Handbook of Christianity in Japan

HANDBOOK OF CHRISTIANITY IN JAPAN HANDBOOK OF ORIENTAL STUDIES HANDBUCH DER ORIENTALISTIK SECTION FIVE JAPAN edited ...

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HANDBOOK OF CHRISTIANITY IN JAPAN

HANDBOOK OF ORIENTAL STUDIES HANDBUCH DER ORIENTALISTIK SECTION FIVE

JAPAN edited by MARK BLUM · R. KERSTEN · M.F. LOW

VOLUME TEN

HANDBOOK OF CHRISTIANITY IN JAPAN

HANDBOOK OF CHRISTIANITY IN JAPAN EDITED BY

MARK R. MULLINS

BRILL LEIDEN • BOSTON 2003

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Handbook of Christianity in Japan / edited by Mark R. Mullins. p. cm. — (Handbook of oriental studies, Section 5, Japan ; v. 10) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 90-04-13156-6 I. Japan—Church history. I. Series. BR1305.H34 2003 275.2—dc21 2003050224

ISSN 0921-5239 ISBN 90 04 13156 6 © Copyright 2003 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill Academic Publishers provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers MA 01923, USA. PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

BURTON-LEWIS: CHRISTIAN MISSION AND HIGHER EDUCATION IN JAPAN V

CONTENTS

Preface and Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Mark R. MULLINS PART ONE: CHRISTIANITY IN JAPANESE HISTORY 1 Roman Catholic Mission in Pre-Modern Japan . . . . . . . . . . . 1 MIYAZAKI KentarØ 2 The Kakure Kirishitan Tradition MIYAZAKI KentarØ

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

3 The Modern Missionary Movement in Japan: Roman Catholic, Protestant, Orthodox . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Helen J. BALLHATCHET 4 The Cross Under an Imperial Sun: Imperialism, Nationalism, and Japanese Christianity, 1895–1945 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 A. Hamish ION 5 Japan’s Protestant Schools and Churches in Light of Early Mission Theory and History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Thomas John HASTINGS 6 Holiness, Pentecostal, and Charismatic Movements in Modern Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 IKEGAMI Yoshimasa 7 Indigenous Christian Movements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 Mark R. MULLINS 8 Christian Churches in the Postwar Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 Michael J. SHERRILL 9 Theology in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 J. Nelson JENNINGS 10 Bible Translations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205 Bernardin SCHNEIDER, OFM

vi

CONTENTS

PART TWO: CHRISTIANITY IN JAPANESE SOCIETY AND CULTURE 11 The Christian Encounter with Japanese Buddhism . . . . . . . . . 227 Notto R. THELLE 12 Shinto and Christianity: A History of Conflict and Compromise . . . 249 John BREEN 13 New Religions and Christianity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 SHIMAZONO Susumu 14 Bridging the Divide: Writing Christian Faith (and Doubt) in Modern Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295 Mark WILLIAMS 15 Mission Schools and Education for Women . . . . . . . . . . . . 321 Karen SEAT 16 Christian Social Welfare and the Modernization of Japan . . . . . 343 ENDØ KØichi 17 Christianity and Politics in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 359 M. William STEELE PART THREE: RESOURCES FOR THE STUDY OF CHRISTIANITY IN JAPAN 18 Archival Collections in Japanese Institutions . . . . . . . . . . . 383 YOSHIDA RyØ 19 Research Institutes and Academic Societies . . . . . . . . . . . . . 399 KUYAMA Michihiko Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 405 General Bibliography Index

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 409

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 415

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This Handbook is the product of international scholarly collaboration. I was approached by Brill about the possibility of preparing a volume on Christianity in Japan for the Handbuch der Orientalistik Series in 1996, during a sabbatical at the University of Edinburgh. While I could see the value of the project, it was one I could not envision taking on by myself. I agreed to serve as general editor of such a volume if given time to recruit a team of specialists to contribute chapters on their own areas of expertise. The editors at Brill accepted this proposal and I began to seek the advice of colleagues on how best to organize such a reference work. The following year I returned to Meiji Gakuin University in Tokyo and was delighted to find that members of the Research Institute for Christian Studies considered the proposed volume a project worthy of their support. The Institute not only enthusiastically endorsed the project but provided five years of financial support, which enabled me to draw together contributions by many fine scholars from around the world engaged in ongoing research related to Christianity in Japan. As a world religion that travels the globe, Christianity has influenced and shaped various cultures and societies, while at the same time being reshaped and transformed by local cultures. Although a relative latecomer to Japan’s religious scene and often regarded as an intrusive “foreign” influence or “outsider” from the West, Christianity is hardly the only foreign-born religion in Japan. Buddhism, Confucianism, and numerous New Religions have similarly been transplanted from abroad. Without disregarding the importance of various indigenous folk and Shinto traditions, the larger and fascinating story of religion in Japan is, in fact, one of the reception, impact, and adaptation of foreign-born religions in relation to native traditions and cultural concerns. The aim of this volume is to provide students and scholars of religion and Asian studies with a guide to research on Christianity within this larger context of Japanese religious history, culture, and society. To the casual observer it may appear that Christianity has remained a marginal and largely insignificant religion in Japan. This impression is not without some foundation. Christianity has had more difficulty in shedding its “foreign” images and associations than has Buddhism and hence remained a minority religion throughout its history in Japan. Even today, less than 1 per-

viii

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

cent of the Japanese population belongs to a Christian church of any kind. This seems particularly low when compared to Japan’s closest neighbor, South Korea, where Christianity claims the allegiance of over one-quarter of the population. While churches have continued to report baptisms and membership increases throughout the postwar period, the rate of defections and the increase in the Japanese population have kept Christian churches from gaining a larger share of the market in Japan’s religious economy. It is evident that Christian churches represent a small population in Japan, but a focus on membership figures alone may hinder us from fully appreciating its significance in Japanese history. While missionary efforts have only achieved minimal success when measured in terms of converts or church membership, Christianity has nevertheless been a highly influential minority religious tradition that has had a significant impact on Japanese society, institutions, culture, and even other religions. The disproportionate role of Christians in the field of education, for example, is readily apparent when one compares the number of private schools associated with the major religious traditions in Japan. The number of Christian schools, in fact, exceeds the number of Buddhist- and Shinto-related educational institutions combined (these numbers include universities, junior colleges, high schools, junior high schools, elementary schools, and kindergartens). In the field of contemporary Japanese literature, likewise, the works of the late Roman Catholic novelist EndØ Sh¨saku have sold millions of copies and have been widely read both within and outside the Japanese Christian community. The wider influence of Christianity may also be seen in popular religious culture. Although exclusive commitment to a Christian church or any religious organization (Buddhist or Shinto) is still rare among Japanese, many have begun to accept the ritual contribution of Christianity (on their own terms) into the religious division of labor. Just as Shinto has traditionally dominated the rituals associated with birth, and Buddhism has monopolized rituals connected to death, Christian churches and school and hotel chapels are becoming a significant competitor in the sacralization of weddings. In 1982 most weddings (90 percent) were still conducted by Shinto priests, and only 5.1 percent were performed with a Christian service. By 1998, however, the percentage of Christian weddings had increased to over 53 percent. This trend of “Christian” weddings represents a natural Japanese appropriation of another religious tradition into the rites of passage in contemporary society. These few examples suggest that the significance of Christianity in Japan extends beyond what one may initially suppose on the basis of meager church statistics, and it is this wider impact that also needs serious consideration.


ix

It is probably not an overstatement to suggest that Christianity is the most documented and studied minority religion in Japan. The scope and range of Japanese scholarship is apparent in the massive reference work, Nihon KirisutokyØ rekishi daijiten [Historical Dictionary of Christianity in Japan], a volume of over 1,700 pages, which draws on the expertise of some 1,300 plus scholars and writers from diverse denominational and non-religious institutions. Building on this rich tradition of scholarship, this Handbook brings together the latest research on a broad range of topics related to Christianity in Japan. The plan and organization of this volume was designed to cover both the institutional development of Christian churches in Japan as well as the wider impact and influence of Christianity in various dimensions of Japanese society and culture. Part I, Christianity in Japanese History, covers the more familiar terrain of historical studies of transplanted mission churches (Catholic, Protestant Orthodox) and institutions, the largely ignored areas of Pentecostal and charismatic Christianity, and the diverse Japanese responses to and appropriations of Christianity that fall outside of the framework of the Western churches (such as the “hidden Christians” and independent indigenous movements). Part II, Christianity in Japanese Society and Culture, considers the larger role of Christianity through a consideration of the fields of literature, education, social welfare and reform, politics, and the various interreligous encounters with other traditions (Buddhist, Shinto, and New Religions). Part III, Resources for the Study of Christianity in Japan, is more practical in orientation and provides a guide to archival resources in Japanese institutions, research institutes, and specialized publications and journals. In addition to the general bibliography, readers are advised to consult the bibliographies at the end of each chapter for more extensive references for the topic under consideration. A volume of this kind could only be completed by the cooperation and support of many people. I would first like to acknowledge and express my appreciation to Professor HASHIMOTO Shigeru, Director of the Institute for Christian Studies at Meiji Gakuin University, and to the other members of the Institute for their encouragement and support of this project for the past five years. On several occasions the Institute hosted researchers and sponsored special lectures in connection with this project. Dr. A. Hamish Ion, Royal Military College, Canada, spent his sabbatical as a visiting researcher at the Institute, and Dr. Mark Williams, Leeds University, visited on two occasions to give lectures and participate in research activities. I wish to thank them both for contributing not only to this volume but to the intellectual commu-

x


nity at Meiji Gakuin during their stays. A special thanks also goes to Ms. SHIRAIWA Mari, staff member of the Institute, for her many expressions of support and assistance during the years this volume was being prepared. In preparing this manuscript for publication, I have been assisted by a number of individuals. I would like to express my appreciation to each of the authors for their contribution to this volume and for their patience as the publication date was extended for various reasons. I also need to acknowledge and thank Helen Ballhatchet, Thomas Hastings, and A. Hamish Ion, who not only contributed their own chapters to this volume but kindly assisted with editorial work and proofreading of various chapters. For advice and consultation on matters of layout and design, I am indebted to Paul Swanson and James Heisig, both of the Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture, Nanzan University. About one-third of this Handbook is based on material originally prepared in Japanese. For assistance in the translation work, I would like to express my appreciation to David Hymes, Peter Knecht, Paul Shew, and Ed Skrzypczak. As always, my wife, Cindy, has been kind to respond to my frequent queries. I count myself to be a very fortunate academic to have such an understanding in-house editorial consultant. Finally, it has been a pleasure to work with Patricia Radder and Gera van Bedaf of Brill. I thank them for their patience and support in bringing this project to completion. It goes without saying that any errors and shortcomings that remain are my responsibility. Mark R. Mullins Tokyo, Japan March 19, 2003

ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSION IN PRE-MODERN JAPAN MIYAZAKI KentarØ

The Encounter Between Japan and Catholicism in the Age of Discoveries The encounter between Japan and Christianity in the sixteenth century was the first contact ever to take place in Japan between one universal religion and another, and also between a polytheistic religion and a monotheistic one. As a universal religion Buddhism, Mahayana as well as Theravada, underwent a kind of syncretism with the indigenous folk religion and had been accepted by, had merged with, and had taken roots in the alien culture in a peaceful manner. Such a tendency is particularly conspicuous in Chinese, Korean, and Japanese Buddhism. The Christian religion, on the other hand, penetrated into the world of western Europe clashing head-on, in Hellenistic times, with other religions and eliminating the worldviews of other religions by dint of force. In the time of the Great Discoveries by Spain and Portugal the same policy that was to turn the countries of Middle and South America, Southeast Asia, and Africa into colonies was aimed at eliminating native religion and imposing the Christian religion. In East Asia, i.e., China and Japan, such great religious figures and thinkers as Francisco Xavier, S.J. (1506–52), Alessandro Valignano, S.J. (1539–1606), and Matteo Ricci, S.J. (1552–1610) held these cultures in high esteem. Therefore, an imposition of the Christian religion by force did not occur in practice. The universal character of polytheistic religion lies in tolerance. This tolerance, however, is something that is manifested on the assumption that the other is acknowledged and respected; it does not mean accepting the other to the extent of denying one’s own self. The religions that entered Japan from outside her borders, Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism, they all became entrenched in Japan by merging with the native religions, in particular with Shinto. Valignano proposed a policy of accommodation to Japanese culture,

2

MIYAZAKI KENTAR÷

but this meant a partial adaptation, in the outward stratum of culture only; it did not mean a renunciation of the major premises that European culture and Christian culture represented the pinnacle of culture, and that the teachings of Christ were the only road to salvation. Herein lay the fundamental cause for the fact that Christianity was not really accepted in Japan and was subject to oppression. In the middle of the sixteenth century Portuguese ships arrived in Japan, and with them the Christian religion and European culture. The real reason why this encounter between Japan and Europe took place at this time was the fulfillment of two conditions at that particular stage in world history that made such an encounter possible, it was by no means because Portuguese ships happened to drift to the Japanese shores as a result of storms at sea. The two conditions were, first, the Age of Discoveries initiated by Europeans, and second, the religious reform of Luther. The Age of Discoveries, Initiated by Europeans The spirit of the Age of Discoveries may be said to be a manifestation of the insatiable mind of inquiry into and curiosity about those things that human beings do not know. That same spirit has been passsed on even to the present day, showing itself in the human exploration of the vast universe. The Great Discoveries were made possible as a result of the remarkable progress made in scientific technology with the support of the modern spirit of the Renaissance. In other words, the rapid advances in astronomy, the art of navigation, and surveying made it possible to sail long distances with greater accuracy and provided the human race with the means to travel to any place on the globe. The curtain on the Age of Discoveries was opened by Portugal and Spain. In 1488 the Portuguese Bartholomeu Diaz (1450?–1500) discovered the Cape of Good Hope at the southern tip of Africa, thus paving the way for passage to the Indian Ocean. In 1498 Vasco da Gama (ca. 1469–1524) reached Calicut and so discovered the sea route to India. In 1510 Portugal occupied Goa in India, then in 1511 it occupied Malacca, and in doing so it secured an eastwest trade route by sea that linked, beginning from the Moluccas, Malacca, India, Africa, and Portugal. In 1557 it leased Macao, thus securing a base in the Far East. In 1492 Christopher Columbus (1451–1506) discovered the American continent with financial assistance from the Spanish court. In 1519 Ferdinand de Magelhaes (1480?–1521) sailed from Spain across the Atlantic, rounded

ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSION IN PRE-MODERN JAPAN

3

Cape Horn at the southernmost tip of South America, and sailed into the Pacific Ocean. He himself died in a battle on the island of Mactan, in the Philippines, in 1521, but his men continued on, rounded the Cape of Good Hope in 1522 and returned to Seville in Spain, thus completing a circumnavigation of the world. Luther’s Religious Reformation and the Founding of the Jesuits The religious reformation initiated by Martin Luther, the Augustinian priest, in 1517, brought on a major turning point in the history of European thought. It was the outcome of the modern spirit that gave birth to the Renaissance, a conversion from the “God-centered” worldview of medieval Europe to a “man-centered” worldview. The introduction of Catholicism to Japan was also the outcome of the Counter-Reformation against Luther. To counter Luther’s religious reformation, the Catholic side called the Council of Trent and attempted to reform the Church, at the same time it moved forcefully to recover the territory the Catholics had lost to the Protestants. In the midst of this Counter-Reformation movement, Ignatius de Loyola (1491–1556), Francis Xavier, and others founded the Jesuit order in Paris in 1534, gaining formal ecclesiastical approval in 1540. The Society of Jesus vowed absolute allegiance to the Pope in Rome, and devoted itself to propagation of the Catholic faith in all lands appropriated by Portugal. Spanish and Portuguese Advances in Asia and the Catholic Missions During the Age of European Discoveries, the Iberian nations of Spain and Portugal were extremely active in spreading their influence in lands beyond the seas, and their goals were trade, conquest and the propagation of religion. These profane and sacred goals were the obverse and reverse of a single coin and could, therefore, not be separated. In this regard they were clearly different in nature from the later incursions by the English and Dutch that were motivated by mercantilism. In the Treaty of Alcáçovas concluded in 1479 between Spain and Portugal it was decided that the west coast of Africa would be Portuguese territory and the Canary Islands would be Spanish territory. In 1494 the two countries concluded the Treaty of Tordesillas, negotiated through Pope Alexander VI, by which a “papal line of demarcation” was decided on to run north and south through a point 370 leagues (about 2,220 km) west of the Cape Verde Islands and to divide the world into an eastern and a western half. In accord with this treaty, all the islands and continents already discovered or to be discovered

4

MIYAZAKI KENTAR÷

that lay to the west of this line were to be Spanish territory, and all those to the east of this line were to be Portuguese territory. The Pope obligated the Spanish and Portuguese monarchs to promote the propagation of the faith in any lands that would be discovered and to bear the financial burden of such propagation; in return, he gave them the exclusive rights to further the wordly projects of navigation, conquest, colonization and trade in the territories attributed to them. This arrangement was called Padroado, or Church patronage. In line with this arrangement, Portuguese members of the Society of Jesus set sail from Lisbon, sailed down the African west coast, rounded the Cape of Good Hope, and reached Goa in India. From there they passed the Strait of Malacca and reached Japan from Macao in China, the last Portuguese base. Spanish Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians, on the other hand, sailed west from Seville and went to Acapulco in Mexico, crossed the Pacific and proceeded via Hawai‘i to the Philippines. They made Manila their base, whence to travel to Japan. A Brief History of the Japanese Kirishitan Let us briefly survey the history of the Catholic Church in Japan. The period of approximately one hundred years from the arrival of Francis Xavier in 1549 up to the martyrdom in 1644 of Mantio Konishi, S.J., the last missionary to have remained in Japan, is known as the “Kirishitan period” (or the “Kirishitan century”). The Tokugawa government’s promulgation in 1614 of a complete ban on the kirishitan religion in all of Japan marked the beginning of a savage persecution that produced a great many martyrs. The three decades from 1614 to 1644 were a period in which the persecution and the martyrdoms reached their peaks. By the end of this period not a single missionary was left in the country, and from then on the faithful had to maintain their faith on their own, while outwardly pretending to be Buddhists. This state of affairs would continue until 1873; this long period of two hundred and thirty years would be known as the period of hiding, and the faithful who lived through this period would be known as underground Kirishitan. In 1873 the Meiji government took down all the public notice boards proscribing the Kirishitan religion, and a large number of underground Kirishitan placed themselves under the spiritual guidance of members of the Soci¡t¡ des Missions Etrang™res de Paris who had arrived in Japan at the end


5

of the Tokugawa government’s regime. Gradually they revealed themselves openly once again as members of the Catholic Church. These people are referred to as “resurrected Kirishitan” to distinguish them from those called Kakure Kirishitan (hidden Kirishitan) who, instead of rising again within the Catholic Church, continued to follow only the form of their faith as they knew it from the days of their underground existence. The word kirishitan, which comes from the Portuguese word Christão, is a historical term that, ever since Xavier’s arrival in Japan, refers to the Catholic Church and its followers, right up to the repeal of the government’s prohibition of the Kirishitan religion in 1873. The propagation of the Kirishitan teachings in Japan had been carried out mostly by the Jesuits, who were under the patronage of the Portuguese monarch. For this reason the majority of the Jesuits that came to Japan were Portuguese, and the language used in preaching was mainly Portuguese, with a few Latin words also used.1 The word Kirishitan is a Portuguese word that means either the Christian religion or the followers of the Christian religion. Underground Kirishitan

Arrival of Kirishitan

Order prohibiting Kirishitan religion

1549

1614

Kakure Kirishitan

Catholics

Kirishitan reappeared

1644

1859 1873 Protestants

Age of Kirishitan

Time of underground existence Time of remergence

Present

Figure 1. Historical Development of Christianity in Japan

Xavier’s Mission Work in Japan One of the founders of the Society of Jesus, Francis Xavier, sailed from Lisbon in 1541 for the purpose of propagating the faith in the Far East. Using Goa as his base, he carried out missionary activities as far as the Moluccas. In 1547 he met in Malacca a Japanese from Kagoshima by the name of YajirØ; from the latter he learned about the high level of civilization of the Japanese people, and he decided to preach the Gospel in Japan. YajirØ was baptized in

6

MIYAZAKI KENTAR÷

Goa at the Collegio de San Paulo; he thus became the first Japanese to become a Kirishitan. In 1549, accompanied by YajirØ and two other Japanese Kirishitan, Xavier and two fellow Jesuits, Cosme de Torres (1510–70) and Juan Fernandez (1526-67), landed in Kagoshima. YajirØ could understand Portuguese to a certain extent, so Xavier had him translate passages from the Bible and some prayers, but these translations involved some serious problems. YajirØ was forced to translate Christian terminology by using Buddhist words. For example, he translated “Christian dogma” as “Kirishitan Buddhist dogma,” and Paraiso (paradise) as “the Pure Land.” He had particular difficulty with Deus, the one absolute God—-a concept that did not exist in Japan at the time—-and used a word borrowed from the Shingon sect that had the idea of a presiding deity: Dainichi (Nyorai). As a result, even though Xavier thought he was urging people to worship the Christian God, in reality he was preaching the Buddha of Buddhism. When Xavier realized this he instructed people in the town of Yamaguchi that they were “not to worship Dainichi.” Xavier had landed in Kagoshima, the southernmost part of Japan. From there he resolved to go up to the capital (Kyoto) in order to have an audience with the emperor and obtain permission from him to preach the Gospel throughout the whole of Japan. At the time Japan was in the midst of constant internal warfare, however, and the capital was in a particularly devastated state, with the emperor left with no authority. So Xavier decided to abandon missionary work in Japan for a while and to concentrate on preaching the Gospel in China first. He had been in Japan for only a brief two years, but he had these words of high praise for the country: The people whom we have met so far, are the best who have as yet been discovered, and it seems to me that we shall never find among heathens another race to equal the Japanese. They are a people of very good manners, good in general, and not malicious (Boxer 1974, 37).

Intending to return first to India, Xavier left Japan in November 1551. His stay in Japan had lasted a little over two years; because he could not understand the Japanese language very well, he did not have much by way of substantial results from his preaching. Still, his view of the Japanese as better than any of the peoples found in any other land newly discovered, and as possessing a high level of culture, were to become the basic line for future missionary work in Japan, and Xavier literally took the first steps toward the propagation of the Christian religion in Japan.


7

Missionary Work in Japan after Xavier After Xavier departed, Father Torres took over as the head of missionary activities in Japan, which was concentrated in Kyushu in western Japan and in Kyoto where it was aimed at the upper classes. Propagation was a most difficult matter, given the differences in language, customs, and traditions and the unsettled political conditions caused by internal warfare at this time. In 1563 the missionaries saw some fruit from their ten years of efforts. In that year ÷mura Sumitada (1533–87) from western Kyushu became the first Kirishitan daimyØ (feudal lord). In 1564 Takayama Ukon (1552?–1615) received baptism in Takatsuki not far from Kyoto; in 1578 the powerful daimyØ of Bungo in Kyushu, ÷tomo SØrin (1530–87), received baptism; and in 1580 Arima Harunobu (1567–1612) also was baptized. The daimyØ of the war-torn country, attracted throughout by prospects of a profitable trade with Portugal, gave permission for missionary work in their fiefdoms, but when the Portuguese ships did not enter their ports and they realized their hopes would go unfulfilled, they switched their positions and began to persecute the Kirishitan. Ten years after Xavier had landed in Japan, the number of Kirishitan converts stood at around 6,000; in 1569 they numbered about 20,000; and in 1579, thirty years after Xavier’s arrival, they had increased to 130,000. By 1601, a little over fifty years after Xavier, the number had increased to approximately 300,000. Finally, after eighty years of missionary work, the number of converts in the early 1630s totalled 760,000. The total population of Japan at that time is estimated to have been 12,000,000, so that figure is equivalent to approximately ten times the percentage of Catholics in presentday Japan.2 Within the territories of such representative Kirishitan daimyØ as Amakusa Hisatane, ÷mura Sumitada, Arima Harunobu, ÷tomo Yoshishige (SØrin), and Takayama Ukon mass conversions were taking place, with most of the retainers of the daimyØ, and most of the residents of the fiefs, becoming Kirishitan. With the lords of fiefs united with the populace of their fiefs in Kirishitan fiefdoms, the lords urged Buddhist monks to convert, and those who refused were banished from their fiefs, temple properties were seized, and temples were handed over to missionaries to be turned into churches. The strongest motive of these daimyØ (with the exception of a few like Takayama Ukon) behind their forceful promotion of the Christianizing of their fiefs was their interest in trade with the Portuguese merchants. In is unclear how many of the believers resulting from such mass conversions really understood the basics of the Christian religion when they received baptism.

8

MIYAZAKI KENTAR÷

The Missionary Policies of the Jesuits in Japan Wherever the Jesuits attempted to preach the Gospel for the first time, their first priority was quantitative growth through harvesting followers, and the question of qualitative deepening was considered a task to be undertaken after conversion. Alexander Valignano, too, the vicar-general and visitator of East Asia for the Society of Jesus, adopted on his visit to Japan in 1579 the fundamental policy of conversion from the top stratum of society to lower strata. Thirty years after Xavier, Valignano was to ascertain the result and state of the missionary endeavor, and he was entrusted with the important task of drawing up policies aimed at expanding missionary activity. Valignano’s basic policy for mission work in Japan was one of accommodation (accommodatio) to the native culture, in which the missionaries were to show esteem for the culture of Japan, and without destroying any of it, were to transplant on top of that culture the superior Christian culture. To achieve this aim, Valignano believed, it was vital that the missionaries from Europe take active steps to accommodate to Japan’s culture, traditions, and customs. This attitude of Valignano of striving to accommodate oneself to the native culture was an epoch-making phenomenon in the sixteenth century, when Europeans tended to think of their own culture as the epitome of culture, and to refer to Japanese and Chinese as “negroes.”3 What Valignano considered very important as a fundamental task for achieving accommodation was that the foreign missionaries learn the Japanese language and have a deep understanding of the mores, national traits, thought, and customs of Japan. Shortly after his arrival in Japan, Valignano established a language school (Collegio) at Sakaguchi in ÷mura and had Luis Frois (1532–97), a Jesuit with the best understanding of Japanese culture, compose a treatise, Tratado em que se contem muito susintae abreviadamente algumas contradiçoes e diferenças de custumes antre a gente de Europa e esta provincia de Japão, in which he itemized the characteristic differences between Japanese and European culture and contrasted them. Valignano also instructed the missionaries to change their daily lifestyle to one more in keeping with Japanese ways, and he himself produced in 1581 a manual that covered such diverse topics as the manner of associating with Japanese, polite manners, the proper way to eat, the proper way to dress, the architecture of church buildings, and so on (Schütte 1946). In all these materials the policy of accommodation to Japanese culture can be discerned quite clearly.


9

In 1580 Valignano called the first Jesuit conference to be held in Japan; its objectives were the establishment of a missionary structure in Japan with a sound financial base, and the setting up of institutions to foster talented personnel. From this conference there followed the opening of institutions for primary education, seminario, in Azuchi and Arima, an institution for higher learning, collegio, in Funai (present-day ÷ita) of Bungo, and a novitiate (novisiado) for religious candidates in Usuki, also in Bungo. In this way Valignano hoped to take in as students the sons of samurai families, nurture them into outstanding Japanese Christians, accept from among their numbers those who would become Jesuits, and train them to become native priests. In 1570 the Jesuits had held discussions with the Kirishitan daimyØ of Hizen (Nagasaki), and these talks had led to the surveying of the port of Nagasaki and the opening of the port for use as a new base for trade with the Portuguese. The following year the first Portuguese trading ship entered the port, and from then on, until the Portuguese were expelled from the country in 1639, Portuguese trading vessels entered Nagasaki every year. Thus the town of Nagasaki became the base for the Japan-Portugal trade, and it developed rapidly into a Kirishitan town. In 1580 ÷mura Sumitada consulted with Valignano and decided to turn over Nagasaki to the Jesuits as their fief. To ensure a steady financial base, the Jesuits invested in raw silk trade between Nagasaki and Macao, and this produced a large amount of profit for them, but also led later to the criticism that they were too deeply involved in economic activities. At the time when Valignano was to return to Europe in 1582, he planned to show the Pope the fruits of thirty years of Jesuit missionary work in Japan by sending a delegation of four young boys from the seminario in Arima to Europe, on a tour aimed at collecting donations for the missions from the rulers in Europe. Valignano also had in mind that these young boys would see for themselves the Christian religion, learning, culture, and state institutions of Europe, and that when they returned to Japan they would pass on what they had learned to their own peers, thus paving the way for the future acculturation of the Christian religion to Japan. Toyotomi Hideyoshi’s Order to Ban the Missionaries The four boys of about thirteen years sailed out of Nagasaki in 1582 and reached Portugal two years later. Everywhere they were enthusiastically welcomed. In the following year they were received in audience by the Pope, thus the purpose of their mission was sufficiently achieved. By the time they

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reached Goa in India on their return voyage they received news that Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1537–90) who had unified the country in 1587, had suddenly issued an order to expel all foreign missionaries. Because Hideyoshi formerly had shown a favorable attitude towards the Kirishitan, this turn in policy after he had brought the country under a unified regime came like a bolt out of the blue. The town of Nagasaki was confiscated and put under the government’s direct control. The expulsion order was not strictly followed, however, it forced the missionaries to avoid activities that might catch the public eye. Valignano and the young ambassadors returned to Nagasaki in 1590, eight years after they had set out. Valignano did not return to Japan as a missionary but as the ambassador of the viceroy of India to Hideyoshi; in this function he was warmly received, together with the boys, by Hideyoshi in the following year. Pope Gregory XIII had issued a decree in 1585 in which he entrusted the Japanese mission exclusively to the Society of Jesus. This aroused the displeasure of the Spanish missionaries from the Orders of Saint Francis, Saint Dominic and Saint Augustin, who repeatedly had tried to launch missionary work in Japan using Manila in the Philippines as their base. When Harada Kiemon, a Nagasaki merchant engaged in foreign trade, counseled to conquer the Philippines, Hideyoshi dispatched an embassy in 1592 requesting the Governor of the Philippines to submit. The Governor sent the Dominican friar Juan Cobo (?–1592) to Japan. The friar received a letter in response, but he perished in Taiwan on his return. In 1593 the Governor of the Philippines sent a group with the Franciscan friar Pedro Baptista (1545–97) as ambassadors to Japan. They met with Hideyoshi and received permission to build a monastery in Kyoto, while they were in Japan. While he was negotiating, Baptista was busy doing missionary work claiming that the expulsion order was issued against the Society of Jesus and, therefore, did not concern the Franciscan Order. At this time the Pope in Rome acknowledged the exclusive right of the Society of Jesus to do mission work in Japan. As a consequence, a confrontation began between the Society of Jesus that was under the patronage of the Portuguese monarch and the Franciscans and other mendicant orders who were under the patronage of the Spanish monarch. Just at that time, in 1596, the Spanish ship San Felipe on a voyage from Manila to Mexico encountered a typhoon and became stranded at Tosa, the island of Shikoku. Hideyoshi, in need of resources for his Korean adventure, seized the rich cargo of the San Felipe. However, seizure of the ship’s cargo was unlawful in terms of the Japan-Spain friendship treaty concluded between Hideyoshi and Baptista. In order to turn it into a lawful action Hideyoshi


11

renewed his order to expel the foreign missionaries in 1587 and ordered that the leaders of the Kirishsitan in Kyoto and Osaka be executed. As a consequence of this, six priests and brothers, including Baptista, together with fourteen of their helpers, were arrested in Kyoto. In Osaka three members of the Society of Jesus were arrested, and this brought the total number of those arrested to twenty-four. They had their ears cut off and were sent off to Nagasaki after they had been paraded through the streets of Kyoto, Osaka, and Sakai as a warning. On their way there they were joined by two more. They were all crucified at Nishizaka in Nagasaki, on 5 February 1597. This is known as the martyrdom of the twenty-six Japanese Saints. Oppression of Kirishitan by the Tokugawa Government After Hideyoshi’s demise the following year a struggle broke out among his successors. Tokugawa Ieyasu emerged as the victor and, in 1603, established the Edo bakufu government. In the first ten years the bakufu government was still insecure, and Ieyasu did not yet take a definite stance concerning the Kirishitan. For that reason they experienced their last period of growth. However, in 1600, the Roman Curia scrapped the exclusive right to missionary work of the Society of Jesus, and since Ieyasu became actively involved in trade with the Philippines, the Orders of the Dominicans and the Augustinians joined the Franciscans in missionary work in 1602. This resulted in no small confusion in the mission work in Japan. The development of world history had come to a turning point. In 1588 Philip II of Spain had dispatched a supposedly invincible armada against England but had to accept tragic defeat off the coast of Calais. This sealed the ruin of Spain; in her place the Protestant countries England and Holland became the rulers of the globeís oceans. England established the East India Company in 1602 and became active in the trade with the Far East. In 1600, the “De Liefde,” one of five vessels of a fleet Holland had despatched to explore the sea route to East India, drifted into the port of Usuki in Bungo. The ship’s chief navigator was the Englishman William Adams who was favorably received and became Tokugawa Ieyasu’s adviser in foreign matters. When Holland established a trading post in Hirado in 1609, Adams requested that his home country England establish trade with Japan. This became reality in 1613, when the commander of a vessel of the East India Company, John Saris (ca. 1579–1643), sailed into Hirado and opened an English trade post there. The Catholic countries Portugal and Spain had promoted both trade as well as the propagation of religion as a unit,

12

MIYAZAKI KENTAR÷

but the Protestant England and Holland had advanced to the Far East with the sole purpose to promote trade. When instead of the trade with Portugal and Spain trade with England and Holland increasingly gained importance, there was no further diplomatic necessity for the bakufu government to protect the Kirishitan who were a hindrance for the government’s stability. It embarked, therefore, in an all out oppression of the Kirishitan. In 1614 the bakufu government issued a nation-wide order that prohibited the Kirishitan religion and expelled the missionaries and influential leaders of the faithful. With this order began the radical suppression of the Kirishitan by the Edo government that lasted for 210 years. All churches and monasteries in the country were distroyed. The missionaries and the influencial Kirishitan daimyØ Takayama Ukon and NaitØ Tokuan, together with their families, NaitØ Julia and fifteen nuns, altogether more than 350 persons, were expelled to Macao or Manila respectively. At this point 89 of the 115 members of the Society of Jesus residing in Japan, four of ten Franciscans, two of nine Dominicans, two of three Augustinians, and two of seven dioceasan priests were exiled. The others went underground in different areas. The exiled missionaries, however, made every effort to clandestinely return to Japan despite the prohibition and took care of the faithful. In the years between 1615 and 1643, 101 missionaries clandestinely returned, but they were apprehended and met with martyrdom, except for those who renounced their religion. The thirty years after 1614 were the period of the most severe persecution. Fortyfour were martyred in the area of Arima in 1614; fifty-two were put on the stake in Kyoto in 1619; in 1622 it was again Nishizaka in Nagasaki where fifty-five died as martyrs (twenty-five of them died on the stake, thirty were beheaded); sixteen died at Unzen in the boiling hot water of the hot spring in 1627. Diverse methods of torture were invented and applied to the Kirishitan. In the beginning the rather simple methods of beheading, crucifixion, and burning at the stake were used, but they moved the hearts of the onlookers, and far from instilling fear these methods produced the counter effect of stirring people’s faith. For that reason methods of torture were more and more designed to prolong the suffering, and to have the victims renounce their faith rather than to kill them. The most severe form of torture was suspension in a pit. To prevent early death a small hole was made at the temple which allowed the blood to drip out when the victim was hung head down from a scaffold, and the body was tightly bound with a rope to prevent the intestines from turning over. The head was lowered into a pit dug in the ground, and care was taken to have no light enter it in order to frighten the victim also psychologically.


13

When Father Cristovão Ferreira, S.J. (1571–1649) was suspended in a pit at Nishizaka in Nagasaki in 1633, he renounced the faith. This caused a shock in the whole country, since Ferreira was the highest ranking member of the Society of Jesus in Japan. After he had renounced the faith he was made to marry a Japanese and to cooperate with the interrogation of Kirishitan under the Japanese name of Sawano Chän. Until the ban of the Christian religion was removed in the Meiji period the number of martyrs for whom the circumstances and place of their martyrdom and their names are known reached 4045 individuals. It is said, however, that the number of those about whom nothing is known may be as high as forty thousand. At Nishizaka in Nagasaki alone 660 were martyred. Oppression of Kirishitan During the Time of National Isolation In 1623 Tokugawa Iemitsu (1604–51) became the third Shogun. Under his reign the institutions of the bakufu government were completed, and the oppression of the Kirishitan thoroughly organized. Until his time oppression of the Kirishitan meant first of all the apprehension of missionaries in western Kyushu, although interrogations of ordinary citizens also increased in the whole country. Important changes took place also in the field of diplomacy. England lost to Holland in the competition for Southeast Asia and focused, therefore, on the administration of India. In 1623 England closed its trading post in Hirado and retreated from Japan. In the following year an embassy from Manila arrived in Japan to reestablish diplomatic and trade relations, but the bakufu government refused, in effect cutting its diplomatic relations with Spain. In order to unilateraly dominate foreign trade and to drive out the Kirishitan Iemitsu consolidated step by step institutions of national isolation. In 1637 an uprising in Amakusa and Shimabara erupted against the cruel land taxes imposed on the farmers by Matsukura Shigemasa, the feudal lord of Shimabara. Shimabara and Amakusa were the old fiefs of the Kirishitan daimyØ Arima Harunobu (1567–1612) and Konishi Yukinaga (?–1600), respectively, and the great majority of their population was Kirishitan. Under the leadership of Amakusa ShirØ Tokisada (1623/24–38) more than twenty thousand farmers entrenched themselves in the castle of Shimabara, but in the next year the farmers who had taken part in the uprising were all beheaded. The bakufu government, insisting on its view that it was a Kirishitan uprising, strove to promote a thorough ban of the Kirishitan religion and a policy of isolation, and in doing so to strengthen the clan regime. In 1639 it proscribed

14

MIYAZAKI KENTAR÷

the landing of Portuguese ships and so completed its system of isolation. The Dutch trading station of Hirado was forced to move to Dejima in 1641, a newly built artificial island in the harbor of Nagasaki, and with this Japan’s foreign trade was only allowed in the port of Nagasaki and from there on was largely restricted to trade with the two countries of Holland and China. The ban on the Kirishitan religion imposed by the third shogun Iemitsu was thorough. The various measures of oppression aimed at eradicating the Christian religion, such as the system to remunerate denouncers, the fivefamily groups, fumie, the written declarations of renouncing the faith, the system of guarantee by a temple (terauke), and the control of family groups (ruizoku aratame) had a great effect. All of these institutions remained in force until the end of the bakufu government and functioned as a check on the Kirishitan and a means for the government to control the common population. The system of remunerating denouncers: this was a system of giving financial remunerations to those who denounced Kirishitan that was introduced 1619 in Nagasaki. 1633 it was introduced also in the regions under the direct control of the bakufu government, and after the Shimabara uprising it was applied nationwide and kept in force until the end of the bakufu regime. The five-family groups (gonin gumi): this was a system of local neighborhood associations based on units of five households, and established for the purpose of group responsibility and mutual assistance within the kumi (group). The systems of remunerating denouncers and of five-family groups were combined in 1642 making the apprehension of Kirishitan an obligation of group responsibility. If a member of one’s five-family group accused someone to be a Kirishitan the remaining four households were not censured, but if a member was accused by someone of another group all members of a five-family group were executed. Fumie: In order to test whether somebody was a believer or not the person was made to trod on an image of Christ or Mary, the objects of belief, as a means of psychological torture. The procedure served to discover believers, but also to prevent a relapse because it had to be repeated every year even after one had renounced the faith. Written declaration of renunciation (korobi kakimono): This was a written document in which the person who had thrown away the Kirishitan belief swore before the deities of Japan and before the Christian God not to convert again. It was believed that divine punishment would strike those who broke the oath. From 1635 the oath was imposed nation wide. Certification by a Buddhist temple (terauke seido): all Japanese were forced to become danka (parishioners) of a temple, a Buddhist priest had to


15

assist at the burial of the dead, and the burial had to be conducted according to Buddhist rites. Introduced nationwide in 1635, the system remained in force until the end of the bakufu government. Lists for the control of family groups (ruizoku aratamechØ): In 1687 the bakufu government established a special system of surveillance over the family groups (ruizoku) of Kirishitan martyrs. It had lists of families made where the kind of relation between a martyr and his/her family, data concerning age, residence, profession, temple of affiliation, affinal relations, and birth and death had to be recorded. If any change occurred in a family group such as death, birth, marriage, change of residence, adoption, entering religion, change of name, divorce or separation, disowning, and a change of one’s religious affiliation, it was declared obligatory to file a written notice. The Period of Underground Existence The bakufu government of Edo perfected institutions to oppress the Kirishitan and imposed a radical control. To counter this the Kirishitan side organized confuraria (Confraria, confraternities or groups of believers) and applied its imagination to think of various ways of how to avoid the watchful eye of the authorities. And yet, from time to time what was called kuzure (crumblings), i.e., large size roundups, occurred. In 1657, for example, the “KØri kuzure” erupted and 608 persons were arrested in KØri village in the domain of the ÷mura clan. Forty-one were beheaded, seventy-eight died in custody, twenty were sentenced to life in prison, and ninety were acquitted. In the years between 1660 and 1682 the “Bungo kuzure” occurred in the districts ÷ita and Kusu of Bungo, where 220 persons were arrested. Fifty-seven of them were executed, fifty-nine died in prison, and sixty-five were released. In the “BinØ kuzure,” which erupted in 1661 in the Kani district of Mino, twenty-four persons were arrested, however, in 1665 207 were beheaded, 756 in 1667, and another thirty-three in 1669. Towards the end of the bakufu government, in 1805, the “Amakusa kuzure” broke out in Amakusa of Higo, and 5200 underground Kirishitan were arrested, but partly due to their great number they could not be punished as Kirishitan should have been, instead they were treated as believers deceived by a dubious religion and followers of a mistaken alien religion, and thus they were spared severe punishment. Documents that would allow us to inquire about Kirishitan belief during the time of underground existence are extremely rare. Since not a single missionary remained, there were no reports addressed to the outside world, and since the believers were forced to convert to Buddhism such documents

16

MIYAZAKI KENTAR÷

would almost certainly have been destroyed because their discovery would have put one’s life in danger. Texts of prayers and teachings were not transmitted in writing but orally by word of mouth. Without the benefit of even a single leader, the faith of the Kirishitan changed little by little during the long time of 230 years of underground existence and merged with indigenous Japanese beliefs. The “Resurrection” of the Kirishitan 1858 the Edo government concluded trade agreements with the five countries England, America, Russia, France and Holland, abandoned the policy of national isolation, and opened the ports of Hakodate, Yokohama and Nagasaki the following year. When Father Girard of the Paris Society of Foreign Missions, who had been in Okinawa praying that Japan would again be opened to mission work, heard of the reopening of the country, he immediately went to Yokohama, and once there he built the Yokohama tenshudØ (church). Father Furet came to Nagasaki in 1863 and began the construction of the ÷ura tenshudØ, which was completed the following year by Father Petitjean. Nagasaki is the central location where Japan’s Kirishitan lived. In Urakami, where a great number of Nagasaki’s Kirishitan was living underground, the first “Urakami kuzure” broke out in 1790, the second in 1842, and a third one in 1856. In 1865, underground Kirishitan of Urakami who had longed that the missionaries would return met, after 221 years, in the newly completed church of Urakami with Father Petitjean who on his side had been praying to meet Japanese Kirishitan, whom he had been hoping had survived. This dramatic event is called the “resurrection of the Kirishitan.” The underground Kirishitan who met with the priest whose coming they had been awaiting could not tread on the sacred image or deny their Kirishitan faith any longer. They appeared before the officials to request the nullification of their conversion (kaishin modoshi), i.e., that they be allowed to become Kirishitan again, and so triggered the last of the great suppressions, the fourth “Urakami kuzure” of 1867. The next year 114 of Urakami’s most outstanding faithful were exiled to the three domains of Tsuwano, Hagi, and Fukuyama. And again a year later, a further 3300 persons were exiled and divided up among twenty-one clan fiefs of western Japan. They returned to their homeland in 1873 after the notice boards proscribing the Kirishitan had been removed, but in the meantime 664 persons had died for their faith. In 1868 persecution of Kirishitan raged not only in the city of Nagasaki, but also in the whole region of the GotØ Archipelago in Nagasaki prefecture.


17

Many of them became martyrs, especially on Hisaka Island where altogether about 190 men and women were locked up in a single prison. This is the socalled “GotØ kuzure.” In the same year, the first of the Meiji period, underground Kirishitan were also apprehended at Imamura in the Ohara district of Chikugo. It is a truly astonishing fact that in spite of the bakufu government’s radical oppression that lasted for over two hundred years underground Kirishitan had survived until the early years of the Meiji period. When the prohibition order was revoked in 1873, and the Catholic Church returned, many Kirishitan turned to it, but in some areas of Nagasaki prefecture, such as Shimogoto, Sotome on the Nishisonogi peninsula, Hirado and Ikitsuki, so-called Kakure Kirishitan (Hidden Kirishitan) have survived to the present, keeping the faith in the form it has been transmitted to them since the time of their underground existence. However, it must be said that due to significant changes during this underground period the nature of their faith today has become something rather distant from Christianity.

