, at various places. 1 Samuel mentions the "House of Dagon" (5:2, 5) and the "House of Ashtaroth" (31:10). Judges refers to the "House of Baal-berith" (9:4) and the "House of El-berith" (9:46). Although the latter two temples are at Shechem, they cannot with certitude be related to any of the excavated buildings at that site. Neither can the "House of El" of the patriarchal stories be linked with any remains from Bethel. The Bible also records the existence of a number of Israelite temples in addition to the major one in Jerusalem. While the terminology associated with such buildings does not usually include the designation "House," other information indicates that a temple building or an equivalent tent shrine, rather than simply an altar or high place, is to be understood. Except for the Northern Kingdom sites of Dan and Bethel, these possible Israelite temples (Shiloh, Gilgal, Mizpah, Hebron, Bethlehem, Nob, Michah's Shrine in Ephraim, Ophrah, and Gibeah) are mentioned in sources describing the premonarchical or early monarchical periods. None of them have been recovered archaeologically. Furthermore, it is not clear that any of them continued to function once the Jerusalem Temple was built. Outside of Jerusalem, the only temple apparently exist-

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ing in the Southern Kingdom (Judah) during the monarchy, a cultic building at Arad, is not mentioned in the Bible. It is known only from excavations, and its very identity as a temple has been questioned. The apparent disappearance of nonJerusalem temples from Israelite territory once the Jerusalem Temple was built by Solomon is evidence in part of the administrative nature and political role of temples, which served to legitimize the political power responsible for their construction and maintenance. The nonJerusalem buildings were regional centers servicing the tribal groups. With the centralization of political power in a monarchy, the location of the mechanisms of statecraft in one capital city meant that the complementary cultic institutions likewise shifted to that place, although altars and high places continued to exist throughout Israel. The close connection of the god's dwelling with political administration is further indicated by the fact that temples were not public houses of worship. They were entered only by priests, although the laity could enter the courtyard and worship there. The archaeological evidence of temple size and layout, along with the information from both the Bible and Near Eastern temple texts about temple personnel and ritual, allows for such a conclusion. See also Temple, The; Worship. Bibliography Ahlstrôm, G. W. Royal Administration and National Religion in Ancient Palestine. Studies in the History of the Near East. Vol. 1. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1982. Biran, Avraham, ed. Temples and High Places in Biblical Times. Jerusalem: Hebrew Union College, 1981. Haran, Menahem. Temples and Temple Service in Ancient Israel. Oxford: Clarendon, 1978. Ottsson, Magnus. Temples and Cult Places in Palestine. Uppsala: Acta Upsaliensis, 1980. Ward, William A., John F. Robertson, William D. Dever, and Susan G. Cole. "Temples and Sanctuaries." Anchor Bible Dictionary. New York: Doubleday, 1992. 6:369-382. C.L.M.

the term, namely, an enticement toward sin leading to a deliberate act of evil against God or one's neighbor. The biblical writers are careful, however, to make it clear that God does not "tempt" humans to do evil (e.g., James 1:12-15) and in fact makes available the resources necessary to resist temptation (e.g., 1 Cor. 10:13). The familiar petition in the Lord's Prayer dealing with temptation probably should be understood as "Do not allow us to go into temptation" (Matt. 6:13a), as the original Aramaic likely would have read. It is quite possible, moreover, that the reference is to "testing" rather than to "temptation" as this is popularly understood. A quite different aspect of "temptation" or "testing" in the biblical writings is that of human beings attempting to put God to a test, usually for the purpose of testing God's plans or purposes (e.g., Judg. 6; cf. Matt. 12:39) or, even more, to determine whether they can manipulate God (e.g., Ps. 95:8-11; cf. Matt. 4:5-7; Luke 4:9-12). Such activities stem from a lack of trust in God and his promises. This understanding seems to be involved in the most famous of all temptation accounts, the temptation of Jesus by Satan (Matt. 4:1-11; Mark 1:12-13; Luke 4:1-13). All of the synoptic Gospels (Matthew, Mark, and Luke) have accounts of Jesus' temptation, although only Matthew and Luke give any details (John's Gospel has no such account). In each Gospel, the temptation takes place immediately after Jesus' baptism, which is interpreted as his commissioning for the messianic ministry, a ministry to be characterized by serJesus tempted by the devil to throw himself from the pinnacle of the Temple in Jerusalem (cf. Luke 4:9—12); fourteenth-century mosaic depiction at the Kariye Church, Istanbul.

temple servants. See Nethinim. temptation, generally an enticement to do evil; the term is used in the Bible to convey two somewhat different ideas. The first is that of "testing" or "proving by testing," to determine the depth and integrity of one's commitment to God (see, e.g., God's command to Abraham to offer his son Isaac as a sacrifice in Gen. 22:1-19; also the testing of Job in Job 1-2). In the NT, some of the writers thought of persecution as a "testing" in this manner (e.g., 1 Pet. 1:3-9). The intent of this testing is ultimately to strengthen the person's faith and devotion to God. The second nuance of temptation is more in line with modern popular understandings of 1108

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vanthood (Matt. 3:13-17; Mark 1:9-11; Luke 3:21-22; cf., e.g., Mark 10:45). The temptation is not for Jesus to prove his divine Sonship to himself. Such Sonship is never questioned in the NT. Rather, the temptation or "testing" is implicitly presented as Jesus' struggle over whether to obey God's call to be a servantmessiah or to interpret messiahship in the traditional terms of power, strength, and conquest. Such a struggle can be detected throughout the Gospel accounts of Jesus' ministry, where it is made clear that the disciples never really understood Jesus' commitment to a servant ministry. In the biblical writings, therefore, temptation or testing has these two nuances: the strong inclination of humankind toward evil when it is known that God wills good and testing situations that may demonstrate one's commitment to God and God's ways and even strengthen one's faith. In each, if people overcome temptation, i.e., pass the test, their faith has been enhanced and their character strengthened (e.g., Rom. 5:3—5). See also Persecution; Sin; Suffering. J.M.E.

terpreted the Ten Commandments for their own generation. Prophetic preaching may have its origins in this task of proclamation (see Hos. 4:1-2). Function: Israelite law can be separated into two large categories: case law and categorical law. The former, represented, for example, in the "Book of the Covenant" (Exod. 20:22-23:33), preserves decisions about actual cases reached through the judicial processes of a settled agricultural community. Biblical case law is roughly equivalent to our common law. Categorical law, on the other hand, does not seem to emerge from actual cases but sets forth the broad principles of community life. The Ten Commandments and similar lists of legal sentences (see Deut. 27:15-26; Lev. 19:13-18) amount to something like the constitutional law of ancient Israel. In function the Ten Commandments can be compared to ten posts supporting the fence separating the viable community of Israel from the marauding beasts of disorder, confusion, and bloodshed howling outside the pale. Of all the statutes needed to regulate the life of the community, these ten were deemed essential beyond all others. Should any one of these ten fenceposts collapse, chaos could break in and wreak havoc in the community. For Israel, survival itself was at stake with every one of these ten categorical imperatives. The Commandments in Brief: The commandment reckoned to be the first one by most Protestants and Eastern Orthodox Christians, "you shall have no other gods before me" (Exod. 20:3; Deut. 5:7) is considered the first half of the second commandment in Jewish tradition. In Lutheran and Roman Catholic tradition, this commandment is combined with the prohibition against graven images to form the first commandment; Exod. 20:17 is then divided into two commandments to make up the ten. This commandment does not deny the existence of other gods, but it demands total allegiance on the part of Israel to its own God, the covenantgiver. The prohibition against graven images (Exod. 20:4-6; Deut. 5:8-10) may in the first instance have been aimed at images of Israel's own God, Yahweh. God will not be localized in an object such as a golden calf (see Exod. 20:4-6; 1 Kings 12:28), because to permit this to happen would make God an object of manipulation. God has images in the world (Gen. 1:26), but they walk on two feet and they love God and keep the commandments (Exod. 20:6). The prohibition against the misuse of the name of God (Exod. 20:7; Deut. 5:11) is directed at another form of manipulation of the deity for personal interest. Magical, imprecatory, and other trivial cultic uses of the sacred name are forestalled. The commandment to rest on the Sabbath is motivated in Exod. 20:11 by the Creator's own Sabbath rest. In Deut. 5:12-15 the Sabbath is a day of remembrance of liberation from Egyptian

ten. See Numbers. Ten Commandments, the, a series of commands from God to the chosen people, mediated by Moses. The text of the Decalogue (Gk., "ten words") or Ten Commandments is given in its entirety twice in the OT with only slight variations. In Exod. 20:1-17 the setting is Mount Sinai; Moses brings down to the people the two tablets of the law written by the very hand of God (Exod. 24:12). In Deut. 5:6-21 the text is part of Moses' recitation of the history of salvation with which he prefaces his last will and testament. Origin and Setting: Everything about the Ten Commandments suggests that it was a text intended to be memorized and publicly recited by the covenant community. Not only are the commandments in number equal to the fingers of both hands, but a similarity of form also pervades most of the list: "you shall not" is followed by a verb. Placed at the very beginning of the lengthy block of legal materials known as the Sinai passage (Exod. 19:ll-Num. 10:10), the Decalogue functions as a summary of the covenant tradition suitable for recitation on public occasions of national reaffirmation of loyalty to the sovereign God. Although the OT makes no specific mention of a regular "feast of covenant renewal," the events recalled in Deuteronomy 27 and in Joshua 24 appear to be such occasions: the people gather at Shechem, swear their allegiance to the law, and watch as inscribed stones are set up to preserve the terms of the covenant. We may even suppose that certain religious officials were responsible to lead the recitation of the law on these occasions, and that these "covenant mediators" may have in-

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slavery. The commandment to set one day apart from all others ("to keep it holy") stands as a bulwark against endless self-destructive human greed, and spares Israel the horror of being a Sabbathless culture. The command to honor father and mother (Exod. 20:12; Deut. 5:16), the only one accompanied with a promise, promotes a community climate in which the chances of survival are enhanced by a tradition of tender solicitude shown by the young toward the older generations. The uninterrupted flow of community tradition from one generation to the next is also ensured by the "honor" shown to the father and—in a perfectly equal way—to the mother. Technically speaking, "You shall not kill" (Exod. 20:13; Deut. 5:17) prohibits only that kind of antisocial killing, done in vulgar self-interest, that poses a threat to the very existence of the community. Jesus' radicalization of this commandment in Matt. 5:21-26 suggests that the definition of antisocial murderousness could evolve and that the commandment could come to mean more than it originally meant. "You shall not commit adultery" (Exod. 20:14; Deut. 5:18) guards marriage and family against the intrusion of third parties and the socially disruptive questions of the legitimacy of children and the transfer of the family legacy. "You shall not steal" (Exod. 20:15; Deut. 5:19) may originally have included, as the object of the verb, the term "a man" (see Exod. 21:16). As it stands, however, this commandment protects private property from illegal attachment. The prohibition against bearing false witness (Exod. 2:16; Deut. 5:20) is aimed not so much at lying in general as it is at perjury in court. The very survival of a community is threatened when the weak, disadvantaged, and falsely accused can find no remedy before impartial judges informed by credible witnesses. Finally, the commandment against covetousness (Exod. 20:17; Deut. 5:21) points for the first time beyond public and overt acts to private attitudes. Like all Hebrew verbs of mental activity, however, "to covet" also includes an element of enactment. It is action in rehearsal. Unenforceable as it may be, in its attack upon inordinate desire this final commandment seeks to forestall the conspiracies that lead to illegal, ruthless seizure of persons and property. See also Law. W.S.T.