NOTES *Translated by Peter Knecht, Nanzan University, Nagoya. 1 For a detailed discussion of the issues surrounding translation of Christian terminology into Japanese during this period, see Kaiser (1996). 2 The estimated number of converts cited here, which includes infant baptisms, may be found in Gonoi (1990, 12; 129). Other scholars suggest that at its peak there were roughly half that number or approximately 300,000 Kirishitan; see Whelan (1996, 11; 77) for a brief discussion of scholarly estimates. 3 For recent studies that focus on the missionary approach of the Jesuits in the context of “Europeanism,” see Moran (1993) and Ross (1994).

BIBLIOGRAPHY Alvarez-Taladriz, Jos Luis, ed. Alejandro Valignano S.I.: Sumario de las cosas de Japon (1583) tomo I. Monumenta Nipponica Monographs, No. 9. Tokyo: Sophia University, 1954. Boxer, Charles Ralph. The Christian Century in Japan, 1549–1650. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1951. Ebisawa Arimichi, ed. Christianity in Japan: A Bibliography of Japanese and Chinese Sources. Part I (1543-1858). Tokyo: ICU and Tuttle, 1960. Fujita, Neil S. Japan’s Encounter with Christianity: The Catholic Mission in PreModern Japan. New York: Paulist Press, 1991. Gonoi Takashi. Nihon KirisutokyØ shi [A history of Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa KyØbunkan, 1990.

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Higashibaba Ikuo. Christianity in Early Modern Japan: Kirishitan Belief and Practice. Leiden: Brill, 2001. Kaiser, Stefan. “Translations of Christian Terminology into Japanese, 16–19th Centuries: Problems and Solutions.” In John Breen and Mark Williams, eds. Japan and Christianity: Impacts and Responses. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996. Laures, Johannes, S.J. Kirishitan Bunko: A Manual of Books and Documents on the Early Christian Mission in Japan. Monumenta Nipponica Monographs, No. 5. Tokyo: Sophia University, 1957. Moran, J. F. The Japanese and the Jesuits: Alessandro Valignano in Sixteenthcentury Japan. New York: Routledge, 1993. Pag¡s, L¡on. Histoire de la Religion Chr¡tienne au Japon depuis 1598 jusqu’a 1651. Two volumes. Paris: Charles Douniol, 1869, 1870. Ross, Andrew C. A Vision Betrayed: The Jesuits in Japan and China, 1542–1742. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1994. Schütte, Josef Franz, S.J. Valignanos Missionsgrundsãtze fur Japan, 1573–1582. Two volumes. Roma, 1958. Schütte, Josef Franz, S.J., ed. Luis Frois, Kulturgegensãtze Europa-Japan (1585). Monumenta Nipponica Monographs, No. 15. Tokyo: Sophia University, 1955. Schütte, Josef Franz, trad. Il ceremoniale per I missionari del Giappone “Advertimentos e avisos acerca dos costumes e catangues de Jappão” di Alejandro Valignano. Roma: Edizioni di “Storia e Letteratura,” 1946. Takase KØichirØ. Kirishitan no seiki [The Christian century]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1993. Whelan, Christal. The Beginning of Heaven and Earth: The Sacred Book of Japan’s Hidden Christians. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1996. Wicki, Jos¡, ed. Luis Frois, Historia de Japam. 5 volumes. Lisboa, 1976–1984.

THE KAKURE KIRISHITAN TRADITION MIYAZAKI KentarØ

“Underground” and “Hidden” Christians Towards the end of the Edo period, in 1865, underground Kirishitan of Urakami met at the ÷ura church of Nagasaki with missionaries of the Soci¡t¡ des Missions Etrang™res de Paris. The government of the Meiji Restoration continued to consider the religion of the Kirishitan to be an evil religion and upheld its prohibition. However, in order to win a revision of the unequal treaties the Tokugawa shogunate had concluded with foreign countries, the government, in 1873, could not do otherwise but remove the notice boards announcing the prohibition of that religion. Under these circumstances, many underground Christians returned to the Catholic Church under the guidance of the priests of the Société des Missions Etrangères. Although there was no need to hide anymore, there were also numerous faithful who continued to uphold the faith in the form they had adhered to during the time when they were underground. Contrary to the underground Kirishitan of the Edo period for whom it was necessary to fulfill their religious duties in the same manner as the Buddhist and Shinto believers in order to survive, there was no longer any need to hide the Kirishitan belief after 1873 (Meiji 6). Nevertheless, there were those who did not return to the Catholic Church. They continued to keep their faith in the form they had kept it during the time of hiding without rejoining the Church. They were distinguished from the others and called by the name Kakure Kirishitan, Hidden Christians.1 Faith in the Time of the Underground Kirishitan In 1623, under the third shØgun Tokugawa Iemitsu, the various institutions of the bakufu government were firmly established. Iemitsu strengthened the bakufu regime by thoroughly prohibiting the Christian religion and promoting a policy of national isolation. Iemitsu’s crackdown on the Kirishitan was

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severe. The various institutions he had created in order to eradicate the Christian religion, such as the system to remunerate those who accused others (of being Christians), the five-family neighborhood groups, the fumie, the written declaration that one has renounced the faith, and the system of certification by a temple, all these intruments of oppression had an eminent effect. The institutions did continue to be in force until the end of the bakufu government; they functioned not only as a check on the Kirishitan but also as a means to control the common people. The roughly hundred years from the time Francis Xavier landed in Japan until 1644 when the last missionary was martyred are called the Kirishitan century. During this time organizations of fellow believers, called confraria, were instituted under the guidance of the priests. A group called misericordia that was founded in Yamaguchi in 1554 as a charitable organization marked the beginning of this trend and was then followed by many confraternities like the “Santa Maria group,” the “sacramento group,” the “rosario group,” the “marchirio group” and others. They all had a clear system of offices and regulations where such group elders as chØkata (the keeper of the books) and jiiyaku (elder) held the highest offices. At this stage of development the confraria served the function of strengthening the organization of believers in order to support their reciprocal assistance and foster their faith, but during the time of underground existence, when there were no longer any missionaries, it became an indispensible means for the transmission of doctrine and rituals. With the group elders at its center the confraria transmitted the belief until the end of the bakufu. During the time of their underground existence the faithful invented numerous means to avoid the attentive eye of the officials, and yet several times incidents of large wholesale roundups and punishment, called kuzure (crumblings) occured. When the so-called KØri kuzure broke out in 1657, 608 underground Kirishitan were rounded up in the village of KØri in the fief of the ÷mura clan. Four hundred and eleven of them were beheaded, 78 died in prison, 20 were sentenced to life in prison, and 90 were pardoned. In the Bungo kuzure that lasted from 1660 to 1682, 220 persons were apprehended, and in the BinØ kuzure of 1661 a total of 996 persons were beheaded. The people of the ÷mura fief, the domain of Japan’s first Kirishitan daimyØ, ÷mura Sumitada, had practically all converted to Christianity. ÷mura had donated Nagasaki to the Jesuits and this city became the center for Kirishitan mission in Japan. The storm of persecution raged over the whole country, but it was particularly severe in the ÷mura domain after the son of Sumitada, Yoshiaki, had renounced the faith. In the aftermath of the

THE KAKURE KIRISHITAN TRADITION

21

KØri kuzure all of the Kirishitan graves were dug up and the bones thrown into the sea. During this time, it was also forbidden to conduct a Christian funeral when someone died. A Buddhist priest had to be called to perform a Buddhist funeral, earth burial was prohibited, and Kirishitan were forced to use cremation, which they disliked. As proof that they had given up their Kirishitan faith they had to adhere to both Buddhist and Shinto beliefs. They were forbidden to engage in any kind of trade or agricultural task on festival days but had instead to participate in the festival. In 1805, towards the end of the bakufu regime, the Amakusa kuzure broke out in the Amakusa area of Higo. Five thousand two hundred underground Kirishitan were apprehended, but they were treated as the misled followers of an alien religion and so were spared the worst punishment. The underground Kirishitan of Urakami in Nagasaki, too, repeatedly suffered raids by the authorities. After the “First Urakami kuzure” (1790–95), the “Second Urakami kuzure” (1842), and the “Third Urakami kuzure” (1856), there followed a “Fourth Urakami kuzure” in 1867 in whose aftermath about 3300 faithful were deported to twenty-one domains of western Japan. They returned to their homeland in 1873 after the boards announcing the prohibition of their religion had been removed, but in the years before 664 of them had died. It is an astonishing fact that inspite of the thorough persecution of the Kirishitan by the Edo shogunate that had lasted for more than two hundred years the underground Kirishitan had survived up to the end of the bakufu government and into early Meiji. Once every year they had to trod on a copper plate with the images of Christ or Mary, the so-called fumie, in demonstration of their abnegating God, otherwise they could not survive. When they returned after having trodden on the image it is said that they repeatedly recited the conchirisan (contrição, a prayer expressing contrition) and orashio (oratio, prayers) expressing repentance for their sinful deed. Gradually the faith of the underground Kirishitan tended to move away from a God who was a strict father and judge and focus on a forgiving motherly God of infinite tenderness, Mary. Since they could not openly worship objects of their faith that would have given them away as Kirishitan during the time of their underground existence, they chose in the overwhelming majority of cases to adopt for their worship truly Buddhist images like that of a Kannon holding a child in her arms (Koyasu Kannon) or of a Kannon the Merciful Mother (Jibo Kannon) instead of an image of Mary. They also often used a figure of a Bosatsu in place of one of Jesus. According to interrrogations of Urakami faithful

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recorded at the end of the bakufu regime some professed to consider the image of Maria Kannon to be the honzon (the principal image) and that of Jesus to be a wakibutsu (a companion Buddhist figure on the side). Historical documents about the time of the underground existence are very rare, so many points concerning this time remain obscure. The only document surviving from that time that had been compiled by the faithful themselves as a doctrinal text is the Tenchi Hajimari no Koto, a text whose topics are the creation of heaven and earth, the angels and the fall of the ancestors of humankind, Mary, the life of Christ, and the end of the world.2 The text shows syncretic adaptations of indigenous Japanese beliefs. Compared with orthodox Catholic doctrine the text shows considerable alterations, but it vividly reflects the view of the world and of redemption as adhered to by the faithful. Further material that allows us to know more about the faith of the time of the underground existence are documents related to the kuzure of Amakusa and Urakami. Distribution and Organization of the Kakure Kirishitan At the end of the Tokugawa bakufu and the beginning of the Meiji period underground Kirishitan had survived only in some areas. In Kyushu these were the environments of Nagasaki, the regions of Sotome and GotØ Archipelago, and the islands Hirado and Ikitsuki in Nagasaki Prefecture, the Amakusa Islands of Kumamoto Prefecture, and Imamura in Fukuoka Prefecture. But the majority were concentrated in Nagasaki. By the end of the Meiji period the faithful of Amakusa and Imamura had either returned to the Catholic Church or become Buddhists, so the Kakure Kirishitan had disappeared there naturally. At present people still adhering to the faith of the Kakure Kirishitan remain in the GotØ Archipelago, the area of Sotome, and on Ikitsuki Island north of Hirado in Nagasaki Prefecture. On Hirado Island and in Nagasaki some organizations had existed, but they were disbanded around 1990. Depopulation in the GotØ Archipelago and the onslaught of urbanization in the Sotome area respectively caused many Kirishitan organizations there to disappear. Even those organizations that still remain are on the brink of disappearing. Only on Ikitsuki Island are many ceremonies still continued, but even there the future is uncertain as the Kirishitan continue to face many problems. It is said that from the beginning of the ShØwa period to the end of the war there were still about 30,000 Kakure Kirishitan. The numbers declined drastically during the postwar period. According to my own field


23

research, at present there are 60 Kakure households in the GotØ Archipelago, 50 in the Sotome area, and 350 on Ikitsuki Island; this means that altogether only 1000 to 1500 Kakure Kirishitan remain today. In each of these locations, leaders of the Kakure Kirishitan organizations basically perform the following three roles of 1) guarding the deity (kamisama) and performing the rituals; 2) performing baptisms; and 3) taking charge of assisting at ceremonies, of communications with group members, and of accounting matters. In the GotØ Archipelago the functionaries are called chØkata (keeper of the book), mizukata or kan’bØ (person who performs baptisms), and kikiyaku, toritsugiyaku or shukurØ (elders), while on Ikitsuki Island they are called oyajiyaku, ojiyaku, and yakuch¨ respectively. ChØkata and oyajiyaku are virtually the highest ranking leaders; they enshrine the deity in their house and lead most of the rituals. This role appears to have been hereditary in the time of underground existence, but there were also places where it was taken care of in turns. Baptism has been the most important ritual in order to keep up the organization of the Kirishitan since the time of their underground existence. That is why the office of the mizukata or ojiyaku who performed the baptisms was considered to be the highest. This can also be seen in the fact that these persons had to observe the largest number of taboos. At present however, since the performance of baptisms has virtually ceased, their role has lost importance. It also seems that originally this role had been rotated. The roles of kikiyaku and yakuch¨, who functioned as ritual assistants, as communication officers and accountants, were rotated on a limited time basis, but with increasing experience they were able to take on a higher office. In order to understand the organization of the Kakure Kirishitan of Ikitsuki Island it helps to distinguish between the head and branch organizations. The head organization has the house of the oyajiyaku as its center where the gozensama, a hanging scroll on which an image of Christ, Mary, Saints or Martyrs is mounted, is guarded and venerated as the highest deity (kamisama) of the Ikitsuki Kakure Kirishitan. This household is called tsumoto. The tsumoto functions as the main church. Rituals are generally performed by the ojiyaku or the oyajiyaku who is the head of the main organization, and the yakuch¨, the head of the branch organization. Osazuke (the bestowing of baptism) is performed by the ojiyaku and is considered to be a particularly sacred office. Consequently, he is required to observe numerous taboos in order to avoid pollution (kegare). The branch organization is either called kogumi or conpan’ya. Conpan’ya is a word derived from the Portuguese companhia meaning “group” or “association.”

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To each tsumoto belong several kogumi. Several households or several tens of households of believers make up a kogumi. Each kogumi elects according to a system of rotation a person responsible for the kogumi. When this person takes part in the ceremonies of the tsumoto, the head organiation, he is called yakuch¨ and performes such duties as accountant or assistant to the performance of the rituals. The group of ordinary believers is called kakiuchi, kake, or goshiya (also gossha), but at times these terms can also designate the whole group of Kakure Kirishitan, its officers included. Ikitsuki Island is the only area where there are main and branch organizations and where the branch organizations have their own rituals. The branch organization with its distinctive rituals do not exist on the neighboring Hirado Island. In Sotome and the GotØ Archipelago, all ceremonies are performed in the house of the chØkata and there is no independent branch organization. Rituals are generally divided into those performed solely by the three officers and those performed at gatherings of all the faithful in the house of the chØkata. Orashio (Prayers) The word orashio derives from the Latin oratio, and has been in use from the time of the Kirishitan to the present. In Ikitsuki orashio are recited aloud. In Nagasaki, the GotØ Archipelago, and in Sotome they are recited in silence, perhaps because of the strict vigilance of the ÷mura clan officials. The orashio is distinguishing feature that makes the Kakure Kirishitan appear most Kakure Kirishitan-like. It is enough to hear the orashio to make one think that the Kakure Kirishitan even now are still Kirishitan. The orashio has been orally transmitted through two hundred and thirty years of underground existence. A person’s life would have been in danger if an orashio text had been discovered during this time. Today, however, many of these prayers have been recorded in notebooks or even been printed. But even now the conviction is widespread that orashio have to be recited from memory as it was always done. People say that the effect of the orashio diminishes if it is recited while looking at a book. They perceive a special meaning in the great effort itself that is necessary in order to memorize it. Among the orashio there are Japanese as well as Latin texts, but many of the Japanese texts are dotted with Latin and Portuguese words. These are long texts taking up to thirty or forty minutes even if recited fast. Today only a few people make the effort to memorize the orashio, which are filled with unintelligible expressions. This has become a great obstacle in continuing the


25

organization. In order to overcome this difficulty, some Kakure Kirishitan have resorted to a simplifying the prayers, reciting the orashio from books or selecting some of the most important ones, and using the same prayers repeatedly for various ceremonies. As far as we still can hear them today, they seem to faithfully transmit the wording as it had been handed over by the missionaries in the time of the Kirishitan. However, often changes in the meaning of the words have occurred or their meaning has been lost altogether. This can be noticed at once if one looks at the Chinese characters that were chosen when in the Meiji and TaishØ periods efforts were made to put in writing those texts that had been transmitted by word of mouth. I mention just a few examples to illustrate what kind of characters have arbitrarily been attributed to certain , Deus), santamariya ( , Sancta Maria), anjo ( , words: deusu ( Anjo), anima ( , , or , Anima), kurosu ( , Cruz), bauchizumo ( , bautismo), and eukarisuchiya ( [pronounced yØka no shichi ya], Eucharistia). Although the pronounciation may come fairly close to the original, from the point of view of grasping the meaning of the terms their form deviates from the original in a way that challenges the imagination. While it is possible to understand the meaning of the Japanese orashio if one makes an effort to do so, it must be said that such an effort has not yet been made. Attention has mainly been paid to how fast one can memorize the texts fluently. But were not the Latin orashio mainly magical texts and, therefore, felt to possess some mysterious power? Among the orashio of Ikitsuki we find texts for kamiyose (to call down a deity) that are not found in Nagasaki, Sotome, and the GotØ Archipelago. In Ikitsuki up to about fifty deities are called down before the recitation of the orashio is begun. Such calling of deities can be understood to reveal a strong Shinto influence. Once the calling of the deities is over there follows a mØshiage (or mØshitate) where the purpose of the ceremony and the intention to be prayed for are announced to the deity in advance. The announcement does not take a fixed form, everyone thinks up a way to formulate it. The same kind of announcement is made whenever tea, sake, sashimi, rice or soup is offered to the deity. Such announcements are also made at places other than Ikitsuki. Traditional Ceremonies and Newly Created Ceremonies The basic form of Kakure Kirishitan ritual consists of three parts: 1) it begins with offerings to the deity (kamisama) and reciting orashio; 2) this is followed by receiving the offerings from the deity and having a meal in common with

26

MIYAZAKI KENTAR÷

the kami; 3) finally, it concludes with a banquet in order to deepen amity and exchanges with fellow believers. This form is exactly the same as that of Shinto rituals. The only part that differs for each ceremony is the orashio recited to call a deity, where the purpose of that day’s ceremony is stated. After that the ritual follows by and large the form as stated above. In all the areas of Nagasaki Prefecture where Kakure Kirishitan live, offerings to the deity invariably contain sake and namakusa mono (raw food such as sashimi and fish). This is probably the Japanese alternative form for the bread and wine used in the Catholic mass. In Buddhist rituals only vegetarian materials (shØjin ryØri) are used, neither meat nor fish; the Kakure Kirishitan, however, invariably use namakusa mono. Perhaps this indicates the Kirishitan’s modest protest against Buddhism, which they were forced to adopt. Rituals of the Kakure Kirishitan are usually addressed to the kamisama, and performed in the house of the oyajiyaku or chØkata where officials and faithful gather. There are no public buildings like churches; the house of an official where a deity is worshipped serves that purpose. There are also rituals such as yabarai (exorcism of a private house) or nodachi (driving out evil spirits from fields and mountains) that are performed in the open. In Ikitsuki, at places where few rituals are in use, they perform about twenty during a year, while places with many rituals may perform about forty. The days when the rituals are to be performed were formerly strictly determined according to the old calendar and depended on the day of Easter. Lately, however, more and more rituals have been flexibly adjusted to fit the needs of the performers. In the areas of GotØ and Sotome only three yearly rituals are held at which not only the officials but also the faithful gather; these are agari (Easter), saku matsuri (a rite to pray for a plentiful crop), and gotanjØ (Christmas). For all the other rituals only the officials gather and perform them. Baptisms have ceased altogether in many places. In the Edo period, due to the terauke system, people were forced to have a Buddhist funeral when somebody had died. At the funeral, the underground Kirishitan would perform what they called an “orashio to eliminate the effects of the sutra” (kyØkeshi orashio). In order to wipe out the effects of the sutra recited by the Buddhist priest, they recited orashio in a neighboring house, and, after the Buddhist priest had left, they performed another funeral in the Kirishitan manner. This custom of a double funeral is still continued today by the Kakure Kirishitan. Yet, today, the meaning of eliminating the effects of the sutra has become weak, while a sense of providing special treatment for the dead by performing both a Buddhist as well as a Christian funeral seems to be strong.


27

Besides the public rituals of the kakure Kirishitan that are performed by the organization there are private rituals such as the annual memorials or invocations, called gandate (make a request), for well-being in the family, against illness and misfortune; and if the requests were answered, there were rituals of thanksgiving such as ganjØju (fulfillment of requests), yakubarai (driving away evil), and shichi go san. There are even people who ask a Kakure Kirishitan official to perform Japanese traditional religious rites. Their rituals can roughly be divided into “traditional rituals,” which follow the Christian tradition, and “invented rituals,” were created during the time of underground existence or after the beginning of the Meiji period. Baptisms (osazuke), funerals (modoshikata, “manner of returning;” or okuri, “seeing off”), Christmas Eve (gosan machi), Christmas (gotanjØ), Easter (agari), and Palm Sunday (ohana) are some of the traditional rituals and ceremonies observed, but invented rituals are far more numerous. Traditional rituals are not only few in number, in most cases they are mainly transmitted in their old form while their original meaning is no longer understood. Invented rituals can be grouped according to the purpose for which they are performed. There are agricultural rituals (e.g., invocations for wheat and rice fields; kazadome gandate, prayers to stop the wind; kazadome ganjØju, prayers of thanks after the wind has stopped), rituals for wordly benefits (mochi narashi; san no iwai, celebrating a birth; yatamashii ire, induce the “soul” into a house; funadama ire, induce the “soul” into a boat; gandate, make a request; ganjØju, thanking for a request granted), memorial services for ancestors and dead persons (gozensama meinichi; obon; otoborai, funeral), ceremonies in support of the organization and warding-off rituals (yabarai, expelling evil from the house; nodachi; doyonakasama, ceremonies during the dog days; yakubarai, ceremonies to ward off evil). Invented rituals were created in response to various needs as they emerged, therefore they clearly reveal the central concerns of the Kakure Kirishitan. Kakure Kirishitan Beliefs In Nagasaki and the area of Sotome and GotØ the central objects of belief are the ochØ (or higurichØ: “book to count the days”) and Maria Kannon. OchØ is the calendar of the Catholic Church according to the lunar calendar of 1634. Tradition has it that this calendar had been transmitted by Basuchian (Bastian), a catechist of Sotome, therefore it is also called “Basuchian’s higuri.” The underground Kirishitan and after them the Kakure Kirishitan have kept

28

MIYAZAKI KENTAR÷

up their religious life centered on this calendar of annual ceremonies. The ochØ is transmitted only in Nagasaki, Sotome, and GotØ; in Hirado and Ikitsuki it does not exist. The Maria Kannon is often the figure of Koyasu Kannon or Jibo Kannon in white or blue porcelain, imported from China. In times of persecution during the Edo period the underground Kirishitan could not possess a figure of the Christian Virgin Mary, therefore they projected Mary’s image on the gentle image of the Buddhist Kannon and venerated her in this way. According to the interrogation record of the third Urakami kuzure, “Hantamaruya (Santa Mariya)” is said to be the principal image, and “Jizous (Iezusu)” the side image. For the underground Kirishitan who every year trodded on the fumie and denied God, this Father God was a fearful divine judge. Therefore, the center of their faith shifted without notice to the gentle and limitless embrace and forgiveness of the mother deity Mariya. With the exception of the Twenty-Six Saints, there were no other human beings who became the object of belief in Nagasaki, Sotome and GotØ other than the legendary missionary from Sotome, Jiwansama, and the Japanese catechist, Basuchiansama, who followed him. There are practically no sanctuaries where martyrs are venerated, as they are in great numbers in Hirado and Ikitsuki. Among them the Karematsu Jinja of Kurosaki, with Jiwansama as the goshintai, and the Yamanokami Jinja of Kirifurusato on KamigotØ, where Basuchiansama is venerated, are truly noteworthy. In the orashio of Ikitsuki such deities as deusu, Kirisuto, and Santamariya are mentioned, names that derive from the Christian religion, but the nature of these deities is no longer understood nor directly related to their religious life. In Ikitsuki there are ancestors who have become martyrs, such as Sanjiwansama, Gasparusama, Danjikusama, SanpaburØsama, AntØsama. They appear in the orashio that is used in order to call a deity, but it cannot be said that the sanctuaries where they are venerated are treated with particular fervor. Between the islands of Ikitsuki and Hirado lies the uninhabited Nakaenoshima, an island whose borders are perpendicular cliffs. For the nearby islanders—who call it fondly “Onakaesama” or “Omukae Sanjiwansama”—it is a place that attracts their belief. In 1622 or 1624 it had produced a few martyrs with the baptismal name Jiwan, and after this it became a sacred location for the area of Hirado and Ikitsuki. The water that is drawn from that island is surrounded by a number of miraculous stories, but as “Water of Jiwansama” it is held to possess the spiritual power to cleanse from a state of pollution, and is itself elevated to a divine rank. The cleansing rite where the holy water is sprinkled is called otamashi ire (inserting a soul), and the object into which the otamashi was


29

induced was considered to be divine. In Ichibu on Ikitsuki Island a rite is performed whereby the otamashi is introduced into the water that had been brought from Nakaenoshima by mixing into it the “water of Sanjiwansama” that already contained an otamashi and was called tane mizu (seed water). This is exactly the same ceremony as that of osazuke, i.e., of baptism. Otamashi ire or otamashi nuki are also performed for the hanging picture representing the highest deity Gozensama, for otenpesha, omaburi, and ofudasama. When something that had otamashi induced grows old it cannot be discarded before the otamashi had been extracted by otamashi nuki. In Christian religion otenpesha had originally been a whip for penitence, but now it is used to dispell impurity in the same way a Shinto priest uses the gohei. It is also said that formerly this whip was used to strike the body of a sick person in order to drive out an evil spirit. Omaburi is a cross of about three to four centimeters, made of paper. It is attached to the alcove post (tokobashira), or put into a bamboo tube and hung at the entrance of the house so that evil spirits would not enter the house. In order to prevent an evil spirit from entering the body of a human being people would drink the omaburi, or for a similar purpose would have their cattle drink it. They think sickness is caused by the intrusion of an evil spirit into the body. The ofudasama originates from the fifteen mysteries of the Catholic rosary. It is a cluster of sixteen flat wooden pieces, but nowadays these ofuda are used like omikuji in order to divine good or bad luck. These things are religious objects that support religious life, but it seems also possible to consider them as fulfilling the function of a goshintai, an object of worship. It is clear that a great difference exists in the conception of a deity between the Kakure Kirishitan of Nagasaki, Sotome, and GotØ, and the Kakure Kirishitan of the area of Hirado and Ikitsuki. Kegare (Pollution) and Taboo Wherever Kakure Kirishitan live, many taboos are in force, but on Ikitsuki Island they are particularly numerous. If we consider them closely it appears that they can be reduced to a single concept. That is, at the time when something is to come in touch with the deity, be it a human being or a thing, it has to be pure and has to avoid by all means any kind of pollution. It is said that in Japanese folk society in general there is a stronger awareness of pollution by death than by blood. It is however the peculiarity of the Kakure Kirishitan of Ikitsuki that they radically stress pollution caused by blood (pollution due to menstruation or the blood of birth) over that caused by death.

30

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That they stress pollution in such a way means that they strongly believe in the existence of an anima (spirit) that is alive and has the power to control a human being’s good or ill fortune. Taboo constitutes the people’s wisdom of how to control the tatari (divine retribution) that is caused by a defilement of the spirit. By making offerings, by doing one’s best to avoid defilement and preserve purity, one receives diverse worldly benefits and avoids misfortune that might arise as a consequence of divine retribution. The ojiyaku who confers baptism is considered to be a particularly sacred person. Many taboos are imposed on him in order to keep him from becoming defiled. The ojiyaku is forbidden to have conjugal intercourse, and always has to enter the ofuro (bath) first. His laundry has to be washed separately from that of the rest of the family; the rod for drying the clothes, the wash basin, soap and towel, all have to be for his exclusive use. He has to avoid such unclean activities as caring for the cows and carrying the tub with manure; he cannot hold a baby in his arms because of fear that he might be urinated on. The ojiyaku, before conferring baptism, has to strip naked and douse himself with cold water in order to cleanse his body. He is not to wipe his wet body with a towel. This is to avoid having the impurity of the towel, believed to be something profane, transferred to him. While his body is still wet, he is handed the special kimono that is to be used exclusively for baptisms directly from his wife. He is not allowed to use any kind of underwear. The reason is that even if the underwear was new, it is believed to be impure because it belongs to the profane world. At the place where baptism is held, the ojiyaku is not to sit directly on the tatami, he sits on a goza (mat) for exclusive use at baptism that is called goyØ goza. This is out of concern that the uncleanness of the tatami is not passed on to the ojiyaku. Any defilement of the ojiyaku has to be absolutely avoided because he is to perform the sacred rite of baptism. Such a concept of pollution does not originate in the Christian religion; it has its foundation in Japanese folk belief where it is a pervasive concept. In studies concerning the Kakure Kirishitan the question regularly turns up whether contemporary Kakure Kirishitan can still be called Christians, or whether they have undergone a complete change and become a folk (indigenous) religion. Although some points remain open to discussion, it can be said that the religion of the contemporary Kakure Kirishitan exhibits in typical form the universal characteristics of Japanese religions, namely multilayerd beliefs, ancestor worship, orientation towards worldly benefits, and ritualism. Accordingly, Kakure Kirishitan should be regarded as another form or expression of Japanese folk religion. Because it retains, among other elements, orashio in Latin, baptism, and Christmas rites, it is easy to assume that it is


31

still closely related to Christianity. The true nature of Kakure Kirishitan beliefs can be misunderstood, however, if one attributes to much significance to the external vestigial features from the Christian tradition. Why Kakure Kirishitan Do Not Return to the Catholic Church Why is it that in modern Japan where complete freedom of religion is guaranteed there are still people that continue to be called Kakure Kirishitan? Their most orthodox reply is that they cannot do away in their generation with a belief their forebears put their life at stake to defend. To continue keeping up reverently this belief is the utmost service they, the descendants, can perform in memory of their ancestors. A different reply is that numerous marvelous experiences (wonders) prove beyond doubt that the kami of the Kakure exist, and that for such reason they cannot throw away the beliefs they have received from their forebears. Indeed, there can be no doubt that the strong conviction that their kami exist is the basis supporting their beliefs. In addition to this, some stress economic factors and the need to keep up human bonds grounded on blood and locality, while others claim that theirs is a religion different from the Catholic religion. When the organization is dissolved the foremost reason for anxiety is the thought that to relinquish the kami may provoke misfortune, that is tatari (divine retribution). Fear of retribution by spirits is the foremost reason that makes people hesitate to relinquish their kami because hitherto they had adhered to the strong and active belief that illness, disaster and various other misfortunes are all caused by spiritual beings. In this there is no trace of a Christian monotheistic worldview, but it reveals that a very Japanese and deep-rooted concept of spiritual beings continues to exist. The reason why the Kakure Kirishitan do not become Catholics again is that their belief has become thoroughly Japanese, has become assimilated with indigenous traditional religion, and has been so transformed that it is now quite distant from a Christian worldview. The Significance and Future of Kakure Kirishitan Belief Three hundred and fifty years after the beginning of their underground existence, and 130 years after the prohibition against the Kirishitan has been abolished in the Meiji period, the curtain is about to fall on the history of the Kakure Kirishitan. Recently, in 1992, Neshiko, the largest group of Kakure Kirishitan on Hirado Island, was dissolved. The Kakure Kirishitan of Ienomachi, the last

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in the city of Nagasaki, naturally became extinct in 1994. In the following year, the groups called Maejima of Naru in the GotØ Archipelago, Arifuku of Wakamatsu Island, NangØra and Kannonbira of Fukue Island were disbanded. In either of these areas the groups could not muster any successors and, therefore, were forced to disband. They had made various efforts to think of means that would enable them to continue in some way or other before they finally had to disband. They reduced the number of rituals, simplified the offerings, adjusted dates and time, merged organizations, admitted women as officers, and eased their strict customs (taboos). To break up did not mean for them to throw away their being Kakure Kirishitan and convert to some other religion. Before they disbanded, they had already been ordinary Buddhists or Shinto ujiko (parishioners). In Kakure Kirishitan belief, Buddhism, Shinto, Christianity and various folk beliefs had become a harmonious whole. When they broke up only the Christian elements of their belief and practice were omitted. After breaking up most of the former members of these groups in Ikitsuki, Hirado and Sotome became Buddhists. On GotØ they also turned to Shinto. The number of those who turned to the Catholic Church was surprisingly small. On the other side, some would not turn to the Catholic Church alone. Even after breaking up it was quite common for persons who had experienced the old ways to continue to hold double funerals, to maintain former Kirishitan rites such as the annual memorial services, and to recite the orashio. With the change of generations this sort of system has disappeared. The history that began with the Kirishitan of the time when Xavier arrived and continued up to the contemporary Kakure Kirishitan represents an inexhaustible treasure mine of source material for those with an interest in the problems of culture contact, adaptation, change, and assimilation. The Kakure Kirishitan are not only of interest from the point of view of the acceptance of Christian beliefs by the Japanese, they also bring into relief what constitutes the universal foundation for the Japanese view of religion. It is a rich culture that allows for a range of interdisciplinary approaches, such as science of religion, history of religious thought, folklore, history, comparative literature, sociology, psychology, history of music, and art history. It can be said to be not only an invaluable cultural legacy of Nagasaki Prefecture, but of Japan and even the world at large.


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NOTES *Translated by Peter Knecht, Nanzan University, Nagoya. See Turnbull (1998, 257–78) for an extensive bibliography of the Japanese and English literature related to the Kakure Kirishitan. 2 For an introduction and English translation of this text, see Christal Whelan’s The Beginning of Heaven and Earth: The Sacred Book of Japan’s Hidden Christians. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1996. 1

BIBLIOGRAPHY Furuno Kiyoto. Kakure Kirishitan [Hidden Christians]. Tokyo: ShibundØ, 1966. Harrington, Ann M. Japan’s Hidden Christians. Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1993. Kataoka Yakichi. Kakure Kirishitan [Hidden Christians]. Tokyo: NHK Books, 1967. Miyazaki KentarØ. “Ajia shokoku no KirisutokyØ juyØ” [The acceptance of Christianity in various Asian countries]. In Ajia no naka no Nihonshi 5 [Japanese history within Asia]. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1993a. ______. “Hidden Christians in contemporary Nagasaki.” Crossroads: A Journal of Nagasaki History and Culture, No. 1, 1993b. ______. Kakure Kirishitan no shinkØ sekai [The faith-world of Kakure Kirishitan]. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1996. ______. Kakure Kirishitan [Folk Christianity in Japan]. Nagasaki: Nagasaki Shinbunsha, 2002. Nagasaki Prefectural Board of Education. Nagasaki-ken no Kakure Kirishitan [The Kakure Kirishitan of Nagasaki Prefecture], 1999. Nosco, Peter. “Secrecy and the Transmission of Tradition: Issues in the study of the ‘Underground’ Christians.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 20/1 (1993), 3–29. Tagita KØya. ShØwa jidai no senpuku Kirishitan [The underground Christians of the ShØwa period]. Tokyo: Nihon Gakujutsu ShinkØkai, 1954. ______. “Secret Christians in Japan.” Missionary Bulletin 10/3, 1956. ______. “Some Aspects of Japanese-Christian Acculturation.” In Proceedings of the IXth International Congress of the History of Religions, Tokyo. Tokyo: Maruzen, 1958. Turnbull, Stephen. “Devotion to Mary among the Hidden Christians of Japan.” Wallingford, Surrey: Ecumenical Society of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 1993. ______. “From Catechist to Kami: Martyrs and Mythology among the Kakure Kirishitan.” Japanese Religions 19 (1994), 58–81. ______. The Kakure Kirishitan of Japan: A Study of their Development, Beliefs and Rituals to the Present Day. Richmond, Surrey: Japan Library, 1998.

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MIYAZAKI KENTAR÷

Urakawa WasaburØ. Kirishitan no fukkatsu [The resurrection of the Kirishitan]. Tokyo: Nihon Katorikku KankØkai, 1927. Volpe, Angela. I Kakure: Religione e Societ£ in Giappone. Reggio Emilia: Edizioni One Way, 1992. Whelan, Christal. “Religion Concealed: The Kakure Kirishitan on Narushima.” Monumenta Nipponica 47 (1992), 369–87. ______. The Beginning of Heaven and Earth: The Sacred Book of Japan’s Hidden Christians. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1996.

THE MODERN MISSIONARY MOVEMENT IN JAPAN: ROMAN CATHOLIC, PROTESTANT, ORTHODOX Helen J. BALLHATCHET

Introduction1 The Japanese persecution of Christianity in the early seventeenth century made such an impact on Western missionary circles that there was great interest in any opportunity for the reopening of missionary activity. Both Catholics and Protestants attempted to gain a foothold in Okinawa before Perry’s visit to Japan in 1853, and efforts to establish and develop diplomatic relations involved conscious attempts to provide a foothold for Christianity. Attitudes in Japan remained hostile, as can be seen from the writings of Aizawa Seishisai (1781–1863), although there was positive interest among scholars of Western learning such as Watanabe Kazan (1793–1841) and Yokoi Shonan (1809–1869) (Ebisawa 1968, 11–61; Wakabayashi 1986). The treaties which led to the opening of the first treaty ports in 1859 contained clauses which guaranteed the right of both parties to practice their own religion, and did not forbid the sale of Christian literature, but said nothing about the propagation of Christianity among the Japanese. The official prohibition was undisturbed. Missionaries quickly established themselves in the treaty ports, where they formed the single biggest group of foreign residents. The early missionaries concentrated on language study, translation, and teaching their native languages, both on a private basis, and—despite the official ban—to government officials. They tried to incorporate a religious message into their teaching, and had some success in converting their pupils, and even their teachers of Japanese. Evangelization of educated Japanese was aided by the fact that they could read Christian literature in Chinese (Ozawa 1973, 123–201). One highly influential work was TendØ sogen [Evidences of Christianity] by William Martin, a Presbyterian missionary, which emphasized the similarities between Christianity and Confucianism (Cook 1886, 289–310; Covell 1978; Yoshida 1965).

36

HELEN J. BALLHATCHET

Open evangelization was not possible until the removal from public display of the edicts against Christianity in 1873 (see Ch¨Ø Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku Kenky¨jo ed. 1992). There were various cases of persecution both before and after the removal of the edicts, but the “Urakami Incident” (see chapter 2) was the only one to cause serious diplomatic problems, a great contrast with China. However, Christian burials continued to be difficult until at least 1884 and the legal position of Christianity remained ambiguous until the Meiji Constitution of 1889, which contained a clause guaranteeing religious freedom as long as it was not politically disruptive (Ozawa 1964, 145–169; Suzue 1999, 2000). This was welcomed at the time, but in the nationalist atmosphere of the 1890s attacks were made on the political loyalty of Christians. Restrictions on the freedom of foreigners, including missionaries, to travel or reside beyond treaty ports limits remained until the completion of treaty revision in 1899, although they do not seem to have been strictly enforced for some time before that. In any case, linguistic and cultural differences meant that foreign missionaries were dependent on the evangelistic and pastoral skills of Japanese workers, including the many male and female catechists of whom few records remain, although this was not always fully acknowledged. A mixture of hostility and fear influenced both official and popular attitudes towards Christianity at the beginning since the negative images implanted by the anti-Christian propaganda of the Tokugawa period could not disappear immediately. Governments in the Meiji Period stuck to traditional tendencies to evaluate religions on the basis of their contribution to social stability. Religions would be encouraged if their contribution was positive; however, controls were needed, particularly with regard to the role of religion in education, to prevent any possibility of a negative effect. Christianity posed more problems, for example, than “new” religions of indigenous origins, mainly because of its strong foreign links. On the one hand, there was the danger that Japanese supporters would be disloyal subjects, and that any government move against them would invite diplomatic protests. On the other hand, while any government move which might be interpreted as encouraging Christianity would improve Japan’s prestige with Western countries, it would also rouse internal opposition. Inevitably Christianity was closely identified with Western civilization, and with the Western powers. This was an advantage when and where attitudes to the West were positive, but a drawback when and where the opposite was the case. As a source of Western learning, Christianity had a definite appeal in the early years, particularly to ex-samurai from domains which had

THE MODERN MISSIONARY MOVEMENT

37

been on the losing side in the Restoration, and to those for whom contacts with the West presented new opportunities. This included both the very same ex-samurai, and merchants or producers who had developed, or wanted to develop, links with the treaty ports. A significant number overcame their ingrained distrust of the foreign religion to the extent of developing a genuine interest in Christianity, although some only feigned an interest because they were spies sent by the government or by the Shin sect of Buddhism (Ozawa 1973, 265–303, 305–341). At first at least it seems probable that people joined different groups or denominations purely by chance rather than from any knowledge of the differences (÷hama 1990, 133–34), although there is evidence that some converts tried more than one different variety (e.g. Ozawa 1964, 281–94); others, particularly student converts, ceased to be practicing members when their circumstances changed. The late 1870s and early 1880s were a period of rapid growth. The disruption which accompanied the great changes taking place in Japanese society facilitated conversion by making people more open to new ideas and less bound by traditional customs. It is therefore no coincidence that there was an overlap between interest in Christianity and interest in the People’s Rights Movement. There was a great mood of optimism in Christian circles, particularly among Protestants. However, while the official policy was one of tolerance, if only because it was hoped that this would aid treaty revision, Christians encountered local opposition to evangelistic activities and pressure to renounce their faith, particularly in rural areas and and in regions where Pure Land Buddhism was strong (÷hama 1979, 59–89). This opposition is not surprising. Converts were taught to reject traditional religious practices. On a community level, this involved anti-social behavior such as the refusal to make financial contributions to local shrines or participate in religious festivals. On a family level, they were expected to get rid of household shrines and Buddhist ancestral tablets as a condition of baptism, and to avoid participation in Buddhist ceremonies, including the funerals of non-Christian relatives. Converts in cities, especially new arrivals, had a relatively easy time, since both family and community ties were weaker than in towns and villages. Otherwise conversions were difficult unless the family head was involved, and there is evidence to suggest that in many cases Christians made compromises (either willingly or unwillingly) in order to remain community members, and that second generation Christians drew a less rigid line between “Christian” and “non-Christian” practices. The greater distance in Christianity between the living and the dead was probably one factor behind Christianity’s “failure” to achieve the growth levels of new

38


religious movements such as TenrikyØ in which concern for dead family members still played an important role. Protestant groups were at a particular disadvantage since they tended to have a negative attitude to prayers for the dead.2 Protestant and Russian Orthodox growth, which had been rapid, slowed down in the late 1880s because of economic difficulties in rural areas and problems over treaty revision. This was a relatively “good” period for the Roman Catholics, however, in view of the fact that the pool of potential hidden Christian “converts” was much reduced by now, and for Anglican- Episcopal groups, which had experienced relatively slower growth in the preceding years. The government embarked on a series of steps to extend its control over education to private institutions, which primarily meant Christian schools. In the 1890s, there were renewed suspicions about the patriotism of Japanese Christians on the grounds that their loyalty to God must take precedence over their loyalty to the Emperor. Controversy first centered on one Protestant Christian, Uchimura KanzØ, and was widened when Inoue TetsujirØ, Professor of Philosophy at Tokyo Imperial University, claimed that Christianity was incompatible with the Imperial Rescript on Education (Seki 1893). Christian schools in general, and individual Christian teachers and pupils in government schools, experienced difficulties. The Tripartite Intervention of 1895 by France, Germany, and Russia also caused difficulties for the Catholic and Russian Missions. Tensions rose again around the time of the Russo-Japanese War (1904–5), although a meeting of religious leaders held with the backing of the Prime Minister in May 1904 was attended by 365 Christian representatives, including members of the Orthodox Church, as well as Buddhists (747) and Shintoists (18). Disappointment at the lenient treatment afforded to Russia by the Treaty of Portsmouth led to rioting during which some church buildings in Tokyo were attacked and destroyed. In 1912, however, seven leading Christians were invited by the Ministry of Home Affairs to attend a meeting of the “three main religions of Japan,” together with thirteen representatives of Sect Shinto and fifty-one representatives of Buddhism (the ÷tani branch of Pure Land Buddhism stayed away because it objected to the inclusion of Christianity). In compliance with government requests, the representatives resolved to “assist the Imperial Way and promote national morality” (Dohi 1967, 1969). The Christian representatives welcomed the meeting as a sign that their religion was no longer feared as subversive, and had been given the same status as traditional Japanese religions. However, an alternative interpretation would be that rather than replacing Shinto and Buddhism, as