raising the side or a flap of the side. The anchorage to the ground was by pegs (Judg. 4:21) or by tying the line to a large stable boulder when camped on rock. Unless supported by poles and raised by tightly anchoring the fabric over the poles on all sides, a tent would collapse and lie flat (Judg. 7:13). The stability of a tent depended on well-placed stakes or pegs (Isa. 33:20) and strong and durable cords or anchoring lines (Isa. 33:20). The work of raising a tent involved unpacking and unrolling the fabric, anchoring the corner lines, then raising the poles in place, work requiring the spreading of the fabric to place corners, anchorages, and poles (Jer. 10:20). Only when it was erected could the curtain(s) dividing the interior space be rigged (Jer. 10:20). Failure of the cords to hold provided a metaphor for death (Job 4:21). As a Dwelling: Households might live in a single tent (Exod. 33:8) or have a group of tents for individuals and servants (Gen. 31:33) of the family. Because of the relatively expensive nature of tents and the need for several animals to transport a group of them, multiple tents signified wealth above average. Tents could also be used to store or hide precious or forbidden material (Josh. 7:21). Thus guards could be posted at tents (1 Chron. 9:23), but they could not stop the destruction of the tent of the wicked (Job 8:22). Like cities, tents could be besieged (Job 19:12). Care was needed in selecting sites to pitch one's tents (Deut. 1:33) because unwise selection would bring hazards (Hos. 9:6). Royal tents could be palatial (Dan. 11:45), but life in tents could also symbolize the purer style of a nomadic past (Jer. 35:6-10, the Rechabite ideal). Contact with such a past is most vividly given in Genesis 18, describing Abraham's hosting some visitors at his tent camp at Hebron. Set in a grove of trees, the tent was used for shady rest in the hot part of the day. When the visitors approached, Abraham ran out to greet them and extended the hospitality of shade, food, drink, and conversation. Inquiry about Abraham's wife elicited the fact that she was "in the tent" (either her own nearby [Gen. 31:33] or in the divided portion of the tent reserved for women), close enough to overhear the conversation (Gen. 18:10). Implied in the actions of the hospitality was a variety of equipment normal to any household. Some kind of storage and carrying vessel for water to wash the feet of the travelers was available. Bread was provided, implying a facility to grind meal and bake over an open fire or in a small oven (possible in a long-term campsite). Meal storage, a kneading quern, and the necessary metal sheet or rock for baking the cakes was involved. There were tools for butchering the calf and vessels for the curds and milk, for cooking the meat, and for serving the food to the guests. Rest under the tree may have been on the ground, but it would not have been strange for relatively wealthy persons to provide reed mats or cloth pads for guests in that situation. In ad-

tent, a portable shelter made of cloth or skins, used by shepherds (Isa. 38:12), nomads, and soldiers. In Israel's experience it covered a shrine (2 Sam. 7:2) and served as storage space (1 Sam. 17:54, armor; 1 Kings 8:4, holy vessels), but it was primarily used as living quarters (Gen. 4:20, 25:27; 2 Sam. 20:1). Dark in color (Song of Sol. 1:5), tents were likely woven of goat hair (Exod. 36:14) and required purification on occasion (Num. 31:20). Large tents could be constructed piecemeal and fastened by clasping loops at the edges (Exod. 36:15-18). Entrances could be covered by a screen (Exod. 36:37) or be arranged by simply

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dition, a tent was normally furnished with some kind of oil lamp for night light. Where Located and Situated: Tents, like houses, were preferably located close to a good supply of fresh water, on terrain that by being high and affording good visibility or by being hidden was secure from unexpected intrusion. The ground needed to be reasonably smooth and flat for comfort and stability. A small stone circle or depression in the earth could serve as the cookfire location. Given the prevailing wind and weather patterns, tents in Syro-Palestine are almost always set with one long side to the east, allowing early warmth from the morning sun. The opposite long side facing west could be kept anchored low to keep out the chilling wind or raised in the heat of the day to allow cooling breezes to enter. In modern bedouin practice, the women's side of the tent is for storage and cooking equipment, whereas the men's side is kept relatively free of gear for easy hospitality. Domestic animals would have been corralled nearby, but dogs, uncooped chickens, or other small livestock would be allowed to roam the tent and its environs at will. Biblical usage includes metaphoric references to tents in addition to the long, detailed descriptions of the sacred tents (e.g., Exod. 26). God was portrayed as living in a tent (Ps. 15:1), as he had provided a tent for the sun (Ps. 19:4). God's tent provided secure hiding for his people (Ps. 27:5) and he stretched out the heavens like a tent (Ps. 104:2) when it is pitched. A tent is a metaphor for life for the righteous person (Prov. 14:11). The tent could figure the transitory nature of human life (2 Cor. 5:1, 4), and the writer of Hebrews could contrast the earthly shrine-tent with the "true tent" available in Christ (Heb. 8:1-6). Some tents could accommodate wickedness (Job 11:14; Ps. 84:10) and should in such cases be avoided. The apostle Paul while in Corinth stayed with Aquila and Priscilla, recent victims of the Roman emperor Claudius' ban on Jews in Rome, because they, like he, were tentmakers. It is said that he worked at his trade while in Corinth, presumably engaging in missionary effort and pastoral work as time and opportunity afforded. As a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, he may have learned about cilicium, a goat's hair cloth used especially by seamen and soldiers, or he may have been a leatherworker, since in Hellenistic times many tents were constructed of leather. Tent campsites are notoriously difficult to locate archaeologically because the occupants seldom stayed long in one place. The result is that little physical evidence remains from their occupation. A small area swept clear of pebbles and stones, a small hearth or fire pit, possibly a broken pot, a lost scraper blade or a broken grinding stone would be all that was left in archaeological terms. Recent studies have focused on the dimorphic communities where people used houses in settled towns for part of

the year, moving into tents for wider pasturage or simply for cooler accommodation for the other part of the year. These studies may develop better techniques for learning the archaeology of tent sites. R.S.B. tent of meeting. See Tabernacle. Terah (tair'uh), a descendant of Shem, the son of Nahor, the father of Abraham, Haran, and Nahor. The name has alternatively been associated with Akkadian turahu ("ibex") and Aramaic yerakh ("moon"), but a final determination is not at hand. All three of Terah's sons were born when he was seventy (Gen. 12:26). The repeated formula "These are the generations o f . . . " (Heb. 'eleh toledot), which marks divisions between narrative cycles in Genesis (cf. 2:4; 5:1; 25:12,19; 36:1; 37:2), is associated with Terah (11:27), thus commencing the Abraham cycle. Terah's son Haran died during his father's lifetime, having fathered one child, Lot. After Haran's surviving brothers married, Terah endeavored to move the entire clan from Ur-of-the-Chaldees to Canaan, but he got only as far as the north Syrian locale Haran (the name is unrelated to the person Haran), where he settled and died at the age of two hundred and five. Ancient rabbinic interpreters portrayed Terah as a manufacturer and worshiper of idols, in partial explanation of God's command to Abram in 12:1 to leave his father's house. See also Abraham; Ur. J.W.R. teraphim (tair'uh-fim), statues or figurines representing household gods. They were common in Syria and Palestine, even among Israelites, throughout the pre-exilic period (to 586 B.C.). In Gen. 31:19, Rachel stole her father's teraphim. Laban's angry reaction suggests their importance. According to many ancient and modern interpreters, talismanic, cultic, and legal significance accrued to their possession. Their function as title to Laban's estate cannot be ruled out. In Judg. 17:5 and 18:4, 17, 20, teraphim are cultic objects, mentioned as symbols of a private priesthood. The Ephraimite Micaiah had established his own shrine, furnished with a hired Lévite, ephod, teraphim, and a silver statue donated by his mother (Micaiah had earlier robbed her but then confessed and repaid the theft). Some Danites migrating from Judah encountered the Lévite and persuaded him to serve at their intended shrine in Laish, taking along Micaiah's teraphim. Micaiah's desolation over the loss (18:24) again shows the symbolic importance of teraphim. In 1 Sam. 19:13-16, Michal aided David's escape from Saul by filling a bed with large teraphim, disguised as David bedridden. Prophets inveighed against teraphim as wanton superstition (1 Sam. 15:23; Zech. 10:2). Hos. 3:4 depicts them as integral to Israel's royal and priestly institutions. Josiah's reform banned them (2 Kings 23:23). Ezek. 21:21 portrays the

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king of Babylon divining by them before his attack on Jerusalem. See also Idol; Jacob; Laban; Micaiah; Priests. J.W.R. terebinth (tair'uh-binth; Pistachio terebinthus, variety palaestina), a tree common to the lower regions of the hills of the Holy Land. Its broad, spreading branches, great size, and long life make it a tree much venerated. The term for terebinth is often translated as oak, another sacred tree. The shade of the terebinth was a location preferred for burials (1 Chron. 10:12; RSV: "oak") and for the safe-keeping of treasured objects (Gen. 35:4). It is called the turpentine tree (Ecclus. 24:16; KJV) since turpentine is made from its resinous sap. In Isa. 6:13 (KJV) it is also called the teil tree. Tertius (tuhr'shee-uhs), Paul's amanuensis or "secretary" who, in Rom. 16:22, sent his own greetings along with those of Paul. See also Epistle; Letter. Tertullus (tuhr-tuhl'uhs), the prosecutor, according to Acts 24:1-8, who represented the Jewish leaders from Jerusalem before the Roman procurator Felix when charges were brought against Paul in Caesarea. The author of Acts, in good classical style, produces a speech in which Tertullus makes the charges. Tertullus may have been a Jew or he may have been a professional Roman advocate (the name is Roman). A reading in Codex Bezae (the important "Western" text of Acts) presumes that he was Jewish and that it was only the Romans who stood in the way of Paul getting what Tertullus regarded as his just deserts from the Jews (Acts 24:6b-7, which is missing from many ancient manuscripts and thus also from the RSV). The fact that Felix postponed Paul's trial suggests that Tertullus was not entirely successful in his plea (Acts 24:22-23). See also Felix, Antonius; Paul. A.J.M. testament (Gk. diathekë), a will or an agreement. 1 The last will and testament of a person, disposing of the person's property. 2 A covenant in the sense of the Sinai covenant and of the OT and NT. Paul presumes meanings 1 and 2 in his discussion in Gal. 3:15-18. 3 A literary genre common in Jewish literature in the intertestamental period (ca. 200 B.C.-A.D. 50) and also found in the Bible. In a literary Testament a famous figure delivers a speech or gives a blessing to his descendants or followers. Usually the speech contains predictions of their future destiny, moral exhortations, or blessings. Jacob's blessing on his twelve sons (Gen. 49) is the model for many Testaments, especially The Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs. Moses' blessing on Israel (Deut. 33) and Jesus' last discourse (John 13-17) are other examples. Nonbiblical Testaments are the Aramaic Testament of Levi from Qumran, The Testament of Abraham, The Testament of Moses, and many others. See also Pseudepigrapha. A.J.S.

Testament, New. See New Testament. Testament, Old. See Old Testament.

Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. See Pseudepigrapha. testimony, evidence recalling particular events or deeds. 1 The tablets containing the law given by God to Moses (Exod. 31:18; Num. 17:4). 2 The laws of God as a directive for one's life (1 Kings 2:13; Ps. 119:36, 88). 3 The statutes and ordinances received from Moses (Deut. 4:45; Rev. 15:5, RSV: "witness"). 4 The attestation of a contractual agreement (Ruth 4:7, RSV: "manner of attesting"). 5 In the NT God's activity through Jesus in word and deed (John 3:32; 5:32; Rev. 1:2), the presentation of God's revelation in Jesus Christ (Matt. 10:18; Luke 21:13; Acts 22:18; 2 Tim. 1:8) and a symbolic rebuff directed toward those who reject the disciple's witness (Mark 6:11). testing. See Temptation. teth (teth), the ninth letter of the Hebrew alphabet. It was early written as crossed lines within a circle, from which developed the Greek letter theta. Teth stands at the beginning of the ninth section of Psalm 119 and, in the Hebrew, is the first letter of each verse (Ps. 119:57-64). Tetragrammaton (tet'ruh-gram'uh-ton; Gk., "four letters"), the Sacred, the designation for the four Hebrew consonants YHWH that comprise the name of Israel's God (Exod. 3:15; 7:2). The name itself was considered by the Hebrews as too holy to utter so the word "Lord" (Heb. adonai) was substituted when the text was read. The hybrid word "Jehovah" is a combination of the vowels of "Adonai" with the consonants of the tetragrammaton; its appearance in the KJV was the result of the translators' ignorance of the Hebrew language and customs. tetrarch (tet'rahrk), originally the title for "a ruler of a fourth" or "one of four rulers." In Hellenistic and Roman times, however, it is applied somewhat loosely to petty rulers of dependent states; a tetrarch is lower in status than an ethnarch, who, in turn, is lower than a king. The term occurs seven times in the NT, with three of these occurrences in Luke 3:1, where not only Philip and Herod Antipas, sons of Herod the Great, are mentioned but also the problematic Lysanias, tetrarch of Abilene. The other four occurrences refer to Herod Antipas (Matt. 14:1; Luke 3:19; 9:7; Acts 13:1). On the other hand, Herod Antipas is called "king" in Mark 6:14, 26, suggesting that some equivalence may have existed between the two titles. See also Ethnarch; Governor. F.O.G.