39

missionaries had hoped and Japanese had feared, Christianity was gradually being incorporated as a minority member of the Japanese religious system. Roman Catholic Activities3 Although the Kirishitan experience inevitably overshadowed Roman Catholic missionary activity, and attitudes to Christianity in general, these issues are dealt with elsewhere (see chapter 1) and will not be the focus of our concern here. Interest in reopening missionary activity was intense and in 1844 Theodore-Auguste Forcade (1816–1885), a missionary from the Société des Missions Etrangères, arrived in Ry¨ky¨ (now Okinawa) on a French naval vessel with Augustino Koo, a Chinese interpreter skilled in Latin. The authorities were very unwilling for them to stay but Forcade did not leave until 1846, and the French missionary presence was retained until 1862, apart from an interval from 1848 to 1855. However, official vigilance prevented any real contact with the inhabitants of the island. The first Catholic missionaries to Japan proper all had experience of work in Okinawa. In 1859 Prudence-Séraphin-Barthélemy Girard (1821–67) arrived in Edo as chaplain and interpreter to the French Consul General. He also taught French to Bakufu officials. In January 1862 the first Catholic church in Yokohama was opened. The church was publicized in Japanese news sheets and became an instant tourist attraction, with crowds of up to 1,000 coming to admire the Western-style building, the Christian pictures, and the statues. The Bakufu reacted by temporarily arresting some of the visitors and the Yokohama authorities instructed officials to discourage people from visiting the church. These measures had a short-term effect, but the church soon came to feature in guides as one of the places to see in Yokohama. Missionaries came to Hakodate in 1859, to Nagasaki in 1863, and to the other treaty ports once they were opened. The Société des Missions Etrangères, which had primary responsibility for evangelizing Asia, was joined by a number of religious orders, mainly female, but until the arrival of Spanish Dominicans in 1904 all the groups were French in origin, although not all the missionaries were actually French nationals. In 1874 a community of Japanese virgins was formed in Urakami under the supervision of Marc de Rotz (1840–1914). Iwanaga Maki (1849–1920) and the other members had been helping him to deal with a cholera epidemic there. The community supported itself through agriculture and later silk cultivation and reeling and engaged in various charitable works, both in Urakami and elsewhere. In the Meiji period

40


thirteen such communities were formed in Nagasaki prefecture alone (Tashiro 1989, 38–51, 89–95). Bernard Thadée Petitjean (1829–1884), famous for “discovering”—or rather being discovered by—the Urakami Christians, was made vicar apostolic of Japan in 1866. Japan was divided up into two (1876), three (1888) and then four dioceses in 1891, when Bishop Osouf of the Tokyo diocese was made an archbishop. Two more had been created by the end of the Meiji period. Priority was given to the development of a Japanese clergy. Twenty-three priests were ordained in the period 1882–1894, after fifteen years of training and a year of work as catechists under missionary guidance. However, as in the early period, great doubts were held about whether those who did not come from a long-standing Catholic background would make good priests, and most candidates were from families which had held religious posts in “hidden” communities. During the early years in particular, a lot of effort went in to finding and administering to “hidden” Christians, and to caring for the Urakami Christians on their return from exile. The numerical strength of the Roman Catholics derived from this pre-Meiji base. From 1876 efforts were made to spread the faith more evenly throughout Japan by giving some missionaries an itinerant role, but statistics for 1899 show that even then, Christians in Nagasaki prefecture amounted to over 60 percent of the total number of church members. Growth slowed down in the 1900s. There was initially some conflict between the demands of work among the old Christian communities in Kyushu and the openings available in Yokohama and Tokyo. The Kyushu work inevitably identified Catholicism with the antiChristian propaganda of the period of persecution and with a rural, uneducated clientele, while missionaries in Yokohama wished to exploit the interest in Western learning being expressed by ex-samurai, among whom they were making some converts. They wished to adapt the vocabulary developed by Catholic missionaries in China for use in Japan, while Petitjean at Nagasaki wanted as far as possible to preserve the Portuguese and Latin terms familiar to the Christians there. He was given temporary permission to use the older vocabulary so that for a time Catholics in different parts of Japan were using different catechisms, but after 1883 nothing using the older vocabulary was published for general use (Cieslik 1996, 145–50; Mueller 1967, 33–40). While Girard’s stance on vocabulary prevailed, however, Catholic missionary work concentrated on grass-roots evangelizing, particularly in rural areas, and on work among the disadvantaged, particularly with poor and abandoned children. This tendency continued at least until the arrival of French Marians in 1887. In 1886 Germain Léger Testevuide, an itinerant missionary,


41

began work at Gotemba with sufferers of Hansen’s disease, who were largely neglected at the time, although he was later followed by Protestant missionaries such as Hannah Riddell. As Tashiro Kikuo (1989) suggests, while Protestants hoped to improve social conditions, the Catholic emphasis was on saving individual souls. Work among poor and abandoned children was important because of the need to baptize them even if, or rather because, in many cases they did not have long to live. Female orders did not publicize their work for reasons of religious humility, and ordinary Japanese were expected to be the recipients of care rather than being asked to contribute financially or to take an active part. However, we should also note the practical contribution of the Trappists to agricultural development in the Hakodate area, and in particular the wide-ranging activities of de Rotz in raising the economic level of the poverty-stricken Sotome region of Nagasaki prefecture. His work received government recognition in 1909 (Tashiro, 1989, 44–50, 82, 85). It is also true than in areas outside Kyushu such as north-eastern Japan, the majority of early converts were ex-samurai from domains on the losing side in the Meiji Restoration (Ono ed. 1970, 363–67). The rural, philanthropic focus noted above was probably linked to the conservatism of Catholicism in general and French Catholicism in particular. As a result in the long term converts were likely to be attracted more by Catholic compassion for the poor, by its concern for the dead and liturgical and decorative similarities with Buddhism, than by its links with the new world view introduced as a result of the opening of the treaty ports. The Congrégation des Soeurs de l’Instruction charitable du Saint Enfant Jésus (Saint Maur) was involved in education for girls from 1872 and the Société de Marie (Marians) began to do the same for boys from 1887. However, the initial emphasis of both was on primary education. While the existence of periodicals such as Koe (1891–) show that there were Japanese Catholics of intellectual standing and missionaries such as François-Alfred-Desiré Ligneul (1847–1922) who thought that it was important for Catholicism to have an intellectual presence, no outstanding Japanese Catholic intellectual leaders were to emerge until the TaishØ period (Hanzawa 1993, 113–4, 119–21). Government controls gradually made religious instruction at primary levels of education impossible, leading to a shift to higher levels. Clear signs of an interest in attracting the elite came with the arrival of German Jesuits in 1908 in order to set up a Catholic university (a plan which was realized in 1913) and the establishment of higher-level schools for girls in 1909 (Futaba) and 1910 (Seishin). Japanese Catholics therefore did not figure prominently in the debates about whether Christians could be loyal to the Emperor, or play a role in the

42


beginnings of socialism. In 1893 Ligneul and a Japanese priest, Maeda Chota (1867–1939), did publish Kokka to sh¨kyØ, a joint response to Inoue Tetsujiro’s attack on Christianity in which they argued that Christianity was the only true foundation of a patriotic state; however, it was so strongly-worded that it was immediately banned (Ebisawa 1968, 447–66; Maeda 1893). The general trend of Roman Catholicism for most of the Meiji period was to ignore political developments and movements for social reform in favor of building a community of believers centered on the priesthood and isolated from mainstream society. Protestant Activities4 Japan’s early encounter with Christianity also made Protestant missionary societies eager to enter the field. Dr Bernard J. Bettelheim (1811–1870) spent eight frustrating years in Okinawa from 1846-54 working for the Loochoo (i.e., Ry¨ky¨ or Okinawa) Naval Mission. John Liggins of the American Episcopal mission, who arrived in Nagasaki in May 1859, was the first Protestant missionary to arrive in Japan proper and he was soon joined by others in all the treaty ports as they opened. Like Protestant missionaries elsewhere, they tried to preserve a Western style of living as far as possible. This may have given them an exotic appeal, at least initially, but it also probably cut them off from ordinary Japanese, particularly in comparison with Catholic and Orthodox missionaries, who tended to live more simply. The majority of missionaries were American, with contingents from Britain and Canada, and from the mainstream denominations: Presbyterian and Reformed,5 Congregational,6 Methodist,7 Episcopal,8 and Baptist.9 Later they were joined by less mainstream groups including the Allgemeiner Evangelisch-Protestantischer Missionsverein in 1885 (Hamer 1998) advocating liberal theology and Higher Criticism of the Bible, the American Unitarian Association in 1887 (Tsuchiya 1999), the Universalist General Convention in 1890, the Religious Society of Friends of Philadelphia in 1885, and more theologically conservative groups including the Salvation Army in 1895 (Rightmire 1997), and Barclay Fowell Buxton’s Japan Evangelistic Band in 1903 (Buxton 1949; Wilkes, 1913), a “holiness” group with links with Dwight L. Moody. Both the latter groups experimented with wearing Japanese dress in order to reduce the cultural barrier between missionaries and ordinary Japanese people. It would probably be fair to say that Presbyterian and Congregational missionaries played the leading role.


43

The most famous of the pioneers were exponents of “New England Puritanism” who advocated high ethical standards of behavior, including abstinence from alcohol and tobacco. At Yokohama, an important role was played by Dr. James Curtis Hepburn (1815–1911) of the American Presbyterians (Griffis 1913; Takaya, 1955), and by Samuel Rollins Brown (1810–1880; Griffis 1902), and James H. Ballagh (1832–1920) of the Dutch Reformed Mission. Hepburn’s wife, Clara, also played an important role along with other missionary wives and female missionaries such as Mary E. Kidder (1834–1910; Kohiyama, 1992). In fact, women made an important contribution to Protestant missionary work in general, and may have found it easier to work with Japanese men since they did not present a direct challenge to male authority. Ballagh’s teacher of Japanese, a doctor named Yano Mototaka, was the first Japanese Protestant to be baptized, in 1865. In 1872 nine young men, two of whom later turned out to be Buddhist spies, were baptized (Ozawa 1973, 265–303, 305–41; Sugii 1984, 209–44). With two older converts they formed the first Protestant Church in Japan. This group became known as the Yokohama band. In 1877, three of them, including Okuno Masatsuna (1823–1910) and Ogawa Yoshiyasu (1831–1912), became the first Japanese Protestants to be ordained. Guido Fridolin Verbeck (1830–1898) of the Dutch Reformed Mission arrived in Nagasaki in 1859 and taught at schools set up by the Bakufu and by the Saga domain (Griffis, 1900). This brought him into contact with several young Japanese who went on to play major political roles in the Meiji period, including Iwakura Tomomi and ÷kuma Shigenobu. He worked as an adviser to the new Meiji government from 1869 until 1877, also teaching at the predecessor of Tokyo Imperial University for part of that time. When asked to recommend teachers for the university or for other institutions, he endeavored to find committed Christians. Among them was Leroy Lansing Janes (1838–1909), who arrived in 1871 to teach at the Kumamoto YØgakkØ, the school of western learning established by the domain of Higo at Kumamoto (Notehelfer, 1985). Under his influence many of the students began to take an interest in Christianity, and at the end of January 1875 thirty-five of them signed a covenant expressing their commitment to spreading the Christian message. When this became known the students were subjected to intense pressure from domain members, including their families, to get them to withdraw, but their fortitude under this pressure had the effect of encouraging other students to convert as well. This group became known as the Kumamoto band.

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Kobe was the base for missionaries from the American Board. First to arrive, in 1869, was Daniel Crosby Greene (1843–1914), to be joined later by both male and female missionaries, including Eliza Talcott (1863–1911) in 1873 (Greene 1927). Niijima JØ (1843–1890), who had smuggled himself out of Japan in 1864 in order to learn about Christianity in America, returned to Japan as a corresponding member of the American Board mission in 1874 with funds he had raised for the establishment of a Christian school (Hardy 1891). This led to the setting up of the DØshisha in KyØto in 1875, first as a secondary school for boys, with a girls school added in 1877. Theology was taught from 1876 and a full theological division was established ten years later. In 1912 it gained recognition as the first Christian university in Japan. When the Kumamoto YØgakkØ was closed in 1876, many members of the Kumamoto band came to study at the DØshisha, in a move which was to shape the future of this mission in Japan. In Hokkaido, John Batchelor (1854–1944) of the Church Missionary Society, who arrived in 1877, became famous for his evangelistic work among the Ainu, although this has recently undergone reevaluation (see DØshisha Daigaku Jinbunkagaku Kenky¨jo 1997, 51). In 1876 William S. Clark (1826–1886) became the first headmaster of the Sapporo Agricultural College (÷shima 1937; ÷ta 1979). One of the 15 first-year students was baptized on the day of Clark’s arrival in Sapporo, but all the rest became Christian under Clark’s influence. He returned to America after one year, but the students proceeded to pressurize seven members of the second year of entrants to convert. Almost all the members of the Sapporo band were baptized by a Methodist missionary, Merriman Colbert Harris (1846–1921), but went on to form an independent church in Sapporo. They did not, however, attempt to convert the third year of entrants to the college. Protestant missionaries and Japanese Christians had a great impact on mainstream Japanese society, to the extent that KirisutokyØ (the word originally used to refer to Protestant Christianity and still sometimes used in this narrower sense) is normally assumed to refer to Christianity as a whole. It is true that the overall Protestant missionary presence was greater than that of other groups. However, this impact was also a result of the fact that Protestant missionaries had a positive attitude to Western technology, on the grounds that being part of Western civilization it must be a product of Christianity. They therefore put great efforts into educational work, particularly at secondary level and above. Japanese Christians also set up educational institutions on their own initiative. Christian schools for girls were especially important since there was


45

very little provision from other quarters. Female missionaries such as Mary Florence Denton (1859–1947) and converts such as Tsuda Umeko (1864–1929) played a major role here (Furuki 1991). In the early years Protestants attracted a high proportion of ex-samurai, mainly through their educational activities. The latter also assumed that Japan must become a Christian nation if it wished to be successful in adopting Western technology. Of particular importance were the “bands” mentioned above, which contained the most prominent of Japan’s early Protestant leaders, notably Uemura Masahisa (1858–1925, Presbyterian; Uemura 1933–34, 1966–67) and Honda YØichi (1848–1912, Methodist) of the Yokohama band, Ebina DanjØ (1856–1937; Kato 1973; Yoshinare 1982) and Kozaki Hiromichi (1856–1938, Congregational; Kozaki 1928, 1938–39) of the Kumamoto band, and Uchimura KanzØ (1861–1930; Moore 1981; Uchimura 1971–73; 1980–83) of the Non-Church Movement and Nitobe InazØ (1862–1933, Quaker; Nitobe 1972, 1983–87; Howes 1995), both of the Sapporo band. There were other bands formed in similar circumstances, for example in Shizuoka and Hirosaki. Even in 1889 D. C. Greene was able to declare that ex-samurai accounted for 30 percent of Protestant membership figures, although they were only 6 percent of the population as a whole (Cary 1909a, 210). As early as 1906 Yamaji Aizan (1869–1917) pointed out that these exsamurai converts tended to be from domains which had been on the losing side in the Meiji Restoration, and suggested that Christianity provided them with a new purpose in life (Yamaji 1906, 25). Rather than consciously breaking with their previous beliefs, primarily Confucian, they were attracted by the high ethical standards of Christianity, which echoed Confucianism. They identified God with the concept of Heaven, loyalty to him replacing loyalty to their feudal lord (Notehelfer 1985, 179–209). Within Christianity these Japanese leaders emphasized self-support and early independence from missionary control, both for reasons of national pride, and because they felt that many missionaries were arrogant and intellectually behind the times (Howes 1965). Relations between missionaries and Japanese leaders probably reached their worst in the battle between the Nihon Kumiai KyØkai (Japan Congregational Church) and the American Board in the 1890s over whether the mission board or Japanese trustees were in control of the DØshisha (Kozaki 1933, 98–108). The question of whether the Japanese church (Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai) should be allowed overall control of all evangelistic work, including that funded by overseas missionary boards, caused problems for the Presbyterians (Christian Movement in Japan 1906, 195–202; 1907, 261–5). Because of their samurai origins and their view of Christianity as the basis of

46


Western civilization, Japanese leaders tended to be somewhat elitist in their views, more concerned that Christianity should have a prominent role in society than in taking its message to the rural and urban poor. Partly because of this, the ideas of leading Japanese Protestants with regard to morality and the nature of human society made a relatively big impact outside Christian circles in the Meiji period. Prominent Meiji figures such as the journalist Tokutomi SohØ (1863–1957), in fact a lapsed member of the Kumamoto band, the poet Kitamura TØkoku (1868–1894), the novelist Shimazaki TØson (1872–1943), and reformists such as Kinoshita Naoe (1869–1937), Katayama Sen (1859–1933) and Abe Isoo (1865–1949), were greatly influenced by Protestant Christianity, even if not all of them were lifelong orthodox members of any one Christian group. Among leading women were teachers such as Yajima Kajiko (1834–1925), first headmistress of Joshi Gakuin, and Yamamuro Kieko (1874–1916), a campaigner against female prostitution. They were both active in the Japan Women’s Christian Temperance Union, which was founded in 1893. This was the leading woman’s organization of the Meiji period, campaigning against prostitution and temperance and promoting female suffrage (Nihon KirisutokyØ Fujin KyØf¨kai 1986). After 1873, Protestant Christianity began to spread out beyond the treaty ports, largely as a result of evangelistic trips made by young Japanese catechists and through contacts made with visitors from rural areas. Evangelistic zeal was particularly high in the mid-1880s as a result of the “revival” sparked off by an interdenominational prayer meeting held in Yokohama in 1883. It spread to an interdenominational “friendship” meeting of Protestants from all over Japan being held in Tokyo, and through this to churches throughout the country. With tears and weeping, converts whose understanding of Christianity had been primarily intellectual were brought to an emotional realization of their sinful nature (÷hama 1979, 90–98; see also Isshiki 1995). In most cases, early converts were ex-samurai and other wealthy and/or educated people, particularly those who had a link with the treaty ports. The American Board began work in Gunma prefecture, for example, when Niijima JØ returned to his family home in Annaka for a short stay. Four years later, in 1878, there were 30 converts, including both ex-samurai, rich farmers, and Yuasa JirØ (1850–1932), a miso and soy sauce manufacturer and merchant. At first ex-samurai played the dominant role in the church, but from 1882 their place was gradually taken by rich farmers and merchants. More churches formed in the area surrounding Annaka, which had close links with Yokohama through the silk trade (Morioka 1976, 86–117).


47

However, it was not possible to sustain the rapid growth. A serious slump occurred from the late 1880s, particularly in rural areas and in the Congregational and Presbyterian missions, which had enjoyed great success in both urban and rural areas up till then. Two factors were involved: the demoralizing economic difficulties experienced by many rural churches in the face of pressure from the (urban-based) leadership to achieve self support, and the general worsening of Christianity’s image in a time of growing nationalism (÷hama 1979, 295–330). The turn of the century saw the Great Evangelization Campaign, an American-style mass evangelization drive in which most of the mainstream Protestant missions and churches in Japan were involved. It is interesting that this approach was attempted since in America the assumption was, of course, that participants were already familiar with Christianity while in Japan this was probably not so. When members of the audience went forward at the end of a meeting, therefore, this action did not necessarily mean that they had been converted (see Isshiki 1997). The Great Evangelistic Campaign concentrated on urban areas, and from this time Protestant Christianity in Japan took on a markedly urban, middleclass flavor. Although Protestant schools for boys were being eclipsed by the government system, mission schools for girls continued to play a major role. The YMCA became active in both Christian and non-Christian institutions of higher education, and many students were attracted to Christianity, even though the commitment often failed to continue after graduation (Davidann, 1998). The total number of Protestants increased, overtaking the Roman Catholics, but little of the increase was in rural areas; on the other hand, there was at this stage no concerted effort to evangelize among the growing urban workingclass population. Churches grew up in Taiwan, Manchuria, and Korea for Japanese Christians who were working in the new Japanese colonies. The Japanese YMCA joined the World YMCA and Japanese delegates took part in the Edinburgh World Missionary Conference of 1910. Denominational divisions were an inescapable factor in Protestant missionary work. They had developed for a variety of complex reasons and were of great importance to both missionaries themselves, their home boards, and their supporters. To a certain extent, the desire to propagate these differences rather than Christianity itself was an important factor in missionary zeal. A similar point could be made about Roman Catholic and Orthodox missionaries too. With hindsight, it is clear that divisions reduced the effectiveness of Protestant missionary work, leading to duplication of effort, an image of disunity, and the need to explain and perpetuate differences of doctrine and/or

48


organization which undermined confidence in the basic Christian message. The clearest example of this disruption is the controversy caused by the arrival of groups advocating liberal theology from the mid 1880s. The Unitarian Arthur May Knapp (1841–1921) made a particular impact, encouraging Buddhists to participate, and earning the support of Fukuzawa Yukichi, a leading advocate of Western learning (Tsuchiya 1999). Most of the missionaries belonging to the mainstream bodies were strongly opposed to Higher Criticism, even if they did not know very much about it, but many educated Japanese converts—for example, members of the Kumamoto band—found it attractive since they had always had difficulties with “non-rational” aspects of the Bible. There were defections, and unity, morale, and relationships between missionaries and Japanese were weakened just when general attitudes to Christianity were growing more hostile. On the other hand, it has been pointed out that in the long term the controversy made Japanese Protestants reexamine the Bible and develop a deeper understanding of the essentials of Christian faith.10 In 1901–1902, there was a debate between Ebina DanjØ and Uemura Masahisa over the divinity of Christ, which Ebina denied. The Japan Evangelical Alliance approved Uemura’s more conservative standpoint and expelled Ebina from the membership. Despite the depth of denominational rivalries, there were significant attempts at cooperation between different groups, particularly in the early years. For example, in translating the Bible there was a conscious effort to avoid the controversy over the translation of the word “God”—which was still raging in China—by setting up joint translation committees for both the New (1872–1880) and Old (1876–1887) Testaments (Nakamura 2000, 135–73). These were staffed by representatives from the main missions and Japanese “assistants.” There was also an early attempt to set up non-denominational churches. The first Protestant church, the Yokohama KØkai, formed under missionary guidance by the members of the Yokohama band in 1872, was basically presbyterian in structure but did not belong to any denomination since it was the result of the work of both Presbyterian and Reformed missionaries. At a meeting held later that year, Presbyterian, Reformed, and Congregational missionaries agreed to agreed to build on this basis and “secure, as far as possible, identity of name and organization in the native churches” which they set up (Cary 1909a). However, the agreement was very vague. Japanese Christians themselves were not party to the negotiations, although it is likely that they understood—and opposed—denominational divisions according to their experience of Buddhism; missionaries had conflicting understandings of what had been agreed upon, and different motives for


49

agreeing; missionary boards had not been consulted and did not really approve. It is therefore not surprising that attempts to achieve formal unification between the Presbyterian-Reformed and Congregational traditions in 1874 and again over the years 1886 to 1890 ultimately failed.11 In 1877 the various Presbyterian and Reformed groups in Japan, including (not altogether willingly) the “kØkai” related to them, came together to form a united Presbyterian denomination, known first as Nihon Kirisuto Itchi KyØkai and as Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai from 1890. The Nihon Kumiai KyØkai, associated with the American Board of Commissioners for Missions, was formed in 1886. This was followed by the unification of Anglican-Episcopal churches with the formation of the Nippon SeikØkai in 1887 and by the joining of three separate Methodist groups, after many complicated negotiations between the missionary bodies and pressure from Japanese members, in 1907. In contrast to the appearance of Japanese versions of Western denominations was the development of “indigenous” forms of Christianity. The Non-Church (MukyØkai) movement which developed around Uchimura KanzØ in the early twentieth century is the most famous of these. Uchimura rejected the church as an institution—and Western-based denominational divisions—since these led to an emphasis on form over content and did not fit the natural simplicity of Japanese culture. The ideal church should be a gathering of believers joined through love which was continuously evolving with no set pattern. In practice, the movement took the form of groups centered on particular charismatic leaders meeting together for regular Bible-study sessions, in what has been called a continuation of the traditional Japanese teacher-pupil relationship (Caldarola 1979; Mullins 1998, 54–81). Despite the appearance of Western-style divisions, Japanese Christians developed interdenominational links, holding national “friendship” meetings from 1878. In 1885 this led to the formation of the Japan Christian Alliance, which became a member of the World Evangelical Alliance and was the main instigator of the Great Evangelization Campaign of 1900. Christians in Tokyo formed a Young Men’s Christian Association in 1880 which published a monthly periodical, RikugØ zasshi, in which issues such as the nature of Japanese religions, the relationship between Christianity and evolution and even political and economic topics were discussed (Ballhatchet 1995; DØshisha Daigaku Jinbunkagaku Kenky¨jo 1984). The group had spawned a national network of YMCAs (see above) by 1887. Christians also campaigned together on subjects of common concern such as prostitution. As such campaigns suggest, Protestant converts were very active in mainstream society. Honda YØichi and others were involved in the People’s Rights

50


Movement, and in 1885 Kataoka Kenkichi and other prominent Tosa People’s Rights activists were baptized in Shikoku. In Gunma, Yuasa JirØ served on the Prefectural Assembly for ten years from 1889, and was then elected to the first Diet. He helped to lead a campaign against prostitution which culminated in its prohibition in Gunma in 1893. In 1883 Hara Taneaki began to work for prison reform, while in 1887 Ishii J¨ji set up the Okayama Orphanage. Yamamuro Gunpei, who became the first Japanese officer in the Salvation Army in 1896, tried to spread Christianity in a form which was accessible to ordinary Japanese people (Rightmire 1997). Periodicals such as Shichi ichi zappØ, RikugØ zasshi (mentioned above), and Jogaku zasshi spread information about Western ideas and encouraged discussion of religious and moral issues. Protestant Christianity had an important role in the development of socialism in Japan (Crump 1983, 89–97, 291–301). All of those involved in the formation of the RØdØ Kumiai Kiseikai, the first Japanese labor union in 1897 were Christians, primarily with Unitarian connections. They included figures such as Shimada SaburØ (1852–1923), a Diet member ever since the first national election of 1891, Kinoshita Naoe, Katayama Sen and Abe Isoo. An overlapping group was involved in a society for studying socialism formed the next year, and members of both came together in Japan’s first Socialist Party, organized in 1901. KØtoku Sh¨sui (1871–1911) was the only non-Christian involved. Although all these groups aimed for gradual change within the existing framework, the reaction of the government was extremely negative, particularly in the case of the Socialist Party, which was closed down two days after its formation. Christians were also active in grass-roots labour movements, such as the Nichitetsu KyØseikai formed by engine drivers. Despite this, mainstream Protestant involvement in social issues had its limitations. Leaders such as Uchimura KanzØ, and to a lesser extent Uemura Masahisa, supported the efforts of the early socialists, but believed that since the fundamental cause of social problems was human sin, the only lasting solution was the moral reformation of individuals through Christian evangelization efforts. In 1900, Shimada SaburØ, director of the Mainichi shinbun, Kinoshita Naoe, one of the Mainichi journalists, Abe Isoo and others publicized the plight of the farmers affected by pollution from the Ashio Copper Mine. There was a definite Christian response. The Christian Women’s Temperance Union organized help for those worst affected and sent money and supplies. Students also became involved, as did Uchimura KanzØ. But most active Christian involvement did not last beyond 1902, when public interest waned. When the socialists found themselves split from mainstream Protestantism in their opposition to the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905),


51

the movement broke up and Abe Isoo was the only leading figure who remained identifiably Christian.12 Despite their involvement in movements for social reform, Protestants were patriotic—like other Christians, and Meiji Japanese in general (see, for example, Tomisaka KirisutokyØ Sentå 1996.) Indeed patriotism had often been an ingredient in conversion, particularly for the members of the Kumamoto band, since if Christianity was the moral and spiritual basis of Western technology it was clear that Christians had a vital role to play in Japan’s future. In the case of the Kumiai KyØkai and the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai, patriotism found expression in movements for self support and independence from missionary control. These goals were achieved in a gradual process which began for both groups in 1895. Uchimura KanzØ, however, criticized denominations themselves as “Western” forms of Christianity and later famously proclaimed his loyalty to the “Two J’s,” Jesus and Japan (Uchimura Sept. 1926). As one might expect, particularly in view of the conversion process described above, attitudes to traditional Japanese beliefs tended to be positive. They were seen as Japan’s “Old Testament” which could be fulfilled by Christ’s message, leading to the formation of a Japanese Christianity which might even be superior to Western Christianity in its high moral ideals. The first published expression of this came in Kozaki Hiromichi’s 1886 examination of Confucianism, SeikyØ shinron (Ballhatchet 1988; Kozaki 1938–39, vol. 3, 296–399). Later in the Meiji Period not only Nitobe InazØ, but Uemura Masahisa and Ebina DanjØ wrote about bushidØ in this context (Nitobe 1900; Uemura 1898; Ebina 1902). Because of their patriotism and their desire to give Japan spiritual and moral guidance, Protestant Christians tended to be very sensitive to any suggestion that they were less loyal than other citizens. In 1891, Uchimura KanzØ, then a teacher at the elite First Higher School, hesitated in uncertainty and then bent his head instead of bowing properly in front of the Imperial Rescript on Education, which bore the signature of the Emperor. This was reported as a refusal to bow and blown up into a case of actual lèse majesté, even though Uchimura soon declared that he was willing to bow, as a sign of respect not worship (he was prevented by sickness from actually doing so). As we have seen, these attacks were followed up by Inoue TetsujirØ and others. Those Protestants who responded in print did so in various ways, but all denied that Christianity was incompatible with loyalty to the Emperor (Ozawa 1980). The most daring was Uemura Masahisa. While stating that he respected the Emperor and was willing to show his respect with a bow to the

52


Emperor himself, he sharply criticized the ritual of bowing before the Rescript for educational as much as religious reasons (Uemura 1891). As a result, the government banned the newspaper in which he published this, and of which he was editor, although all he did in response was to continue publishing under a new title. Japanese Protestant leaders were therefore vocal in their support of the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95) and organized various activities to help the war effort. Of course, most church leaders in Western countries at the time showed a similar attitude when their country went to war. The only group where the issue caused controversy was the Friends, which split, with missionaries and some Japanese leaving in protest when the majority expressed their support for the war (Toda 1987). However, Uchimura KanzØ was deeply disillusioned by Japan’s subsequent behavior in Korea. Along with Kashiwagi Gien (Kubo 1998, 55–101) of the Kumiai KyØkai and socialists such as Kinoshita and Abe, he opposed the Russo-Japanese War, but this was a minority reaction. Kashiwagi and Uchimura were also critical of the government-sponsored Three Religions Meeting of 1912. Uemura Masahisa took a middle position. He supported the Japanese side in both wars and wrote that the annexation of Korea was the will of God, but sympathized with the Korean desire for independence. Uemura also held a memorial service for one of the suspected anarchists executed for treason alongside KØtoku Sh¨sui in 1911, although he did not defend him publicly. On the other hand, Kozaki Hiromichi answered the attacks on Christianity which accompanied the treason trial by arguing that Christianity was totally compatible with Japan’s “national polity.” The Kumiai KyØkai of which he was a leader not only welcomed the annexation of Korea, but also supported the policy of cultural assimilation and started evangelization work among Koreans towards the end of the period, with the support of the Japanese authorities in Korea (Iinuma and Han 1985, 65–174). Thus Meiji Protestant leaders were united in their strong desire to be spiritual leaders of Japan, but found different ways of expressing this. Russian Orthodox Activities13 The Russian Orthodox Mission was numerically very successful, despite—or perhaps because of—the small number of foreign mission personnel. In 1900, for example, at a time of mounting anti-Russian feeling in Japan, it had about 25,700 members, nearly half the number of Catholics and over twice the


53

number of the largest single Protestant group, the Presbyterians (Proceedings 1901, 986–1005). Until recently, however, there was relatively little research available. Even now, most published material concentrates on Nikolai (1836–1912), born Ioann Dimitrivich Kasatkin, the charismatic head of the mission. While a theological student in St Petersburg, Nikolai read the memoirs of Vasilii Mikhailovich Golovnin, a Russian naval officer who had spent two years from 1811 in Japanese captivity. He applied for the vacant post of chaplain to the Russian consulate at Hakodate, and arrived there in 1861, soon after his ordination. While waiting for his passage to Hokkaido, he met the pioneer Orthodox missionary Metropolitan Innocent and may have been influenced by him and his approach, which emphasized translation of the scriptures and the liturgy—a method similar to that adopted by Protestants. The Russian consul at Hakodate, Ivosif Antonovich Goshkevich, was himself highly religious, and with his support, Nikolai spent his time studying Japanese language, history and culture, beginning to translate the scriptures, and even preparing rules for the evangelization of Japan. These included a clause saying that as soon as 500 converts had been made, one should be chosen for ordination. He also taught Russian, and soon had 16 pupils. Niijima JØ was one of his teachers of Japanese. Nikolai taught Niijima English in return, and tried to persuade him to remain in Hakodate instead of smuggling himself out of Japan to the United States. In 1868, after the new government had reissued the ban on Christianity, he baptized his first three converts, at their own request. One of them, Sawabe Takuma (1833–1913) originally a Tosa samurai, went on to become the first Japanese Orthodox priest in 1875. The adopted son of a ShintØ priest in Hakodate, Sawabe was a fervent supporter of the movement to oust foreigners from Japan but had helped to smuggle Niijima JØ onto an American ship in 1864. He burst in on Nikolai at the consulate the following year, intending to assassinate him, but was so impressed by his calm response that he became a disciple instead and encouraged others to join him. After his baptism, Sawabe temporarily went to ground in Sendai, where he aroused some interest, and members of the pro-Bakufu forces which were gathering in Hakodate for a last stand also became inquirers. As was later the pattern in Tokyo, church workers and trainees lived on the same compound together with Nikolai. In 1869 Nikolai visited Russia, where he persuaded the Russian Orthodox Synod to set up and fund a Japan Mission and was promoted to the rank of Archmandrite. During his absence, a group of Sendai samurai who had

54


despaired of changing the political situation gathered around Sawabe in Hakodate to study Christianity. Most of them returned to Sendai to spread the message, forming the core of the Orthodox Church in north-eastern Japan. After his return in 1871, Nikolai was sent an assistant. Leaving him at Hakodate, he moved to Tokyo in 1872, settling in Tsukiji. From then on, Tokyo became the headquarters of the Orthodox Church in Japan, on a compound which included a theological college and a girls’ school. Nikolai spent part of his time there, translating religious works into Japanese and supervising his church workers, and the rest of the time traveling around the churches and mission stations which spread into south-western Japan (Nagoya and Osaka) as well as the north-east. The Orthodox cathedral, which was completed in 1891, stood on high ground so that its distinctive Byzantine tower could be seen all over Tokyo. It became a famous Tokyo landmark popularly known as “Nikolaido,” but it also attracted criticism for overlooking the Imperial Palace. The Orthodox Church was attractive at various levels, some of them common to all Christian groups in Japan, some associated particularly with the Orthodox Church itself. Among the former were Nikolai’s personality, since he exhibited the charismatic zeal, self-discipline and learning found in the Protestant pioneer figures who earned the respect of disoriented young exsamurai in the late Tokugawa and early Meiji periods as they looked for a new direction in life. Then there was the association with the West, which helped some circles to identify the Orthodox religion with upward mobility and gave it a progressive image despite its ultra-conservative stance in Russia. Although Nikolai later expressed a distrust of secular learning, including modern scientific findings, in the early years in Tokyo, as well as in Hakodate, he did see Christianity as the basis of Western learning and government and taught Russian as a way of establishing contacts with young, educated Japanese. Moreover, like their Protestant counterparts, elite converts—ex-samurai and others with wealth or education—played a valuable role in the local economy by introducing Western agricultural techniques or industry (SatØ 1992). There were also some links with the People’s Rights Movement, although not as strong as in the case of Japanese Protestants. On a slightly different level, the mixed choral singing of the main church in Tokyo was famous far beyond Orthodox circles. Among elements more unique to the Orthodox church, were the elaborate ritual and the decoration of church buildings, which were even more reminiscent of Buddhism than those of Roman Catholicism, and the close links felt with the world of the dead. The fact that almost all its workers were Japanese


55

must also have meant that in its everyday practices and teachings the Orthodox Church was more sensitive towards Japanese religious customs and concerns than other Christian groups. In any case, Nikolai himself was sympathetic towards the spiritual content of Japanese religions and seems to have had a fairly positive attitude to the adaption of Japanese religious practices where appropriate. Nikolai also had a high opinion of the quality of his Japanese church workers and was ready to admit that the Orthodox Church in Japan had been built by them and not by foreign missionaries. It was perfectly right for their Church to be distinctively Japanese rather than a copy of Russian Orthodoxy. Even so, he believed that the Church would need a bishop from Russia for most of the twentieth century, to make sure that the authentic Orthodox tradition was maintained (Nikolai 1993, 66, 68–9, 95). However, the Church was not without its problems. A major difficulty was the lack of finance. The mission received annual grants from the Russian synod and from the partly privately funded Orthodox Mission Society. Despite the expansion in membership and the establishment of a theological college and other educational institutions, the annual grant from the Orthodox Synod did not increase beyond the sum originally fixed in the early Meiji period. The majority of church members were extremely poor, but they made a fixed contribution to mission expenses and were responsible for erecting church buildings, and for supporting catechists wherever possible. In order to meet the increased expenses, Nikolai himself contributed from his salary, and expected all Russian missionary personnel to donate at least half of their 2000 rouble salary to the mission. Catechists were expected to show an example of diligence by working part time whenever possible. Another important source of income was individual donations from Russian supporters. Nikolai spent much effort in cultivating contacts in Russia, but donations began to fall in the 1890s as Russo-Japanese relations worsened. From the beginning of the twentieth century, and particularly from the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War, Nikolai’s financial worries became acute. Supplies grew irregular and for two years from 1907 the grant from the Orthodox Mission Society was even reduced. Nikolai responded by calling for greater efforts for self support, and towards the end of the Meiji period Tokyo churches began to pay the full salaries of their church workers. A second problem was staffing. Less than twenty Russian mission personnel served in Japan during the Meiji period (Oda 1996, 195), and never more than a few at one time. This is not because Nikolai did not ask for reinforcements, and not entirely because the central missionary organization was unable to send him as many as he wanted. In fact, many of the people who were sent

56


out left after a short period for health reasons. It has been suggested that in at least some cases, the real reason was not health but dissatisfaction, both with the fact that they were compelled to contribute half their salary to mission funds, and with Nikolai’s authoritarianism.14 Nikolai seems to have had a fairly good relationship with Japanese church workers, who were perhaps more likely than fellow-Russians to interpret his authoritarianism as strong paternal guidance. However, it is true that some of his most talented recruits, whom he had sent to Russia for advanced theological training, left the Church on their return for more lucrative employment. It is also true that there were open disagreements, notably over the construction of the cathedral in Tokyo. A movement led by members of the clergy, including Sawabe, argued that the money would be better spent on evangelistic work. Nikolai took the position that the cathedral was a symbol of the influence which the Church should have on Japanese society. It was being built for the future rather than for the present. Moreover, the funds had been collected specifically for the building and could not be diverted. As a result, there were resignations among the catechists, and some members left, although membership continued to grow. The most serious problem, however, was caused by the links between the Orthodox Church and Russia (Hatano 1978). For other Christian bodies, too, the link with Western countries had negative as well as positive implications, but for the Orthodox Church, the links with the Russian government were much closer, and the negative implications were much stronger. While it would seem that, at least initially, the Japanese Orthodox church did not share the negative attitude to “modern” Western intellectual cultural developments of the Russian Orthodox church, it did inherit its uncritical support of the state. Seikyo shinpo, the Japanese Orthodox newspaper, carried an article which was deeply critical of Uchimura’s disrespectful attitude to the Emperor in the lèse majesté incident (Morita, 1891; Ozawa 1980, 160–162), while SeikyØ to kokka (Ishikawa 1893), called for a relationship with the Japanese state and the Emperor similar to that found in Russia. In addition, Nikolai himself tried to make the relationship between Japan and Russia a cordial one. For example, when the Russian Crown Prince was attacked by a Japanese policeman while visiting Japan in 1891, Nikolai asked him to ensure that Russo-Japanese relations did not suffer as a result of the incident. This produced such a good relationship between Nikolai and the Japanese government that on his death the Meiji Emperor sent flowers, the first time such an honor had ever been bestowed on a foreign missionary. But unfortunately for Nikolai, Russia had been viewed with particular suspicion


57

even before the Meiji Restoration. In the 1890s, relations gradually worsened, mainly as a result of Russia’s role in the Tripartite Intervention, which awoke great hostility in ordinary Japanese and in the press, leading to a negative effect on funding from Russia, as we have seen. Incidents also occurred in which those with Orthodox connections were suspected of spying for Russia. When Japan and Russia finally broke off diplomatic relations in February 1904, Nikolai was advised to leave Japan, but the church workers ask him to stay and he agreed. He told church members to pray for Japanese victory if war did break out, and to thank God if Japan won because the Orthodox church taught loyalty and patriotism. He also decided to stop leading public prayers on the grounds that this would involve him in praying for victory and peace for the Japanese Emperor. As a loyal Russian citizen he could not do that as long as their countries were enemies. While Nikolai’s decision to stay and his advice to church members are normally seen as brave and wise, it has been suggested that these actions brought financial instability and uncertainty, with falling levels of attendance (Oda 1997). Public opinion became more hostile, and then contemptuous once news of Japanese victories arrived. There were violent attacks on homes of believers and their children were bullied. Anger at the weak terms of the Treaty of Portsmouth led to an angry demonstration in Tokyo which broke into rioting. Non-Orthodox Christian churches were targets as well, but the main group headed for the central Orthodox compound, shouting out for Nikolai. On the other hand, the decision to send Japanese Orthodox priests to visit the detention centers for Russian prisoners of war and minister to them in Russian produced favorable publicity both for Nikolai—who had in fact initially opposed the idea—and the Orthodox Church, and also for Japan (see Naganawa 1989, 171–6, quoting Ishikawa KisaburØ). As a result, as disappointment over the treaty settled down, Nikolai’s prestige recovered and growth resumed, though more sluggishly. The church continued to be dominated by Nikolai’s personality even after his death in 1912. Conclusion At the end of the Meiji Period, there were roughly 189,000 Christians in Japan affiliated to the following “mainstream” groups: Roman Catholics, 67,000; Protestants, 90,000, with the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai and the Kumiai KyØkai as the biggest denominations at 23,000 and 21,000 respectively; and

58


Orthodox, 32,000 (The Christian Movement in Japan, 1913), and others belonging to “indigenous” groups such as Uchimura’s MukyØkai. Christianity had been eclipsed by new religious movements in terms of growth, but mainstream groups were gradually becoming part of the religious establishment. Christianity’s influence extended beyond those who were actually affiliated to churches and was particularly evident in intellectual circles and in areas such as women’s education, work among the sick and disadvantaged, and movements for social reform. However, despite their patriotism, Christians were a marginal group with close foreign ties, and their vulnerability to any attack on their loyalty to the Japanese state was clear.

NOTES There is an abundance of primary sources for Christianity in Meiji Japan, in various languages including English, French, and Japanese. Obviously there are the archives of the various missionary societies involved and the periodicals and annual reports which they published. There were many Christian periodicals and newspapers published in Japan, and treaty port newspapers such as the Japan Weekly Mail contain much useful information, including insights into how other members of the foreign community viewed missionaries. Many missionaries published books related to Christianity in Japan, and other missionary writings have been posthumously published. Ajia Bunka Kenky¨ Iinkai, ed (1965) is a useful bibliography of Japaneselanguage Christian-related books and periodicals which were published in the Meiji period, with locations. Fujio Ikado and James R. McGovern (1966) contains non-Japanese language—mainly English—books and articles, and includes some non-Protestant writings. Cary (1909a, 1909b), remains a useful source, although the author, himself an ex-American Board missionary to Japan, focuses very much on missionary activity. Most of the secondary work, primarily on Protestantism, has been written by scholars who are themselves committed Christians. The main periodicals to look at are KirisutokyØ shigaku, published by KirisutokyØ Shigakkai, and DØshisha University’s KirisutokyØ shakai mondai kenky¨. Lists of publications can be found in ÷hama et al, eds. (1985; 2000), and on the “Nihon shakai to kirisutokyØ” ni kansuru shakaigakuteki kenky¨ no bunken mokuroku [Bibliography of sociological studies on Christianity and Japanese society] website run by Kawamata Toshinori: http://toshi-k.net/booklist/JC.htm. Although not always accurate, Nihon KirisutokyØ Rekishi Daijiten Hensh¨ Iinkai (1988) is very useful. A general work in English is Richard H. Drummond (1971). Selected lists of primary and secondary sources for Roman Catholic, Protestant, and Russian Orthodox activities will be given under the appropriate sections. The main works used for the introduction are Cary (1909a; 1909b); Dohi (1980); Gonoi (1990); and Takagi (1978–80). 1


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See Morioka (1976, 107–112, 140–4, 206–7; (in English) 1975, 118–27); Mullins (1998, 33–34, 135–7); Ohama (1979, 266–71); Reid (1991, 97–149). Missionary letters and reports also give scattered references to such issues. 3 Junshin Joshi Tanki Daigaku Hayasaka Kinen Toshokan Katorikku BunkØ ed. (1985) is a useful list of Catholic-related materials. Primary sources include periodicals such as Koe in Japanese and Les Missions Catholiques in French. J. Marnas (1896, 2 vols.) is the nearest Catholic equivalent to Cary. Secondary works have concentrated overwhelmingly on the Urakami Incident and the hidden Christians; more recently interest has been shown in the field of Catholic philanthropy (e.g. Tashiro 1989). The main works used for this section are Cary (1909b); Marnas (1896); Takagi (1978–80); and Urakawa (1928). 4 Kohiyama (1992, 323–9) and Shiono (1995, 3–24 at the back of the book) and DØshisha Daigaku Jinbunkagaku Kenky¨jo (1997, 385–418) contain useful information about unpublished Protestant primary sources. Published primary sources for missionaries include the proceedings of the two Meiji conferences of Protestant missionaries in Japan (Proceedings 1883 and 1901), the yearbook The Christian Movement in Japan (1903–), and periodicals such as The Missionary Herald (published by the American Board) and The Spirit of Missions (published by the Missionary Board of the American Episcopal Church). Periodicals in Japanese include Fukuin shinpØ (1891–, Presbyterian), Fukuin sh¨hØ (1890–1891, Presbyterian), Rikugo zasshi (1880–), and Shichi ichi zappo (1875–1883, American Board). Saba Wataru, ed. (reprinted edition 1978, 7 vols) is a valuable collection of primary materials related to Uemura Masahisa, but of relevance to Meiji Christianity in general. The collected works of some prominent Protestant Christians have also been published. Much scholarly attention has been paid to Meiji Protestantism, particularly to its relationship with the state. The post-war pioneers concentrated on Japanese Christians, ignoring missionaries apart from a few early figures. Sumiya Mikio (e.g. 1950, 1954) looked at socioeconomic approaches, while Takeda (ChØ) Kiyoko has studied the different ways in which Japanese Christians understood the relationship between Christianity and Japanese culture (e.g. 1967a, 1967b). For English-language works heavily influenced by these pioneers, see Best (1966) and Scheiner (1970). Important work on grass-roots Christianity has been done by Morioka Kiyomi (e.g. 1975, in English, 1976) and ÷hama Tetsuya. Scholars associated with DØshisha University such as Dohi Akio (e.g. 1980) and Sugii MutsurØ (e.g. 1984) have investigated various aspects, particularly areas of relevance to the Kumiai KyØkai. The tendency evident in the work of specialists such as Sumiya, Takeda, and Dohi to concentrate on reasons why mainstream Christianity “failed” to reform the feudalistic, non-democratic elements of prewar Japanese society has been effectively criticized by ÷hama Tetsuya (see, e.g., ÷hama 1990 ). More recently, Japanese scholars have begun to pay more attention to missionaries (Kohiyama 1992), and the insights which can be gained from detailed study of missionary archives, particularly where the early Meiji period is concerned (DØshisha Daigaku Jinbunkagaku Kenky¨jo 1997). Ion (1990, 2

60


1993) and Powles (1987) provide interesting English-language studies of missionaries and their influence. Many studies of individual Protestant figures have been made, and there is an incredibly vast literature available with regard to Uchimura KanzØ (see Shinagawa 1977). Lande (1988) is a useful English-language historiography of Japanese-language works up to the mid-1980s. For some recent studies of the principal Meiji denominations, see DØshisha Daigaku Jinbun-kagaku Kenky¨jo (1997). The main works used in this section are Cary (1909a); and Dohi (1980). 5 Board of Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the USA, arrived 1859; Reformed Church in America (Dutch), also arrived 1859; Woman’s Union Missionary Society of America, arrived 1871; United Presbyterian Church of Scotland, arrived 1874; Cumberland Presbyterian Church, arrived 1877; Reformed Church in the US (German), arrived 1879; and Presbyterian Church in the U.S., arrived 1885. 6 American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, arrived 1869 (by this time it was almost completely Congregational). 7 Primarily the Methodist Episcopal Church, arrived 1873; Mission of the Methodist Church of Canada, 1873; and Methodist Episcopal Church (South), arrived 1886. 8 Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the USA, arrived 1859; Church Missionary Society, arrived 1869; Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, arrived 1873. 9 American Baptist Free Mission Society, arrived 1860; American Baptist Missionary Union, arrived 1873; Foreign Missionary Board of the Southern Baptist Convention, arrived 1889. 10 Dohi (1980, 172) summarizes assessments of the impact of liberal theology 11 Much has been written on this topic. For recent studies which use both missionary archives and Japanese primary sources, see DØshisha Daigaku Jinbunkagaku Kenky¨jo (1997, 267–329). Sugii (1984, 209–44) looks at what happened from the spies’ point of view. 12 For Protestant Christians and outcaste groups, see KudØ (1983). 13 Meiji Orthodox periodicals include SeikyØ shinpØ (1880–). Nakamura Kennosuke has made a number of Russian-language primary materials available to those who read Japanese, providing detailed explanatory notes (e.g. Nakamura 1996, Nikolai 1993, 2000). The focus in secondary studies has inevitably been on Nikolai himself and has tended to be quite hagiographic, though the field is gradually widening (e.g. Naganawa 1989). The main works used in this section are Naganawa (1989); Nakamura (1996); Nikolai (1993); and Ushimaru (1978). 14 Naganawa (1989, 190–91), quoting Iwasawa Heikichi; see also Nikolai’s criticisms of Russian co-workers in Nikolai (2000, 181, 183–4, 188).


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BIBLIOGRAPHY Bibliographies and dictionaries Ajia Bunka Kenkyu Iinkai, ed. Nihon kirisutokyØ bunken mokuroku meiji-ki [A bibliography of Christianity in Japan—Meiji era]. Tokyo: Kokusai KirisutokyØ Daigaku, 1965. Fujio Ikado and James R. McGovern. A Bibliography of Christianity in Japan: Protestantism in English sources (1859–1959). Tokyo: The Committee on Asian Cultural Studies International Christian University, 1966. Junshin Joshi Tanki Daigaku Hayasaka Kinen Toshokan Katorikku BunkØ ed. Nihon katorikku kankei shiryØ sØgØ mokuroku [A comprehensive catalog of materials related to Catholicism in Japan]. Nagasaki: Junshin Joshi Tanki Daigaku, 1985. Nihon KirisutokyØ Rekishi Daijiten Hensh¨ Iinkai, ed. Nihon kirisutokyØ rekishi daijiten [A dictionary of the history of Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1988. “Nihon shakai to kirisutokyØ” ni kansuru shakaigakuteki kenky¨ no bunken mokuroku [Bibliography of sociological studies on Christianity and Japanese society] website run by Kawamata Toshinori: http://toshi-k.net/booklist/ JC.htm. ÷hama Tetsuya et al., eds. Nihon sh¨kyØshi kenky¨ bunken mokuroku. 2 vols. Tokyo: Iwata Shoin, 1985, 2000.

Primary Sources Cary, Otis. A History of Christianity in Japan. 2 vols (a) Protestant Missions; (b) Roman Catholic and Greek Orthodox Missions. New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1909; republished Michigan: Scholarly Press, 1970. The Christian Movement in Japan. 1903– Cook, Joseph. “Twenty Four Questions on New Japan.” Boston Monday lectures: Orient with preludes on current events. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1886, 289–310. Ebina Danjo. “Shin bushidØ” [The new BushidØ], Shinjin, 1902 [reprinted in KatØ 1973, 82–90]. Fukuin shinpØ (1891–). Fukuin sh¨hØ (1890–1891). Furuki Yoshiko et al, ed. The Attic Letters: Ume Tsuda’s Correspondence to Her American Mother. New York: Weatherhill, 1991. Hamer, H. E. Meiji kirisutokyØ no ichidanmen: SenkyØshi Shupinna no taizai nikki [One aspect of Meiji Christianity: the Japan diary of Spinner, the missionary]. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1998.

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Hardy, A. S. The Life and Letters of Joseph Hardy Neeshima. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1891. Japan Weekly Mail. Ishikawa KisaburØ. SeikyØ to kokka [Orthodoxy and the state]. Tokyo: Aiaisha, 1892. KatØ Tsuneaki, ed. Ebina DanjØ sekkyØsh¨ [A collection of sermons by Ebina DanjØ]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ shuppansha, 1973. Koe (1891–). Kozaki Hiromichi. Reminiscences of Seventy Years: the Autobiography of a Japanese Pastor. trans. by Nariaki Kozaki. Tokyo: KyØbunkwan, 1928. ______. Kozaki zensh¨ [The complete works of Kozaki Hiromichi]. 6 vols. Tokyo: Kozaki zensh¨ kankØkai, 1938–39 [reprinted Tokyo: Nihon tosho sentå, 2000]. Maeda ChØta. “Inoue hakase no kyØiku to sh¨kyØ no shØtotsuron o yomu” [On reading Dr Inoue’s The clash between religion and education]. Nihon kØkyØ zasshi 92 (25 March, 1893) [reprinted in Seki 1893b (sei), 323–42]. The Missionary Herald. Les Missions Catholiques. Marnas, J. La religion de Jésus Iaso Ja-kyØ ressucitée au Japon dans la Seconde Moitié du XIXe Siècle. 2 vols. Paris: Delhomme et Briquet, 1896. Morita Mitsuru. “Fukei jiken o ronjite waga seikyØkai no shugi o akiraka ni su” [A clarification of the principles of the SeikyØkai through a discussion of the lèse majesté incident], SeikyØ shinpØ (15 Feb. 1891). Nikolai. Meiji no Nihon Harisutosu seikyØkai: Nikorai no hØkokusho [Nikolai’s report on the state of the Japanese Orthodox Church]. trans. and annotated by Nakamura Kennosuke. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1993 [originally published in Russian in 1879]. ______. Nikolai nikki shØ [Extracts from the diary of Archbishop Nikolai]. Sapporo: Hokudai tosho kankØkai, 2000. Nitobe InazØ. BushidØ, the Soul of Japan: An Exposition of Japanese Thought. Philadelphia: Leeds & Biddle, 1900 [reprinted in Nitobe 1972, vol. 1]. ______. English Language Works of InazØ Nitobe. 5 vols. Tokyo: Tokyo University Press. 1972. ______. Nitobe InazØ zensh¨ [The complete works of Nitobe InazØ]. 23 vols. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1983–87. ÷shima Masatake. Kuraku-sensei to sono deshitachi [Dr. Clarke and his pupils]. Revised and expanded edition. Tokyo: Kokusho kankØkai, 1973 [originally published 1937]. Proceedings of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of Japan. Held in Osaka, Japan, April, 1883. Yokohama: R. Meiklejohn & Co., 1883. Proceedings of the General Conference of Protestant Missionaries in Japan. Held in Tokyo, October 24-31, 1900. Tokyo: Methodist Publishing House, 1901.


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RikugØ zasshi (1880–). Saba Wataru, ed. Uemura Masahisa to sono jidai [The life and times of Uemura Masahisa]. 7 vols. (reprinted edition) Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1978. SeikyØ shinpØ (1880–). Seki KØsaku, ed. Inoue hakase to kirisutokyØtØ [Christians and Dr. Inoue]. 2 vols: (a) sh¨ketsuhen; (b) sei zokuhen. Tokyo: Misuzu shobØ, 1988 [first published Tokyo: Tetsugaku shoin, 1893]. Shichi ichi zappØ (1875–1883). The Spirit of Missions. Takaya Michio, ed. The Letters of Dr. J. C.Hepburn. Tokyo: Toshin shobo, 1955. Uchimura KanzØ. “Two J’s.” In The Japan Christian Intelligencer 1/7 (Sept.) 1926 [reprinted in Uchimura 1980–84, vol.30, 53–54]. ______. The Complete Works of Kanzo Uchimura. With notes and comments by TaijirØ Yamamoto and YØichi MutØ. 7 vols. Tokyo: KyØbunkwan, 1971–73 [contains Uchimura’s English writings]. ______. Uchimura KanzØ zensh¨ [The complete works of Uchimura Kanzo]. 38 vols. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1980-84. Uemura Masahisa. “Fukeizai to kirisutokyØ” [Christianity and lèse majesté]. Fukuin sh¨hØ 50 (20 Feb.) 1891 [reprinted in Ozawa 1980, 205–7]. ______. “KirisutokyØ no BushidØ” [The BushidØ of Christianity]. Fukuin shinpØ (4 and 11 March) 1898, 140, 141 [reprinted in Uemura 1996–97, vol. 1, 398–412]. ______. Uemura zensh¨ [The complete works of Uemura Masahisa]. 8 vols. Tokyo: Uemura Masahisa Zensh¨ KankØkai, 1933–34. ______. Uemura Masahisa chosakush¨ [Collected works of Uemura Masahisa]. 6 vols. Tokyo: ShinkyØ shuppansha, 1966–67. Wilkes, Paget. Missionary Joys in Japan, or Leaves from my Journal. London: Morgan and Scott, 1913. Yamaji Aizan. “Gendai Nihon kyØkai shiron” [On the history of the church in Japan today]. In KirisutokyØ HyØron, 1906 [reprinted in KirisutokyØ HyØron. Nihon Jinminshi. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1966].

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Buxton, B. G. The Reward of Faith in the Life of Barclay Buxton, 1860–1946. London: Lutterworth Press, 1949. Caldarola, Carlo. Christianity: The Japanese Way. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979. Chuo Daigaku Jinbunkagaku Kenky¨jo ed. Kindai Nihon no keisei to sh¨kyØ mondai [Religious issues and the formation of modern Japan]. Tokyo: Chuo Daigaku Shuppanbu, 1992. Cieslik, Hubert. Kirishitan no kokoro [The essence of the faith of the early Japanese Catholics]. Nagasaki: Seibo no Kishisha, 1996, 145–50 Covell, Ralph. W. A. P. Martin: Pioneer of Progress in China. Washington D.C.: Christian University Press, 1978. Crump, John. The Origins of Socialist Thought in Japan. London: Croom Helm, 1983. Davidann, J. T. A World of Crisis and Progress: The American YMCA in Japan, 1890–1980. London: Associated University Press, 1998. Dohi Akio. “SankyØ kaidØ—seiji, kyØiku, sh¨kyØ to no kanren ni oite” [The Three Religions Meeting in its relation to politics, education and religion]. KirisutokyØ shakai mondai kenky¨ 11 and 14–15 (March) 1967, (March ) 1969, 90–115, 72–93. ______. Nihon purotesutanto kirisutokyØshi [A History of Protestant Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ sh¨ppansha, 1980. DØshisha Daigaku Jinbunkagaku Kenky¨jo, ed. RikugØ zasshi no kenky¨ [Studies on RikugØ zasshi]. Tokyo: Kyobunkan, 1984. ______. Shichi ichi zappØ no kenky¨ [Studies on Shichi ichi zappØ]. Kyoto: DØmeisha Shuppan 1986. ______. Nihon purotesutanto shokyØhashi no kenky¨ [Studies in the history of various Japanese Protestant denominations]. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1997. Drummond, Richard E. A History of Christianity in Japan. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans, 1971. Ebisawa Arimichi. Ishin henkakuki to kirisutokyØ [Christianity during the changes of the Meiji Restoration period].Tokyo: Shinseisha, 1968. Gonoi Takashi. Nihon kirisutokyØshi [A History of Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa KØbunkan, 1990. Greene, Evarts B. A New Englander in Japan. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1927. Griffis, William Elliott. Verbeck of Japan: A Citizen of No Country. New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1900. ______. A Maker of the Orient: Samuel Robbins Brown, Pioneer Educator in China, American and Japan. New York: Fleming H.Revell, 1902. ______. Hepburn of Japan and his Wife and Helpmate. Philadelphia and New York: The Westminster Press, 1913. Hanzawa Takamaro. Kindai Nihon no Katorishizumu: ShisØshiteki kØsatsu [Catholicism in Japan from the viewpoint of intellectual history]. Tokyo: Misuzu ShobØ, 1993.


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Mueller, George A. The Catechetical Problem in Japan: 1859–1965. Tokyo: Oriens Institute for Religious Research, 1967. Mullins, Mark R. Christianity Made in Japan: A Study of Indigenous Movements. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1998. Naganawa Mitsuo. NikoraidØ no hitobito: Nihon no kindaishi no naka no Roshia SeikyØkai [The people connected with Nikolai’s cathedral: The Russia Orthodox Church in Japan’s Modern History]. Tokyo: Gendai Kikakushitsu, 1989. Nakamura Hiromu. SenkyØ to juyØ: Meijiki KirisutokyØ no kisoteki kenky¨ [Proselytization and Acceptance: Basic studies in Meiji Christianity]. Kyoto: Shibunkaku Shuppan, 2000. Nakamura Kennosuke. SenkyØshi Nikorai to Meiji Nihon [Meiji Japan and Nikolai the missionary]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1996. Nihon KirisutokyØ Fujin KyØfØkai, ed. Nihon KirisutokyØ fujin kyØf¨kai hyakunenshi [A history of the first hundred years of the Japan Christian Women’s Temperance Union]. Tokyo: Domesu Shuppan, 1986. Notehelfer, F. G. American Samurai: Captain L. L. Janes and Japan. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985. Oda Yasuhiko. “DaishukyØ Nikorai no Nihon senkyØ no tokushoku: DenkyØsha seido o megutte” [Some characteristics of Archbishop Nikolai’s Mission to Japan, with special reference to the employment of evangelists]. KirisutokyØ shigaku 50 (1996), 195–6. ______. “NichirØ sensØ to Nihon seikyØkai: Nihonjin shinto to Nikorai shukyØ” [The Nihon SeikyØkai and the Russo-Japanese war: Bishop Nikolai and Japanese church members]. KirisutokyØ shigaku 51 (1997), 191–3. ÷hama Tetsuya. Meiji KirisutokyØ kyØkaishi no kenky¨ [Studies in the church history of Meiji Christianity]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa KØbunkan, 1979. ______. “Kindai Nihon no KirisutokyØ” [Christianity in Modern Japan]. In Kokugakuin Daigaku Nihon Bunka Kenky¨jo ed. Kindaika to sh¨kyØ b¨mu. Kyoto: Domeisha Shuppan, 1990, 113–78. Ono Tadayoshi, ed. Kita Nihon Katorikku kyØkaishi [A history of the Catholic church in Northern Japan]. Tokyo: Ch¨Ø Shuppansha, 1970. ÷ta Y¨zØ. Kuråku no ichinen: Sapporo nØgakkØ shodai kyØtØ no Nihon taiken [The Japan Experience of William S. Clark]. Kyoto: ShØwadØ, 1979. Ozawa Saburo. Nihon Purotesutantoshi kenky¨ [Studies in the history of Protestantism in Japan]. Tokyo: Tokai daigaku shuppankai, 1964. ______. Bakumatsu Meiji YasokyØshi kenky¨ [Studies in the history of Christianity in the Bakumatsu and Meiji periods]. Tokyo: Nihon KirisutokyØdan Shuppankyoku, 1973. ______. Uchimura KanzØ fukei jiken [Uchimura KanzØ’s act of lèse majesté]. Reprinted edition. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1980. Powles, Cyril Hamilton. Victorian Missionaries in Meiji Japan: The Shiba Sect


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1873–1900. Toronto: University of Toronto/York University Joint Center on Modern East Asia. 1987. Reid, David. New Wine: The Cultural Shaping of Japanese Christianity. Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1991. Rightmire, R. David. Salvationist Samurai: Gunpei Yamamuro and the Rise of the Salvation Army in Japan. Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press, 1997. SatØ Ken’ichi. “Girisha SeikyØ no juyØ to chi’iki no kessha: Sanuma Ken’eikai to KØts¨sha” [Local associations and the acceptance of Orthodox Christianity: The Sanuma Ken’eikai and the KØts¨sha]. In Watanabe Nobuo ed. Kinsei Nihon no minsh¨ bunka to seiji [Politics and popular culture in early modern Japan]. Tokyo: Kawade ShobØ Shinsha 1992. Scheiner, Irwin. Christian Converts and Social Protest in Japan. Berkeley University of California Press, 1970 Shinagawa Tsutomu, ed. Uchimura KanzØ kenky¨ bunken mokuroku [A catalogue of studies on Uchimura KanzØ]. Enlarged ed. Tokyo: Meiji Bunko, 1977. Shiono Kazuo. Nihon Kumiai KyØkaishi kenky¨josetsu [An Introduction to the history of the Nihon kumiai kyØkai]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1995. Sugii MutsurØ. Meijiki KirisutokyØ no kenky¨ [Studies in Meiji Christianity]. Kyoto: DØmeisha Shuppan, 1984. Sumiya Mikio. Kindai Nihon no keisei to KirisutokyØ [Christianity and the formation of modern Japan]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1950 ______. Nihon shakai to KirisutokyØ [Christianity and Japanese society]. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1954. Suzue Eiichi. “Kirishitan kinsei kØsatsu tekkyo fukokugo no kinkyØ seisaku” [The policy of banning Christianity after the order to remove the antiChristian edicts from public display]. KirisutokyØ shigaku 53 (July 1999), 83–101. ______. KirisutokyØ kaikin izen: Kirishitan kinsei kØsatsu tekkyo no shiryØron [Before the removal of the prohibition of Christianity: An examination of materials related to the removal of the anti-Christian edicts from public display]. Tokyo: Iwata Shoin, 2000. Takagi Kazuo. Meiji Katorikku KyØkaishi kenky¨ [Studies in the history of the Catholic Church in the Meiji period]. 3 vols. Kirishitan bunka kenky¨ shirizu, nos. 18–20. Tokyo: Kirishitan Bunka Kenky¨kai, 1978–80. Takeda Kiyoko. Ningenkan no sØkoku: Kindai Nihon no shisØ to KiristukyØ [Conflicting views of mankind: Christianity and modern Japanese thought]. Rev. ed. Tokyo: KØbundo, 1967a. ______. Dochaku to haikyØ: DentØteki etosu to purotesutanto [Apostasy and indigenization: Protestantism and the traditional ethos]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1967b. Tashiro Kikuo. Nihon Katorikku shakai jigyØshi kenky¨ [Studies in the history of social work by the Catholic church in Japan]. Tokyo: HØritsu Bunkasha, 1989.

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Toda Tetsuko. “Nisshin sensØka ni okeru Furendo KyØkai no bunretsu” [The split which occurred among the Quakers during the Sino-Japanese war]. KirisutokyØ shigaku 41 (1987), 37–51. Tomisaka KirisutokyØ Kenky¨ Sentå, ed. Kindai tennØsei no keisei to kirisutokyØ [Christianity and the formation of the modern Emperor system]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1996. Tsuchiya Hiroyasu. “Óså Nappu to Nihon uniterian misshon no hajimari” [Arthur Knapp and the beginning of the Unitarian Mission to Japan]. Keio Gijuku Daigaku Hiyoshi kiyo: Eigo eibei bungaku 35 (1999), 38–129. Urakawa WasaburØ. Kirishitan no fukkatsu [The rebirth of the Catholic church in Japan]. 2 vols. Tokyo: Nihon Katorikku KankØkai, 1928. Ushimaru Yasuo. Nihon SeikyØshi [A history of the Japanese Orthodox Church]. Tokyo: Nihon Harisutosu SeikyØkai KyØdan, 1978. Wakabayashi, Bob Takashi. Anti-Foreign Learning in Early-Modern Japan: The New Theses of 1825. Cambridge, Mass.: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1986. Yoshida Tora. “TendØ sogen to sono fuky¨: Ch¨goku shinkyØ bunsho dendØ hatten no ichisokumen” [Evidences of Christianity and the spread of its message: An aspect of evangelization using a Chinese Protestant publication]. ShichØ 61 (1965), 40–53. Yoshinare Akiko. Ebina DanjØ no seiji shisØ [The political thought of Ebina DanjØ]. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1982.

THE CROSS UNDER AN IMPERIAL SUN Imperialism, Nationalism, and Japanese Christianity, 1895–1945 A. Hamish ION

From 1894 to 1931 Japanese Christians continued to face many of the same concerns that had bedevilled their movement from its modern beginnings.1 These included: Christian attitudes to Japanese nationalism, and particularly the persistent issue of Christian loyalty to the Japanese state; the unique attributes of a Japanese Christianity, the place of Western missionaries in the development of Christianity in Japan, and the ecumenical movement which was directed towards the amalgamation of all Protestant groups into one denomination. New issues also emerged, however, which came to exert increasingly important influences on Christian development. One of these was the Christian preoccupation with overseas responsibilities as a result of the Japanese imperialist expansion into Taiwan, Korea and Manchuria. Indeed, the current interest in the relationship of the Christian movement with its counterparts in East Asia points to the need for greater emphasis to be placed on the overseas activities of the Christian movement after the First Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895). Within Japan itself, new challenges for the Christian movement were produced by the rapid urbanization and industrialization of Japan following the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05), and particularly during the economic boom years of the First World War (1914–1918). Japan entered the jazz age as one of the world’s great powers and at the head of an extensive overseas empire with the Japanese enjoying the highest standard of living in East Asia. However, the speed and extent of industrial development of Japan had also spawned serious social, political, economic, and environmental problems. The response of the Christian movement to these problems was also suitably modern. The inner-city social problems that beset Tokyo, Osaka and other rapidly growing urban centers offered Christians new opportunities for evangelism in specialized areas of slum work, social welfare work among factory workers, medical work, and prison work as well as in the more traditional areas of education and open air evangelism. Newspaper evangelism sought to

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draw in a wider catch of enquirers through the burgeoning print media. National evangelistic campaigns organized with the scientific precision of military campaigns dared to try to draw a million modern Japanese into the Kingdom of God. A National Council of Churches (NCC) strove to co-ordinate and to unite Protestant efforts to meet the new challenges at home and to allow Christian leaders to play a prominent role at the international conferences and junkets, such as those at Edinburgh, Jerusalem, Madras, and Lambeth that periodically punctuated the global Christian calendar in the decades before 1940. Among Christian leaders, Kagawa Toyohiko (1888–1960),2 was arguably the bestknown Japanese in the world (his only rivals were military figures) and would remain so until the advent of Yoko Ono. Another, Nitobe InazØ (1862–1933),3 stands out as one of the most influential of pre-war Japanese interpreters of Japan to the West. Indeed, the Christian movement served as a major link between Japan and the outside world. However, with the emergence of tennØcentered militarism, Christian leaders failed in the end to act as a bridge over which modern, western democratic values could be transmitted into Japan. Likewise, the inability of Church leaders to see the relation between the religious question and the rise of militarism led to their failure to influence events be they in Japan, in North America or in Europe. By the 1930s, however, the steady rise of tennØ-centered militarism, the internal strains in Japanese society exacerbated by the Great Depression, and the growing international crisis in East Asia all contributed to change dramatically the nature of the challenges confronting Japanese Christianity. Economic and social dislocation helped the growth of conservative hostility to modern ideas and fashions that had flowed in Japan with the music of the roaring twenties, the flicker of Hollywood’s celluloid illusions, and the forlorn hope of Moscow’s red revolution. Furthermore, events in China fanned Japanese xenophobia and whetted the military’s appetite for external aggression and internal control at home. The callous persecution of other religious groups, most notably Hitonomichi KyØdan, Tenri Honmichi and ÷motokyØ, vividly illustrated the lengths that the authorities were prepared to go against religious groups whose ideas they regarded as heterodox.4 The harassment of socialists, communists and others suspected of holding dangerous thoughts acted as a warning to those who dared challenge government views. Gonoi (1990, 293) captures much of the atmosphere in the Christian world in Japan during the 1930s when he argues that a dark age, reminiscent of the witch hunts of European medieval society, began after the 1931 Manchurian incident. In

THE CROSS UNDER AN IMPERIAL SUN

71

keeping with this medieval motif, he also compares the government’s persecution of new religions to the persecution of Christians during the Tokugawa period. Yet, until the mid-1930s, Christianity in Japan can be seen to have developed in a steady continuum from the early Meiji period. In 1936 it numbered a little over three hundred thousand.5 In addition to the Nihon Katoriku KyØkai (Roman Catholic) and the Nihon Harisutosu SeikyØkai (Orthodox) churches, the Christian movement also included some forty different Protestant denominations, sects and organizations representing a broad spectrum of Christian views, but most belonged to one of the four major denominations: the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai (Presbyterian), the Nihon Kumiai Kirisuto KyØkai (Congregational), the Nihon Mesojisuto KyØkai (Methodist), and the Nippon SeikØkai (Anglican-Episcopal). Despite its size, an impressive nationwide network of Christian churches, schools, universities and organizations for social welfare gave Christianity a visible presence in Japanese cities that belied its few believers. Roman Catholics, particularly, had made great strides in the development of educational work with its pinnacle at JØchi (Sophia) University in Tokyo, which was founded in 1913. The growth of the Orthodox Church was greatly hampered by lack of money because of its reliance on funds from Russia, which were largely cut off by the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. Yet, the Orthodox Church still had an impressive centre in its magnificent Cathedral in Tokyo, which was rebuilt after the 1923 Great Kanto Earthquake and opened in 1930. Although Christians came from all walks of life and all social classes, the majority of Christians lived in large urban centers and belonged to the middle class or were what Maruyama Masao called “quasi-intellectuals,” both of which groups tended to identify with the establishment and by and large affirmed Japan’s nationalist aspirations.6 During the height of the Great Depression, pietistic and fundamentalist groups, such as the Holiness (which in 1933 split into the Nihon SeikyØkai and Kiyome KyØkai), the Free Methodist, and Nazarene churches, recorded remarkable growth as a result of revival movements. By the mid-1930s, however, Christianity in Japan was obviously at an important crossroads in its development. This paralleled events in the Japanese political world. After July 1937, with the beginning of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–45), a wartime Christian movement faced challenges that were similar only in name, but profoundly different in nature, from those that it had confronted in the past. Christianity was caught in the stream of Japanese fascism. Between July 1937 and December 1941, the Christian movement compressed more change and resolved more long-standing problems than ever before as it

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transformed itself under government pressure to engage in the spiritual mobilization of the Japanese people in aid of the war effort. At the Heart of An Empire The First Sino-Japanese War offered Christians the opportunity to show their loyalty to the Japanese state. The few pacifists were outnumbered by those who strove to demonstrate their support for Japan’s cause by providing comfort for bereaved families, disseminating information that justified the war, and performing other useful activities in their neighbourhoods. War became the medium through which Christians could most visibly show that they were as patriotic and nationalistic as their non-Christian fellow citizens. As war broke out three times for Japan in the twenty years from 1894, Christians had ample chances to prove their loyalty to emperor and country. During the Russo-Japanese War, Orthodox priests received favourable publicity for tending to Russian prisoners of war in Japan. The Seinenkai (Young Men’s Christian Association) and other Christian groups were active in providing comforts for troops overseas. As well as patriotically supporting Japan’s war efforts against China and Russia, Protestants searched for a suitable relationship between Protestantism and the Japanese intellectual tradition. Many, including leading pastors like Ebina DanjØ (1863–1937), were influenced by liberal theological views. Of particular attraction to them was the fact that theological liberalism sought to divorce Christianity from its cultural association with the West (Hutchinson 1974, 118). Liberal Protestants did not have the strong belief in the superiority of Christianity to other Japanese religions and some believed that a creative rapprochement between Buddhism and Christianity was both possible and necessary (Drummond 1971, 218). Others thought that Christian evangelistic efforts should be tempered by the study of Japan’s national spirit and nothing should be done either to offend it, especially concerning the relation of the Japanese to the emperor, or to condemn the Japanese veneration of imperial ancestors and their own ancestors. Uchimura KanzØ (1863–1930), the founder of MukyØkai (the Nonchurch Movement) who was influenced by orthodox Christian views, held that the best Christian converts had never given up the essence of Buddhism or Confucianism, but had welcomed Christianity because it helped them to become more like their own ideals.7 The affirmation of traditional Japanese concepts was also clearly designed to identify Christians with their cultural


73

heritage, from which they had been distanced by their acceptance of Christianity. Some claimed that bushidØ, the warrior code of feudal Japan, was the soul of the country. Although bushidØ could serve as a bridge between the warrior tradition and Christian ethics, Notehelfer (1996, 453) has pointed out that it could “also be internalized as an ethical construction intended to serve only the Japanese state as the Ministry of Education confirmed in the 1930s.” Imai JudØ (1863–1919), a leading Anglican clergyman, believed that yamato damashii (the spirit of Japan), only needed to be perfected by union with Christianity (Ion 1993, 121). It was a widely held Anglican view there was much good in Japanese culture, but that it needed to be perfected by Christianity. During the Meiji and TaishØ periods, Protestantism had exerted a significant influence on emerging popular movements for social and political change. Early Christians had been active in the Popular Rights Movement of the 1880s, and a decade later Christians were among the leaders of the first major environmental protest over the pollution caused by the Ashio Copper Mine. A number of the first leaders of the Japanese socialist and labour movements were Christians or influenced by Christianity.8 However, the importance of Christianity in these two movements was largely in heightening social awareness of certain problems and in providing the initial leadership for new organizations. Sumiya (1968, 16) has pointed out that the working-class and socialist movements had individual freedom and social reform as their main objectives, ideals shared by Christianity. Social reform was not as strong an element in Christianity as in socialism, which meant that the Christian influence on the socialist movement gradually declined. In 1911 it took courage for Uemura Masahisa (1858–1925), the leading Presbyterian minister, to conduct a memorial service for ÷ishi Seinosuke (1868–1911), a Christian who had been executed as one of the conspirators together with KØtoku Sh¨sui (1873–1911) for allegedly plotting the assassination of the Meiji Emperor.9 By the early 1920s, the role of Christians in the leadership of mass social and political movements had greatly declined and these movements had become increasingly radical in the face of the hardening resistance of the ruling elite to fundamental change in the structure of Japanese politics and society. Christian influence was also evident in the early development of rural as well as urban movements. Christians were influential in the initial organization of the tenant-farmer associations and also in the Zenkoku Suiheisha, an organization for the burakumin or outcaste class.10 These activities, however, had to contend with considerable hostility from church leaders who did not wish

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Christianity to be seen as opposing the status quo. Powles (1961, 117) has shown that if socialists who were Christians wished to be fully accepted by the Church, then it meant “forsaking socialism.” As a result, many Christian political and social activists either abandoned their Christian beliefs or moderated their political and social views so that they did not challenge the existing system. For some Christians, however, their religion was the foundation of the political doctrine of democracy and the fundamental principle behind their pursuit of the goal of universal suffrage. Such was the case with Yoshino SakuzØ (1878–1933), a Tokyo Imperial University professor and one of the foremost opinion leaders in the movement for parliamentary democracy during the Taisho period.11 Yoshino stands out as one of the greatest lay Christians of this period. Yet, even at the height of their influence, political and social activists made up only a small minority of Christians. As it failed to attract politically and socially concerned young people, the Protestant movement began to lose much of its earlier dynamism as a force actively supporting the liberalization of politics and the amelioration of social conditions. One way that this lost influence could be regained was through support of Japanese imperialism. Overseas missions became the outlet for Christian energies that had previously gone into domestic social and political movements. This did not mean that Christian interest in social welfare work disappeared. Such work was largely palliative, however, and did not attack the root causes of social distress. By the end of the 1920s, theologically orthodox views that eschewed political and social activism in favour of inward-looking spiritual concerns had come to dominate the thinking of most Japanese Christians. The Roman Catholics, while actively developing their educational and social welfare work, largely avoided political activism. Yet the difficulties that the Christian movement faced within Japan were partially obscured to outsiders by the wide swath that its leaders cut in international Christian circles. Western missionary plenipotentiaries, who visited Japan to attend international Christian conferences in 1907 and 1920, were swayed by Japanese hospitality into believing that Christianity in Japan was highly regarded. The recognition given to Japanese Christian leaders by Western Christians was based in part on the hopeful assumption that if Japan was Christianised, then much of East Asia would also become Christian (Brown 1919, 660). Such enthusiasm supported renewed evangelistic activities as witnessed between 1913 and 1916, when the Continuation Committee of the Edinburgh Conference—made up of missionaries and Japanese Christians— mounted a major national interdenominational evangelistic campaign. Although it failed to increase Church membership significantly, the campaign


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did bring about close cooperation between different denominations in evangelistic work. In 1922, the ecumenical movement in Japan came to a climax with the formation of the National Christian Council (NCC). The NCC included most Protestant denominations, Christian schools, social institutions, the YMCA, the JYWCA (Japan Young Women’s Christian Association) and the JWCTU (Japan Woman’s Christian Temperance Union). Although its actual power over individual denominations was limited to moral persuasion, the NCC did play an important role in coordinating the cooperative endeavours of the Protestant movement. It did much to help in supervising relief measures for Christian churches after the 1923 Great KantØ Earthquake, and, at the international level, presented reasoned Christian protests against the United States Congress’s 1924 Anti-Immigration Bill. Increasingly, the NCC also assumed the duty of representing the Protestant movement in its dealings with the Japanese government (Miyakoda 1967, 73–8). Further, it was deeply involved in supporting evangelistic initiatives. The most important of them was the Kingdom of God movement begun in 1929. The importance of this movement and its impact on the direction of evangelistic efforts of both Japanese Christians and Western missionaries during the first half of the 1930s cannot be overestimated. Under the leadership of Kagawa, it was the largest interdenominational evangelistic endeavour in the history of Christianity in Japan and had the support of all the major Protestant groups and the international missionary movement. The connection between this united evangelistic effort and the growing movement toward church union in the early 1930s also needs to be stressed.The first phase of the movement lasted for three years, coming to an end in late 1932, but it was decided to carry on the Kingdom of God campaign for a further two years. Unlike the first three years, which were directed toward mass evangelism, the second phase focussed on rural evangelism, factory evangelism, and the spread of Christian ideas in schools. The second phase, however, was not as successful as its first phase leading Dohi (1976, 206) to suggest that its progress was hampered by the liberal movement within the Christian community and “the advance of Fascist control” in secular politics. Although the Kingdom of God movement saw close cooperation between Japanese Christians and Western missionaries, political events in the East Asia caused the relations between the two groups to become increasingly strained. The Manchurian incident of 1931 was a crucial watershed, for during it Japanese Christian opinion of missionaries, especially American ones, dramatically changed midstream. The NCC had initially stood out against the

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Manchurian incident, while making use of its international connections to appeal to Christians overseas to implore governments to help in bringing about a peaceful settlement between China and Japan.12 The critical turning point was the decision of the League of Nations to condemn Japanese actions. Western missionaries in Japan and Western Christians in general appeared to support this condemnation. Christians in Japan were bewildered by this missionary stance and felt let down (Shigeru 1976, 54). Indeed, by their hostility toward Japanese policies during the Manchurian crisis, missionaries themselves contributed to the Japanese Christian desire to be independent of them. The Manchurian incident was the last time that there was any serious opposition from Christians to government policies overseas. By the time of the Shanghai incident of 1932, virtually all Christians had accepted the Japanese army’s position. Although the NCC was careful not to alienate missionary support, it was at the forefront of encouraging church union that had as one of its aims greater independence from foreign control for the Christian movement. As early as 1928, the NCC set up a special committee of members representing a wide range of churches to look at the problem of church union. Already the Jerusalem Conference had signaled the intention of Western missionaries to accelerate their withdrawal from Japan. The American “Laymen’s Mission,” which visited Japan in 1930 was also seen as a spur to amalgamation (Miyakoda 1967, 114). In the same year, the Nippon Kirisuchan KyØkai combined with the Kumiai (Congregational) Church. In late 1932, Kozaki Michio,13 a rising leader in the Kumiai Church, strongly urged church union. His views clearly reveal the reasons why the union movement had support. Kozaki stressed three points: there was no history in Japan that could serve as a reason for the continued existence of separate denominations; union was necessary so that Protestants could deal effectively with the intellectual challenges from both the left and right, and as aid from Western missionary sources would decline in the future, union was essential in order to maintain evangelistic effort (Shigeru 1976, 59). The clear test of Protestant will to create a united church came in 1933 when the two major Protestant denominations, the Kumiai KyØkai (Congregational) and Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai (Presbyterian) entered into negotiations. However, these failed because of theological differences. It was only after the beginning of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937 that church union became a key issue again. If union could help Christianity in metropolitan Japan, it was also seen as important for sustaining the overseas missionary endeavour.


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Days of Imperial Sunshine (1894–1931) In addition to patriotic support of Japan’s wars, the identification of Christianity with Japanese national aspirations was also seen in its support of Japanese expansion abroad. Overseas missionary endeavour provided a new outlet for Christian energies and a means by which the Christian movement might enhance its prestige as its early influence in domestic social and political movements declined. Japanese Christian missionaries or Christian workers undertook work in Hawaii, on the American and Canadian Pacific coasts, in Singapore and elsewhere in South-East Asia in places or in major ports like London where there were significant numbers of Japanese to warrant the presence of a Japanese worker to assist local Christian efforts. The Roman Catholics conducted significant missionary work among Japanese immigrants in Brazil. The most significant overseas missionary work, however, was undertaken in the Japanese Empire. Japan’s first major overseas territory was acquired as a result of the Treaty of Shimonoseki in 1895, when Taiwan was ceded to it as a prize of war. Christian missionary work in the island followed quickly in the path of Japanese imperialism. Missionary work there and later elsewhere was important in helping to demonstrate Christian support for Japanese imperialistic policies and also their loyalty to the Japanese state. By undertaking their own overseas missionary work in Taiwan, Christians were also signaling their desire for independence from foreign missionary control. Indeed, work in Taiwan was a first step toward fulfilling a common view of many Christians that it was Japan’s destiny to take the leading role in the Christian evangelization of East Asia. Christian chaplains had been with the Japanese Army when they occupied Tainan in 1895, including Hosokawa Kiyoshi (1856–1934), a Presbyterian minister.14 While these Army chaplains were interested in serving the spiritual needs of Christian soldiers, their presence was the beginning of Japanese Christian activity on the island. The Presbyterians were the first to open missionary work in Taiwan. The reports of Hosokawa concerning the island during the Japanese military occupation in 1895, certainly gave a boost to Taiwan as a Presbyterian mission field. In May 1896 Presbyterians sent Kawai Kamesuke (1867–1933) out to Taiwan to begin work. By the end of 1896 he had established a church in Taihoku (Taipeh) with help of Taiwanese Presbyterians and the full co-operation of George Leslie Mackay of the Canadian Presbyterian mission. The responsibility of the Presbyterians was to cater to the needs of the Japanese community, and they received the full support

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of the Taiwanese Presbyterian Church in north Taiwan. When work was later extended to Tainan and then Takow, the Japanese co-operated with Thomas Barclay and the English Presbyterian mission. By 1899 the Japanese Presbyterian Church in Taihoku was self-supporting. In 1912, as well as Taihoku, Japanese Presbyterians had churches in Taichu, Kiirun (Keelung), and Tainan. Throughout the island, they also operated nine preaching places, and six small chapels with 1,313 Japanese members and 72 Taiwanese. In 1916 a new impressive church building was built for the Japanese congregation in central Taihoku conveniently close to the headquarters of the colonial administration. By that time, it was clear that there was a solid and permanent Japanese Christian presence in Taiwan, but its activities were largely directed toward the Japanese community rather than the evangelization of Taiwanese. Second to the Nippon Kirisuto KyØkai (Presbyterian) was the Nippon SeikØkai (Anglican-Episcopal Church). Behind the Anglican decision was the belief that Japanese had a mission of leadership in Asia as they guaranteed the rights of Korea and possessed Taiwan. In this national mission, it was argued that the Nippon SeikØkai had received a heaven sent calling to undertake new Christian mission work, and consequently, Anglicans should commence missionary work in Taiwan (Tsukada 1992, 14). Anglicans, including leading clergymen like Imai JudØ, were deeply committed to the idea that it was the calling of Japan to light up the hope of civilization in East Asia (tØyØ ni bunmei no kØmyØ o kagayakasu) in which overseas missionary work would play a crucial role (Tsukada 1992, 107). In the spring of 1897, the Nippon SeikØkai sent out its first itinerary Japanese priest, Minagawa Akio, to Taiwan, (Nippon SeikØkai 1959, 147). In the same year the first missionary took up permanent residence in Taihoku (Taipeh) to serve the growing Japanese population. In 1904 work was extended to Tainan. For administrative purposes, supervision of the Taiwan mission field fell under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Osaka. No attempt was made to bring British Anglican missionaries from China or Chinese Anglican priests to Taiwan because the Nippon SeikØkai mission in Taiwan was largely directed toward the Japanese residents whose numbers had reached approximately 50,000 by 1906 as well as serving the minute British Anglican population on the island. In 1910 statistics show that there were 121 Church members in Taiwan served by one foreign missionary, one Japanese priest and one Japanese catechist. Work among the aboriginal people was begun in 1915 in the hills beyond Taich¨ by the greatly revered N. P. Yates (1862–1938), a Canadian Anglican, but he made no converts. Despite its failure to gain many converts, the Nippon SeikØkai still continued to send missionaries to the island and by


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1938 had work in Taihoku, Taich¨, Tainan and Kiirun (Keelung). Like their British Anglican missionary counterparts, the Nippon SeikØkai thought that it was important to cater to the needs of Japanese Christians in Taiwan and other places in the Japanese Empire. The problem was that as the Japanese Empire expanded, the Nippon SeikØkai was faced with growing demands to send missionaries elsewhere (and ambition tended to outrun resources). Already co-operating with the English Church Mission in Korea in its work among Japanese in Korea, the Nippon SeikØkai after 1905 began new missionary work in Karafuto. Later, its attention was directed toward Manchukuo. The Presbyterians and Anglicans were not the only Japanese Christians who were interested in developing work in Taiwan. The Kumiai Church established a church in Taihoku for Japanese Congregationalists in 1911. The Holiness Church began work in Taiwan in 1926, and by 1943, when the Church was persecuted and closed by the government, there were eleven churches and both Taiwanese and aboriginal people had come under its influence. In 1928 the Nippon Ky¨sei Gun (the Japanese Salvation Army) opened its Taiwan Battalion, and subsequently established five branches. In 1931 the Japan Methodists arrived and focused their work on Tainan and Kagi. While missionary work in Taiwan continued, nowhere was the importance of missionary work made clearer to the Japanese Christian movement than in Korea. Active Christian interest in Korea as a potential mission field came with installation of the Japanese resident general in Korea in 1905. The Kumiai Church was at the forefront of the missionary effort in the peninsula and its work has been described as the “religious spearhead of Japanese imperialism”(Matsuo 1968, 951).15 This is an overstatement. However, most Japanese Christians did support the colonization of Korea. Among them was Nitobe who held that the world meaning of the Russo-Japanese War was the liberation of Asia from Europe through Japanese leadership (Tanaka 1983, 95). Implicit in this was also a missionary responsibility. Many Christians believed that their fellow citizens would hold adverse opinions of Christianity if the Christian movement did not participate in the colonization of Korea. Indeed, some, including Yoshino, considered that the fate of Christianity in Japan was linked to the ability of the Japanese to evangelize the Koreans (Matsuo 1957, 245). It was thought that the same anti-Christian sentiment existed in both Korea and Japan and that failure in Korea would mean a similar failure in Japan. Some Christians felt that missionary work was needed because Koreans had become completely Japanese after the annexation of their country in 1910, but others simply saw Korea’s colonization as having been God given (Matsuo 1968, 952).