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Texts, Versions, Manuscripts, Editions THE ORIGINALS of the books that comprise the Hebrew OT and the books of the Greek NT have not survived. We do, however, have very old copies of the original books, which are called "manuscripts" (MSS) because they were handwritten. Moreover, both OT and NT books were translated into other languages of the ancient Near East and copies of these early translations, called "versions" (VSS), are available to us. Through the science of textual criticism, biblical scholars have been able to establish rather accurate texts for both the OT and the NT books. These are available to us today in printed editions. The Hebrew Text of the OT The Writing of the OT Books: An example of how an OT book came to be written can be found in Jeremiah 36. Baruch, the scribe of Jeremiah, recorded the spoken messages of the prophet (v. 4). When the king destroyed the original scroll (vv. 20-23), Baruch produced another scroll and added other prophetic messages to the original (v. 32). The language spoken in Judah at the time was Hebrew, and with the exception of portions of Daniel and Ezra, which are in Aramaic, the books of the OT were written in Hebrew. Hebrew, together with Canaanite, Moabite, Phoenician, and Ugaritic, belongs to the Northwest Semitic family of languages. The Hebrew alphabet, consisting of twenty-two consonants, can be traced back to about 1000 B.C. The shape of the letters underwent a process of change from the earlier cursive form to the boxlike shape called the "square script," which is known from pre-Christian times. This Northwest Semitic alphabet was taken over from the Phoenicians by the Greeks and with some adaptations is the alphabet of the Greek NT. This Greek alphabet became the progenitor of all European alphabets, which have spread the world over. Although other writing materials were known, parchment (made from the skins of sheep, antelopes, calves, and other animals) and papyrus (from the papyrus plant) were in wide use hundreds of years before the biblical books came to be written. Reed pens were used to write on these materials with ink made of soot mixed with a solution of water and gum. The Transmission of the Hebrew Text: Until the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls (DSS) in 1947, the Hebrew MSS (other than the Nash Papyrus fragment) were dated no earlier than the ninth century A.D. The discoveries at Qumran, however, have pushed the MS tradition of the Hebrew Bible back a thousand years. One reason for the scarcity of early Hebrew MSS was the reverence with which the scrolls were held in Judaism. When MSS showed signs of wear and tear, they were disposed of. And since Jewish scribes exercised great care in copying the 1113

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An example of writing in Aramaic, a language spoken from the ninth century B.C. and in common use during the first century A.D.; in the mosaic floor at Naaran synagogue.

sacred books, they did not think that older copies had any advantage over new ones. Variant readings, however, did creep into copies of the Hebrew books; this became a growing concern to Jewish rabbis, and by the end of the first century A.D. a kind of standard text emerged. At the end of the fifth century A.D., the scribal tradition, popularly traced back to Ezra, was continued by scholars known as Masoretes (literally Heb., "transmitters"), and because of their work on the text of the OT, our Hebrew Bible today is said to have the Masoretic Text (MT). Scribes in the pre-Masoretic period had already made word and paragraph divisions in the Hebrew text (not to be confused with the chapter divisions of our Bible today, which were introduced as late as the thirteenth century A.D.). The Masoretes, whose centers of activity were Babylonia and Tiberias, were bent on preserving the most accurate consonantal text possible. To prevent the misreading of the original consonantal text, they introduced vowel signs into the Hebrew Bible and thereby fixed the pronunciation of words. They left the original consonantal text unchanged, except for corrections and improvements, which they placed in the margin. The textual notes supplied by the Masoretes are called Masorah. After the Masoretic schools of Babylonia became defunct (prior to the tenth century A.D.), the Tiberian school continued its textual studies. Two families, Ben Asher and Ben Naphthali, vied with each other in transcribing and preserving the best Hebrew text, on which printed editions of the Hebrew Bible were later based. The Ben Asher tradition has generally been preferred by scholars. MSS of the Hebrew Bible: Before the discovery of the DSS, the chief extant MSS of the Hebrew OT were: the Cairo Codex of the Prophets (A.D. 896); the Aleppo Codex (ca. A.D. 925), of which about onefourth has not survived; the Leningrad Codex (ca. A.D. 1009), which is the single most complete source of all of the Bible books; the British Museum Codex of the Pentateuch (first five books of the OT, the Torah; ca. A.D. 950); the Leningrad Codex of the Prophets (A.D. 1016); and the Reuchlin Codex of the Prophets (ca. A.D. 1105), which, unlike the others mentioned here, stands in the Ben Naphthali rather than the Ben Asher tradition. There are other MSS, some of them quite fragmentary, but these are the most important MSS of the OT in the Masoretic tradition. With the discovery of the DSS in the Judean desert in 1947 and the following years, we now have MSS a thousand years older than those just mentioned. The largest copies of OT books found in the caves at Qumran are two Isaiah scrolls (one complete, one incomplete). Fragments of about two hundred scrolls of OT books (except Esther) have been discovered at Qumran and Murabba'at on the western shore of the Dead Sea. The texts reflect some diversity of readings, but they also show a trend toward a standard Hebrew text. The Printed Hebrew Bible: Jewish scholars faithfully transcribed the MT during the Middle Ages. With the invention of printing in the fifteenth century, however, Jewish printers in Italy began putting portions of the Hebrew OT into print. The entire OT wasfirstpublished in Soncino in 1488. Rabbinic Bibles, which contained not only the biblical text but also Targums (translations of Hebrew OT books into Ara1114

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maic) and commentaries, were also put into print. The first such Bible was published by Daniel Bomberg of Venice, in 1416-17. This served as a base for the rabbinic Bible edited by Jacob ben Chayyim in 1524-25. About 1520, Christian scholars began to publish the so-called polyglot Bibles, in which the Hebrew text was included as one column beside others in other languages. The Complutensian Polyglot, published in 1522, was prepared by Cardinal Ximenes and published in Spain. Other polyglots followed. The most massive was the London Polyglot (1655-57), which had not only the Hebrew text but the Samaritan Pentateuch, a Targum (Aramaic), the Septuagint (LXX; Greek), the Vulgate (Latin), the Peshitta (Syriac), and other versions. Bomberg's printed Bible enjoyed almost canonical status up to the twentieth century. Although other editions were published, it was only in 1937, when Rudolf Kittel published his third edition, that the Ben Chayyim tradition was abandoned. Kittel's Biblia Hebraica, which became a kind of international standard, was based on the Leningrad Codex. Subsequently, the Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensis was published. It made few changes in the text itself as Kittel published it but improved the textual apparatus. Other printed editions of the Hebrew Bible are in the process of preparation, including the Hebrew University Bible, based on the Aleppo Codex. The Versions of the OT The Samaritan Pentateuch: This is, strictly speaking, not a version, but simply the Hebrew Pentateuch written in Samaritan letters. It arose out of the conflict between the Samaritan and the Jewish communities in thefifthcentury B.C. The Samaritans established their own place of worship at Shechem (now Nablus) and accepted the Pentateuch as their Bible. Since this Pentateuch was prepared long before the Hebrew text became standardized, it is an important witness to the early form of the OT text. The Samaritan text differs from the MT in about six thousand places, but most of the variations are trifling, having to do with grammar and spelling. In some places it is closer to the DSS; in about sixteen hundred places it agrees with the Greek LXX. Although the Samaritan Pentateuch was known to some church fathers, it was not until A.D. 1616 that European scholars were able to obtain a copy of it. It was published for the first time in the Paris Polyglot Bible in 1632. The most important copy of the Samaritan Pentateuch is the Nablus Scroll, still in the hands of the Samaritans. It probably dates from the early centuries of the Christian era. The standard printed edition of the Samaritan Pentateuch was published at Giessen, Germany, by A. von Gall in 1914-18 and is based on some eighty MSS. It was reprinted in Berlin in 1963. The Samaritan Pentateuch is an independent witness to the Hebrew text. The Aramaic Targums: By the time the Jews returned from Babylon in the fifth century B.C., they had begun to use Aramaic instead of Hebrew as their spoken language. The ancient Hebrew, however, remained the language of the sacred books. It became necessary, therefore, to translate the biblical text into Aramaic for those who attended the synagogue. These oral paraphrases were eventually put into writing and are called Targums [targum means "translation" or 1115