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In Japan itself, influential non-Christians, including the leading politician Okuma Shigenobu, willingly supported the Japanese missionary movement. Some zaibatsu, notably Mitsui, also contributed funds. In the years immediately after 1910, however, the Japanese colonial government general in Korea gave the most financial support to missionaries. The provision of public funds for the support of Japanese missionary work abroad was the rule rather than the exception. In 1920, the South Sea Island Missionary Association, founded shortly after Japan had received the League of Nations mandate over the former German possessions in the Pacific, was given a sizable grant by the navy department (Kozaki 1934, 282). Through their support of missionary work in Korea and the South Sea islands, the colonial authorities clearly regarded Japanese Christianity as one means of controlling their colonial subjects. Manchuria attracted considerable missionary effort. All the major Protestant denominations were represented there.16 Early in the field was the Nippon Kirisuto KyØkai (Presbyterian), beginning missionary work among the Japanese residents of Dairen in 1905. Before the First World War, it had extended its work to Mukden, Port Arthur and Antung, and also established work among the Chinese and Koreans. By 1930 the Presbyterian work included nine churches for Manchurian Chinese and sixteen for Korean Chinese (Dohi 1975, 173–4). The 1930s saw Presbyterians, as the case of the FujimichØ Church in Tokyo illustrates at the local level, increasing their efforts in Manchuria (FujimichØ 1978, 62). The Congregational Church had begun work in Manchuria as early as 1897, but only occupied Dairen in 1912 and later Mukden in 1919. Again, the 1930s witnessed an outburst of missionary activity that saw the Congregationalists expand their work to the new capital of Manchukuo, ShinkyØ, and to Harbin. The Japan Methodists were late comers only opening their work in Harbin in 1922, but made up for it during the 1930s when they occupied Mukden, Dairen and Chichiharu. The Nippon SeikØkai (Anglican) had missionaries resident in Dairen by 1913, but only extended its activities to Mukden and to ShinkyØ in the late 1920s and early 1930s. By 1937 the Holiness Church had been active in Manchuria for some 36 years. One branch, the Nihon SeikyØkai, had started its work in Harbin and in Mukden during the First World War and extended it to ShinkyØ and Dairen in the 1930s. The Kiyome KyØkai, the other main Holiness group, established itself in Mukden in 1917, and expanded to Antung in 1929 and Dairen in 1933. The Salvation Army was operating in Dairen by 1909, but it was only in 1924 that it began work in Mukden. In 1936, following the standard pattern


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of renewed missionary effort in the 1930s, it opened a station in ShinkyØ. Not to be left behind, the Baptists opened a mission station in Dairen in 1937. Clearly, the Christian movement was well represented in all the major centers of Japanese population or political interest in Manchukuo by 1937. Equally clear is the fact that while Christian interest in Manchuria had existed since the Russo-Japanese War, the dramatic increase in missionary work came as Japanese responsibilities for Manchukuo became apparent after the 1931 Manchurian incident. In itself, this vividly underlines that missionary work not only followed in the path of Japanese imperialism but also it was an intimate part of the expansion of Japanese presence in Manchukuo. It fits into the mould of Japanese imperialism that Young (1999, 435), in her study of imperialism in Manchuria, has suggested was driven by “institutions developed after the Meiji Restoration—modern industry, mass culture, political pluralism, and new social organizations—that were the real forces behind the new imperialism.” In the 1930s the modern Christian movement was certainly one of these new organizations. It willingly participated in Manchukuo in a process that “promised to be a historic transformation on the continent, as Japan became the architect of Asian revolution”(Young, 1999, 282). It was essential for Christians to do so for it identified them with Japanese national aspirations. There were opponents to overseas missionary work, particularly in Korea, but they were a minority. Yoshino was among Christians who criticized Japanese colonial policies after the 1 March 1919 independence demonstrations in Korea (Matsuo 1957, 254–5). Yet the majority of Christians —including missionaries themselves—supported their government’s position and as a result Japanese missions failed to attract many Koreans after 1919. Yanaihara Tadao (1893–1961), an academic specialist in colonial economics who was a MukyØkai (Nonchurch) Christian, continued to be sharply critical of Japanese colonialism in Taiwan and Korea through the 1930s (Fujita 1967, 30–4).17 After the Manchurian incident in 1931, Yanaihara came to believe that, unless the Japanese state was fundamentally re-oriented, its military expansion into China and beyond would ultimately lead to national destruction. Whereas Yanaihara held clear opinions about Japanese colonial policies, many Christians faced a dilemma concerning Japanese colonial rule. Because the Japanese missionary movement was effectively assisting the colonial administration and being subsidized by it, it was difficult or impossible for Christians to support missionary work and to criticize colonial policy. Furthermore, the 1930s progressed Christian leaders felt a sense of responsi-

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bility to take over missionary work in Japanese colonies and occupied territories from Western missionaries who were being forced out by Japanese government policies. Despite the best efforts of Christians to disprove it by their support of imperialism abroad, there remained, however, the widespread belief among Japanese that the loyalty of the Christians was less than that of non-Christians. The shrine question merely helped to confirm this suspicion. The Shrine Question The participation of Christians in state-sponsored Shinto ceremonies was a long-standing issue in Japan. The shrine question touched on sensitive topics for Christians such as their loyalty, patriotism, and attitude toward the emperor. During the 1930s, the Japanese government moved to increase its control over religious organizations as part of the increasing emphasis on the emperor system (tennØsei). The shrine question brought about the collision between the freedom of religion and the national Shinto system. Immediately following the Meiji Restoration, the policy of the government was to make Shinto the state religion in order to obstruct the surging demand for religious freedom. Yet, as the government wanted to allow national Shinto and the freedom of religion to coexist, it decided to separate Shinto ceremonies and religion. The result was that the ceremonies at the state Shinto shrines became exercises in civil religion and beyond the control of religious sects (Tomura 1976, 3). The government then moved to ensure that the activities of religious sects did not infringe on the prerogatives of the national Shinto system. Beginning in 1899, when the Yamagata cabinet first introduced a Religious Organizations Bill, there was a constant struggle between the government wanting to enforce its control over religion and those wanting to maintain religious freedom, which continued for some forty years until the passage of the 1939 Religious Organizations Law. For Christians, taking part in state Shinto rites was bedevilled by the uncertainty of whether or not participation in them was a religious act. The 1930s saw an intensification of the efforts of the Department of Education to ensure that the pupils at private Christian schools took part in the national rites at state Shinto shrines. This was part of the efforts of the authorities to exclude foreign ideas that might pollute the values of loyalty and patriotism that they hoped to inculcate into the young. There was also an imperial dimension to this issue. The export to Korea and Taiwan of similar regulations regarding the attendance of school children at shrines, or at Confucian


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rites in Manchukuo, created grave problems for the indigenous Christian movements and mission schools. The precursor to the shrine question of the 1930s was the clash between government officials and Christian educators over the continued effort of the government to control educational content through the separation of nongovernmental religious ideas from education. This was clear in the 1899 ordinance of the Ministry of Education that prohibited the teaching of religion in government-recognized schools. As the Bureau of Religions came under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education, there was a clear bureaucratic connection between schools and government policy toward religions. Furthermore, from the time of the 1899 Yamagata Cabinet to 1945, the official view was that there was religious freedom only so long as it strengthened imperial authority, and that it was not an inherent right of citizens (Hardacre 1990, 124–5). In 1900 the government’s desire to control religious organizations was helped by the passage of the Peace Police Law, which gave the police stronger surveillance powers over religious activities as well as broader discretion in suspending undesirable religious ceremonies without the need for legislation. Japan’s military victories against China and later Russia led to an intensification of government activities to promote state Shinto as a major force in Japanese society. The activities of the Japanese government after 1905 in promoting state Shinto attracted the scorn of a few well-informed Westerners, like the famous Japanologist, Basil Hall Chamberlain, but the Japanese were undeterred by outside criticism of their efforts. Indeed, most Westerners, missionary or otherwise, were either indifferent to the Japanese activities in developing a new state cult or simply too good mannered to ridicule it. Missionaries and Christians were willing to participate in the governmentsponsored Three Religions Conference in 1912, which brought together representatives from sectarian Shinto, Buddhism, and the three major branches of Christianity. The attraction of the Three Religions Conference for Christians was that it confirmed that the government recognized Christianity as one of the three major religions in Japan. This recognition signalled that the persecution of Christianity was a thing of the distant past and that the government stood by the guarantee of religious freedom in the Meiji Constitution. The participation of Christian leaders in the conference also gave them the stamp of respectability that they so fervently wanted. But they had to recognize that Buddhism and sectarian Shinto were religions of equivalent status to Christianity.

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Although Christians recognized sectarian Shinto, their attitude to the emerging state Shinto was complex. The case of the Nippon SeikØkai is important, for it not only provides a denominational example of the subtlety of the problem of tennØsei for Christians but also reveals that the transfer of structural forms and ideas across cultural boundaries can create unforeseen difficulties. In common with the Church of England’s Book of Common Prayer, the Nippon SeikØkai’s prayer book contained a prayer for the ruler and the ruled that asked for the emperor and government officials to be heeded (Tsukada 1990, 123). The very process of praying for the emperor and his officials helped to make Japanese Anglicans particularly susceptible to the demands of the emperor system. As early as 1911 Anglicans had accepted the government’s position that state Shinto ceremonies were not religious in nature. Similarly, there was little Anglican opposition to the building of a shrine in the Yoyogi district of Tokyo to commemorate the Meiji emperor; this shrine was actively promoted by the government but was only made possible by donations and tremendous public support (Tsukada 1981, 82). The Meiji Shrine, begun during World War I, was completed in 1920 and quickly came to serve as a focal point for the cult of emperor worship. Despite widespread popular support for the Meiji shrine, the government in the mid-1920s still thought it necessary to introduce legislation concerning religious organization patterned on that of the Yamagata cabinet more than twenty years before. In 1929 the Tanaka cabinet introduced a Religious Organizations Bill. It was soon withdrawn because of widespread religious and secular opposition. To the Christian movement, such a bill infringed upon the right of religious freedom that was guaranteed by the Meiji Constitution and interfered with the autonomy of self-governing churches. However, as the Religious Organizations Bill crisis passed, the shrine question became more acute. It was no coincidence that the government, having failed to gain control over religious bodies by legislative means, adopted a different approach. In 1930, the government established the Shrine System Investigation Committee, which argued that the shrines were above religion in nature but institutionally represented the national religious character (Kasahara 1978, 155–7). At first, the Christian movement was completely united in its opposition to this challenge because it was felt that its aim was to create a state religion based on the view that its tenets were above religion. Many Christians believed that most Japanese thought state Shinto was a real religion and its ceremonies performed by state Shinto priests were religious in character. This position changed as the Far Eastern crisis deepened in the 1930s.


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Even though tennØsei ideology underpinned state Shinto, Christians still thought that they belonged to the same body Japanese as the emperor. It was explained that the Japanization of Christianity allowed for participation in state Shinto ceremonies and that Christians should give their lives for the emperor. Christian acceptance of this viewpoint meant that they were able to cooperate with the wartime effort (Kudo 1993, 53–4). The issue of state Shinto involved all Christians, but its most obvious effect was on Christian education. This impact was illustrated in 1932 in an incident at JØchi (Sophia) University, a Roman Catholic school in Tokyo, when a student demurred to visit the Yasukuni shrine with the rest of the school on the ground that doing so was contrary to his religious convictions. The extensive network of Roman Catholic schools in Japan was put in jeopardy if the Roman Catholics did not obey government guidelines requiring them to send their students as a body to pay their respects at shrines. The Roman Catholic archbishop of Tokyo asked the Ministry of Education to clarify its position on whether or not going to a shrine was considered a religious obligation. The Ministry’s reply was that the student visits to a shrine were based on educational considerations and that the statements the children were required to make on these occasions were simply meant to indicate their patriotism and loyalty (Gonoi 1990, 294–6). Furthermore, the ministry reinforced its argument by pointing out that it would contravene its own 1899 instruction on keeping religion outside the scope of general education if students were asked to take part in a religious exercise. The position taken by the Ministry of Education satisfied the Roman Catholic authorities. Indeed, it was thought that the Roman Catholic Archdiocese could congratulate itself for having reached with comparative ease a satisfactory solution to an important question of principle. It was to the advantage of the Ministry of Education to placate the Roman Catholics and other Christian groups involved in education because mission schools did not encourage the spread of communist ideas, which had caused trouble at some secular Japanese schools. Nevertheless, pressure was put on the Roman Catholics in 1935 to contribute a large sum to the Army and Navy as an expression of their patriotism. Even though the situation at JØchi University was resolved, there was reason for future concern. As had been the case for Roman Catholics, the issue of Shinto as a religion caused some friction in Protestant schools. In 1935 rightwing students at DØshisha Higher Commercial School in Kyoto criticized their headmaster for removing Shinto god shelves from the school (DØshisha 1977, 47–8). This incident was only one of a series of annoying student dis-

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turbances that rocked DØshisha University and its affiliated schools in the mid-1930s. In early 1937, there was a student siege of the university chapel. In the same year, Yuasa HachirØ (1890–1981), the president of DØshisha University, was forced to resign on the grounds that he had misread the Imperial Rescript on Education at university event. Yuasa realized that DØshisha, because of its American and Christian connections, and he personally as university president, were the targets of Japanese nationalists (DØshisha 1977, 54–6). Yet his resignation did not bring peace to the DØshisha campus; it only removed one champion of resistance to extreme nationalistic policies. The incidents at DØshisha were not isolated ones. In 1936 the president of RikkyØ University was forced to resign over allegations of disrespect stemming from misreading the Imperial Rescript. Two years later, the Ministry of Education took action against Meiji Gakuin University because the school authorities had not set aside a special place for the imperial portrait. From the mid-1930s on, the issue of whether an institution reverently accepted the meaning of the Imperial Rescript on Education became a factor for Christian schools raising endowments that would allow them to regulate their own curriculum by attaining university status. In 1938, Meiji Gakuin revised its constitution to make it clear that the purpose of the university’s legal corporation (zaidan hØjin) was to conduct Christian education so that the meaning of the Imperial Rescript on Education was reverently accepted (Dohi 1982, 368–9). There was a tendency, however, for Christian educators to see problems within individual schools, such as Meiji Gakuin or DØshisha, as being particular to those institutions. It was clear, though, there was an anti-foreign atmosphere in Japan. There was a general feeling that all Western missionaries regardless of their Church affiliation or nationality were spies. After 1931 foreign missionaries in areas sensitive to the Japanese military found themselves under pressure to leave. As a spur to force them to give up their work in Amami ÷shima, Roman Catholic missionaries there were accused of being spies by the military and press in 1934 (Gonoi 1990, 294). Anti-American feeling was undoubtedly a factor in why the presidents of RikkyØ and DØshisha, who were both Japanese scholars with strong ties to the United States, were singled out for criticism. Undoubtedly more important, as Yuasa of DØshisha clearly believed, were the military officers attached to the faculties of RikkyØ and DØshisha, for they egged on students to complain or brought charges forward themselves (DØshisha 1977, 46–7). The shrine question had a profound impact on education in Taiwan and Korea. Opposition to their students attending state Shinto ceremonies led to


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the removal of Canadian Protestant missionaries from educational work in Taiwan (Ion 1999, 100–12). Although Roman Catholics in Korea, like their counterparts in Japan, had come to terms with the shrine question, this was not the case with many Korean Protestants. This issue came to a head for Protestants in November 1935 when two American Northern Presbyterian missionaries refused to take part in the opening ceremonies of a provincial education conference at the state Shinto shrine in P’yongyang. This led to widespread persecution of Korean Christian including the imprisonment of many leading ministers. It is important that the shrine question for Korean Protestants was not simply about mission schools, Christian education, and Shinto, the issue that confronted the American North Presbyterian missionaries in 1935. For Korean Protestants, participation in the state Shinto ceremonies was seen to threaten the evangelistic nature of the Korean Church (Kurata 1991, 143). Yet, from a Japanese point of view, once the Second Sino-Japanese War had begun, the shrine question became vital within the government effort to control religion as part of its wartime system. The colonial authorities were thus quick and ruthless in bringing to heel Christians and other religionists who showed disrespect by not participating in state Shinto ceremonies. In Manchukuo, there was also a suspicion among Western missionaries that the authorities there were deliberately using the persecution of the Chinese Christian community, with its close ties to Scottish and Irish Presbyterians, as a way to pressure the British government to recognize the state of Manchukuo. Already the Japanese security forces had acted against Chinese Christians with the arrests in October 1935 of members of The One Cent Society. The insistence on Confucian worship was clearly another aspect of the attempt to bring the ideas of religious bodies, including Buddhist sects and Christian groups, under the control of the central government. In order to protect the Christian movement from too close scrutiny by the Japanese authorities, the Scottish and Irish Presbyterian missionaries looked to influential Japanese Christians to mediate with government and military officials. As part of this process a united Manchurian Christian Council was formed, which represented all the Protestant missions and included a few Japanese members. As the 1930s progressed, the Christian movement in Japan increasingly saw itself as the protector of indigenous Christian movements in Japanese colonies and occupied territories in place of Western missionaries.

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Church Union As the international crisis in China and East Asia deepened during the late 1930s, the Japanese government intensified its efforts to bring Japanese religions, including Christianity, under its control. After the beginning of the war in north China in 1937, this control became part of the government’s endeavour to mobilize the Japanese people in support of the war effort. Religions were asked to participate in a spiritual mobilization campaign. Christian leaders saw that they could show their solidarity with the spiritual mobilization campaign by enthusiastically endorsing the government’s call for a new order in East Asia with the expansion of missionary work in Manchuria and north China behind Japan’s military advance. Christians felt that they had a responsibility to undertake evangelistic work on the Asian continent.18 As well as direct appeals to Japanese nationalism and patriotism by the authorities, the emergence of Nipponteki KirisutokyØ (Japanese Christianity) as a potent force within the intellectual milieu of the Christian movement provided a theological rationale for Christians wanting to harmonize the goals of the Christian movement with those of the state. In December 1937, the influential Fukuin shimpØ criticized Britain and the United States and their role in East Asian Christianity and disparaged the connection between Western Christianity, Western politicians, and Western cultural values. It was pointed out that what happened in East Asia would not be decided in the West.19 There was a clear desire among Christians to distance themselves from Western Christianity and its cultural values and to stress a “Japanese Christianity” (Nipponteki KirisutokyØ) that took into account the particular aspirations of the Japanese people (Murakishi 1937, 2 [686]). As it emerged in the late 1930s, Nipponteki KirisutokyØ was an attempt to join Christianity with Japan’s traditional spirit, thought, and religion (Kasahara 1974, 115). Yet “Japanese Christianity” implied different things to different people at different times. In analyzing the phenomenon of Nipponteki KirisutokyØ and the Nippon SeikØkai, Tsukada (1981, 33) has argued that the Nipponteki of this phrase at first meant an indigenous and independent church on the model of a grafted tree (that is, a Western organizational structure). Tsukada maintained that this led the way to the acceptance of tennØsei by Japanese Anglicans (and, by analogy, by other Christians). It is not surprising, therefore, that after 1937 there would be renewed interest in Nipponteki KirisutokyØ as a stream of Christian thought compatible with Japanese national ambitions in East Asia. However, even as late as the early 1930s, Nipponteki KirisutokyØ seemed innocuous.


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In 1934, Yanaihara (1982, 118) defending the patriotism of Christians against those who believed that Christianity was opposed to Japan’s kokutai (national polity), insisted that Nipponteki KirisutokyØ meant in essence that Japan would become a genuine peace-loving Christian country while maintaining its unique cultural tradition and the basic political structure of the imperial system. In common with many other Christians, Yanaihara also thought that a new Christian age was dawning in which the light would come from the East. What Yanaihara’s Nipponteki KirisutokyØ did not have was any overt hostility toward the West and Western Christianity. By the late 1930s, however, the rise of militarism and authoritarianism at home combined with the international situation in East Asia to transform the meaning of Nipponteki KirisutokyØ. The new interpretation supported Japanese national policies both religious and secular. Japanese conquests in north China, in effect, gave the Christian movement the opportunity to fulfil its special calling to bring enlightenment and Christianity to East Asia. While stressing Christianity’s compatibility with tennØsei, the new Nipponteki KirisutokyØ was hostile to Western Christianity which it was displacing as Western missionaries and influence were driven out of continental Asia by Japan’s military advance and from the Japanese Empire itself by xenophobia and regulations. By 1940, there were some in Japan’s religious world who went so far as to advocate an Imperial Way Christianity (KØdØ KirisutokyØ). Nipponteki KirisutokyØ was particularly useful in helping to justify increased Japanese Christian missionary work overseas. The significance of its ideas as a theological underpinning of the Christian endeavour in East Asia should not be overlooked for it was a Japanese Christianity that was to be propagated behind Japan’s continental expansion. The importance of overseas missionary work as a rallying point for Christians in helping to create a new order in East Asia also cannot be overestimated. In the creation of a new order, participation in missionary work was seen as one way in which Christians could demonstrate their loyalty to the state. The demands of overseas missionary work added impetus to the church movement in Japan, all the more so because the leading proponents of both overseas missionary endeavour and church union at home were often the same people. For the government, the amalgamation of Protestant churches was administratively attractive because having to deal with fewer organizations meant its ability to control Christianity would be enhanced. Church union was also the capstone to a government effort already manifested in the shrine question and in the Japanization of the educational curricula and leadership of Christian and mission schools to rid Christianity of foreign influences. The

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outbreak of war in China revived the government’s interest in passing a religious bodies law as part of its overall policy of national mobilization for war. The aim was to provide the government with more rigid control over religious organizations and to eliminate, what in their view, were pseudo-religious groups. In sharp contrast to the stance of Christians ten years before to the 1929 Religious Organizations Bill, there was no opposition. The trauma of the international situation, that provoked the government to call for national solidarity, had clearly reduced the will of Christianity to resist. Another reason for acquiescence was the belief that because the law included Buddhism, sectarian Shinto, Christianity was being given national recognition. Futhermore, in the wake of its persecution of ÷motokyØ and Tenri Honmichi, the TokkØ (Tokubetsu KØtØ Keisatsu, Special Higher Police), almost for want of a reason for their continued employment and existence, had begun to persecute small Christian bodies such as Holiness groups, Plymouth Brethern and Seventh Day Adventists whose views the TokkØ considered subversive. In 1941, in order to give the authorities even more power to combat the possibility of subversion by religious groups, the Peace Preservation Law was revised. It was not foreseen by the Christian leadership, however, that the new legislation might result in difficulties for religious organizations in obtaining permission from the government to exist. In April 1940, when the Religious Bodies Law came into effect, all religious bodies were granted one year’s grace before having to obtain new charters from the government. In June 1940, it was learnt that the Ministry of Education would only recognize Christian denominations that had at least fifty churches and no fewer than 5,000 members. This meant that, of the forty or more Protestant denominations, charters would only be granted to less than ten (Iglehart 1940, 315–26). Realizing that they might not receive recognition, the smaller denominations had begun the process of amalgamation. In January 1940, the East and West Conferences of the Japan Baptist Church amalgamated, and in April the sixty-three Korean churches in Japan of the Korean Presbyterian Church, as well as its evangelistic work in Japan, were amalgamated into the Nippon Kirisuto KyØkai. As early as 1937, most of the Japan Universalist Christian Church had amalgamated with the Kumiai Church, but a recalcitrant group remained in Tokyo. In September 1940, this joined the Japan Methodist Church. In the same month, the East and West Conferences of the Nazarene Church amalgamated. By late 1940, however, the Ministry of Education’s original intention of giving official recognition to the largest denominations had given way to a greater plan of combining all the Christian churches.


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However, further pressure had to be applied before the larger denominations would find the atmosphere conducive to amalgamation. The international crisis, in which the Western powers, especially the United Kingdom, were seen to be adopting an anti-Japanese position, was another factor in making Christians wish to rid the Christian movement of all foreign influence. In October 1937, the Nippon SeikØkai was severely damaged by the adverse publicity in Japan caused by Archbishop Cosmo Lang of Canterbury chairing a meeting at the Royal Albert Hall in London that protested against Japanese bombing of undefended Chinese cities. In August 1940, the Salvation Army crisis taught Christian leaders that the authorities were prepared to arrest Christians believed to have strong ties to Britain or other foreign countries. The threat of imprisonment was an added impetus to the movement for church union. Even though, by the end of 1937, all Christians supported Japan’s war aims in north China, the government still put informal pressure on the Christian movement to ensure that its thinking remained correct. An example of this was the questionnaire sent out to Christian organizations in the Kansai region by the tokkØ kachØ of the Osaka gendarmerie (Mullins 1994, 269). Even missionaries of the Roman Catholic Church, which was under the special protection of the Italian government, were ultimately affected (Iglehart 1940, 157) Following the Salvation Army crisis, the NCC held a frantic succession of meetings between denominational representatives concerning amalgamation. The crisis atmosphere was intensified by the detention of Kagawa in late August by the Kempeitai (gendarmarie). In October it was announced at a mass meeting of Christians held at Aoyama Gakuin in Tokyo to celebrate the 2,600th anniversary of the founding of the Japanese Empire that church union was going to take place. This set into motion final negotiations that would lead to the formation of the Nippon KirisutokyØdan (KyØdan) by the summer of 1941 with the former Presbyterian leader, Tomita MitsurØ as its tØrisha (superintendent). In March 1941 a Japanese Christian Fellowship Deputation, which included Kagawa and other key Christian leaders, were sent to the United States to explain the proposed church union and to impress American Christians the enormous problems that Christianity in Japan was facing. It was by no means given an easy time. During the summer of 1941, the Nippon KirisutokyØdan finally came into being, even though it was December 1941 before the Japanese government formally recognized it. Although the new union church had a centralized leadership, its sectional structure allowed the joining denominations to retain a degree of autonomy (Ion 1999, 305). Importantly, the KyØdan incorporated in its eleven sections

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both major and minor Protestant denominations ranging from Japanese Presbyterians and Methodists to the Salvation Army and the Nippon SeikyØkai and Kiyome KyØkai (the two branches of the Holiness Church). It was also an imperial church with twelve regional conferences (which included Korea and Taiwan and the missionary conference of Manchukuo as well as metropolitan Japan) responsible for electing three hundred delegates to the general conference. The Protestant denominations were not the only ones who were confronted with enormous difficulties because the need for a new charter under the new Religious Bodies Law. The Roman Catholics were forced to make major changes, which were similar in terms of the removal of Westerners from positions of leadership to those that the Protestants were undergoing. The process of replacing Western bishops with Japanese ones begun in 1928 was rapidly completed. Likewise, Western administrators were removed from Catholic schools and replaced by Japanese. The pastoral work of Western missionaries had also been severely circumscribed as xenophobia mounted. The sticking point for Catholics was the Ministry of Education’s demand that they sever their tie with the Pope in Rome. Such was the protest, however, the government backed down on this issue.This opened the way for the so-called Nippon Tenshu KØkyØ KyØdan to be formed in May 1941 with Archbishop Doi Tatsuo (1892–1970) of Tokyo as its first superintendent (tØrisha). The Orthodox Church also applied for a new charter under the Religious Bodies Law. Since the First World War, the Orthodox Church had faced great difficulties, especially financial ones, but had survived through the leadership of Archbishop Sergii (Tikhomirov, 1871–1945). The continued connection with the Moscow patriarchate had brought suspicion on the Church after the 1931 Manchurian incident. The failure of the Orthodox Church to obtain a new charter in 1940 led to the decision to break the tie with Moscow patriarchate and to the resignation of Archbishop Sergius and his replacement by Iwasawa Arsenius (d. 1943) until a new Japanese bishop could be elected. In April 1941 Ono Kiichi (1872–1956) was consecrated bishop in Harbin. The Orthodox Church survived the war, but Archbishop Sergius, who had remained in Japan in retirement, was goaled by the Kempetai in April 1945 on suspicion of involvement in the Sorge Spy Case, and died shortly after his release in August 1945. Like the Orthodox Church, the Nippon SeikØkai (Anglican-Episcopal Church) felt that its religious beliefs, if not its size, warranted it remaining a separate Church. It had, therefore, chosen not to join the Protestant KyØdan. In September 1942, however, the Anglicans learned that they would not be


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granted permission to form their own religious body. This precipitated an internecine struggle within the Nippon SeikØkai between those bishops who felt it was their patriotic duty to conform to the government’s wish to have a single Protestant church and the majority of bishops who argued for the freedom of the church from undue state interference and believed that the creation of a national church through forced union served the interests of neither the Christian faith or the Japanese state.20 These irreconcilable differences led to schism. In late November 1943, a third of the Nippon SeikØkai decided to join the KyØdan. The remainder of the Nippon SeikØkai under the leadership of Bishop Sasaki Shinji continued to exist precariously outside the KyØdan and without government recognition. Likewise, the Anglo-Catholic Korean Anglican Church under its Japanese vicar-general, Father John KudØ, remained outside the union church. During the last months of the war, Sasaki and other Anglican clergy suffered imprisonment on suspicion of being spies or defeatist in attitude. Other Christian groups, especially the Holiness Church, the Seventh Day Adventists, the Salvation Army and the Lighthouse Society (Jehovah’s Witnesses), suffered even more. Korean and Taiwanese Christians were the victims of the harshest persecution. In contrast, some Christians including the Catholic leader, Doi Tatsuo, the Protestant leader, Tomita MitsurØ, and, to a lesser extent, Kagawa, became mouthpieces for Japanese wartime propaganda. Their hostility to the Allies seemed to increase as the war continued. The actions of Christian leaders during the war years—with a few exceptions—reveal little Cromwellian flint. They might have crossed the river but failed to keep their powder dry. Government demands for church union and unflinching support of national spiritual mobilization did resonated with long-held Christian hopes for church union and the leading role in the Christian movement in East Asia. The government exploited Christian vulnerability to attack on their loyalty to the state. It imprisoned those who did not willingly comply with its wishes. For the most part, Christian leaders were both willing, even enthusiastic, to throw their support behind the war effort for they were all sincere nationalists. Yet, they did succeed in one crucial task, which was to keep Christianity in Japan in existence as their country was starved and burned into defeat.

NOTES For the period from 1894 until 1945, the following books deserve mention. Among Japanese language general histories of Christianity in Japan, Ebisawa and 1

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÷uchi (1971), although dated, still remains valuable. A shorter survey (and especially good on the early Christian century on which the author has widely published) is Gonoi (1990). A standard history of Protestant Christianity is Dohi (1982). An immensely useful collection containing much information still relevant to many of the years of this period is Saba (1937–1941). An invaluable dictionary is the Nihon KirisutokyØ rekishi dai jiten (1988), hereafter referred to as NKRDJ. Another cornucopeia of information is DØshisha University’s Jinbun Kagaku Kenky¨jo’s KirisutokyØ shakai mondai kenky¨, which is the most valuable of all journals dealing with Protestant history, hereafter referred to as KSMK. Many of the papers that first appeared in this journal have subsequently been published in useful thematic collections. Among surveys of the various major Protestant denominations, DØshisha (1997) is useful. A recent study dealing with the problems of Christianity in the early ShØwa era is Kaneta (1996). Important for the Fifteen Year War (1931–1945) era are the documents found in DØshiha (1972), and the various analytical papers in DØshisha (1978). For English language surveys, see Drummund (1971) and Iglehart (1959). A useful book in explaining Protestant theological issues remains Germany (1965). 2 For a short biographical note on Kagawa, see NKRDJ (1988, 284–85). A great deal has been written on Kagawa among which the sympathetic study by Sumiya (1966) is widely used. A re-appraisal of Kagawa that attempts to explain (and to condone) his wartime actions is Schildgen (1997). 3 For a short biographical note on Nitobe, whose most famous book was a classic study of bushidØ, see NKRDJ (1988, 1030). His national reputation has been enhanced by his portrait on the five thousand bank note. A useful study of Nitobe’s international role is ÷ta (1986). An interesting collection of papers on Nitobe is found in Howes (1995). 4 The persecution of so-called new religions by the authorities is vividly described in Garon (1997, 70–87). 5 Drawing on the Japanese Home Ministry sources, Gonoi (1990, 297) provides the following statistics for Christian religious bodies at this time: the Roman Catholics had 249 churches, 287 evangelists (including 182 foreign missionaries), and 96,736 members; the Nihon Harisutosu SeikyØkai (the Holy Orthodox Church) to had 96 churches, 108 evangelists (but only one foreign missionary), and 11,957 members; and the various Protestant denominations had 1593 churches, 2355 evangelists (including 601 foreign missionaries), and 195,909 members. 6 By way of comparison and contrast, it is useful to point out that in Korea and Taiwan, Japan’s two major colonies, it was workers, farmers and indigenous minorities who were attracted to Christianity and the class consciousness of the underclass converts reinforced opposition to colonial rule especially in Korea. 7 Yamamoto and MutØ (1971–2, 190). For a short biographical note on Uchimura, see NKRDJ, 176. 8 Among leading figures in the Japanese socialist movement was Katayama Sen (1859–1933), one of the founders of the Japanese Communist Party; see NKRDJ, 297. Katayama Tetsu (1887–1978), the first postwar socialist prime minister was also


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a Christian; see NKRDJ, 297. See also Powles (1961, 89–109). Among the most famous of those Christians active in the early labor movement was Suzuki Bunji (1885–1946); see NKRDJ, 724. 9 See FujimichØ (1978, 28). For short biographical notes on Uemura, ÷ishi, and KØtoku respectively, see NKRDJ, 106, 206, and 506. For the Taigyaku Jiken (High Treason Incident) and its importance within the political development of late Meiji and early TaishØ Japan, see Matsuo (1974, 144–6). For the seminal study of KØtoku, see Notehelfer (1971). 10 The importance of both Kagawa and Sugiyama MotojirØ in rural evangelism is underlined by Iinuma (1988, 113–33). 11 Yoshino (1975, 240). See also Duus (1978, 301–26, 323), and Mitani (1995, 148). 12 Renmei JipØ (1932, 15 February, 9; 15 April, 5). 13 For Kozaki Michio, see NKRDJ, 520. For a sympathetic look at Kozaki’s ecumenical activities after the Pacific War, see Dohi (1972) and Takenaka (1983). 14 See Band (1936, 105–6). See also Saba (1937–41, III, 186–296), provides a detailed account of the establishment of the Japanese Presbyterian mission in Taiwan and its development until 1938. English Presbyterian missionaries had been at work in southern Taiwan since 1865 and Canadian Presbyterian missionaries in northern Taiwan since 1872. There was also a Spanish Roman Catholic mission on the island. 15 Matsuo (1968, 951). For an interesting account of the beginnings of the Kumiai Church’s missionary society and its efforts to become self-supporting and independent, see Shigeru (1976, 83–132). 16 For a list of Japanese churches undertaking mission work in Manchukuo as of 1937 and the dates of when their various mission stations were opened can be found in Kan (1999, 5). 17 See also Yanaihara (1988). For a brief overview of Yanaihara’s theories on colonialism, see Murakami (1993). 18 Fukuin shimpØ 1937, 18 November, 1 [641]. 19 Fukuin shimpØ 1937, 16 December, 1 [685]. 20 Oe (1990, 211). With the exception of the Watch Tower Society, Oe emphasizes, “there was little difference among the opinions of the churches about the political situation in Japan. That is, they believed that the war for ‘Greater East Asia’ was a holy war to release Asian countries from the chains forged by European countries and the United States, though it was in fact a Japanese war of agression against Asian countries” (210–11).

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bamba Nobuya and John F. Howes, eds. Pacifism in Japan: The Christian and Socialist Tradition. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1978. Band, Edward. Barclay of Formosa. Tokyo: Christian Literature Society, 1936.

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Brown, Arthur Judson. The Mastery of the Far East. New York: Scribner’s Sons, 1919. Ebisawa Arimichi and ÷uchi SaburØ. Nihon KirisutokyØshi [A history of Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: Nihon KirisutokyØdan Shuppan kyoku, 1971. Dohi Akio. Kozaki Michio no kØdØ to sono ronri [The actions and logic of Kozaki Michio]. Tokyo: Nihon KirisutokyØdan Reinanzaka KyØkai, 1972. ______. Nihon Purotesutanto no seiritsu to tenkai [The formation and development of Protestantism in Japan]. Tokyo: Nihon KirisutokyØdan Shuppan Kyoku, 1975. ______. “1930 nendai no Purotesutanto KirisutokyØkai” [Protestant Christian Churches in the 1930s], KSMK 25/12, 1976, 187–217. ______. Nihon Purotesutanto KirisutokyØshi [A history of Protestant Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1982. DØshisha Daigaku Amerika Kenky¨kai, ed. Aru ribarisu no kaisØ: Yuasa HachirØ’s Japan and America [Reminiscences of a certain liberal: Yuasa HachirØ’s Japan and America]. Tokyo: Nihon YMCA DØmei Shuppanbu, 1977. DØshisha Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku Kenky¨jo, ed. Senjika no KirisutokyØ undØ: TokkØ shriyØ ni yoru [The Christian movement during wartime: The Special Higher Police materials], 3 vols. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1972. ______. Senjika teikØ no kenky¨: Kirisutosha, Jiy¨sha no baai Research on resistance during wartime: The case of Christians and Liberals], 2 vols. Tokyo: Misuzu ShobØ, 1978. ______. Nihon no Purotesutanto sho kyØkai no kenky¨ [Research on Japan’s Protestant churches]. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1997. Drummond, Richard Henry. A History of Christianity in Japan. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1971. Duus, Peter. “Yoshino SakuzØ: The Christian as Political Critic.” Journal of Japanese Studies 4/2 (1978), 301–26. Fairbank, John K. ed. The Missionary Enterprise in China and America. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974. FujimichØ KyØkai Hachi J¨nenshi Kaname Henshïinkai, eds. FujimichØ KyØkai hatchij¨ nenshi kaname [The essentials of FujimichØ Church’s eighty year history]. Tokyo: FujimichØ KyØkai, 1978. Fujita Wakao. Yanaihara Tadao: Sono shØgai to shinkØ [The life and faith of Yanaihara Tadao]. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1967. ______. “Yanaihara Tadao: Disciple of Uchimura KanzØ and Nitobe InazØ.” In Nobuya Bamba and John F. Howes, eds. Pacifism in Japan: The Christian and Socialist Tradition. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1979, 199–219. Garon, Sheldon M. Molding Japanese Minds: The State in Everyday Life. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997.


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Germany, Charles H. Protestant Theologies in modern Japan: A History of Dominant Theological Currents from 1920–1960. Tokyo: International Institute for the Study of Religions Press, 1965. Gonoi Takashi. Nihon KirisutokyØshi [A history of Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa KØ Bunkan, 1990. Hardacre, Helen. Shinto and the State: 1868–1988. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1990. Howes, John F., ed. Nitobe InazØ: Japan’s Bridge Across the Pacific. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1995. Hutchinson, William R. “Modernism and Missions: The Liberal Search for an Exportable Christianity, 1875–1935.” In John K. Fairbank, ed. The Missionary Enterprise in China and America. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973. Iglehart, Charles. “Crisis in the Japan Christian Movement.” Japan Christian Quarterly 15 (1940), 315–26. ______. A Century of Protestant Christianity in Japan. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle, 1959. Iinuma JirØ. Nihon nØson dendØ shi kenky¨ [Historical studies of rural evangelism in Japan]. Tokyo: Nihon KirisutokyØdan Shuppan Kyoku, 1988. Ion, A.Hamish. The Cross and the Rising Sun: Volume 2: The British Protestant Missionary Movement in Japan, Korea, and Taiwan, 1865–1945. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1993. ______. The Cross in the Dark Valley: The Canadian Protestant Missionary Movement in the Japanese Empire, 1931–1945. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press 1998. Kan Sokki. Nihon no Mansh¨ shihai to Mansh¨ dendØkai [The Japanese control of Mansh¨ and the Mansh¨ evangelism association]. Tokyo: Nihon KirisutokyØdan Shuppan Kyoku, 1999. Kaneta Ryïchi. ShØwa Nihon KirisutokyØkaishi: TennØsei to j¨gonen sensØ no motode [A history of churches in Japan during the ShØwa period: Under the Emperor system and fifteen year war]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1996. Kasahara Yoshimitsu. “Nihonteki kirisutokyØ hihan” [A critique of ‘Japanese Christianity’]. KSMK 22/3 (1974), 114–39. ______. “Nihon KirisutokyØdan seiritsu no mondai: Sh¨kyØ tØsei ni taisuru junØ to teikØ [The problem of the formation of the Nippon KirisutokyØdan: The accommodation and resistance to religious control]. In DØshisha Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku Kenky¨jo, ed. Senjika teikØ no kenky¨: Kirisutosha, jiy¨sha no baai [Studies of resistance during wartime: The case of Christians and libertarians]. Tokyo: Misuzu ShobØ, vol. 1, 1978, 155–57. Kozaki Horomichi. Reminiscences of Seventy Years: The Autobiography of a Japanese Pastor. Tokyo: KyØbunkwan, 1934.

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KudØ Hiroshi. Senjika no KirisutokyØ sekai o yomu: 1936 kara 1941 nen made no tennØsei oyobi sensØ kanrenki [Reading the Christian world during wartime—with special reference to articles related to the emperor system and war from 1936 to 1941]. KSMK 42/7 (1993), 25–55. Kurata Masahiko. TennØsei to Kankoku KirisutokyØ [The emperor system and Korean Christianity]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1991. Matsuo Takayoshi. Yoshino SakuzØ to ChØsen: San Ichi undØ o ch¨shin ni [Yoshino SakuzØ and Korea: A study of the San Ichi Movement]. In Yï Masatomi, ed. TaishØ demokurashi [Democracy in the TaishØ period]. Tokyo: Y¨seidØ, 1957, 243–64. ______. Nihon Kumiai KirisutokyØkai no ChØsen dendØ [The evangelistic work of the Japan Congregational Church in Korea]. ShisØ [Thought], July (1968), 949–65. ______. TaishØ demokurashi [Democracy in the TaishØ Period]. Tokyo : Iwanami Shoten, 1975. ______.TaishØ jidai no senkØtachi [Selected individuals of the TaishØ Period]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1993. Mitani TaiichirØ. TaishØ demokurashi ron: Yoshino SakuzØ no jidai A perspective on TaishØ democracy: The time of Yoshino SakuzØ]. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1995. Miyakoda TsunetarØ. Nihon KirisutokyØ gØdØ shikØ [The orientation toward union in Japanese Christianity]. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1967. Mullins, Mark R. “Ideology and Utopianism in Wartime Japan: An Essay on the Subversiveness of Christian Eschatology.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 21/2-3 (1994), 261–80. Murakami KatsuhikØ. “Yanaihara Tadao ni okeru shokumin ron to shokumin seisaku” [The colonial views and policies of Yanaihara Tadao]. In Iwanami KØza kindai Nihon to shokuminchi 4: TØgØ to shihai no ronri [The Iwanami Series on Modern Japan and the Colonies 4: The logic of unification and domination]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1993, 205–37. Murakishi Kiyohiko. “Nihonteki KirisutokyØ ni oite no kansØ [Thoughts regarding Japanese Christianity]. Fukuin Shimpo 16 December (1937) 2 (686). Nihon KirisutokyØ Rekishi Dai Jiten Hensh¨ Iinkai, ed. Nihon KirisutokyØ rekishi dai jiten [A historical dictionary of Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: KyØbunkwan, 1988. Nihon KirisutokyØdanshi Hensen Iinkai, ed. Nihon KirisutokyØdanshi [A history of the Nihon KirisutokyØdan]. Tokyo: Nihon KirisutokyØdan Shuppanbu, 1967. Nippon SeikØkai Rekishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. Nippon SeikØkai hyakunenshi [A one-hundred year history of the Nippon SeikØkai]. Tokyo: Nippon SeikØkai KyØmïn Bunsho Kyoku, 1959. Notehelfer, F. G. KØtoku Sh¨sui: A Portrait of a Japanese Radical. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971.


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______. Review of Nitobe InazØ: Japan’s Bridge. In Journal of Japanese Studies 22/2 (1996), 450–3. Oe, John Mitsuro. “Church and State in Japan, 1940–1945.” Anglican and Episcopal History 59/2 (1990) 202–23. ÷ta YuzØ. TaiheiyØ no hashi toshite no Nitobe InazØ [Nitobe InazØ as a bridge across the Pacific]. Tokyo: Misuzu ShobØ, 1986. Powles, Cyril H. “Abe Isoo and the Role of Christians in the Founding of the Japanese Socialist Movement, 1895–1905.” In Papers on Japan, vol. 1, Cambridge, Mass., 1961, 89–109. Saba Wataru, ed. Uemura Masahisa to sono jidai [The life and times of Uemura Masahisa, 8 vols. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1937–1941. Shigeru Yoshiki. “Nippon Kirisuto DendØ kaisha no dokuritsu to Ebina DanjØ” [The independence of the Japan evangelistic association and Ebina DanjØ]. KSMK 24/3 (1976), 83–132. ______. “1930 nendai no KirisutokyØ janarizumu KirisutokyØ Sekai no baii [Christian journalism in the 1930s: The case of KirisutokyØ Sekai]. KSMK 25/12 (1976), 47–82. Schildgen, Robert. “How Race Mattered: Kagawa Toyohiko in the United States.” Journal of American-East Asian Relations 6/3–4 (1997), 227–53. Sumiya Mikio. Kagawa Toyohiko [Kagawa Toyohiko]. Tokyo: Nihon Kirisuto KyØdan Shuppanbu, 1966. ______. Nihon no shakai shisØ: Kindaika to KirisutokyØ [Social thought in Japan: Modernization and Christianity]. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1968. Takenaka Masao. “Natanaeru no shinkØ: Ekyumenikaru undØ ni okeru Kozaki Michio” [The faith of Natanaeru: Kozaki Michio and the ecumenical movement]. In KSMK 3/.3 (1983), 1–36. Takeda KyØko, ed. Gendai Nihon shisØ taikei, 6: KirisutokyØ [The system of modern Japanese thought: Christianity]. Tokyo: Chikuma ShobØ, 1976. Tanaka Shiichi. “Nitobe InazØ to ChØsen” [Nitobe InazØ and Korea]. San Sen Ri 34 Summer (1984), 88–97. Tomura MasahirØ, ed. Jinja mondai to KirisutokyØ: Nihon kindai KirisutokyØ shi shiryØ [The shrine problem and Christianity: Historical materials related to Christianity in modern Japan]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1976. Tsukada Osamu. TennØseika no KirisutokyØ: Nippon SeikØkai no tatakai to kunan [Christianity under the emperor system: The struggle and suffering of the Nippon SeikØkai]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1980. ______. ShØchØ TennØsei to KirisutokyØ [The symbolic emperor system and Christianity]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1990. ______. Shoki Nippon SeikØkai no kaisei to Imai JudØ [Imai JudØ and the formation of the Nippon SeikØkai in the early period]. Tokyo: SeikØkai Shuppan, 1991.

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Uchimura KanzØ. How I Became a Christian: Out of My Diary, vol 1 of Yamamoto TaijirØ and MutØ YØichi, comps. Uchimura KanzØ eibun shosaku zensh¨ [The collected works of Uchimura KanzØ’s English writings]. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 7 vols., 1971–2. Yoshino SakuzØ. “Demokurashii to KirisutokyØ” [Democracy and Christianity]. In Takeda KyØko, ed. Gendai Nihon shisØ taikei, 6: KirisutokyØ [The system of modern Japanese thought: Christianity]. Tokyo: Chikuma ShobØ, 1977. Yanaihara Tadao. “Nipponteki KirisutokyØ” [Japanese Christianity]. In Yanaihara Tadao, Kokka no riso: Senji hyØron sh¨ [The ideal of nation: A collection of wartime criticisms].Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1981, 116–20. ______. Teikokushugi-ka no Taiwan [Taiwan under Japanese Imperialism]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1934, originally published in 1929. Yï Masatomi, ed. TaishØ Demokurashii [TaishØ Democracy]. Tokyo: Y¨seidØ, 1957.

JAPAN’S PROTESTANT SCHOOLS AND CHURCHES IN LIGHT OF EARLY MISSION THEORY AND HISTORY Thomas John HASTINGS

The Christian Yearbook of Japan for 2000 reported a total of 115 Protestant schools operating a wide range and combination of divisions from kindergartens to junior colleges and universities. In addition, it listed 103 Protestant seminaries (22 of these falling within the “mainline” denominations with the remainder representing a wide variety of native and foreign non-denominational or Pentecostal groups and missions). Currently, there are a total of about 300,000 students enrolled in these schools and seminaries in any given year (Maruyama, 1994, 3). By comparison, the number of Protestants is reported as 592,924, or less than one half of one percent (0.46) of the total Christian population. This figure has remained more or less constant since 1970. Thus, for the year 2000, there were about two Protestant Christians (PC) for every Protestant school student (PSS). Given this situation, it is worthwhile to examine the relationship between the former “mission schools” and the Protestant churches today. Under the guidance of chaplains and religious affairs committees comprised of faculty and sometimes students, most of these schools continue regular chapel services and some type of classroom religious instruction. Further, some of the junior and senior high schools still require students to attend local churches. In spite of these efforts, it is clear that these schools, while continuing to be classified as “Christian schools,” have had little observable impact on Protestant church growth over the past thirty years. In spite of a few exceptions, the Protestant schools and churches do not cooperate. While some point to the student revolts of the late 1960s and 1970s for the current disjunction between the schools and churches, others point to a complex range of factors, including the continuing reliance of the schools on government subsidies that require much energy to comply with Ministry of Education regulations (which might otherwise be put into religious education), the lack of qualified Christian teachers in all fields, the widespread distrust of established religions among youth, and the increasingly materialistic ethos of Japanese society. Whatever

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reasons are given for this rift, there is no doubt that the commitment to evangelism in the schools, with only a handful of exceptions, has been seriously weakened and, in certain cases, thoroughly rejected. At the same time, some of these schools have achieved a high level of public recognition for their educational achievements. Ironically, the Protestant churches, on the other hand, have been criticized for paying too much attention to evangelism and inadequate attention to the educational ministry of nurturing the faith of its own membership. Referring to the need for building stronger and more committed congregations, the retired president of the largest Protestant seminary (Tokyo Union Theological Seminary), Matsunaga Kikuo, writes: Our history reveals that a lot of energy and time were spent in evangelism, leading non-Christians to be baptized, but not so much emphasis was given to the true sense of ‘pastoral care,’ by which I mean, the nurturing and training of individual Christians into the Body of Christ, how to work with one another as parts, as organs of a human body, namely Jesus Christ, to become a constituent of the divine Kahal, or Ecclesia. Therefore, according to a recent statistic, the average Christian life of a Christian is only 2.8 years! This means that quite a number of the Japanese are baptized in the name of Jesus Christ but after less than three years they lose their Christian commitment and perhaps their faith in Jesus Christ (Matsunaga 1999, 299).

This criticism may be read, in part, as an indictment of the current curriculum of the seminaries which do not adequately prepare ministers for taking the lead in the practical theological task of “nurturing and training of individual Christians into the Body of Christ.” Thus, on the whole, the Protestant schools do not intentionally evangelize their students or non-Christian faculty and the Protestant churches do not nurture their baptized members. As a result, with some notable exceptions mainly in the rural districts where local pastors often teach and preach at the former “mission schools,” today’s Protestant schools and churches operate in mutually exclusive sociocultural spheres. While there continues to be some consciousness of the need for greater cooperation between the schools and churches, the distinct ethos, structures and goals of these two institutions seem to preclude anything beyond the occasional expression of good will and a vague recognition that they share an “ancient” mission history.1 Indeed, it is to that early history that we must turn to unravel some of the underlying reasons of this bifurcation. In light of mission history, one might think of the Protestant schools and churches as two trains which originally set out from the same station with the intention of pro-

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ceeding in the same direction, but because of unforeseeable circumstances and pressures, found their tracks had been switched along the way and eventually realized they had arrived at completely different destinations. Rather than examining the contemporary reasons for the chasm between the Protestant schools and churches, the roots of this separate development are located in the nascent tensions between early mission theory and the reflexive historical and cultural developments of the Meiji Era. In contrast to the “praying” Christianity of Korea and the “singing” Christianity of Taiwan, Protestant leaders in Japan often make tongue in cheek reference to their own “thinking” or “studying” style of Christianity. Clearly, from the earliest days of foreign mission work in the 1860’s and 1870’s among the former samurai who suddenly found themselves disenfranchised by the political reforms of the Meiji government, Christianity has tended to find a greater hearing among those sectors of Japanese society who place a high value on education. Among the earliest Japanese Protestants who were deeply influenced by their initial contacts with foreign Christian teachers like Ballagh, Janes and Clark (missionaries or those hired directly to teach in Japanese government schools), were mostly former samurai like Uemura, Honda, Ibuka and Oshikawa of the “Yokohama Band,” Ebina, Kanamori, Yokoi and Ukita of the “Kumamoto Band,” and Uchimura, Nitobe and Miyabe of the “Sapporo Band,” all of whom went on to make significant contributions to the Christian churches and schools as well as to Japanese society (Aikawa and Leavenworth 1967, 100). In 1926, faced with the impressive breadth and depth of the combined contributions to Japanese church and society of Ebina, Uemura, KØzaki, Uchimura and others among the first generation of converts who were beginning to pass away, August Karl Reischauer2 wrote, Japanese Christianity is an educated Christianity. Probably in all Japan there is not a communicant who could not sign his own name, and practically none that could be classed as illiterate…No important book appears in Europe and American which does not soon find its way to the library of some Japanese minister. One never ceases to marvel at the way these ministers, with their small salaries, manage to purchase the best books. The average missionary and the average pastor in the West is not as well read as these men are (Reischauer, 1926, 204–5).

Surveying the First Sixty Years of Protestant Education In 1928, two years after Reischauer published his glowing appraisal of the educational attainments of the early Japanese Protestants, the International

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Missionary Council was held in Jerusalem. Following so closely on the heels of the IMC conference held in 1926 at Le Zoute, Belgium, the “hot” issue of the relation between religious education and world evangelism still loomed large in the minds of the IMC leaders.3 In April, 1929, John R. Mott, president of the IMC, visited Japan and held two meetings with Japanese and missionary leaders at Kamakura and Nara to discuss the progress of the educational work in Japan. Those meetings produced fourteen specific recommendations, among them the desirability of greater interdenominational cooperation in theological education, the shared dream for a “great union Christian university,” the need for greater financial support from both America and Japan, as well as many organizational and practical suggestions for the overall improvement of Christian Education (CEJ 1932, 4–6). The recommendations of the Kamakura and Nara meetings were then presented to the 1929 Williamstown Meeting of the IMC Committee by Ebisawa Akira, the Executive Secretary of the National Christian Council in Japan and D. B. Schneder, a missionary serving as President of Tohoku Christian College in Sendai. The IMC Committee approved a survey of the Protestant schools in Japan and the Commission on Christian Education in Japan, consisting of eight Japanese and four foreigners, was appointed in 1931 after “considerable difficulty and long delay” (CEJ 1932, 3–14). Under the joint auspices of The National Christian Council in Japan, The National Christian Education Association of Japan, The Foreign Missions Conference of North America and the International Missionary Council, the Commission published its report in 1932 under the title Christian Education in Japan: A Study. To appreciate the rate and extent of the growth of Japan’s mission schools, it is helpful to compare the CEJ report with statistics from 1883 and 1900. At the Osaka Missionary Conference of 1883, the various missions reported a total of 31 boys’, girls’ and theological schools with a total enrollment of 1,091 students (OMC 1883, appendix).4 By the time of the Tokyo Missionary Conference of 1900, the number of schools had more than doubled to 67, and the total enrollment had grown to 4,958 (TMC 1900, 984–1001).5 By 1930, the number of Protestant schools had grown to 114 with a total enrollment of 36,781 students (CEJ 1932, appendix).6 When we look at the number of Protestant churches and their membership in 1883, we find there were already 93 organized churches with 13 “wholly self-supporting” and 8 “partially self-supporting but receiving no foreign aid,” representing a total membership of 4,987. (OMC, 1883, appendix) In


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1900, we find there were 416 organized churches (71 “wholly self-supporting” and 316 “partially self-supporting”) with 43,273 members. (TMC, 1900, 986–1001) Though the CEJ Report does not report church statistics, the Japan Christian Yearbook’s statistics for 1936 lists 1,865 churches with a total membership of 204,228 (The Japan Christian Year Book 1937, 419–21). The patterns of growth may be seen in the table below. YEAR

SCHOOLS

1883 31 1900 67 1930/1936 114

ENROLLMENT CHURCHES

MEMBERSHIP

1,091 4,958 36,781

4,987 43,273 204,228

93 416 1,865

TABLE 1. Comparison of Protestant School and Church Growth in 1883, 1900 and 1930/367

In 1883, the ratio of Protestant school students (PSS) to Protestant Christians (PC) was approximately 22:100, in 1900 it was 11:100 and in 1930/36, it was 18:100. In other words, though there was a noticeable drop in school enrollment around 1900, the numerical growth of the schools and the churches progressed at more or less proportional rates over the first sixty years. According to the CEJ Report, Christians numbered 79 percent among fulltime and 56 percent among part-time faculty. Excluding the theological schools where all of the students were naturally Christian, the average percentage of Christians in graduating classes among the remaining schools is reported at an astounding 37.8 percent. The report states that: “Most of these schools are direct evangelizing agencies. One of the largest denominations in Japan reports that forty-six per cent of all its annual baptisms are of students in its schools” (CEJ, 1932, 148). Clearly the Protestant schools and churches had come a long way from their beginnings in Yokohama with Mrs. Hepburn’s first class in 1867 and the founding of Kaigan Church in 1872. However, when the CEJ report compares the Protestant schools with the churches in the section entitled “The Justification of the Schools as Permeating Agencies,” its bias toward the schools and against the churches is striking. It begins by painting a gloomy picture of the Japanese churches in the context of a non-Christian society. If one were to judge the power of Christianity by the strength of the churches, nothing but disappointment would await him. There are serious doubts as to

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whether the Church, as it is known in the West, ever will become native to Japan… The life of Japan is built around the family. All the interests and activities of the people center in the family, not in guilds not societies nor communities. There is nothing, therefore, in their religious history or custom to suggest such a thing as a church or group worship (CEJ 1932, 149).

With the weakening of the family system (ie) and the apparent growth of individualism, the report forecasts the possibility of church growth, yet it criticizes the churches for being slow to respond to these nascent social and philosophical changes. In contrast with the socially conservative churches, the report boasts of the more pervasive influence of the schools. There is throughout the Empire a great unnumbered body of people, never identified with any church, who are yet in their personal and family lives accepting and living the ideals and spirit of Christianity. They have never seen any necessity for baptism or church membership, but by all true standards they are Christians. The strength of the Christian movement in Japan could be measured only if this large number of people could not only be counted but their influence weighed. The greatest factor in creating this large unnumbered body of Christians is these Christian schools (CEJ 1932, 150).

The report’s praise of the schools over the churches reaches new heights in the next section which implies that the schools have, in some sense, superseded the churches as more relevant in the Japanese context.8 As we have seen in Table 1, the Protestant churches had, like the schools, actually witnessed a phenomenal growth in the first sixty years, even under difficult circumstances (which we will describe below). Considering that the Japanese church was at least ostensibly represented on the CEJ commission by the General Secretary of the National Christian Council of Japan and the Dean of the Theological Department at Aoyama Gakuin, it is surprising that such a negative appraisal of the Japanese churches was allowed to be published. This suggests that these Japanese Protestant leaders may have been captivated by the “social gospel” which was a strong theological trend in the West. From the point of view of the progressive Christian movement, the Protestant schools appeared to be making a much greater impact on Japanese society than the churches.9 Beyond its lack of sympathy for the struggle of Japan’s churches, the CEJ report also reveals that economic competition between the schools and churches was fierce because, in 1931, both were still highly dependent on foreign aid for their survival. On the one hand, while the report shows that Japanese teachers outnumbered foreign teachers by more than six to one, it also indicates the level to which these schools were still dependent upon financial support from abroad, listing the percentage of


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income from foreign (F) sources in relation to that of Japanese (J) sources as 65.7:100; with the totality of Japanese income coming from student tuition. When foreign and Japanese gifts are compared in the same way, the ratio is 343:100. While there are two columns for “Foreign Board Subsidy for General School Expenses” and “Foreign Board Help in Favor of Salaries for Missionary Teachers,” there is no column indicating any organized, institutional-level support from the Japanese churches (CEJ 1932, appendix). The native churches lack of support for the schools is undoubtedly another factor underlying the strong criticisms quoted above. When we ask how the churches themselves were faring in terms of support from abroad, we discover that, in 1936, there were 949 “self-supporting” and 916 “aided” Protestant churches (The Japan Christian Year Book 1937, 419–21). Given this entrenched pattern of dependency, it is obvious that most of these churches were not in any position to contribute to the schools. To reiterate, in 1930, both the schools and the churches were still receiving about equal support from Japan and abroad. This unfavorable situation is addressed in the first recommendation of the above-mentioned meeting in Nara attended by Mott: That in order to guarantee the permanent Christian character of the Christian schools, closer intimacy be developed between the schools and the churches, whether denominationally or through cooperative or union organization, both as to management and as to financial responsibility (CEJ 1932, 5, italics mine).

There had been earlier signs that the mission schools and the churches were already proceeding along different tracks. For example, the National Christian Education Association of Japan was established a full year before the National Christian Council of Japan (1910 and 1911). As Aikawa and Leavenworth point out, “Often churches grew out of the schools and were actually supported by the schools. Almost none of the Protestant schools developed out of (Japanese) churches” (Aikawa and Leavenworth 1967, 98). By the turn of the century, religious instruction in the mission schools included participation and often leadership in the Sunday Schools of local congregations (Clement and Fisher 1909, 276–77). Thus, in terms of their recognition and acceptance as legitimate public institutions, the schools were far ahead of the churches.10 Mission Theory and Early Tensions Between Educational and Evangelistic Work While the mission schools clearly had achieved a higher degree of social acceptance than the churches, to what extent had they fulfilled the original

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aims of the missions? The early mission theory in regard to the schools was notably expressed, for example, at the 1883 Osaka Missionary Conference by Clement T. Blanchet in his report entitled “The Object of Educational Work of Missions in Japan.” Formulating what may be called a “revised version” of Rufus Anderson’s mission theory of “self-supporting, self-propagating and self-governing churches,” Blanchet wrote: the object of educational work of missions in Japan should be at least threefold, viz: 1) To serve as a draw-net to bring the youths of the country under Christian influence, with the hope of their ultimate conversion; 2) to train native helpers in the various capacities of teachers, evangelists and pastors; and 3) to help develop and establish a self-supporting and self-propagating native church (OMC 1883, 167).

Based on the situation of the schools described by the CEJ report, it is possible to conclude that the first two aims of the early theory seem to have been achieved with some measure of success by 1930.11 But what became of the third aim of developing and establishing “a selfsupporting and self-propagating native church?” The tensions about the relative importance and impact of educational and church work which were pointed out in the CEJ report of 1932 had been present from the beginning among the missionaries themselves. For example, in his report on “Schools and Colleges for Young Men” delivered at the Tokyo Missionary Conference of 1900, S. H. Wainwright proposed an increase in support for the intentionally evangelistic work of the mission schools. They (missionaries) should throw themselves heart and soul into the work of evangelizing the students and awakening an interest in Bible study, and of instructing students in the Scriptures not only in the class room, but out of it. Yet they cannot do this as long as their time is filled up in class-room work… The close touch between student and missionary so characteristic of a school in its earlier stages, and so fruitful of results, cannot be maintained as the school becomes larger without an increase in the missionary force (TMC 1900, 244).

At the same time, it appeared to other missionaris that the educational work was upstaging the evangelistic work, that the school was acting the part which properly belonged to the church. The reaction of evangelist J. W. Moore to Wainwright’s recommendation reveals that the tension between missionary teachers and church-planting evangelists was, in large measure, more about the allocation of funds than ecclesiology. Employing a familiar story from his childhood in the U. S. South, Moore states:


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I am not opposed to Mission Schools, but the evangelistic work should not be cramped for anything. Do these Mission Schools interfere with the evangelistic work? I am persuaded that the schools have heretofore occupied a larger place in mission work than they will in the future. In the distinction of moneys, the schools have been largely in the place of the white man that said to the old negro: “I will take the turkey, and you may take the buzzard; or you may take the buzzard, and I will take the turkey.” Sambo objected, and so do we that are in the evangelistic work. There is danger that the evangelistic work will be weakened by the schools. This should not be. In Tosa where there is no boys’ school, more evangelists proportionately have been sent forth than from any other field in Japan with which I am acquainted (TMC 1900, 255–6).

Another reason for the failure of the mission schools to achieve the third aim of a “self-supporting and self-propagating native church” may be inferred in Blanchet’s omission of “self-governing,” the third principle of Anderson’s well-known “three-self” mission theory. There was a feeling among the missionaries that the Japanese Protestant leaders, in spite of their strong ambitions (kokorozashi), were not ready to take charge. Later on in his report, Blanchet reflects on his ambivalence in regards to the aspirations of the early Japanese Christian leaders. There are already indications on the part of the natives that they not only wish but claim a right to participate in this work with equal freedom and authority as the foreign Missionaries; nor can we blame them for such feelings; but the question is, are they qualified for the task; and if not, I can think of nothing better than to help qualify them for it. Their restiveness under foreign rule is perfectly natural, and I very much doubt whether we would behave much better ourselves in like circumstances; but there are sufficient grounds for apprehension lest they should assume the position of a thoroughly independent Native Church before they are prepared for it, and education in the sense advocated in this paper is most likely to meet their requirements, especially at this time, when there is a demand for it, and the resources of the country seem inadequate (OMC 1883, 176).

In order to understand the missionary hesitation about Japanese self-governance, it is important to recount some of the developments of the early Meiji era which had grave consequences for the schools and the churches. The Carpe Diem Mentality In 1853 and 1854, Commodore Perry’s “black ships” had finally succeeded in muscling open Japan’s ports after the long self-imposed isolation of the Tokugawa period. In the aftermath of this act of U. S. “gun-boat diplomacy,”

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Japan was a nation reeling about in a state of bewilderment as its old familiar world suddenly collapsed and an unknown new world was struggling to be born. As Reischauer (1926, 178) characterizes this era: “The wealth of the West and the industrialism on which it was based dazzled Japanese eyes.” While the people were luxuriating in their first exposure to new Western ideas and techniques, the conservative Meiji government was very cautious about making any substantive political changes. For example, the 250 yearold Tokugawa edict banning Christianity12 had only been removed in 1873 after intense foreign pressure, and there was no notion of the freedom of religion until 1889 when the Meiji Constitution was promulgated. Meiji government leaders were in the unusual position of being able to carefully pick and choose among the European and North American institutional models which were thought to be best suited to Japan’s history and culture. For example, while Japan’s educational system was initially influenced by American and French models, Germany soon became the Western country with which Japan felt the deepest cultural affinity. Eventually, the Meiji government constructed its government, legal, and educational institutions on nineteenth century German models. In an international political context overshadowed by growing Western colonial and imperialistic hegemony, Japanese leaders who had come under the influence of western ideas undertook to transform those values for their own national purposes. It was a time of contradictory intellectual and political currents. For example, the same year that Japan’s modern education system was established (1872), Mori Arinori, who later became Minister of Education, published an essay entitled “On the Freedom of Religion.” While Mori was expounding on enlightened individualism and tolerance, the Meiji educational system was being erected upon the foundation of the government’s “Wealthy Nation, Strong Military” (fukoku kyØhei) policy, which expressed the following three points: 1) quick adoption of European civilization (especially industry, technology, military affairs and education); 2) promotion of capitalism; and 3) emphasis on nationalism (Kobayashi 1969, 395–99) This fukoku kyØhei policy would later find expression in the slogan, “Japanese spirit, Western learning” (wakon yØsai), which stressed the acquisition of Western knowledge in harmony with the native spirit of Japan.13 It is important to remember that missionaries were not the only westerners in Japan during the Meiji period. The government schools had employed many foreign teachers, both Christian and non-Christians, who introduced their eager students to the contemporary intellectual trends of the modern West. In his report to the Tokyo Missionary Conference of 1900, S. H.


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Wainwright referred to the influences of non-Christian teachers and ideas from the West: “Thinking men have been confirmed in their views by the introduction from the West of agnostic and positivist teaching. Materialistic science and secular theories have found a good soil in Japan” (TMC 1900, 240). Also, more and more Japanese who had been sent to study abroad were returning home with varied reports. There was a feeling that the blush was off the Western rose. The growing nationalist sentiment of the Meiji government must be seen in the context of this period of which Reischauer also wrote: Then her more intimate knowledge of things Western revealed the seamy side of our life, and this made Western civilization seem less attractive. The students who became familiar with our thought-life learned that Christianity was being rejected or ignored by a good many Westerners themselves… That is, religion as such was something which an educated man should outgrow, and if the West itself was outgrowing Christianity, why should Japanese have anything to do with it? (Reischauer 1926, 179)

Even in the midst of this uncertain social, political, intellectual and religious climate, the missionaries were still being buoyed up by their initial successes. According to Cary, the Christian schools “were at the height of their prosperity in 1883” (Cary 1909, 203). Reischauer similarly describes the optimism and enthusiasm of the 1880s: “So rapid was the growth that many missionaries actually believed that Japan would be a Christian land by the end of the century, and there was serious thought on the part of some higher officials of making Christianity the state religion” (1926, 178). The missionaries were very cognizant that the appeal of their schools was the Japanese desire to learn English and to meet westerners firsthand, and rather than trying to deepen their cooperation with the emerging leaders of the Japanese churches, they decided to take advantage of the popularity of the schools for the sake of evangelism.14 Still, a careful reading of the proceedings at Osaka reveals that there were some initial indications that the optimism was beginning to give way. Blanchet presciently voiced the feeling that clouds were gathering on the horizon. Such opportunities may not be lasting. We know not what freak of nature or political policy may seriously impede, if not altogether stop this part of our work; hence the advisability of availing ourselves of this as well as of every other effective means at our command” (OMC 1883, 176–77).

To those who had left their homeland to reap a harvest for their Lord, this sense that the “window of opportunity” in Japan may soon be closing encour-

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aged, instead of a more cautious or reflective approach, an even greater sense of urgency. At a turning point when consultations with the leaders of the native churches would have been beneficial, the missions pressed on with their own agenda. Indeed, the era of open opportunity soon gave way to a backlash of nationalistic feeling which led to increased opposition to the foreign missionaries and native Christians. The Empire Strikes Back On February 11, 1889, the constitution which guaranteed freedom of religion—so long as it did not conflict with national interests—was promulgated by the Emperor Meiji. Ominously, that same morning, a rightwing assassin broke into the home of the above-mentioned Mori Arinori, then Minister of Education, and killed him for allegedly committing an act of disrespect at the main shrine of the Imperial Household at Ise. While Western notions of individualism and autonomy had attracted the interest of leading intellectuals like Mori, others now began to openly express the view that Western values were fundamentally incompatible with Japanese values. Next, the Imperial Rescript on Education (KyØiku ni kansuru chokugo), which set an inviolate Imperial Household at the core of Japanese personal, familial, communal, educational, vocational and national piety, was promulgated on October 30, 1890. Until Japan’s defeat in World War II, the Imperial Rescript served as the sacred national creed and moral foundation of Japanese identity. Of the Meiji government’s enforcement of a “nationalism from above,” Kobayashi says, “It was unrealistic to expect a spontaneous and active sense of civil solidarity to arise from the people … Thus, education was mobilized to serve the nationalist policy” (Kobayashi 1969, 395–9). Concerning the chilling effect of these developments on Christianity, Drummond writes: These documents expressed essentially the political, social, and cultural aspirations not only of the ruling classes but also the bulk of the nation. As they came to be interpreted and applied in the light of this background, they occasioned a new form of Japanese cultural confrontation with the transcendent claims of Christianity. The issue came to be formulated by the proponents of the Japanese cultural tradition (kokusui) and social-political structure (kokutai) as the irreconcilability of Christianity with the mainstream of historic Japanese life (Drummond 1971, 199–200).


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The process of learning from the West was amended by what Frederick Buell calls “the self-conscious creation and reinforcement of a myth of primordial national identity” (Buell 1994, 47). Helen Hardacre has referred to this amelioration as an “invented tradition,” which wedded the imperial mythology with a Confucian family ethic and the absolute sovereignty of the emperor (Mullins 1998, 113). Thus, Japan’s modern civil religion harmonized ancient Japanese mythology with Chinese religious and European political values to serve a specific national goal. From 1890 to 1945, all Japanese school children were systematically indoctrinated into this nationalistic personal and communal ethos through the regular, solemn recitation of the Imperial Rescript on Education. In 1891, the lèse majesté incident (fukei jiken) occurred, involving Uchimura KanzØ.15 Uchimura was eventually forced to resign from his teaching post at the First High School for refusing to bow during the school’s first ceremonial reading of a signed copy of the Imperial Rescript on Education. Kato describes this momentous event in the Christian history of Japan. Uchimura was third in line to mount the platform to pay his respects. With virtually no time to think about what he was doing, Uchimura proceeded before the Rescript, and plagued by doubts, slightly bowed his head but did not worship (clapping and bowing deeply). Though he had no theoretical conviction about his own actions, in that terrifying moment, he felt as if he were treading onto thin ice and simply followed his conscience as a Christian (Kato 1996, 68–9).

This unknown young man suddenly became the target of ultra-nationalists who called him “the blasphemous boy” (fukeikan) and “public enemy” (kokuzoku). Uchimura’s action was interpreted as “a lack of respect for the imperial family, and it greatly stimulated attacks on Christians who were accused of being unpatriotic” (Yamaji 1906, 150). While Uchimura’s true intentions have subsequently been the subject of much debate, the defense of a contemporary Christian published in 1906 sheds light on the complexities of being a Christian in Japan in the early 1890’s. Yamaji Aizen claimed that, like Mori, Uchimura had been another hapless victim of right wing conservatives. Disassociating Uchimura from the missionaries and other Japanese Christians, Yamaji wrote, “Even if at that time there was no great gap between Uchimura and the Christians, he was an enthusiastic patriot because he most bitterly hated the foreign missionaries” (Yamaji 1906, 160). As testimony of Uchimura’s patriotic spirit, Yamaji recounted a lecture which Uchimura had delivered on the emperor’s birthday in 1889 at TØyØ Eiwa GakkØ, a Christian school in Azabu.

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He pointed to the chrysanthemum (symbol of the imperial family) that adorned the podium and said that the flower was one of nature’s special blessings to Japan. It is a famous flower unique to Japan. “Ladies and gentlemen, look out the window and see Mount Fuji, which rises in the western sky. This is also splendid scenery bestowed upon our country by heaven. Students, please remember, however, that in Japan, the greatest and most mysterious thing, which surpasses all things in the world, is, in reality, our Imperial Household.” He said, “Our Imperial Household, like heaven and earth, has no end. It should be the only pride of the Japanese people” (Yamaji 1906, 160–1) .

In spite of the complexities of Uchimura’s loyalties to Japan and Jesus, his “crime” galvanized the attack on Christianity and the mission schools, epitomized by Tokyo Imperial University’s Inoue TetsujirØ’s 1893 essay entitled “The Clash Between Religion and Education” (Sh¨kyØ to kyØiku to no shØtotsu). Inoue’s straightforward attack on Christianity consisted of three main points recounted by Yamaji: 1) Education in our country must be based on the Imperial Rescript on Education. 2) The Imperial Rescript is statist and based on filial piety. Christianity is based on internationalism not statism. It teaches that there should be no discrimination in love, and it does not teach loyalty to the state. It teaches that above our lord (the emperor) there is God and Christ, and thus it is opposed to loyalty and filial piety. 3) For this reason religion and reason are in collision (Yamaji 1906, 163).

Even the family was reinvented for nationalist purposes. In its Civil Code (1896), the Meiji Government in effect universalized the traditional samurai family (ie), by giving authority to the head of the household and subordinating all other family members under a patriarchal lineage (Nishikawa 1995, 3). But the “modern” Meiji ie system differed in one significant way from its Tokugawa era predecessor. Rather than subordinating the household heads to the authority of the local lord, village community or trade associations as during the Tokugawa period, the Meiji ie was refashioned into the basic unit of the modern Japanese nation state of which the emperor was the patriarchal head. Nishikawa Y¨kØ writes that “Japan, indeed, was said to have a unique system called the ‘family state,’ as witnessed in the Imperial Rescript on Education of 1890, which defined the nation as an extended form of an ie” (Nishikawa 1995, 20).16 Against the tide of nationalist sentiment, the mission schools, which had served the Meiji government as an exemplar of modern Western education twenty years before, were now viewed as problematic by the Ministry of Education. Christianity, upon which these schools were founded, was seen as defining all of a person’s private and public relationships. Iglehart writes that


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such a confusion of loyalties “… was intolerable for a subject of the Emperor” (Iglehart 1959, 110). In the wake of the attacks of Inoue and others, government authorities were emboldened to take a more aggressively critical approach toward Christianity.17 In 1899, the government went on the offensive with the Ministry of Education’s Directive Number Twelve (Monbusho kunrei daij¨nigo), which was intended as a direct blow at the Christian Schools since they were virtually the only schools that had been established on explicitly religious grounds. The directive, signed by Count Kabayama, the Minister of Education, read: It being essential from the point of view of educational administration that general education should be independent of religion, religious instruction must not be given, or religious ceremonies performed, at Government Schools, Public Schools, or schools whose curricula are regulated by provision of law, even outside the regular course of instruction (Lewis 1903, 59).

In January, 1900, 138 people attended a convention of Christian Schools in order to discuss and protest the Ministry of Education’s policy which banned religious instruction and rituals (Cary, 293). They presented their concerns to the Minister of Education, and though he listened to the protests from Japanese Christian educators, he did not relent. Later, Reischauer commented on the responses of most mission schools to the directive. Christian schools were, therefore, given the choice of either eliminating religious instruction or giving up certain important rights and privileges which seemed necessary if the schools were to survive. Most of them chose the later alternative. The result was that attendance at these institutions fell off very rapidly and some had to close. Those that conformed to the government requirements prospered outwardly, but for a while lost much of their Christian character (Reischauer 1926, 181).

As an example of a school which decided to resist the government’s pressure, Meiji Gakuin had no applicants in 1900 and only one in 1901, compared with nine in 1898. (Aikawa and Leavenworth 1967, 101) In his report to the Tokyo Missionary Conference in 1900, Wainwright enthusiastically praised those who had stood their ground: They did right. If Christ cannot have the first place in our schools, let His sacred name be forever disconnected with them. No doubt larger privileges could be obtained, and a greater number of students, by not bringing Him into view. But what would it profit a mission school to gain the whole world and lose its own soul? (TMC 1900, 244)

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In the face of this opposition, there were many examples of courageous acts by Japanese Christians. For example, Honda YØichi, one of the original members of the Yokohama Band, led the opposition to Directive Twelve which resulted in “substantial amendments” to the law two years later (Aikawa and Leavenworth 1967, 101). Also, when the Diet tried to pass a bill prohibiting the founding of any more Christian schools, it was defeated by the efforts of Ebara Soroku (Iglehart 1959, 110). Summing up this period of bitter testing, Iglehart (1959, 111) wrote: “Of the problems facing every modern nation-state, that of the relationships of public education, ethics and religion is one of the thorniest, and Japanese Christianity had to face it very early in its life.” In spite of the attempts at resistance, the government’s shift from a policy of Westernization to nationalism had a profound and lasting effect on the Protestant schools and the churches. As a way of dodging the mounting criticism that Christianity was at odds with Japanese national and cultural identity, both the mission schools and Sunday Schools began to shift their focus from evangelism and conversion to moral education and character building. However, that story must wait for another time. Conclusion In light of this complex history of tensions and the present day reality, the early theory that evangelizing the students of the mission schools would eventually lead to a “self-supporting and self-propagating” Japanese church seems little more than the well-intentioned dream of zealous and naive missionaries. How might a “self-supporting and self-propagating native church” not also be “self-governing?” Since the missionaries often decided the direction for the schools and the churches without the careful cooperation of Japanese church leaders, it is no surprise that some of the ablest leaders among the first generation of Protestant converts like Uemura Masahisa, who founded the only indigenous pre-World War II seminary,18 and Uchimura KanzØ, who founded the Nonchurch Movement, fought hard to establish Japanese churches which were independent from the missions. Still, in terms of finances and organization, these indigenous groups were not equipped to compete with the foreign missions. Consequently, the pattern of dependency on foreign leadership and support was sustained far too long for Protestant schools and the churches. But this local story of early Protestant mission theory and history must be placed within the larger sociocultural and political story of modern Japan’s


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ambivalent struggles with Westernization and its determination to nurture a distinctive national identity. Without destroying them, the Japanese government’s pressure gradually moved the mission schools in a direction which was more and more in harmony with national interests. In 1927, a little book entitled Japan Speaks for Herself was published by Missionary Education Movement of the United States and Canada as part of a series called “Christian Voices Around the World.” In an article on “The Japanese Church,” Christian social reformer Kagawa Toyohiko commented on the mission schools of his day: The mission schools do not wield as strong an influence as they did. They have lost the old spirit of bold venture. In their zeal to comply with government requirements they have forfeited much of their power. Have the missionaries lost their old enthusiasm to win their students, or have non-Christian members in the faculty outrun the others, arresting their religious influence? That there are many learned professors without Christian heart or conviction, or worse still, with antipathy to Christianity, in these mission schools, does not speak well for their spiritual influence. May it be wiser to resist the tendency to lift middle schools to kØtØ gakkØ (high schools), and kØtØ gakkØ to university grade, so long as it is not possible to get genuine and outstanding Christian professors? The Christian in Japan, both native and missionary, seem to have rushed after empty names rather than things real and substantial. Bricks and stone they have piled up imposingly on their college campuses, but do power and personality make it holy ground? Better sell out your mission schools to money-making corporations, I say, if you cannot win souls for Christ in your magnificent halls of brick and stone (Stauffer 1927, 101–2, italics mine).

Especially in light of recent political developments,19 Kagawa’s words still present a grave challenge to Japan’s Protestant schools and churches.

NOTES For example, beginning in 1998, Tokyo Union Theological Seminary (TUTS) has hosted discussions with Christian School leaders; an unprecedented step. From TUTS’ point of view, the main motivation for the meetings is to enlist the help of the Christian School in overcoming the recent, dramatic drop-off in the number of seminary applicants. On the other hand, the Christian school leaders come expecting some practical theological guidance and inspiration on how to energize the Christian Education of their schools. Given these very different motivations, the future of these discussions is uncertain. 2 Father of the well-known Japanologist and U.S. Ambassador to Japan under the Kennedy administration, Edwin O. Reischauer. 1

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The Le Zoute conference had addressed, in light of the Phelps Stokes Report, the question of whether or not the missions should cooperate with African governments in education. The report from the Jerusalem meeting contains the following statement on that subject: “The Council in approaching the subject of religious education would express its conviction of the greatness, both of the issues involved and of the resources of power, which a true understanding of the aim and scope of education can bring to the whole missionary enterprise” (CEJ 1932, 3). 4 In keeping with the CEJ report I only mention the secondary schools and higher here. In 1883, the number of boys’ schools was listed as 9 with an enrollment of 454, the number of girls’ schools was listed as 15 with an enrollment of 566 and the number of theological schools was listed as 7 with an enrollment of 71. 5 Again, in keeping with the CEJ report, I only mention the secondary schools and higher here. In 1890, the number of boys’ schools was listed as 15 with an enrollment of 1,898, the number of girls’ schools was listed as 44 with an enrollment of 2,962 and the number of theological schools was listed as 14 with an enrollment of 98 (dropping from 164 in 1897, 247 in 1894 and the peak of 316 in 1891). Though this chapter will focus on the Protestant history, it is worth mentioning the Osaka and Tokyo conference reports on the statistics of the Roman Catholic and Greek Missions. For 1881, the total number of Japanese Catholics was reported as 25,633 with 80 “churches or chapels” and 54,602 in 251 congregations in 1900. In 1881, the Catholics reported three seminaries with 71 students and 74 “schools and orphanages” with 2,920 scholars. In 1900, they reported two seminaries with 9 clerical and 35 lay students, two colleges with 364 pupils, three girls’ boarding schools with 355 pupils, 32 primary schools with 3,610 pupils, 18 orphans with 1479 children, 20 industrial schools with 325 pupils. While the Greek Orthodox Church was not involved in educational work, the number of believers they reported was 8,863 in 1883 and 25, 698 in 1901. 6 This includes the following breakdown into categories: 17 Middle Schools with 10,049 students, 38 Girls’ High Schools with 13,818 students, 9 Mens’ Technical Schools with 6,397 students, 23 Women’s Technical Schools with 4,632, students, 15 Men’s Theological Schools with 596 students, 10 Womens’ Theological Schools with 333 students, and 2 Universities with 1,320 students (CEJ 1932, Appendix: Table of Institutional Statistics). 7 From 1930 to 2000, the number of students attending Protestant schools has increased more than eight-fold from 36,781 to 300,000, reflecting the post-war education boom which led to the vast expansion of many of the former “mission schools,” like Meiji Gakuin, Aoyama Gakuin and Kwansei Gakuin, into “mass-educational” institutions (Maruyama 1994, 3). In the same period, the number of Protestant church members has increased more than five-fold from 204,228 to 1,083,362 (CYB 2000, 118). While this is a modest church growth compared with the forty-one-fold increase in membership from 1883 (4,987) to 1930 (204,228), it is still noteworthy, especially considering the intervening experience of a bitter war between the mission home land and the mission land. 3


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“The majority of these graduates were never baptized. The importance of such a rite they have never appreciated. Many of them were deterred by the opposition of their families. Many of them knew of the Christian Church only by the little struggling groups in their home towns. Many of them found in these churches nothing to appeal to them wither intellectually or spiritually. With the long religious history back of them, therefore, they adopted Christianity as a personal matter, but were never baptized into any churches. It is easy to protest that the schools ought to have led them on to a comprehension of the importance of the Church as an organized expression of Christianity, but it is quite possible that Christianity in Japan may find its most effective expression in quite another way. In facing the question of the justification of these Christian schools full valuation must, therefore, be given to this very effective service in permeating the community with the ideals and principles of the Christian faith. There are no other agencies now in operation in Japan which compare with these schools in effectiveness in spreading the Christian ideas. To close these schools would rob the Christian movement of its most effective agency” (CEJ 1932, 150–151). 9 Reischauer rightly compared the Japanese churches to the early churches in the ancient Greco-Roman world. Like the early church in the first century, this little Japanese Church could hardly think of itself other than as a small company united in Christ for mutual comfort and exhortation in the midst of an evil and hostile world. These Christians could look forward to winning a few others one by one to enter their fellowship, knowing, however, full well that only a few daring souls would be willing to pay the price. To think of Christianizing Japanese society as a whole, or enlisting the nation as such in a Christian program, was quite out of the question. Under such conditions it took courage to be a Christian in Japan, for it often meant literally giving up father and mother, sisters and brothers (Reischauer 1926, 177). 8

The CEJ report’s conclusion that the “church as a local institution has not become indigenous to Japan” is well illustrated by theologian Kitamori Kazoh’s childhood impressions of a local church near his home in Kumamoto during the 1930s. In my own case, since I was born into a Buddhist family with absolutely no connection whatsoever with Christianity, I remember the first time seeing a church as a child and feeling immediately, as I walked by, that this must be the foreigners’ residence. Nowadays, such old buildings have become popular tourists spots, but in those days, those places looked extremely strange from our naive and unsophisticated perspective. In my child’s heart, I remember thinking that the people who congregated in those churches were somehow different from the rest of us Japanese. I remember feeling offended because I knew that un-Japanese Japanese people were attending that church. I think this is still the normative view of Christianity among the Japanese. Without a doubt, part of this reaction is a result of the guardedness Japanese have felt toward Christianity since it was declared an outlawed faith in the Edo era, but 10

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if we dig deeper, we find that there is some sense in which being Christianized means losing one’s Japaneseness and becoming non-Japanese (Kitamori 1995, 6–7) 11 As an example of one who had originally been attracted to the church to study English, Yamaji Aizan, who was baptized in 1886, described how the early mission theory was experienced from the Japanese side.