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"paraphrase"). The Targums that have survived show either a Palestinian or a Babylonian provenance. A complete MS of an Old Palestinian Targum of the Pentateuch (Codex Neofiti I) was discovered in the Vatican Library in 1957. In addition, there are the Jerusalem I and II Targums of the Pentateuch, wrongly ascribed to Jonathan and known, therefore, also as the Pseudo-Jonathan Targums. The official Targum of the Pentateuch took shape in Babylonia and is called Targum Onkelos. It dates from the second or third century A.D. Several Targums of the Prophets are also available. The official Babylonian Targum of the Prophets is known as Targum Jonathan bar Uzziel. It was published in Leiden, the Netherlands, by A. Sperber (the Former Prophets, 1959; the Latter, 1962). The Targums of the third division of the Hebrew Bible, the Writings, reflect a greater diversity in style. There are Targums for most of the books in this division with the exception of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Daniel (parts of Ezra and Daniel are already in Aramaic). The DSS include substantial fragments of a Targum of the book of Job in a version significantly different from the previously known version. Some of the Targums of the Writings can hardly be called paraphrases, let alone translations; they are more like commentaries. Some of the OT quotations in the NT are closer to the Targums than to the Hebrew original (see, e.g., Mark 4:12; Eph. 4:8). The Greek Translations of the OT: The Septuagint VS. Greek-speaking Jews in the Diaspora (Dispersion) were in need of a Bible in Greek. In Alexandria, which had a large Jewish community, efforts were made to translate the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek. According to a tradition preserved in the Letter of Aristeas, the Egyptian Ptolemy Philadelphus, who ruled 285-246 B.C., sent a delegation to the high priest in Jerusalem who, in response, chose six men from each of the twelve tribes and sent them to Alexandria with a copy of the Hebrew Torah (the first five books of the OT). These men translated the Hebrew Pentateuch into Greek in seventy-two days. Other versions of this story add interesting details, but there is considerable doubt about the trustworthiness of some of these traditions. In any case, the translation got the name Septuagint, meaning "seventy." Perhaps because seventy elders accompanied Moses up the mountain to receive the law it was only appropriate that the number should be rounded off to seventy (the symbol for the Septuagint, LXX, is seventy in Latin numerals). As time went on, the Prophets and also the Writings were translated into Greek, and since different translators were involved, the style of the LXX is not uniform. By the time of Jesus ben Sirach (late second century B.C.), the LXX was completed. The LXX contains not only the books of the Hebrew Bible but also books of the Apocrypha. Also, there are a number of passages that have been transposed by the LXX translators. Job is considerably shorter in the LXX than in Hebrew. The unevenness of the style of the LXX may be due not only to the different translators but also to the fact that the Hebrew text they used differed somewhat from the later standardized text. The LXX became the Bible not only of Greek-speaking Jews but also of the early Greek-speaking Christians. However, due to the controversies between church and synagogue and the emergence of a standard1116

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ized Hebrew text about A.D. 100, the LXX lost its popularity in the Jewish community. The preservation of the LXX must then be credited to the Christian church. It is available in the great codices from the fourth and fifth centuries A.D.—Sinaiticus, Vaticanus, Alexandrinus, and others (see below under NT). The first printed edition of the LXX was published in 1522 in the Complutensian Polyglot Bible. In the Englishspeaking world, the edition of H. B. Swete, published at Cambridge (1887-94) became popular. Alfred Rahlfs, who edited the LXX published by the Wiirttemberg Bible Society in 1935, knew offifteenhundred complete and fragmentary MSS of the LXX. Several more have been discovered since. At present, a new edition of the LXX is being published in stages, known as the Goettingen Septuagint. Revisions and Rival Versions of the LXX. Once the LXX had been renounced by the Jewish community, other translations emerged. Aquila of Sinope produced a slavishly literal translation of the Hebrew text into Greek (ca. A.D. 130). At the end of the second century A.D., Theodotion produced a very free translation of the Hebrew books into Greek. It became so popular that the church preferred his version of Daniel to that of the LXX. About A.D. 170, Symmachus prepared a Greek version of the OT. He tried to produce an idiomatic and accurate translation. A revision of the LXX was undertaken by the famous Christian scholar Origen at the beginning of the third century. His monumental work is known as the Hexapla—a sixfold version of the OT. It was completed about A.D. 245. This massive work had the Hebrew text in the first column, the Hebrew text written in Greek letters in the second, Aquila's Greek version in the third, Symmachus' version in the fourth, a revision of the LXX in the fifth, and the Greek translation of Theodotion in the sixth column. The whole work ran to nearly seven thousand pages. Only fragments of the entire work are available in MS form. Fortunately, Origen's fifth column (i.e., the LXX) was recopied several times and is available in extant MSS. Moreover, his revised LXX was translated into Syriac before the Hexapla was lost during the Moslem conquests of the seventh century. In the century following Origen, three editions of the LXX were published. Eusebius of Caesarea supplied Constantine with copies of the Bible that contained thefifthcolumn of Origen's Hexapla. Also, Lucian of Samosata, who died a martyr's death in A.D. 311, undertook a revision of the LXX. A third edition of the LXX was prepared by Hesychius of Egypt. These different versions of the LXX tended to intermingle, and so it is somewhat difficult to establish the original form of the LXX. No version of the OT has been so significant in the history of Bible translation as the LXX. Also, it was the text from which the NT writers, who wrote in Greek, quoted most often. Moreover, the translation of Hebrew words into Greek resulted in Greek words taking on Hebraic meanings, a fact of great significance for the interpretation of the NT. Thus, for example, "grace" came to mean God's benevolence, not simply human charm or pleasantness. Other Ancient MSS: The OT was translated into several other languages in the early centuries of the Christian era. Since most of these MSS contain both OT and NT, they are discussed under the NT section. 1117

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Papyrus fragment from Egypt containing verses from John 18, the oldest extant manuscript of any part of the NT; first half of second century A.D.

Suffice it to say here that the OT was translated into Latin, Syriac, Coptic, Ethiopie, Armenian, Georgian, and Gothic by the fifth century A.D. and into Slavonic and Arabic by the tenth. The New Testament: Formation and Language About the time when the text of the OT books was assuming standard form (first century A.D.), the books that were to constitute the NT were being written. Before the NT books were written, the teachings of Jesus circulated in oral form. It was standard practice in the ancient Near East to pass on traditions in oral form. With the expansion of the church into the Mediterranean world, the need for written material arose. By the end of the first century, most of the books of the NT had been written, and eventually twenty-seven such books comprised what Christians call the NT. The copying of the original writings must have begun very early, for a fragment of John's Gospel circulated in Egypt during thefirsthalf of the second century (P52). Copying was done for both private and public use. In the process, errors tended to slip in, as can be seen from extant MSS. By the time the NT books came to be written, Greek was the principal language of the Mediterranean world, although Latin was the official language of the Roman government. Greek is one of a number of languages that constitute the Indo-European family. Different dialects had been absorbed into the Greek language spread by the conquests of Alexander, producing a widespread dialect called Koine (Gk., "common"). The NT books were written in Koine Greek, the language of that day. There are also a few Latinisms in the NT, since Latin was the official language of the government. Likewise, the vocabulary and style of the Greek NT have been strongly influenced by its Hebrew and Aramaic backgrounds. The Character of the NT MSS Scrolls and Codices: Some of our earliest copies of the NT are papyrus MSS. From the third century on, however, parchment became the standard writing material up to the age of printing (fifteenth century), 1118

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when paper replaced both papyrus and parchment. Writing on papyrus or parchment was done "with pen and ink" (3 John 13). The ink was normally black or brown, although deluxe codices were at times written in silver or gold onfineparchment, called vellum. Red ink was not uncommon for titles, headings, and initial letters. The form of most NT books originally was that of a roll. The writing on these rolls was arranged in a series of columns. Finding passages in rolls was not very convenient, and so about the beginning of Mark 5:18-24 from the fifth-century Gothic Codex Argentius ("the Silver Codex") written on purple vellum in large letters of silver ink.

1119

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the second century the codex (the leaf-form of a book) came into use in the church. Styles of Writing; Two basic types of writing style were in use: the cursive or "running" hand, which could be written more rapidly, and the more formal style, somewhat resembling our capital letters. MSS written in this more literary style are called "uncials," those in the flowing hand are called "minuscules." NT MSS prior to the ninth century are generally uncial; the minuscules are generally from a later period. Palimpsests: Since parchment was costly, the original writing was at times scraped and washed off, the surface resmoothed and then used again. Such copies are called palimpsests (from two Greek words meaning "rescraped"). Of the ca. 300 uncial MSS of the NT extant, 52 are palimpsests. Helps for Readers: Some MSS of the NT provide helps for readers. There are, for example, chapter divisions (these divisions bear little relation to our present chapter divisions). These divisions often have headings (called titloi in Greek). Some scribes supplied information about the life of the author of the NT book or explained difficult words in the margins and between the lines. Some MSS are rich in Christian art. Since the NT books were read in worship, some have the beginning and end of the lessons clearly marked. In fact, a great many MSS belong to the category of "lectionaries," since they contain the lessons to be read during the church year. Classification of NT MSS Their Number: There are some five thousand complete or partial MSS of NT books available. To these must be added the thousands of copies of VSS of the Greek NT, which date from the early centuries of the Christian era. Also, there are numerous quotations of NT passages in the writings of the church fathers. Compared with the relatively small number of MSS of nonbiblical books from the ancient world, the NT is extremely well documented. The antiquity of some of the NT MSS is as impressive as the number of copies extant. Listing NT MSS: Before standard lists were universally accepted, it was often difficult to know where some of the MSS were located. Different systems of labeling or numbering added to the confusion. The standard list of Greek NT MSS was begun by C. R. Gregory, 1908, and his work has been continued and superseded by the work of K. Aland, 1963. MSS are classified on the basis of writing material. Papyrus MSS are listed separately from those made of parchment and are identified by a "P," followed by a superior number (P45, for example, is a codex belonging to the Chester Beatty Papyri). Uncial MSS are commonly designated by the capital letters of the Latin and Greek alphabets. Since, however, the number of uncials exceeds the number of letters of the Latin and Greek alphabets, they also have an Arabic numeral assigned to them, preceded by a zero (the Vaticanus, e.g., has the designation "B, 03"). Several uncial MSS are so important they also have names (e.g., Vaticanus, Alexandrinus). The minuscule MSS are referred to simply by Arabic numerals. Lectionaries are designated by the letter "1," followed by an Arabic numeral. Significant Uncial MSS: Heading the list is the Sinaiticus. This codex was discovered after other uncials had already been assigned their let1120

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rtoNa>Keoexei hCNTFVflOYCKP Ol wovckxi>Wo-

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John 5:37-6:23 from the late fourth- (or early fifth-) century Codex Sinaiticus, discovered at the Monastery of St. Catherine, Sinai, by Constantine von Tischendorf.