The missionaries worked as language teachers, and the young people who came to their homes by day and night were filled with the vigor of the spiritual revolution of the time. They saw attempts to sweep away all the old things in society. They saw the very bold ideas advocated by their elders. Could they give up without seizing this new religion? Finally they confessed their faith. In other words, they were caught in the net the foreign missionaries prepared for the purpose (Yamaji, 1906, 64) Such conversions must be understood in light of the dramatic social and cultural convulsions of the day. In his report on “Schools and Colleges for Young Men” given at the Tokyo Missionary Conference of 1900, S. H. Wainwright described how the transformations of Japanese society appeared from the missionary side: The forms of the feudal past have disappeared, leaving behind a heritage of ideas, sentiments and inclinations; the forms of Western life have been largely introduced, but the spirit, ideals and principles which they embody have not been fully appropriated. Yet the change has not been natural and easy. It has been epochal in character. The advance made has not been one upward step in that progress of society wherein custom and reason react upon each other and the former is gradually reshaped into new forms by the latter. It has been rather a passage, almost at a single leap, from the medieval to the modern type of existence (TMC 1900, 236). The English translation of the edict read: “The evil sect called Christian is strictly prohibited. Suspicious persons should be reported to the proper officers, and rewards will be given” (Cary 1909, 66). 13 Christian Ethicist Hideo Ohki says that this nationalistic attitude, which was calculated to keep Japan pure from Western influence, is still a deep influence among Japanese intellectuals. Ohki claims that this basic attitude toward foreign cultures must be overcome in order for Japan to find its own identity and fully participate in this era of globalization (see Ohki 1994, vol. I, 77ff). 14 At the Osaka Conference, T. S. Tyng expressed this pragmatic, carpe diem attitude in his presentation on the “Methods of Educational Work in the Mission Field of Japan.” 12

Passing now into the heart of our subject, the first question that arises is, how to get and keep our scholars. Those whom we want to reach have for the most part a very different end in view from that which we make the first. With rare exceptions, they, or their parents, do not want Christian teaching. The fact that a school is a Christian school will either not affect them at all, or have a repel-


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lent influence. The two attractions that chiefly bring them to our schools are, first and foremost, the desire to learn English, and beyond that a certain confidence in foreign teachers, a feeling that inasmuch as the modern culture that they are looking for comes from western countries, they are nearer to the original source, and therefore more likely to get what they want in its purity, if they can get it from foreigners. That these feelings are sufficiently strong to be made larger use of than has yet been the case, I hold very strongly (OMC 1883, 179-180). Uchimura later became the founder of the indigenous “Nonchurch Movement” (MukyØkai) and a prolific author of religious works. 16 Elsewhere, Inoue himself had written that “The purpose of the Imperial Rescript on Education is to govern oneself for the state. Filial piety to one’s parents, friendship for brothers and sisters, this is all for the state. We must offer ourselves to the service of the state and we must die for our emperor” (Yamaji 1906, 168). 17 Of this time of testing for the churches, Reischauer wrote: “Many, even ministers of the Gospel, grew indifferent and some turned violently against Christianity … the old charge was revived that Christianity is the enemy of the state since it demands supreme loyalty to Christ” (Reischauer 1926, 180). 18 Founded in 1904 as the Tokyo Shingakusha (Tokyo School of Theology), today it is known as Tokyo Union Theological Seminary (Tokyo Shingaku Daigaku). 19 i.e., the government’s attempt to revise the post-war Basic Law on Education (KyØiku kihon hØ) in a more nationalistic direction. 15

BIBLIOGRAPHY Aikawa Takaaki and Leavenworth, Lynn. The Mind of Japan: A Christian Perspective. Valley Forge: Judson, 1967. Brumbaugh, Thoburn T. and Ebisawa Akira, eds. The Japan Christian Yearbook. Tokyo: Kyobunkan, 1937. Buell, Frederick. National Culture and the New Global System. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994. Cary, Otis. A History of Christianity in Japan: Roman Catholic, Greek Orthodox and Protestant Missions. Rutland: Tuttle, 1976 edition. Christian Education in Japan: A Study. New York: The International Missionary Council, 1932. Christian Yearbook. Tokyo: Kirisuto Shinbunsha, 2000. Clement, Ernest W. and Fisher, Galen M. The Christian Movement in Japan. Tokyo: Methodist Publishing House, 1909. Drummond, Richard. A History of Christianity in Japan. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1971. Iglehart, Charles. A Century of Protestant Christianity in Japan. Rutland: Tuttle, 1959.

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Kagawa Toyohiko. “The Japanese Church.” In Japan Speaks for Herself. New York: Missionary Education Movement of the United States and Canada, 1927. Katoh Masao. Meijiki Kirisutosha no seishin to gendai: KirisutokyØkei gakkØ ga sØritsu [The Spirit of the Meiji Christians and Modernity: The Christian Schools are Founded]. Tokyo: Kindai Bungeisha,1996. Kitamori Kazoh. Nihonjin to Seisho [The Japanese and the Bible]. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1995. Kobayashi KØichi. “Nihon no kyØiku to KirisutokyØ kyØiku” [Japanese Education and Christian Education]. In KirisutokyØ kyØiku jiten [The Dictionary of Christian Education]. Tokyo: Nihon KirisutokyØdan Shuppankyoku, 1969. Lewis, Robert E. The Educational Conquest of the Far East. New York: Revell, 1903. Maruyama, Tadataka. “Mission and Education: The Perspective from Japan.” In Russel Sawatsky, ed. A.D. 2000 and Beyond: Christian Education and Mission. Tokyo: Hayama Seminar Annual Report, 1994. Matsunaga Kikuo. “Theological Education in Japan,” in Jean S Stoner, ed., Preparing for Witness in Context: 1998 Cook Theological Seminar. Louisville: Presbyterian Church:1999. Mullins, Mark R. “The Struggle for Christian Higher Education in Japan: A CaseStudy of Meiji Gakuin University.” In Gerard Dekker, Donald Luidens, and Rodger Rice, eds. Rethinking Secularization: Reformed Encounters with Modernity. University Press of America, 1997. ______. Christianity Made in Japan: A Study of Indigenous Movements. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1998. Nihon KirisutokyØdanshi Hensen Iinkai, ed. Nihon KirisutokyØdanshi [A history of the Nihon KirisutokyØdan]. Tokyo: Nihon KirisutokyØdan Shuppanbu, 1967. Nishikawa Yuko. “The Changing Form of Dwellings and the Establishment of the Katei (Home) in Modern Japan.” U.S.-Japan Women’s Journal, 1995. Ohki Hideo. Atarashii kyØdØtai no rinrigaku [Ethics for the new community], Vols. I and II. Tokyo: Kyobunkan, 1994. Okuda Kazuhiro. KirisutokyØ kyØiku o kangaeru Thinking about Christian Education]. Tokyo: Nihon KirisutokyØdan Shuppankyoku, 1995. Proceedings of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries in Japan held at Osaka, April, 1883. Yokohama: R. Meiklejohn, 1883. Proceedings of the General Conference of Protestant Missionaries in Japan held in Tokyo, October, 1900. Tokyo: Methodist Publishing House, 1901. Reischauer, August Karl. The Task in Japan. New York: Revell, 1926. Winburn, Thomas T. Protestant Beginnings in Japan: The First Three Decades. Tokyo: Tuttle, 1959.


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Yamaji Aizan. Essays on the Modern Japanese Church. Trans. of 1906 original version by Graham Squires. Introductory Essays by Graham Squires and A. Hamish Ion. Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 1999.

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HOLINESS, PENTECOSTAL, AND CHARISMATIC MOVEMENTS IN MODERN JAPAN IKEGAMI Yoshimasa

Holy Spirit Movements as a Global Phenomenon A notable development in the Christian world during the twentieth century was the appearance of numerous groups and movements that emphasized the work and experience of the Holy Spirit. The direct roots of this global phenomenon can be traced directly to the Pentecostal movement that began in the United States at the start of that century, giving birth to such denominations as the Assemblies of God, the Church of God, and the International Church of the Foursquare Gospel. This in turn can be traced back to the mass evangelism and revival movements of the nineteenth century, the Wesleyan-Holiness movement, which emphasized the complete sanctification of the individual and society, the British Keswick movement, and the dispensational theology and premillenialism advanced by John Darby. Until World War II, most followers of Pentecostal Christianity in the United States were from the urban lower classes. By the 1960s, however, movements that stressed the work of the Holy Spirit had spread into the mainline churches, beginning with the Episcopal Church and eventually even reaching the Roman Catholic Church. It attracted participants from various classes, including businessmen and intellectuals, and developed into the large scale movement that we know as the charismatic renewal or neo-Charismatic Movement today. From the 1980s, furthermore, some representatives of the conservative evangelical denominations—who had previously been largely critical of the Pentecostal-charismatic movement—began to respond positively to their emphasis on the work of the Holy Spirit. Peter Wagner, a well-known evangelical and professor at Fuller Theological Seminary (Pasedena, California), is a key representative of this development and a leader of what is now often referred to as the “Third Wave of the Holy Spirit” (Burgess, et. al. 1988). Through speaking tours by charismatic evangelists

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and the translation of numerous publications, the influence of the Holy Spirit movement has also reached Japan. In fact, movements that emphasized the role of the Holy Spirit appeared in non-Western Christianity at a quite early stage, giving birth to innumerable independent movements. While influenced by the developments in Europe and the United States mentioned above, they were also firmly rooted in indigenous religious traditions such as shamanism. It is difficult to make generalizations about these groups because each one has developed in relation to a variety of foreign influences, regional and local cultural contexts, and traditions. Even so, it is important to include both the Pentecostal, charismatic and related movements that began in Europe and the United States and the various non-Western forms in any definition of Holy Spirit movements. All these movements share a number of basic features, including speaking in tongues, prophecy, exorcism, divine healing, and emotional and enthusiastic forms of worship. Representatives of mainline denominations have often viewed these beliefs and practices as dangerous or even heretical. Although there is considerable divergence in census reports and surveys of the worldwide Christian population, it is estimated that today over 500 million people are involved with this movement and that the number is still growing (The Revival Times, 1998). The Holy Spirit Movement in Japan Christianity in modern Japan has often been characterized as an ethical religion that has attracted many of its members from among the educated elite, which includes individuals from the former samurai class, students, and intellectuals. Perhaps this is why most of the mainline Christian denominations in Japan have been negative towards the Holy Spirit movement. This is in sharp contrast to the situation in nearby South Korea, where the movement has deeply permeated many churches. However, the situation in Japan began to change significantly in May 1996, when a coalition of church leaders sympathetic to the Holy Spirit movement formed the Nippon Ribaibaru DØmei (Nippon Revival Association). This coalition can be seen as a new third power block alongside the liberal mainline and the evangelical denominations. In order to provide a vehicle for the exchange of information regarding the Holy Spirit movement, supporters began the publication of The Revival Times in October of 1996. It is this publication that captured the term “Holy Spirit group” (Seireiha)—previously used predominantly by derisive outsiders—and turned

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into a positive expression of self-identity. While the Revival Association does not include all those churches or denominations that have been influenced by the Holy Spirit movement, it represents a significant development in Japan. While most of the established denominations continue to record a decline in membership, most of the churches associated with the Holy Spirit movement—even those that are not officially part of the Revival Association—are showing significant growth. It is important to recognize that there were Christians in Japan concerned with the Pentecostal-like experience of the Holy Spirit and the practice of healing for many decades before the 1990s. At the beginning of the twentieth century, a group referred to as the Seireiha (the Holy Spirit group) was already actively engaged in missionary activity. Representatives of this group were the forerunners of what became the Japan Holiness Church, which referred to itself as the Kiyomeha (the Sanctification group). Other Pentecostal groups actively involved in evangelistic work in Japan during this early period were the HØgenha (the Tongues group) and Junfukuin (Pure Gospel). Almost a century ago, in other words, there already existed a sizeable Holy Spirit movement in Japan. In spite of the scale of their activities, these early Holy Spirit groups and movements have been largely ignored in the scholarly study of Christianity in Japan. While some scattered research does exist, a systematic and comprehensive study has yet to be undertaken. This neglect means that we have a rather unbalanced overall view of Christianity in modern Japan. There are a number of reasons why groups associated with the Holy Spirit movement have not received serious attention. One is the fact that outsiders have often looked upon the movement as nothing more than a gathering of religious fanatics. Insiders, for their part, have been preoccupied with individual religious experience and practices of prayer and healing, to the neglect of larger issues related to religious thought and social problems. Both Japanese Christian intellectuals and non-Christian scholars have therefore found little to attract them to the study of these movements. Another reason for the failure to pay serious attention to these movements is the surprisingly critical stance toward today’s Holy Spirit movement taken by Holiness groups in their postwar reconstituted form and by the evangelical wing to which they belong—represented by organizations such as the Nihon Fukuin Renmei (Japan Evangelical Fellowship) or Nihon Fukuin DØmei (Japan Evangelical Association). Their largely negative stance is in part a reaction against what they now see as the excessive preoccupation with divine healing and the Second Coming of Christ of many of the prewar Holy Spirit movements.

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In the remainder of this chapter, I will concentrate on the early development of the Holy Spirit movement in Japan from the late nineteenth century and provide a brief overview of more recent developments, particularly with regard to Pentecostal and charismatic Christianity. Due to the academic neglect of this topic, there are still many obscure issues and, unfortunately, there is a lack of primary sources and bibliographical materials. There is a great need for further research. The Early Holy Spirit Movement Our consideraton of the roots of the Holy Spirit movement in Japan must begin with serious attention to the several phenomena which were called “revivals.” The first, which was the impetus for the founding of the Nihon Kirisuto KØkai (the Church of Christ in Japan), occurred in a daily prayer meeting held in Yokohama the first week of January 1872. The most famous, a large scale revival, was also started by a daily prayer meeting held during the first week of January in 1883. In May of that year a fellowship meeting was held at the Shinei Church of Tsukiji in Tokyo. Many believers from different regions of Japan attended this conference and were deeply moved, urging each other to repent and reform. The revival soon spread throughout the country. According to some accounts, many missionaries and pastors were so impressed with the impact of the revival that they even expected Japan to become a Christian nation within a few years. Uchimura KanzØ, who attended the May meeting, wrote in his diary that “a veritable Pentecost did set in.”1 This indicates that the phrase “Pentecost” was already being used in this early period to refer to the atmosphere created by the Holy Spirit through revivals (Morioka 1970, 95; 181; Isshiki 1995). A similar atmosphere seems to have been a part of the 1887 revival, which spread from a mission school in Aoyama (Tokyo), and of the revival of 1900, which began at a united prayer meeting held in the KyØbashi district of Tokyo and spread throughout the country. These revivals were only short-lived, however, and the Pentecostal experience of baptism in the Holy Spirit did not develop deep roots in Christianity in Japan. In fact, the origins of the presentday Holy Spirit lie in the conservative evangelical group mentioned earlier that stressed the doctrine of sanctification (kiyome). This group was rooted in the Wesleyan-Armenian theological tradition and can be divided into three main streams (Ikegami 1999, 4–8). The first stream is connected to the missionary activity of Barclay Buxton, an Englishman, who can be regarded as the “father” of the Sanctification


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movement in Japan. Buxton belonged to the Church of England and came to Japan as a missionary under the auspices of the evangelical Church Missionary Society (CMS) in 1890. His ministry was not limited to the boundaries of the Anglican Church, however, and he formed the non-denominational Japan Evangelistic Band (Nihon DendØtai). He began his work in Matsue in 1891, but later moved his headquaters to KØbe. Buxton placed great emphasis on the doctrine of sanctification. Apparently, he even taught missionaries about the “baptism of the Holy Spirit” while still in the midst of his Japanese language studies. During his ten-year ministry in Matsue, he played an important role by drawing many young people to a faith in sanctification and the pure Gospel. Among them were many future leaders of the Pure Gospel Movement in Japan. Today the early work of Buxton is associated with the foundation of the “Matsue Band” and its importance for understanding the history of Christianity in Japan is being seriously reconsidered (Miyakoda 1968). The second stream involves the work of Kawabe Teikichi, Matsuno KikutarØ, and Sasao TetsusaburØ, who developed a strong faith in sanctification, divine healing, and the Second Coming after getting caught up in a revival that occurred in the cities of San Francisco and Seattle in the later part of the1880s. On returning to Japan they began evangelistic work in a rented house in Sakurada HongØchØ (Shiba, Tokyo). This ministry came to be referred to as “the small flock” and is normally recognized as “the first Holiness work in Japan.” The group developed close links with Buxton, and in April 1895, Buxton invited Kawabe to hold special meetings at Matsue. Kawabe stressed the importance of sanctification so earnestly that it led to a small revival. The leading church members were divided over how to evaluate this eruption of religious enthusiasm. Some orthodox Anglicans opposed it, arguing that it was the voice of the devil leading the church astray. Buxton, on the other hand, welcomed it with tears of thanksgiving as an answer to his prayers. The opening of the Central Gospel Mission by Nakada J¨ji and Charles Cowman of the Telegraphers’ Mission represents the beginning of the third and most important stream of the Holiness movement in Japan. We can learn a great deal about this movement through their official newspaper HonØ no shita [Tongues of Fire], which began publication in 1899. Born in 1870, Nakada crossed the Pacific in 1896 to enter the Moody Bible Institute. There he had a powerful experience of sanctification. He returned to Japan in 1898, and with help from Charles and Lettie Cowman (who arrived in Japan in 1901), he established the Central Gospel Mission and a Bible Training School, which was later named the Tokyo Seisho Gakuin (Yoneda 1979). In 1905,

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Nakada, the Cowmans, and several other leaders formed the TØyØ SenkyØkai (Oriental Missionary Society) to coordinate these various ministries. This mission organization was initially advertized as a center for Christians from various denominations who shared similar convictions regarding the doctrine of sanctification. In 1917, however, the Japan Holiness Church was established as an independent denomination and Nakada became its first Superintendent and charismatic leader (Yamazaki, et. al. 1970). Nakada stressed the work of the Holy Spirit from the outset and emphasized that authentic Christianity was essentially a “Holy Spirit religion.” Sanctification and Divine Healing Nakada J¨ji led this Holiness group under the banner of the Foursquare Gospel, which consisted of 1) new birth or regeneration; 2) sanctification (sometimes referred to as the baptism of the Holy Spirit); 3) divine healing; and 4) belief in the Second Coming of Christ. It was the emphasis on sanctification and divine healing that led outsiders to refer to them as the “Holy Spirit group” (Seireiha). As far as the doctrine of sanctification is concerned, Nakada and his followers stood by John Wesley’s teaching regarding a second act of grace. This was understood to mean that a believer who had received new life and the forgiveness of sins would have a second experience during which the fire of the Holy Spirit would instantaneously burn away the very root of sin deep in a person’s heart. On the one hand, this second experience of grace signified the removal of sin, but it could also be positively interpreted the “baptism of the Holy Spirit.” This experience of being filled with the Holy Spirit was understood to be exactly what had happened to the disciples of Jesus on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2). Accordingly, it is sometimes referred to as “Pentecostal-like sanctification.” Nakada and his followers understood this instantaneous experience of sanctification to be the defining characteristic of all true Christians. It was not uncommon to find testimonials of dramatic sanctification experiences published in HonØ no shita, which was renamed Kiyome no tomo [The Friend of Sanctification] in 1917. According to these testimonials, at the moment of sanctification believers often had visions either of Jesus shedding blood on the cross or of his spear wounds. Also depicted were the physical and mental sensations, such as the need to cry out, feeling one’s soul leap, bodily trembling and shaking, and the experience of such heat that it was as though one’s body had been put in a furnace. Many of these testimonials also


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included believers’ explanations that they had been unable to do what was right or avoid evil. It was only after they abandoned attachment to self and their reliance on human knowledge and strength, entrusting everything to the Holy Spirit, that they were able to receive the second experience of grace or sanctification. The date of this experience of Spirit baptism was regarded to be extremely important and usually remembered in connection with a particular verse from the Bible.2 The doctrine of divine healing was similarly emphasized from an early stage in the development of the Holiness Church and actively promoted in religious services. In addition to defenses of the doctrine, the church included personal stories of healing in its serial publications. A special edition on “The Divine Healing Issue,” contained a variety of testimonials that reported healing from illnesses and afflictions including consumption, influenza and both gastrointestinal and cardiovascular problems. Among the astonishing range of other illnesses that were said to have been cured were appendicitis, neuralgia, tumors, hemorrhoids, beriberi, leprosy, stuttering, nearsightedness, and various psychological disorders. Even the livestock (horses and cows) kept by believers had apparently been blessed with divine healing. The understanding of divine healing in the Holiness Church was based on the harsh teaching that sickness was God’s punishment for sin. In this case, sin was not just an abstract notion, but included a wide-range of activities associated with the urban entertainment culture, such as drinking, smoking, geisha entertainment, musical halls, the theater, and movies. Sin was also explained in concrete, everyday ethical terms as a lack of filial piety, the squandering of money, pride, quick temper, and jealousy. Since the Bible clearly contained the promise of divine healing, believers were exhorted not to make half-hearted prayers, such as “Please heal me if it is according to your will.” Rather, one was to pray simply and directly, “Please heal me,” and rely solely on God without taking any medication. This strict teaching and the rejection of modern medicine was criticized both by the the general population and by most other Christian churches. Even though it presented a challenge to the idea of divine healing, Holiness publications contained many reports and personal accounts by believers who had lost family members or children despite their prayers. Although no theological explanations were provided, these stories of personal suffering and unanswered prayers invoked feelings of sympathy from many people struggling with the difficulties of urban life and provided healing in a wider sense (Ikegami 2000).

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The Development of the Holiness Movement Although the Japanese Christian church as a whole has tended to draw its membership from the more educated classes, the Holiness movement was largely composed of people such as railway employees, telegraph workers, nurses, and miners, who had moved from the rural areas to seek employment in urban centers. In addition, there were those who had left rural areas to work in the cities as servants, craftsmen, in factories or as lower-level bureaucrats. While most established churches’ recruited members through English-language teaching and mission schools, most of those who joined the Holiness movement sought out the church on their own initiative after being evangelized by co-workers on the job or through street and tent meetings (see Yamamori 1974, chap. 5). Some features of the Holiness movement—the inward ethical thrust related to sanctification, the importance placed on experiencing the Holy Spirit, and the practical benefits seen in divine healing—made it similar to the New Religions, occult groups, and self-cultivation movements (shÿØ undØ) that were popular during this period. When the Holiness Church was formally established in 1917, it had a membership of about 1,500. By 1932, the membership had grown to almost 20,000. Compared to mainstream Christianity in Japan, this was an exceptional growth rate and undoubtedly related to the characteristics it shared with folk religion. In 1919 and 1930, the Holiness Church experienced revivals on a grand scale, which have been referred to as the “TaishØ Era Revival” and the “ShØwa Era Revival” respectively. The TaishØ Revival strengthened the unity of the movement and lead to an increase in the number of believers. The ShØwa Revival, however, placed a strong emphasis on the doctrine of the Second Coming of Christ, which strengthened the faith of the believers in the short term, but eventually became a cause of schism. It was during this time of growing militarism that the charismatic Holiness leader, Nakada J¨ji, began to promote the view that the people of Japan—like the Jewish people—were specially chosen by God. Nakada’s nationalistic interpretation of the Bible was fostered by the revival, but it led to serious doctrinal conflict between Holiness leaders in 1933. Differences could not be resolved and the denomination split in 1936. The Holiness Church faced even greater trials in 1942. The authorities arrested many Holiness clergy and forced their churches to disband on the grounds that they had violated the Public Order Maintenance Law (Chian iji hØ). The unhappy events which followed the ShØwa revival are one of the reasons why the Holiness group which re-emerged in the postwar


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years has responded with caution to extreme expressions of the Holy Spirit movement and belief in the Second Coming (Yamazaki 1990). The Japan Evangelistic Band, which had been established by Barclay Buxton and A. Paget Wilkes, had intimate ties to the Holiness Church and gave birth to a unique charismatic leader by the name of Tsuge Fujito. Although Tsuge maintained a deep respect for his beloved teacher Buxton throughout his life, he left the Japan Evangelistic Band in 1916 and established an independent work called the Christ Evangelistic Band in Tokyo’s Shimo-ochiai district. Tsuge himself recounts that when he received the baptism of the Holy Spirit he experienced a holy laughter that arose from the depth of his being. It was through this baptism, he claimed, that he had been empowered to perform divine healing. Large crowds gathered at the meetings he held in different areas throughout Japan, but also in Manchuria and Taiwan. He was known for his passionate prayer, which is said to have ignited the 1919 Holiness Church revival. Tsuge died suddenly in 1927, but by then he had created his own group known as the “Living Water Flock” (Kassui no mure), which had some thirty branches across the country. A schism at his death lead to a decline, but the group continues today as the Living Water Church (Kassui Kirisuto KyØdan), albeit without those features that once identified it as part of the Holy Spirit movement (Tsuge 1927; Tezuka 1989, 45–55). The Early Pentecostal Movement Denominations directly linked to the Pentecostal denominations were only fully established in Japan after World War II. The evangelistic work of Pentecostal missionaries, however, can be traced back to the beginning of the twentieth century and must be understood as a significant part of the early Holy Spirit movement in Japan. For example, the Japan Assemblies of God was only officially established in 1949, but its origins go back to the missionary work of Carl Juergensen and his colleagues J. Wengler and A. Monroe. They emphasized the importance of the Pentecostal experience of Spirit baptism and were responsible for the conversion of Yumiyama Kiyoma and other Japanese Christians who were to be important leaders in the Japan Assemblies of God during the postwar period. They also established the Pentecostal Church, later renamed the Japan Bible Church, with churches and evangelistic centers throughout Japan. The practice of speaking in tongues was emphasized in house church meetings. For example, one account of a gathering in KØfu in 1933 relates how a

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man who had come to a service with the intention of disrupting the program was instead overcome by the Holy Spirit and began to speak in tongues. Within moments everyone in attendance was overcome—as though “drunk with the Holy Spirit”—and the congregation was in an uproar. The event became so boisterous that a police officer even arrived on the scene (Nihon Assemblies of God Kyodan 1999, 74–76). These early missionaries arrived in Japan full of zeal and enthusiasm for worldwide missionary activity as a result of their participation in the young Pentecostal movement that had just arisen in America. Juergensen, for example, had become involved with this movement after emigrating to the United States at the age of thirty. Born in a village on the border of Germany and Denmark, he began his Christian life in the Lutheran Church. It was only after settling in Cleveland, Ohio, that he joined the Pentecostal movement. Through the illness of his sister he came to believe in divine healing and experienced a call from God to go as a missionary to the unfamiliar world of Japan. When he arrived in Japan in 1913, the Pentecostal movement in the United States was not yet an established denomination; in fact, those who had experienced spirit baptism and speaking in tongues faced harsh criticism from the established churches. The early activities of the Pentecostal movement in Japan are not well known and, for the most part, have not been the focus of sustained academic research.3 The HonØ no shita, however, does indicate that in 1907 fourteen missionaries of the HØgen (Tongues) Sect had begun activities with Tokyo as their home base. In 1908, furthermore, a missionary by the name of Ryan was apparently leading a similar movement in Kanda NishikichØ. The term hØgen, which literally means “dialect,” was used to refer to tongues at the time. Since these missionaries emphasized that speaking in tongues was the proof that one had been baptized in the Holy Spirit, they were called the HØgen Sect by outsiders. The early Pentecostal movement in the United States was hardly unified in its theology. Some viewed spirit baptism (confirmed by the evidence of tongues) as the third work of grace which followed sanctification. Others held that sanctification was a gradual process and that spirit baptism accompanied by speaking in tongues was the second work of grace. In either case, these theological views implied a denial of “complete sanctification,” which made the Pentecostal movement a target for particular censure from Holiness groups. This theological conflict was brought directly into Japan. From the very beginning, the HØgen Sect was subject to relentless criticism from those associated with the “sanctification (Holiness) groups” led by Nakada J¨ji.


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The conflict that continues even today between Evangelicals and Pentecostals can be traced to this earlier period. In spite of this, evangelists from the Holiness churches often ministered in early Pentecostal churches and tent meetings. Individuals like Murai Jun, who founded the Spirit of Jesus Church (Iesu no Mitama KyØkai) in 1941, came under their influence. It is therefore apparent that there was a intermingling of Pentecostal and Holiness currents within the early Holy Spirit movement in Japan. The Denominational and Regional Fringes In post-World War II Japan, most of the features associated with the Holy Spirit Movement were regarded as heretical and largely relegated to a minority of fringe denominations. The Seventh-Day Adventists (Japan Union Conference of Seventh-Day Adventists), for example, have consistently emphasized the practice of divine healing, along with strict prohibition of alcohol and tobacco. Indigenous Christian movements, such as the Spirit of Jesus Church and the Original Gospel Movement (Genshi Fukuin) also clearly maintained the Pentecostal characteristics of the early Holy Spirit movement. Although these groups are often regarded as heretical sects by the mainstream denominations, they deserve our attention. The Spirit of Jesus Church, established by Murai Jun in 1941, is known for its practice of speaking in tongues during worship services, its lively handclapping praise services, and the enthusiastic practice of divine healing. This denomination also claims that its very name was received by the founder’s wife Suwa in a direct revelation from God. Like other Holiness and Pentecostal Churches, the Spirit of Jesus Church holds to a premillenial eschatology, including the rapture of believers, and maintains a fundamentalist denial of traditional Japanese folk religion as idolatry. However, Murai’s rejection of trinitarianism sets this church apart as “heretical.” There is some evidence to suggest that Murai’s unitarian tendencies were shaped by his encounters with a Pentecostal church in Taiwan. There may also be a historical connection with the “Oneness Controversy” that split the early American Pentecostal movement and resulted in the formation of the Pentecostal Assemblies of the World (later the United Pentecostal Church). Although the Spirit of Jesus Church condemns the traditional practice of ancestor veneration as idolatry, Japanese ancestral concerns are addressed through the ritual of baptism for the dead (I Cor. 15: 29). This indigenous adaptation is one feature that sets the Spirit of Jesus Church apart from those churches associated with Western Pentecostalism (Mullins 1998, 97–104).

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Another indigenous development that can be seen as a part of the Holy Spirit movement in Japan is known as the Original Gospel Movement, a group founded by Teshima IkurØ in 1948, after he left the Nonchurch movement. In Original Gospel services one will find that the walls are often decorated with banners that exhort participants to “return to the house of Pentecost.” Meetings try to recreate the heightened state of emotion created by the descent of the Holy Spirit. At a typical service Bible lectures will be followed by a time of impassioned prayer during which believers will call out on the name of the Lord and pray in tongues, while leaders lay hands on those who are ill and pray for divine healing. In addition to such Pentecostal features, this group is also known for its pro-Israel or Zionist stance and its view that the people of Japan are also a chosen people. Traditional Japanese religious practices, such as hiwatari (walking across a bed of hot coals) and Shinto-style hand-clapping, are freely incorporated into spiritual training events and services. Furthermore, the works of Japanese Buddhist masters or saints, such as K¨kai and HØnen, are treasured and Japanese mythological works, such as the Kojiki, are regarded as sacred texts on the level of the Old and New Testaments. In recent years, Original Gospel members have become active participants in the neo-nationalistic movement that has launched harsh criticism of post-war history education as being too self-abasing and failing to give young Japanese people a proper appreciation of their heritage. The ease with which this group has aligned itself with recent nationalistic developments is one reason for mainstream Christian unease with the Holy Spirit movement as a whole. The marginal nature of the Holy Spirit movement in the world of Japanese Christianity has also been reflected in its regional distribution. During the rise of the movement in the late twentieth century, it was in Okinawa, at Japan’s extreme south, that it first made significant progress. The Seventh-Day Adventists began to penetrate this area in the 1950s, and during the next decade the Spirit of Jesus Church increased its activities and became the focus of scholarly attention (Anzai 1984, 95–132). Since the 1980s, however, it has been the home-grown independent Okinawa Christ Evangelical Center that has taken the lead in Okinawa, displaying features which were to characterize the later resurgence of the movement in Japan as a whole. This church was established in 1978 by Nakahara Masao (1948–), himself a native of Okinawa. Nakahara had been trained as a medical technician and, although active as a lay Christian, was without theological training. Nevertheless, during an illness he experienced direct communication from God and felt called to establish an independent Christian group. Professing faith in evangelical


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Christianity, he condemned glossolalia as the work of evil spirits, but accepted the gift of prophecy and healing through exorcism. As a result, the Evangelical Center baptized over 1,500 followers in the first decade of its existence. It is important to remember that shamanistic beliefs and practices are still strong in Okinawa, represented primarily by women known as yuta or kaminchu. Although the Gospel Center has strongly opposed traditional shamanism as nothing more than idol worship, their religious worldviews have much in common. In fact, Nakahara was initially called a “yuta-like pastor” and other churches considered his movement to be on the border between orthodoxy and heresy (Ikegami 1991; 1993). In the 1990s, the Holy Spirit movement picked up speed in its advance into Christian circles on Okinawa. By the end of the decade over one-third of the Protestant churches in the prefecture had been influenced in one way or other. The practice of healing, for example, has become a part of many churches. Likewise, such practices as speaking in tongues and exorcism find a high level of acceptance in Okinawa in comparison with churches in other prefectures. One reason for this situation may be the shamanistic tradition referred to above, which is also a factor in the prominent role of women pastors in Okinawa. Also of significance are the social patterns of Christianity in Okinawa, such as the strong local relationships and networks between pastors and believers, and the relatively weak denominational barriers. On the one hand, it could be said that the marginal character of the Holy Spirit movement invites estrangement and the danger of oppression from the social establishment. On the other hand, however, the movement represents new possibilities for spiritual reformation (Ikegami 1998). The Modern Holy Spirit Movement In the postwar period, the main Holiness and Pentecostal churches have been a restraining influence on the development of the Holy Spirit movement in Japan. Whenever topics such as divine healing or experiences of the Holy Spirit are dealt with, these churches have been very concerned to consider them in the light of Biblical teaching. In 1968, a number of the conservative evangelical denominations that had withdrawn from the United Church of Christ in Japan (KyØdan) at the end of the war established the Japan Evangelical Association (JEA). The “charismatic clause” of this association excluded Pentecostal and Holy Spirit groups. The Pentecostal Japan Assemblies of God, for example, was initially denied membership in this association. It was only

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after articulating an evangelical viewpoint on the Bible and the work of the Holy Spirit that they were admitted some two decades later. In spite of this compromise, public statements and theological publications indicate that many of the member denominations of JEA maintain a critical stance and still hold deep-rooted concerns regarding the Holy Spirit movement. The rise of the modern Holy Spirit movement in Japan, as noted in the introduction, was stimulated first by the worldwide growth of interest in the work and experience of the Holy Spirit, and second by the weakening of evangelical hostility to Pentecostalism. A number of other factors related to this global expansion include the “third wave of the Holy Spirit,” a movement that occurred in the United States, the “Signs and Wonders” course offered at the Fuller Theological Seminary, which stresses the work of the Holy Spirit and “Power Evangelism,” and the impact of Pastor Cho Yongi, the charismatic founder of Yoido Full Gospel Church in Seoul, Korea. This church is affiliated with the Assemblies of God denomination and today has a larger membership than any other Protestant church in the world. Since the 1990s, the international Holy Spirit network has had an increasing influence in Japan. Well-known pastors and evangelists are invited from overseas on a regular basis to hold crusades and special meetings, which attract thousands of participants. There are plans for inviting successful charismatic evangelists from Africa and Latin America and for introducing the large scale revival meetings that began in such places as Toronto, Canada, and Pensacola, Florida. Participants in these services receive the anointing of the Holy Spirit and fall to the floor one after the other. Repentance is usually accompanied with tears, which is often followed by a phenomena widely referred to as “holy laughter.” Exorcisms and healings are also performed. “Miracle” stories reported overseas (for example, that the tooth cavities of participants have been filled with gold and silver) are also being reported in Japan. In connection with this international network, there has also been an effort to apply what is known as “Spiritual Warfare Tactics,” to break the power of the evil spirits that are understood to rule over Japan and to have hindered the establishment of Christianity. In fact, evangelists who are considered specialists in this area have been invited from overseas and taken to various sacred sites in Japan regarded as “strongholds of evil spirits” in order to offer prayers and make declarations to reclaim these areas from Satan and reestablish the dominion of the Lord. Famous temples, shrines (including Ise), sacred mountains, and even the Imperial Palace in Tokyo, have been treated in this way.


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As a result of these activities there have recently been strong calls for the church groups involved to unite through the Holy Spirit. In 1998, ten Pentecostal denominations and organizations established the Japan Pentecostal Council. In May 1999, a number of churches from the Nippon Revival Association and the Japan Assemblies of God co-sponsored the Pensacola Crusade in Tokyo. There have also been several special meetings at which evangelical and Holy Spirit groups have joined together and expressed their unity. In response, the United Church of Christ (UCC), a denomination that prides itself on being the center of the Protestant world in Japan, formed the “Charismatic Renewal Conference” (Seirei Sasshin KyØgikai) in January 1998, but it was only supported by one hundred people at the time and still remains a minority group. In 1972, the charismatic renewal movement also began to appear in the Roman Catholic Church in Japan. It was a rather lively movement initially, but subsequently has not grown significantly nor had such a great impact on the larger church. In various locations throughout Japan, however, there are priests and lay people who remain strong supporters. Their concerns have found expression in the organization of the National Service Committee for the Japan Catholic Charismatic Renewal, meetings for Holy Spirit gatherings in various local parishes, and in the newsletter Ikeru mizu (Living Water). However, the greater unity among groups within the Holy Spirit movement has also stimulated voices of opposition. In January 1998, for example, the Church of the Nazarene Japan District, a group that places emphasis on the doctrines of regeneration and sanctification, publicly declared that the “Pentecostal-charismatic movement or any public meetings with deep ties to this movement” were off-limits to their clergy and laity. This negative stance toward the Holy Spirit movement is still deeply rooted in many other evangelical denominations. For their part, the various churches and denominations affiliated with the National Christian Council of Japan (NCCJ)—an organization known for its ecumenism—have tended to assume an attitude of indifference rather than confrontation. For example, we noted above that a small group within the NCCJ-related United Church of Christ, had formed “the Charismatic Renewal Conference.” However, the two wings of the UCC— the shakaiha (social-actions wing) and kyØkaiha (church-centered wing)—have for the most part either ignored the movement or regarded it as a fringe cult phenomena. If the Holy Spirit movement continues to show signs of growth, it is reasonable to expect that opposition will become stronger in the years ahead. An important result of the deepening of international links, especially with Christians in Korea, China, Philippines, and Indonesia, is the growing ten-

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dency to step outside a narrow Japanese framework. In August 1997, for example, the Nippon Revival Association published a “War Responsibility and Apology Statement.” This document not only condemned the prewar belief in the divinity of the Emperor as idolatry, but included a confession of sin and responsibility for many brutal acts and atrocities of the wartime period, such as the massacre of Koreans after the Great Kanto Earthquake, the Nanking Massacre, the vivisections performed by the Imperial Army’s Division 731, and the exploitation of “comfort women” to service the Japanese troops. This public confession was set in motion when the charismatic Korean evangelist Cho Yongi suggested that “the failure to repent of the idolatry and sins committed during World War II is hindering the revival in Japan.” Since this statement was issued, a major theme at many of the meetings of the Holy Spirit movement has been the need to apologize and seek reconciliation with the other nations of Asia. In sharp contrast to the nationalistic tendencies apparent in the Original Gospel movement noted above, the main current within the larger Holy Spirit movement in Japan focuses on “the reconciliation of nations and solidarity in the Holy Spirit.” This trend should remove the popular image of revivalism and Holy Spirit groups in their wild enthusiam as easily given towards nationalism. It is clear that despite the efforts and zeal of many leaders in the Holy Spirit movement, the revival that was anticipated within Japanese society at the end of the twentieth century did not in fact materialize. Some observers have suggested that it may be that the movement depended too much on charismatic leaders from outside of Japan. Others fear that if large-scale revivals and evangelistic crusades continue to result in only mediocre results, many believers will begin to lose their energy and motivation. While these concerns cannnot be denied, the Holy Spirit movement shows no signs of subsiding and it will be interesting to observe what creative role and influence it will have on the Christian world in Japan during the twenty-first century.

NOTES *Translated by David Hymes, Central Bible College, Tokyo. 1 The original English is from Uchimura’s “How I Became a Christian,”The Complete Works of KanzØ Uchimura, with notes and comments by Taijiro Yamamoto, Yoichi Muto, vol. 1 (Tokyo: KyØbunkwan, 1973), 93. 2 In some ways this can be regarded as the qualifying examination of a religious initiation. It resembles the initiation rites of shamans in many parts of the world,


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which often conclude when the initiate receives the name of a special guardian spirit or is taught a secret ritual. The terms holiness and sanctification were eventually subsumed in the expression seika, which is clearly a direct translation of the latter, but in the earlier period the Japanese term kiyome was normally used. Historically, this term was associated with the warrior virtues of loyalty to a master and the purity which results from lack of attachment to this world. It also had close connections with the ascetic training practices of the Sangaku BukkyØ tradition as well as the concern of Japanese folk religion to remove pollution as expressed by such rituals as misogi and harai. 3 Only recently has early Pentecostalism in Japan become the focus of serious research (see, for example, Suzuki 2001 and Shew 2003, 2003).

BIBLIOGRAPHY Anzai Shin. NantØ ni okeru KirisutokyØ no juyo [The acceptance of Christianity in the southern islands]). Tokyo: Daiichi shobo, 1984. ______. “Iesu no Mitama KyØkai: Okinawa dendØ no shosØ” [The Spirit of Jesus Church: Aspects of evangelism in Okinawa], in Wakimoto Tsuneya, ed. Sh¨kyØ to rekishi [Religion and History], Tokyo: Yamamoto Shoten, 1977. Burgess, Stanley M., et al. “The Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements.” In Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. McGee, ed. Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements. Grand Rapids: Regency Reference Library, 1988. Ikegami Yoshimasa. Akurei to seirei no butai: Okinawa no minsh¨ KirisutokyØ ni miru ky¨sai sekai [A stage for demons and the Holy Spirit: The world of salvation as seen in popular Okinawan Christianity]. Tokyo: DØbutsusha, 1991. ______. “Okinawan Shamanism and Charismatic Christianity.” Japan Christian Review 59, 1993. ______. “The Contextualization of Japanese Christianity as a Folk/Popular Religion: With Reference to the ‘Holy Spirit Movement’ in Okinawa.” Acta Asiatica 75, 1998. ______. “Kindai Nihon no KirisutokyØ ni okeru shoki Seireiha ni tsuite” [The early Holiness movement in modern Japanese Christianity]. Studies in Philosophy, Tsukuba University, 1999. ______. “Kindai Nihon no shoki KirisutokyØ Seireiha ni okeru iyashi no shinkØ [Faith-healing in the early Holiness movement in modern Japan]. Bunka, Komazawa University, 2000. Isshiki Aki. “Kindai Nihon shakai to ribaibarizumu” [Modern Japanese society and revivalism]. KirisutokyØ Shigaku 49, 1995. Merwin, John Jennings. “The Oriental Missionary Society Holiness Church in Japan, 1901–1983.” Pasedena: Doctor of Missiology Thesis, School of World Mission, Fuller Theological Seminary, 1983.

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Miyakoda TsunetarØ. Buxton to sono deshitachi [Buxton and his disciples]. Tokyo Buxton Kinen Seikai, 1968. Morioka Kiyomi. Nihon no kindai shakai to KirisutokyØ [Japan’s modern society and Christianity]. Tokyo: HyØronsha, 1970. Mullins, Mark R. “The Empire Strikes Back: Korean Pentecostal Mission to Japan.” In Karla Poewe, ed. Charismatic Christianity as a Global Culture. University of South Carolina Press, 1994. ______. Christianity Made in Japan: A Study of Indigenous Movements. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1998. Nagasawa, Makiko. “Makuya Pentecostalism: A Survey.” Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 3/2, 2000. (http://www.apts.edu/ajps/) Nihon Assemblies of God KyØdan. Mikotoba ni tachi mitama ni michibikarete [Standing on scripture and led by the Holy Spirit]. Tokyo: Nihon Assemblies of God, 1999. Shew, Paul Tsuchido. “A Forgotten History: Correcting the Historical Record of the Roots of Pentecostalism in Japan.” Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies, forthcoming. ______. “History of Early Pentecostal Movement in Japan: The Roots and Development of the Pre-War Pentecostal Movement in Japan (1907-1945).” Ph.D. dissertation. Fuller Theological Seminary School of Theology, 2003. Suzuki, Masakazu. “A New Look at the Pre-war History of the Japan Assemblies of God.” Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 4/2, 2001. (http: //www. apts.edu/ajps/) Tezuka Masaaki. KirisutokyØ no daisan no nami: Zoku [The third wave of Christianity: Second series]. Tokyo: Kirisuto Shinbunsha, 1989. Tsuge Fujito. Pentecosute no zengo [Before and After Pentecost: The Autobiography of Rev. Fujito Tsuge]. KØbe: Kirisuto DendØkai, Reprint edition, 1976 (1927). Ribaibaru Shinbun [The Revival Times]. “Pentekoste karisumaha no seichØ” [The growth of Pentecostals and Charismatics], 97 (October 11), 1998. Yamamori Tetsunao. Church Growth in Japan: A Study in the Development of Eight Denominations, 1859–1939. South Pasadena, California: William Carey Library, 1971. Yamazaki Washio and Chiyozaki Hideo. Nihon Holinesu kyØdanshi [The history of the Japan Holiness Church]. Tokyo: Nihon Holiness KyØdan Shuppanbu, 1970. Yamazaki Washio. Senjika Holinesu no junan [The suffering of the Holiness Church during World War II]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1990. Yoneda Isamu. Nakada J¨ji den [A biography of Nakada J¨ji]. Tokyo: Fukuin SenkyØkai, 1979. Yoshiyama Hiroshi, ed. Mitama ni michibikarete: SØritsu sanj¨nenshi [Led by the Holy Spirit: A history of the first thirty years]. Tokyo: Japan Assemblies of God, 1979.