ters of the alphabet, and since it was thought unwise to renumber the MSS, the Sinaiticus received the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet [aleph). Where publishers do not use Hebrew characters, the letter "S" (Sinaiticus) is at times used to designate the MS. It was discovered by the German scholar Constantine von Tischendorf in the middle of the nineteenth century in the monastery of St. Catherine at Mount Sinai and was eventually given to the Russian Czar Alexander II, patron of the Greek Orthodox Church. The British Museum purchased the MS in 1933. It contains most of the OT and the entire NT in Greek. In addition to the twenty-seven books of the NT, it has two other early Christian writings, The Shepherd of Hernias and The Epistle of Barnabas. The text is written on vellum with four columns to the page. The date is about the middle of the fourth century. The Alexandrinus dates from the middle of the fifth century. Evidently it camefromAlexandria to Constantinople. In 1627, it came to England from Constantinople, and it lies next to the Sinaiticus in the British Library. Originally it contained all of the OT (in Greek) and the NT, together with 1-2 Clement and the Psalms of Solomon. However, most of Matthew is missing. It has two columns per page and is written on vellum with black ink. It was the first great uncial made accessible to scholars and so was assigned the letter "A." The Vaticanus comesfromthe fourth century, perhaps just slightly earlier than Codex Sinaiticus, and originally contained all the books of the Bible. Today some parts are missing. Missing are the NT books from Hebrews 9:14 onwards (including the Pastorals). Each page has three columns of text, written onfinevellum. Unfortunately, a corrector has spoiled it somewhat by tracing over the original writing. It is in the Vatican library. Codex Ephraemi is afifth-centurypalimpsest. Someone erased the text of the NT in the twelfth century and wrote the Greek translation of thirtyeight sermons of Ephraim, the Syrian church father, over it. Tischendorf 1121

TEXTS, VERSIONS, MANUSCRIPTS, EDITIONS

deciphered the biblical text underneath the sermons and published his findings in 1845. Only 64 leaves of the OT (in Greek) are left. Of the NT, there are 145 leaves, containing portions of every book of the NT except 2 Thessalonians and 2 John. The codex has only one column of text per page. It is in the National Library in Paris. Codex Bezae is a bilingual MS of uncertain provenance, with the Greek page on the left facing the Latin page on the right. It contains only the Gospels (in the Western order: Matthew, John, Luke, Mark), the last five verses of 3 John in Latin, and Acts. The text is written in "sense lines," which means that some are short and others are long. The first three lines of each NT book are in red ink. It was presented to Cambridge University by Theodore Beza, successor of John Calvin at Geneva, and so it is also called "Codex Cantabrigiensis." It comes from the fifth century and has a remarkable number of unique readings. Minuscules: The minuscules are generally of a later date, but the date alone does not determine the value of a MS. When a copy is made from an early parent MS, the date of the parent MS rather than the date of the copy is what counts. There are almost three thousand minuscules (complete or partial) known to scholars today. Whereas most of them reflect a kind of fourth-century standard text, called Byzantine, several minuscules are in the Western or the Alexandrian tradition. Ancient Papyrus MSS: A great many secular papyri had been discovered in the sands of Egypt before any biblical texts on papyrus came to light. In 1932, Chester Beatty, an American who lived in Dublin, was able to purchase twelve MSS discovered in a graveyard in Egypt. These Chester Beatty Papyri, as they are now called, pushed the date of the earliest MS of the NT back to about A.D. 200 or 250. Among the Chester Beatty papyri, P45 comprises portions of 30 leaves of a papyrus book that originally had about 220 leaves and contained all four Gospels and Acts. P46 comprises 86 leaves of the Pauline Letters. Portions of several Letters are lacking, and the Pastoral Letters apparently were not included in the first place. P47 comprises 10 leaves of the book of Revelation. Portions of Romans 15 and 16 from the Chester Beatty Biblical Papyrus II, from ca. A.D. 200-250.

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1122

TEXTS, VERSIONS, M A N U S C R I P T S , EDITIONS

Since the purchase of the Chester Beatty Papyri, the most important addition to the collection of papyrus MSS was made by Martin Bodmer, of Geneva. In 1956, the discovery of Bodmer II, written about A.D. 200, was announced. This MS (P66) contains a major portion of the Gospel of John. P72 was edited in 1959 and contains, among other things, the Letter of Jude and the two Letters of Peter, providing us with the oldest text of these writings. P75 is another early MS of Luke and John, dated between A.D. 175 and 225. This is our earliest copy of Luke's Gospel and one of the earliest of John. Translations of the Greek NT Early Eastern Versions: The Syriac VSS. One of the first efforts to render the Greek Gospels into Syriac was that of Tatian, who produced what has come to be called the Diatessaron (literally "through four," but in the sense of a "harmony of four parts"). Either before he left Rome, where he was a student of Justin Martyr, or after his return to his homeland in the Land of the Two Rivers (second century), he wove the four Gospels together into one continuous account. It came to be known in the East as the "mixed" Gospel. The whole work had some fifty-five chapters, and that suggests that the Diatessaron was designed to be read in the churches. The Diatessaron became very popular and was translated into a number of other languages (Persian, Arabic, Latin, Dutch, Medieval German, Old Italian, and Middle English). In 1933, a fragment of the Diatessaron in Greek was discovered and so there has been some debate on whether the "harmony" was made first in Greek and then translated into Syriac or whether it was made in Syriac to begin with. For some time, the Diatessaron circulated side by side with other Syriac translations of the Gospels, known as the Old Syriac VSS. Little was known about ancient Syriac VSS until 1842, when a fragmentary codex of the four Gospels from the fifth century came to the British Museum with a mass of Syriac MS material. Dr. Cureton of the museum edited this codex and found it to be an Old Syriac VS of the Gospels. It is now called the "Curetonian Syriac." In 1892, a palimpsest MS of the four Gospels in Syriac was discovered in the Monastery of St. Catherine. It is now called the "Sinaitic Syriac." These Syriac texts take us back to the late second or early third century. Unfortunately, no MS of the Old Syriac VS for Acts and the Letters has yet been discovered, although we have quotations from these books in several Syriac church fathers. As time went on, the Old Syriac VS was superseded by the Peshitta. The Peshitta (Syriac, "simple") was prepared in the early part of the fifth century and became the standard version of the Syriac church. It contains also the OT. The Pentateuch seems to have been translated in the second or third century A.D. Whether Jewish scholars were involved in the first attempts to translate the OT into Syriac is not altogether certain. In contrast to the LXX and the Latin Vulgate (Vg.), the Peshitta originally omitted the Apocrypha. These books were added later. In its official form, the Peshitta included only twenty-two books of the NT (2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, Jude, and Revelation are lacking). More than three hundred andfiftyPeshitta MSS of the NT are available to scholars today. In A.D. 509, Philoxenus, a bishop in eastern Syria, asked a certain Polycarp to revise the Peshitta. His effort was in turn revised again in 1123

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