INDIGENOUS CHRISTIAN MOVEMENTS Mark R. MULLINS

Christianity in contemporary Japan consists of diverse subcultures. It includes the many church traditions transplanted by foreign missionaries, numerous indigenous movments (churches or sects organizationally independent from the mission churches), as well as the personal belief systems of Japanese influenced by Christianity but unaffiliated with any of its organizational forms. This chapter briefly introduces the independent Christian movements founded by charismatic Japanese leaders who rejected the missionary carriers and their denominational traditions.1 Wherever Western Christianity has been transplanted there have been those who have accepted what they regard as the “universal” significance of Jesus but have chosen, nevertheless, to develop their newfound faith outside of the mission churches. While at times the “Westernness” of Christianity has contributed to its appeal among Japanese, for the most part it has been viewed as a problem. Many early Japanese converts felt that Christianity was unnecessarily bound to Western organizational forms, denominational politics, and missionary control. Nativistic reactions to the Protestant mission churches have given birth to a number of alternative interpretations and expressions of the Christian tradition. While self-government, self-support, and self-propagation have often been regarded as the minimum requirements for an independent movement and indigenous church, indigenization involves much more than mere organizational independence. It also refers to the process whereby foreign-born religions are transformed through contact with native religion and culture. This transformation may involve new organizational forms, new styles of leadership, and adaptations in beliefs, rituals, and liturgies. As may be seen in Table 1, a number of indigenous groups have been organized over the past century. The current membership of these groups varies widely, ranging from several hundred to over twenty thousand. Together, therefore, they constitute a significant development of the Christian tradition in Japan. Japanese scholars refer to many of these movements as Christianrelated New Religions, and several such groups were included in a massive

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reference work on New Religions (Inoue 1990). For the most part, scholarship within Christian circles has largely ignored the “unauthorized religious production” represented by these independent movements, though the Christian Yearbook usually provides a brief paragraph on each movement. INDIGENOUS MOVEMENTS

FOUNDER

YEAR ORGANIZED

Nonchurch Movement

Uchimura KanzØ

1901

The Way

Matsumura Kaiseki

1907

Christ Heart Church

Kawai Shinsui

1927

Glorious Gospel Christian Church

Sugita KØtarØ

1936

Living Christ One Ear of Wheat Church

Matsubara Kazuhito

1939

Christian Canaan Church

Taniguchi Toku

1940

Japan Ecclesia of Christ

Koike Tatsuo

1940

Spirit of Jesus Church

Murai Jun

1941

Holy Ecclesia of Jesus

÷tsuki Takeji

1946

Sanctifying Christ Church

Konmoto Kaoru

1948

Original Gospel (Tabernacle)

Teshima IkurØ

1948

Life-Giving Christ

Imahashi Atsushi

1966

Okinawa Christian Gospel

Nakahara Masao

1977

TABLE 1. Indigenous Movements in Japan

In approaching the study of Christianity in Japan, it is important to recognize that in some respects it is a “New Religion” in this context and cannot be viewed as an established religion, as in many Western countries. In referring to Christianity as a New Religion, I am not simply drawing attention to the fact that it is a foreign-born tradition that only arrived in Japan relatively

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recently. Rather, “newness” is related primarily to the fact that the indigenous Christian movements broke away from the mission churches and share many features not only with other Japanese New Religions but also with the early Christian movement. The prominent role of charismatic leaders and the manifestation of various charismatic phenomena are important features of indigenous Christian movements that distinguish them from most transplanted mission churches. One cannot explain the break with the mission churches nor account for the various innovations in Christian belief, practice, and social organization apart from these charismatic founders. In this sense, therefore, it is necessary to analyze these Christian-related movements as New Religions in the Japanese context. The Social Background of Indigenous Movements The development of numerous indigenous and independent expressions of Christianity represents a nuanced response to the missionary initiatives: an acceptance of Christianity, but a rejection of the missionary carriers. For the most part, these movements began by breaking away from the Protestant mission churches rather than from the Roman Catholic or Russian Orthodox traditions. This poses some interesting questions for Protestant missionary theology and practice. What is it about the Protestant approach to Christianity that these Japanese Christians were unwilling to accept? Although the Japanese founders of indigenous Christian traditions were indebted to the Protestant missionary movement in many respects, tensions and conflicts emerged over time as a result of fundamental differences in their understanding of the relationship between the Gospel and Japanese culture. “Christ against culture,” to borrow H. Richard Niebuhr’s familiar expression, was the perspective that shaped the attitudes of most missionaries. This was true for the earliest pioneer missionaries of the late nineteenth century as well as for the wave of evangelical Protestant missionaries that arrived in Japan during the postwar period. Most came with a great zeal for evangelizing Japan, but their theological training had provided them with very few resources for understanding other cultures and religious traditions. Without denying that Protestant missionaries have also been “transformers of culture” through their activities in the fields of education (particularly for women) and social welfare, the fact remains that their understanding of the relationship between the Gospel and Japanese culture has been fundamentally negative. Missionary theology and practice have tended to emphasize a total

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discontinuity between the Christian faith and Japanese religious traditions and practices. Indigenous traditions needed to be “displaced” or removed to make room for the Gospel and authentic Christian faith.While there were certainly some exceptions to this perspective, the dominant missionary model viewed Christianity as antithetical to Japanese religious culture. Although the missionaries were capable of distinguishing the Christian faith from Japanese culture, they often lacked such critical reflection when it came to their own cultures. It has been noted in many different contexts that foreign missionaries often fail to distinguish their national culture from the religious faith they seek to transplant. Many Protestant missionaries operated as though their transplanted churches and traditions were the normative expression of the Judeo-Christian Scriptures. Transplanted missionary cultures, which included creeds, confessions, polity, and the missionary way of doing things, were the authentic expression of Christian faith. There was an initial attempt to establish a nondenominational church in Yokohama, but it was a short-lived experiment. As the number of missionaries and denominations increased each felt it must recreate its own denominational tradition on Japanese soil. Hence Presbyterians felt that an authentic church in Japan must adopt the Westminster Confession and organize churches with elders, sessions, presbyteries, and synods. Methodists, of course, needed a Bishop. Baptists and Congregationalists, on the other hand, wanted no authority above the local church, pastor, or missionary. Despite the fact that these various traditions and interpretations of Christianity had developed in very different cultural-national-political contexts over many centuries, missionaries assumed that their tradition was the “authentic” or “normative” one. The “plurality of cultures” within the Protestant missionary movement was not overlooked by the native Christians. Uchimura KanzØ expressed his pessimism regarding the prospects of transplanted Western Christianity as early as 1886 with the following words: Which of the nineteen different Christian denominations which are now engaged in evangelizing Japan is to gain the strongest foothold there? In our view—and let us express this view with the most hearty sympathy toward the earnest endeavors of the missionaries of all the denominations—none of them. One reason is that mere transplanting of anything exotic is never known on Japanese soil. Be it a political, scientific, or social matter, before it can be acclimatized in Japan, it must pass through great modifications in the hands of the Japanese.2

Early on in missionary circles there were certainly discussions on developing indigenous churches, but this was understood primarily in terms of the


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“three selfs”: self-support, self-control, and self-propagation. The idea that Japanese Christians might have their own insights and ways of organizing and practicing the faith was generally not entertained. Transmission of the missionary culture—without corruption or addition—was the primary concern. It is not surprising that Japanese found this displacement theology rather abrasive and hard to swallow. In a culture that had found a place for Buddhist, Shinto, and various folk beliefs and practices, the stress by Christian missionaries on exclusive belief and practice required too great a reorientation. Even many Japanese who made a commitment to the Christian faith continued to struggle with lingering doubts about the “absoluteness” of missionary versions of Christianity. After Japanese converts were introduced to the Scriptures and went on to serious theological studies, many realized that it was possible to distinguish the Christian faith and biblical tradition from the theology, church polity, and cultural values of the American and European missionaries. As native leaders gained a more critical understanding of the Christian tradition and saw the significant differences between the mission churches, they began to assert themselves more confidently as equals of their missionary teachers. The fact that numerous denominations were competing for converts on Japanese soil (each with its own doctrinal peculiarities and forms of government) indicated to many leaders that there might be room for Japanese interpretations and cultural expressions of Christianity. For the founders of independent Christian movements, the transplanted missionary traditions, though a valuable resource to draw upon, were hardly the absolute truth. As the Japanese struggled to make sense of the Christian faith for themselves, they found it necessary to criticize missionary versions of Christianity on a number of grounds. Many Japanese leaders sought to distinguish between the religion of Jesus recorded in the Scriptures and the interpretation and cultural expression of Christianity that had been transplanted by mission churches. A recurring phrase in the Japanese Christian literature is that transplanted Christianity is batå-kusai (literally, “reeking of butter”). In other words, Japanese recognized that missionaries were bringing too much unnecessary (and “smelly”) cultural baggage with them as they sought to transmit the Gospel. This was essentially a critique of the missionary imposition of Western denominational forms. Writing in 1926, Uchimura KanzØ reflected on his struggle with missionaries over this issue: I am blamed by missionaries for upholding Japanese Christianity. They say that Christianity is a universal religion, and to uphold Japanese Christianity is to make a universal religion a national religion. Very true. But do not these very missionaries uphold sectional or denominational forms of Christianity which

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are not very different from national Christianity? Is not Episcopalianism essentially an English Christianity, Presbyterianism a Scotch Christianity, Lutheranism a German Christianity, and so forth? Why, for instance, call a universal religion “Cumberland Presbyterianism”? If it is not wrong to apply the name of a district in the state of Kentucky to Christianity, why is it wrong for me to apply the name of my country to the same? I think I have as much right to call my Christianity Japanese as thousands of Christians in the Cumberland Valley have the right to call their Christianity by the name of the valley they live in.3

Uchimura’s observations effectively relativized the absolutist claims of many mission churches and cleared the way for other Japanese to move ahead with the creation of Japanese cultural expressions of this universal faith. Another common criticism of the mission churches had to do with their doctrinal rigidity and intellectualism and their failure to give adequate attention to the experiential dimension of faith. Dissatisfaction with this overly cerebral version of Christianity appears in the writings of all the founders of indigenous movements. Some refer to it disparagingly as “conceptual Christianity,” while others suggest it is a lifeless, hardened, or frozen form of Christianity. This hardened doctrinal understanding of Christianity, these critics maintained, prevented missionaries from seeing the experiential dimension of faith so central to the New Testament as well as the truth and goodness outside of their narrow denominational traditions. While these theological differences were the source of considerable conflict, what the Japanese leaders found most unbearable was the condescending attitude of missionaries. An incident recorded in the biography of Matsumura Kaiseki (1859–1939), an early convert of Dutch Reformed missionary James Ballagh and a member of the Yokohama Band, illustrates the tensions that existed between missionary teachers and their students. Matsumura, who had returned to Ballagh’s school to assist with the teaching and supervision of students, recalls that on one occasion he explained to Ballagh that all of their missionary teaching and preaching would be of no avail if they continued to treat Japanese as no more than cooks or helper boys. Coming to her husband’s defense, Mrs. Ballagh accused Matsumura of being possessed by the devil. He was promptly dismissed from his school responsibilities. After a varied career as a pastor, newspaper editor, and teacher, he eventually went on to organize an independent church, The Way.4 The founder of Christ Heart Church, Kawai Shinsui, who also began his Christian training and ministry at a mission-related theological institution, departed because of conflict with the missionaries, and eventually went on to


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establish an independent church.5 Following theological studies at TØhoku Gakuin College, an institution in Sendai related to the German Reformed Church, Kawai was assigned to a struggling mission church in the town of Tsuruoka in Yamagata Prefecture in 1901. Upon receiving word that his father was extremely ill, he left Tsuruoka to check on his condition without prior permission from the mission office in Sendai. His father’s illness was so serious that he had his wife stay and care for him and requested a new assignment nearer his father’s home. The mission board responded that it could neither give him another assignment nor approve of husband and wife living separately. Kawai, concluding that the missionary leadership was unreasonable and that his Christian conscience demanded he fulfill his filial duties, terminated his association with the mission. Following a brief term as editor of the Hakodate Daily Newspaper and several years as principal of KyØai Girls’ School in Maebashi City, Gumma Prefecture, Kawai was appointed as head of the education department of the Gunze Silk Manufacturing Company in 1909. In 1927 Kawai established the independent Christ Heart Church within the grounds of Gunze. The development of indigenous Christian movements was not merely the result of personality conflicts and power struggles with foreign missionaries. These disagreements, we must remember, did not occur in a placid environment. By the late Meiji period the social climate, following an earlier phase of worshipping everything Occidental, had become decidedly anti-Western and nationalistic. In his study of attitudes toward modernization in Japan, Marius Jansen notes that “the responses of representative and leading Japanese were necessarily conditioned by the climate of opinion within which they moved.”6 This statement is equally valid with respect to Japanese Christian leaders active during this period. The establishment of State Shinto and the revival of Confucianism were thus accompanied by parallel developments among Japanese Christians. In the increasingly nationalistic environment the identification of Christianity with the West had become a stumbling block to propagation, and many leaders became convinced that “Japanization” or “de-Westernization” was the only way forward.7 Independent indigenous movements were the most obvious expression of this process. While nationalism and conflict with missionaries were important precipitating factors that clarify the timing of these movements, we must consider other factors to explain their content.

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The Enabling Factor: Imported and Native Elements In referring to indigenous Christian movements as New Religions, I do not intend to suggest that they were created ex nihilo. New religions do not appear out of thin air, as Byron Earhart points out, but draw on “vital elements of the religious heritage.”8 Consequently, we must give attention to this “enabling factor” in the development of New Religions. In the Japanese context, New Religions draw from a vast reservoir of beliefs and practices related to ancestors, the spirit world, Buddhism, Shinto, and Confucianism. Shimazono Susumu, one of the leading scholars of Japanese New Religions, identifies syncretic folk religion, lay associations of the Nichiren Buddhist tradition, and Confucianistic moral cultivation movements as the three primary sources that founders have drawn on in the development of new religious movements during the past two centuries.9 Similarly, although the charismatic founders of Christian movements may have unusual insights and creative insights, they do not start from scratch when organizing a new church or movement. Rather, they draw on the imported teachings, rituals, and organizational forms of the mission churches as well as on various indigenous religious traditions. Notwithstanding the popular myth of the homogeneous Japanese, it is necessary for us to recognize the cultural diversity of this receiving society in order to understand these new indigenous forms of Christianity. Religious diversity (folk religion, Shinto, Buddhist sects, Confucianism) and competing group loyalties (rival clans, social classes, and regions) provided the complex matrix for Japan’s encounter with Christianity. This is a significant point when we consider the reception, understanding, and reinterpretation of Christianity by indigenous movements in Japan. In our study of indigenization it is necessary to distinguish between the beliefs and practices of the various social strata that constitute the native culture to which Christianity has been forced to adapt. At the very least, we must distinguish between what might be called “elite religiosity” and “mass religiosity,” the former being associated with the educated ruling class of samurai (and their successors) and the latter with the “ruled” majority of Japanese. The Confucian ethos has certainly been a dominant element of the “elite” strata, while folk religion has provided the basic orientation for the masses. In terms of the movements under consideration in this chapter, those organized in the first three decades of this century largely represent an indigenous Christian expression of “elite religiosity,” while those organized since the 1940s have closer connections with the folk religious traditions.


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In spite of the fact that indigenous movements share a number of features in common, each represents a distinct Christian subculture and must be understood as such. The founders of Japanese movements have maintained that truth and goodness are found not only in the Bible and Christian tradition but also in the religions of Asia, and that new insights could be drawn from spiritual experience or additional revelation from God. The religious experiences of indigenous leaders and their unique combination of foreign and native elements have given rise to the development of new Christian traditions in Japan. According to most indigenous movements, religious truth is not limited by the standards of orthodoxy as defined by Western theology and ancient church councils. Their newly crafted theology interprets the Bible in the light of native culture without the authoritative guidance of the ecumenical creeds. As one might expect, most missionary interpreters of Christianity maintained that the “orthodox” faith was to be based solely on the Scriptures (as defined and understood by the missionary’s denominational tradition) and regarded religious experiences and additional sources of truth as unreliable or completely out of bounds. It is no easy task to unravel the various transplanted and indigenous elements that have been adapted and incorporated into Japanese Christian subcultures. The Judeo-Christian Scriptures add to the complexity of the situation, since many of the movements under consideration have attempted to recover “apostolic Christianity” by reading the Bible unmediated by church tradition and interpretation. This strategy is hardly new, and has been attempted repeatedly throughout the history of Christianity. The attempt to “return to the origins,” however, inevitably results in the creation of new cultural forms. It has certainly led the Japanese in many different directions. This should hardly surprise us since the New Testament canon itself has preserved a “pluralism” of Christian traditions. In a widely known study, James D. G. Dunn identifies Jewish Christianity, Hellenistic Christianity, Apocalyptic Christianity, and Early Catholicism as the primary traditions contained in the New Testament, noting: There was no single normative form of Christianity in the first century. When we ask about the Christianity of the NT we are not asking about any one entity; rather we encounter different types of Christianity, each of which viewed others as too extreme in one respect or other—too conservatively Jewish or too influenced by antinomian or gnostic thought and practice, too enthusiastic or tending towards too much institutionalization.10

The differences between the various indigenous movements are related in part to those strands or traditions of the New Testament that they emphasize

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or neglect. Just like churches in the West, indigenous movements invariably operate with a “canon within the canon.” The religious experiences of minor founders and their unique combination of exogenous and indigenous elements have provided the basis for new formulations of Christian beliefs and doctrine, new rituals and forms of religious practice, new forms of social organization, and in some cases an enlarged canon of sacred texts. Different streams of foreign influence (reformed theology, pentecostalism, dispensationalism, Unitarianism) have been mixed in unique ways with indigenous elements to produce these alternative Japanese Christian traditions. Minor Founders, Innovation, and Charismatic Authority As we have seen, the anti-Western social climate, growing nationalism, and dissatisfaction with Western missionaries were important precipitating factors in the development of indigenous Christian movements. However, they still do not provide a complete explanation of the birth of these movements. Like other Japanese New Religions, indigenous Christian movements represent much more than reactions to social crises and imported Christianity. The break with Western mission churches and the creation of viable alternative forms required strong charismatic leaders. How are we to understand the charismatic leaders who play such a key role in the development of indigenous movements? The charismatic leaders of indigenous Christian movements create something new, but in recognizable continuity with an existing religious tradition. Werner Stark suggested the category of “minor founder” to identify leaders who bring about innovations within a religious tradition.11 Although Stark’s focus was on the role of minor founders in the history of European or Western Christianity, this category seems equally relevant to understanding the development of Christianity in non-Western contexts. Minor founders in Japan departed from the religious traditions imported by foreign missionaries in significant ways, but at the same time passed the Christian heritage on to people in this new cultural context. Perhaps we could summarize by saying that a “minor founder” is a charismatic individual who gives birth to a new religious movement in an effort to address the needs of a new type of member, while at the same time conceiving of the movement as an extension, elaboration, or fulfillment of an existing religious tradition. From a sociological perspective, “charisma” and “charismatic authority” can only be understood in terms of the social relationship between leader and


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followers. An individual may claim to have had direct contact with God and to have received new revelations, but a movement will not be born unless the new message meets the needs and aspirations of a significant audience. The message must have some appeal, and potential followers must be convinced that the messenger has a special connection with the sacred. The break with existing tradition—in this case with imported mission churches—requires a powerful figure whose personhood authenticates the inevitable rupture. While founders vary in the degree to which they reject existing traditions and introduce new elements, at the very least they claim to have direct access to the sacred and an independent basis of religious authority. In Weberian terms, therefore, the appearance of minor founders in Japanese Christianity represents a shift from institutional “charisma” (i.e., the authority of the mission churches, creeds, clergy, and traditions) to the “personal charisma” of Japanese leaders. Thus the charismatic authority of minor founders is based not only on their charismatic personalities but also on the persuasiveness of their claims to direct contact with the sacred and, occasionally, to additional revelations. Kawai Shinsui, the founder of Christ Heart Church, for example, argued that direct religious experience—satori—is what is required for real confidence, unmoving faith, and authority in religious matters. In his lectures on the New Testament letter to the Galatians, Kawai finds parallels between Paul’s relationship with the church in Jerusalem and his own relationship with the mission churches. According to Kawai’s reading of Galatians, Paul taught that the core of the faith is direct experience of and relationship to God. Although Paul was criticized for not being a direct disciple of Jesus and had to face challenges to his authority, he maintained that his personal encounter with the living Christ on the road to Damascus legitimized his ministry. The legitimacy of Kawai’s own ministry—a ministry independent of the mission churches—was likewise grounded in profound religious experiences, in Kawai’s case gained through intense training in remote mountain areas. Kawai elaborates this experiential foundation in his autobiography as follows: “As Jehovah appeared to Moses in thunder on Mt. Sinai, and Christ called to Paul in lightning in the neighborhood of Damascus God renewed all things in me through sacred Mt. Fuji.”12 All of the other minor founders likewise emphasize the importance of direct encounter with God through the Scriptures or religious experience— that is, through ways unmediated by Western theology or tradition. In addition to religious experience, miraculous healings have been important support for religious authority with most founders in the early stages of these movements. During subsequent phases of the institutionalization process the

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charismatic authority of these minor founders is reconfirmed and routinized. In some cases the teachings and writings of the founder come to be viewed as of equal or similar authority to the Bible. Even if religious groups distinguish in principle between the canon (Bible) and the founder’s writings, in practice the latter tend to function with similar authority in the community. What distinguishes indigenous Christian movements from other New Religions is the fact that minor founders link their new insights to the existing religious tradition. This can take the form of “fulfillment” or “restorationist” explanations. In fulfillment explanations the teaching of these founders is understood as the additional truth Jesus promised his disciples (“when the Spirit comes he will guide you into all truth,” John 16:13). This new insight fulfills or even supersedes the understanding of Christianity found in the Western churches. In restorationist explanations Western churches are viewed as degenerate, and indigenous movements assert that they are only recovering or restoring important truths once held by the early church. No matter how severely these movements are assessed or criticized by mission churches or the dominant orthodoxy, in one form or another each regards itself as a continuation of the Christian religion or, at the very least, as a fuller expression of the teachings and intention of Jesus. The Reappearance of Charismatic Christianity All of the indigenous movements established in Japan had charismatic beginnings and emphasized direct religious experience. The break with the mission churches required the strong leadership of charismatic individuals who had self-authenticating religious insight and authority. Japanese Christianity, as Uchimura KanzØ put it, “is Christianity received by Japanese directly from God without any foreign intermediary; no more, no less.”13 For Uchimura this direct encounter with God came about through reading the Scriptures with one’s own eyes and heart. This required that one ignore the denominational traditions and creeds and “return to the original Scriptures.” Uchimura’s Sunday services became, therefore, Bible lectures that explored the original Greek and Hebrew. Without denying the importance of Uchimura’s movement in the development of Christianity in Japan, it must be recognized that the Nonchurch movement represents only one type of indigenous Christianity. Uchimura clearly served as an inspiration to many other Japanese Christians, but his interpretation of Christianity, and the Nonchurch movement itself, subsequently became the target of criticism because of their intellectual and


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Confucian orientation. In spite of Uchimura’s personal charisma, the Nonchurch movement has lacked the charismatic phenomena associated with Christianity in the New Testament and reemphasized by most indigenous movements in Japan. Perhaps it would be more accurate to say that charismatic expressions of Nonchurch Christianity have been forced to develop as separate movements (the Original Gospel and the Japan Ecclesia of Christ were founded by teachers who began as members of the Nonchurch movement). The traditional Protestant understanding of revelation has been that God spoke through the prophets, Jesus, and the apostles, and that this process of revelation ended with the canonization of the Old and New Testament Scriptures. Most Protestant denominations maintain that the charismatic gifts also ended with the early church, since their primary purpose was to confirm the truth of the Gospel for the first Christian communities. Indigenous movements, for the most part, maintain that God’s self-revelation did not end with the canon of the Christian Scriptures, and that God continues to reveal deeper truths to those who are open to the ongoing work of the Holy Spirit. While most of these movements operate with the closed canon, many share a common belief that God continues to reveal new truths hidden from or as yet ungrasped by Western churches. Although many Protestant missionaries interpreted commitment to Jesus Christ as requiring a rejection and devaluation of all other religious traditions, both Matsumura and Kawai argued that the scriptures of various Asian religions were likewise vehicles of revelation. Kawai pointed out repeatedly that Jesus came to “fulfill” rather than “destroy” what had come before him (Mt. 5:17). For Kawai this included not only the Old Testament but also the wisdom, ideals, and aspirations of the religious traditions of Asia. In fact, Kawai referred to these traditions and their writings as the “Old Testament for Japanese Christians.” Kawai claimed that saints like Buddha and Confucius, like Jesus Christ and the Old Testament prophets before him, were sent to their respective countries according to the grace and providence of God. Through the discipline of meditation he likewise realized that “the mind of Christ and the spirit of Confucius were indeed similar manifestations,” so much so that he revered Confucius “as a forerunner to Christ.” The reason why there is truth and goodness in these Asian traditions worthy of our study and inclusion, Kawai explains, is that both Buddha and Confucius had encountered the spirit of Christ.14 Prophecies, visions, and special messages from God have also been important for the Christian Canaan Church, the Holy Ecclesia of Jesus, and the Spirit of Jesus Church. In 1938, for example, the founder of the Holy Ecclesia

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of Jesus received special revelations regarding Israel and the Second Coming of Christ—revelations that have come to be central to the life and mission of this church today. Followers believe that the founder, Father ÷tsuki, continues to receive special guidance from God. Examples of continuing revelation also abound in the Spirit of Jesus Church. In 1941 the founder’s wife, Murai Suwa, received a direct revelation from God that the official name of the church was to be Iesu no Mitama KyØkai. The indigenous hymnbook used by this church is likewise based on revelatory experiences. Rei sanka (Spirit hymns) is a collection of 166 hymns all said to have been received from heaven by Tsuruhara Tama, a woman who was active in the early years of this church. The preface to this hymnbook states that no changes in the contents are permitted since the hymns were given in a direct revelation from God. While all of these movements recognize the validity of continuing revelation, only The Way and the Christ Heart Church have redefined the Christian canon according to their new understanding of the faith. As early as 1908, Matsumura Kaiseki stated that The Way would add to its canon of Scriptures as it deemed appropriate.15 In 1928, The Way published a selection of passages from the writings of the Neo-Confucian ÷ YØmei (Chin., Wang Yang-Ming) and others, with comments and explanations by Matsumura.16 All these materials were regarded as valuable for self-cultivation and spiritual development. As it turned out, Matsumura also considered it appropriate to eliminate portions of the traditional Christian canon. In 1928 Matsumura published his own edition of the Bible, which consisted of various selections from the New Testament.17 The influence of higher criticism is apparent in Matsumura’s selection. He includes passages from the synoptic gospels, but omits the Gospel of John as something that moves beyond the actual life and teachings of Jesus. He viewed the birth narratives in Matthew and Luke as later additions, so his selections begin with the appearance of John the Baptist and the baptism of Jesus. Matsumura also omits 2 John and 3 John, Jude, and the Book of Revelation. He writes that this last book contains prophetic materials and riddles, but not really anything worth serious study. The Christian canon was also modified by Christ Heart Church under the influence of Kawai Shinsui. As noted above, Kawai felt that many of the sacred writings of the East represented a form of “Old Testament” for the Japanese. Next to the Bible, for example, he recommended that his followers read the Analects of Confucius. Although Kawai expressed high regard for these other scriptures, he did not designate them officially as a part of the canon. Several of his own writings, however, have been designated as such and have a central place in the teaching and liturgy of the church today.


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The recovery of apostolic (i.e., charismatic) Christianity has been regarded as the primary aim of many indigenous movements. While the baptism of the Holy Spirit is regarded as indispensable by many of these movements, their interpretation of this experience tends to differ somewhat, following two basic patterns. The Glorious Gospel Christian Church, Living Christ One Ear of Wheat Church, the Sanctifying Christ Church, and the Holy Ecclesia of Jesus all resemble the Holiness tradition, emphasizing baptism by the Holy Spirit and the miraculous gift of healing. These groups do not regard speaking in tongues as a necessary “sign” of this baptism, nor do they regard tongues as significant for church life today. The Christian Canaan Church, Spirit of Jesus Church, Original Gospel movement, Life-Giving Christ, and Japan Ecclesia of Christ maintain that the signs, miracles of healing, exorcism, and tongues that accompanied the coming of the Holy Spirit in the New Testament (Acts 2, 5, 19) are still present and will be until the end of the church age. The Institutionalization of Charisma The charismatic features of these movements are important, but like other religious groups the institutionalization process has been unavoidable. Indigenous Christian movements have not only developed different theologies and styles of worship but also appropriated different models of social organization. Uchimura, for example, adopted the Confucian educational model based on a personal relationship between teacher and disciple as the most suitable approach for organization of the Nonchurch movement. This male-dominated Confucian model was largely adopted by a number of other movements, including The Way, Christ Heart Church, Original Gospel movement, the Japan Ecclesia of Christ, and the Life-Giving Christ. All these groups rejected Western church polities, the notion of an ordained clergy, and the accompanying system of sacraments.18 A number of other movements, however, have accepted (with some adaptation) the distinction between clergy and laity, and have established Bible schools or seminaries to train individuals for the ordained ministry. These include the Christian Canaan Church, the Spirit of Jesus Church, the Living Christ One Ear of Wheat Church, and the Holy Ecclesia of Jesus. Among these movements we also find observance of the traditional rites of baptism and the Lord’s Supper, as well as of other rituals related to care of the dead. Interestingly, these latter movements all share a charismatic or pentecostal orientation and tend to be egalitarian, allowing women to take an active part

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in the ordained ministry rather than confining them to domestic duties or to supportive roles behind the scene. In contrast to the dominance of male teachers in the Nonchurch movement, for example, 60 percent of the ministers in the Spirit of Jesus Church are women, perhaps reflecting their central role in traditional folk religion and shamanism. The fact that there are diverse “ways” and subcultures within Japanese Christianity should not blind us to the common features shared by many movements. Comparative analysis has revealed an interesting and recurrent pattern that has appeared in many movements as the founder’s charisma has been institutionalized along the lines of the traditional household (ie) system. Although this family system has been regarded as a factor discouraging some Japanese from converting to Christianity, a study of leadership succession in indigenous movements indicates that once conversions do occur, the social organization of the new-found faith is often patterned on the household system. This principle of social organization and leadership succession has a long history in Japan. Religious authority in major Buddhist sects, for example, has been transmitted through father-son blood lineage (kechimyaku-sØjØ) since Shinran (1173–1262), the founder of the Shinsh¨ sect of Pure Land, married and had a family.19 Most Japanese Christian movements, with the exception of those following the principles of the Nonchurch movement, have adopted or adapted this traditional pattern of leadership succession to various church polities. Although religious authority is not always passed from father to son, it tends to stay in the family of the founder. Matsumura Kaiseki and his wife were childless but adopted a son to take over as head of The Way. The adopted son’s wife, and then daughter, succeeded him as head of this religious body. Leadership of this movement only transferred outside of the family when illhealth forced the daughter to resign from this position. Christ Heart Church is now in its third generation of leadership. The founder, Kawai Shinsui, was succeeded initially by his son; almost a decade ago, leadership was transferred to his grandson. In the Spirit of Jesus Church, religious authority was transferred to the founder’s wife, who has served as bishop for many years now. According to my informants, their daughter is expected to be the next bishop. The wife of Matsubara Kazuhito, founder of the Living Christ One Ear of Wheat Church, similarly assumed leadership following her husband’s death. The same thing occurred in the Glorious Gospel Christian Church. Even those movements that adopt elements from imported organizational forms tend to institutionalize charisma within the founder’s family. The founder of the Holy Ecclesia of Jesus, ÷tsuki Takeji, is still living and a power-


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ful influence on the movement, but he has officially retired. Two years ago his son was elected to the position of Shiboku (bishop or president). Representatives of all of these movements would insist that leadership is not based on blood or heredity, but this seems to be the most natural form of religious succession in the Japanese context. Conclusion Notwithstanding the popular myth of the homogeneous Japanese, these indigenous movements point to a considerable degree of cultural and religious diversity beneath the surface harmony and order for which modern Japan prides itself. Just as Europeans and North Americans require diverse cultural expressions of Christianity, the Japanese also have different tastes and dispositions. It is hardly surprising that, alongside a variety of denominations and sects of Western origins, an equal variety of indigenous Christian groups—high church, low church, evangelical, pentecostal, shamanistic, and so on—should flourish in Japan. Carlo Caldarola’s reference to the Nonchurch movement as “the Japanese Way” of Christianity needs qualification. It may be the way for a small group, a predominantly highly educated elite, but there are many other ways to be Christian and Japanese. Any simple caricature of “a Japanese Christianity” is quickly confounded by the diverse patterns of appropriation that have appeared over the course of Japan’s modern century. Because of its relatively recent arrival in Japan, Christianity is often regarded as a “foreign” and “Western” religion. For some smaller religious subcultures in Japan this is no longer the case. Simply because Christianity lacks a long history and is sometimes in tension with other Japanese traditions does not mean it cannot be “authentically” Japanese. “In seeking to parse the tradition and culture of any people,” Robert J. Smith (1989, 722) reminds us, “it behooves the outsider always to remember that authenticity is not a function of antiquity and that recency is not evidence of triviality.” Cultures are made and remade from old and new elements. Buddhism and Confucianism were initially “foreign” (Chinese) elements, but over the course of many centuries were adapted and reinterpreted so that they became part of the native cultural tradition. Through the process of indigenization, Japanese have similarly transformed Christianity into a religion of their own. For the members of indigenous movements, Christianity is now perceived as a Japanese religion. Particulars aside, the mere phenomenon of these indigenous movements testifies to the fact that a number of Japanese have succeeded in

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disengaging Christianity from its Western orientation and the negative associations with which it has been encumbered for several centuries.

NOTES 1

This chapter adapts material from my earlier book, Christianity Made in Japan: A Study of Indigenous Movements (1998), and is used with permission of the University of Hawai‘i Press. See the Appendix (201–16) for a bibliographical guide to primary and secondary sources on these movements. 2 Uchimura KanzØ zensh¨ [Complete works of Uchimura KanzØ] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1981–1984), vol. 1, 159 (1886). 3 Uchimura KanzØ zensh¨ [Complete works of Uchimura KanzØ] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1981–1984), vol. 29, 476–47 (1925–1926). 4 See Matsumura Kaiseki’s ShinkØ goj¨nen [Fifty years in the faith], first published in 1926. The headquarters of The Way (Tokyo: DØkai Honbu) published a revised edition in 1989 to coincide with the fifty-year memorial service of his death. 5 Information on Kawai Shinsui’s life may be found in the study by ÷tsuka Eisan, Gunze no Kawai Shinsui sensei [Kawai Shinsui Sensei at Gunze] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1931, and Kawai’s own record, My Spiritual Experiences, trans. by Yoshinobu Kawai (Tokyo: Christ Heart Church, 1970). 6 See Marius Jansen, ed., Changing Japanese Attitudes toward Modernization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), 5. 7 Notto Thelle (1987, 174) helpfully reminds us that this indigenous impulse “was not merely a result of anti-Western reaction, but sprang out of a deep concern for Christian propagation.” 8 Earhart, Gedatsu-kai and Religion in Contemporary Japan (1989, 236). 9 While these are the three major sources, Shimazono Susumu points out that elements of Shinto, mikkyØ, kakure nembutsu, Christianity, and spiritualism, have also been incorporated into various new religions. See his Gendai ky¨sai sh¨kyØron [Salvation Religions in Contemporary Society] (Tokyo: Seiky¨sha, 1992, 55ff). 10 Although Dunn’s primary concern in this work is to identify the diverse streams within early Christianity, he don not deny that there are common or unifying elements across these traditions. See Unity and Diversity in the New Testament: An Inquiry into the Character of Earliest Christianity (London: SCM Press, 1990), 373–74; emphasis added. 11 Werner Stark, The Sociology of Religion: A Study of Christendom (New York: Fordham University Press, 1970), 4:84. 12 Kawai Shinsui, My Spiritual Experiences, 12. In this spiritual autobiography, Kawai records numerous revelatory experiences throughout his life at Mt. Fuji and elsewhere. 13 Uchimura, Uchimura KanzØ zensh¨ [Complete works of Uchimura KanzØ], Vol. 25, 592 (1920).


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See Kawai, My Spiritual Experiences, 4, 22. See DØkai’s magazine, Michi [The Way] 7 (November, 1908). 16 See Matsumura Kaiseki, ed., DØkai shish¨ dai issh¨ [A first collection of DØkai poems] (Tokyo: DØkai Jimusho, 1929). 17 DØkai baiburu [The DØkai Bible] (Tokyo: DØkai Jimusho, 1928). 18 There are some exceptions to this generalization. Christ Heart Church, for example, does observe baptism as a rite of initiation. Also, some groups related to the Nonchurch tradition may observe baptisms on an occasional basis, but these have not become institutionalized requirements. 19 For historical background and discussion of leadership succession and transmission of religious authority in Japanese Buddhist sects, see Michael Solomon, “Kinship and the Transmission of Religious Authority: The Case of Honganji,” Journal of Asian Studies 33/3 (1974), 403–13. 14 15

BIBLIOGRAPHY Anzai Shin. Minami shima ni okeru KirisutokyØ no juyo [The acceptance of Christianity in the southern islands]). Tokyo: Daiichi shobo, 1984. ______. “Iesu no Mitama KyØkai: Okinawa dendØ no shosØ” [The Spirit of Jesus Church: Aspects of evangelism in Okinawa], in Wakimoto Tsuneya, ed. Sh¨kyØ to rekishi [Religion and History], Tokyo: Yamamoto Shoten, 1977. Breen, John and Mark Williams. Japan and Christianity: Impacts and Responses. London: Macmillan Press, 1995. Caldarola, Carlo. Christianity the Japanese Way. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979. Earhart, H. Byron. Gedatsu-Kai and Religion in Contemporary Japan. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1989. Howes, John F. “The Non-Church Christian Movement in Japan.” The Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Third Series 5, 1957. ______.“Japanese Christians and American Missionaries.” In Marius B. Jansen, ed. Changing Japanese Attitudes toward Modernization. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965. Ikegami Yoshimasa. Akurei to seirei no butai: Okinawa no minsh¨ KirisutokyØ ni miru ky¨sai sekai [A stage for demons and the Holy Spirit: The world of salvation as seen in popular Okinawan Christianity]. Tokyo: DØbutsusha, 1991. Ikegami Yoshimasa. Akurei to seirei no butai: Okinawa no minsh¨ KirisutokyØ ni miru ky¨sai sekai [A Stage for Demons and the Holy Spirit: The Soteriological Structure of Okinawan Charismatic Christianity], Tokyo: DØbutsusha, 1991. ______. “Okinawan Shamanism and Charismatic Christianity.” Japan Christian Review 59, 1993.

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______. “The Contextualization of Japanese Christianity as a Folk/Popular Religion: With Reference to the ‘Holy Spirit Movement’ in Okinawa.” Acta Asiatica 75, 1998. Inoue Nobutaka, et. al. eds. Shin sh¨kyØ jiten [Dictionary of New Religions]. Tokyo: KØbundØ, 1990. Mullins, Mark R. Christianity Made in Japan: A Study of Indigenous Movements. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1998. ______. “The Social Forms of Japanese Christianity.” In John Breen and Mark Williams, eds. Japan and Christianity: Impacts and Responses. London: Macmillan Press, 1995. ______. “What About the Ancestors? Japanese Christian Responses to Protestant Individualism.” Studies in World Christianity: The Edinburgh Review of Theology and Religion 4/1, 1998. Powles, Cyril H. “Foreign Missionaries and Japanese Culture in the Late Nineteenth Century: Four Patterns of Approach.” The Northeast Journal of Theology (September) 1969. Smith, Robert J. “Something Old, Something New—Tradition and Culture in the Study of Japan.” The Journal of Asian Studies 48/4, 1989. Takeda Kiyoko. Dochaku to haikyØ [Indigenization and apostasy]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1967. Thelle, Notto R. Buddhism and Christianity in Japan: From Conflict to Dialogue, 1854–1899. University of Hawai‘i Press, 1987.

CHRISTIAN CHURCHES IN THE POSTWAR PERIOD Michael John SHERRILL

Introduction Since 1945 Christian Churches have been operating in a context that is strikingly different from any previous period in Japan’s religious history. The surrender of the Japanese military and the Emperor’s disavowal of his divine status constituted a rather shocking ideological collapse. This cleared the way for a wider range of beliefs and practices under the new postwar constitution that declared complete religious freedom. At the end of World War II the shock of defeat and anxiety over the arrival of occupation forces permeated Japanese society. In psychological, social, religious, and economic terms the nation as a whole had to start over. The general population was in desperate need of food, shelter, and medical care. The Occupation government addressed many of these needs, but the church was deeply involved as well. The North American Interboard Committee for Christian Work in Japan (IBC) and the KyØdan Council of Cooperation (COC) worked cooperatively at rebuilding churches and distributing aid. This ecumenical cooperation was instrumental to the survival of the Nihon Kirisuto KyØdan (United Church of Christ in Japan) in the early postwar period. The repeal of the Religious Bodies Law, which had been used by the government in the formation of the KyØdan, left many members of this largest Protestant denomination with a serious identity crisis (something not experienced by the Catholics or Orthodox).1 Many member churches left the Protestant union to re-establish their former denominations, such as the Anglican Episcopal Church, the Lutheran Church, and various Baptist, Evangelical and Holiness churches. In the case of the Presbyterians, churches of the southern Presbyterian tradition left the KyØdan and formed the Reformed Church in Japan, while a number of other churches with a Reformed-Presbyterian background separated and reorganized as the Japan Church of Christ. This represented a drastic redistribution of the Protestant

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Christians in Japan. While almost all Protestant Christians were members of the KyØdan during the war, by 1947 only 67 percent of Protestants remained (that is, 133,057 of the 199,462 Protestants in Japan).2 Although over half of the Protestant churches still belonged to the KyØdan, it still faced the formidable challenge of defining a new identity and purpose. Missionaries had been cautious not to influence the decisions of churches. However, MutØ Tomio once commented that “the preservation of the KyØdan’s unity in the postwar period was made possible in part by the support of the mission boards and their missionaries” (Phillips 1981, 15). Once these decisions had been made, most missionaries who returned to Japan after the war resumed their relationships with the churches they had worked with before—regardless of whether they remained inside or outside the KyØdan. The reconstitution of the National Christian Council in Japan (NCCJ) in 1948 was also instrumental in facilitating a relationship with foreign mission agencies. It also provided an organizational structure through which the KyØdan could relate to those churches that had withdrawn from the union and re-established separate denominational identities. The NCCJ came to represent the “mainline” churches, such as the KyØdan, the Anglican Episcopal Church in Japan, the Japan Evangelical Lutheran Church and the Japan Baptist Convention (Drummond 1971, 281). This fact along with the NCCJ ties to the World Council of Churches (WCC) put the NCCJ out of favor with the more conservative Protestant groups (Phillips 1981, 183). It is this background that explains why the missionaries with a prewar history formed the Fellowship of Christian Missionaries (FCM), while the postwar conservative missionaries—who soon outnumbered the “mainline” missionaries—formed Japan Evangelical Missionary Association (JEMA).3 Also, the growth of the new “evangelical” churches quickly outpaced the “mainline” churches. From 1949 to 1953, for example, membership in the so-called “mainline” churches increased by about a 6.5 percent, while the membership in new evangelical churches increased by 92.1.4 Substantial cooperation between missionaries and church leaders fostered the recovery of the Japanese church. At the same time, their combined relief work encouraged many non-Christian Japanese to regard Christianity as a positive, pacifist, and liberal influence in the nation. As the church sought to address physical needs, many Japanese discovered spiritual fulfillment in the Christian community. The early postwar years—until the end of the Occupation—is often recognized as a Christian “boom” period. By 1948 the Roman Catholic membership was back to its 1941 figure of about 121,000, (in spite of their loss of 10,000 members as victims of the war) and by 1951

CHRISTIAN CHURCHES IN THE POSTWAR PERIOD

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they had grown to 157,241 (Laures 1970, 247). During the same period, the KyØdan established 156 new churches and in 1951 reported 15,765 baptisms in 1,480 churches for a total membership of 125,947. Both Roman Catholic and Protestant churches continued to grow through the 1950s and 1960s, but at a substantially slower rate. The reasons for the general downward turn in church growth can be described under the three broad categories of church, society, and mission. With regard to the first category, it must be noted that the slow down in the 1950s was not due to a lack of leadership or finances. Between 1953 and 1965 there was an average of one trained clergy to every seventy-five Christians. Financial support from overseas was also generous during this time. The challenges the church needed to face during the 1950s and 1960s had more to do with internal character than external conditions. One problem was the lack of reflection on the church’s role in the war. A positive postwar public image motivated the church to engage in evangelism, but it also discouraged the church from facing up to its wartime responsibilities. A more sociological challenge was the Western image of the church. During the immediate postwar period the Japanese imported from the West whatever they felt was needed to rebuild their society. This included ideologies and attitudes as well as material goods. “Japanese Protestants relied a great deal on the Western Christian community, directly or indirectly, for restoring the understanding of their ‘selfhood’” (Phillips 1981, 166–167). As the novelty of the West began to fade after 1950, Japanese Christians found themselves with feelings of ambivalence toward their benefactors. The aggression of the United States against communism in Korea also damaged America’s image in Japan as the nation sought to dedicate itself to the pacifist principles enshrined in the postwar constitution. Moreover, as Japan’s economic confidence grew, the U.S. seemed less important to Japan’s modernization. As the West in general fell out of favor, so did the Church. The guarantee of religious freedom had eliminated persecution, but the church had lost much of its appeal. It was seen as an interesting subject to study and as something that provided for a wholesome social ethic, but it seemed irrelevant to Japanese religious sensibilities. Turning to the category of mission—whether Protestant, Catholic or Orthodox—all missionaries faced the new challenge of how to relate to the national churches. “Whatever their precise ecclesiastical status—in their own eyes as well as in the eyes of their overseas counterparts—the Pacific War had made the Christian churches of Japan fully independent, responsible for the own spiritual life, and no longer under the control of any foreign mission-

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aries” (Phillips 1981, 143). This forced mission agencies to wrestle with the issue of the new role for missionaries. In addition, during the postwar religious rush the Christians in Japan did not represent a common front. The immediate need to rebuild churches and schools and reinitiate programs left little time for ecumenical efforts. Moreover, the mode of operation of many Protestant missionaries entering Japan after the war was quite different from the prewar missionaries who tended to be more ecumenical in orientation. Many came to Japan as missionaries of newly formed independent mission agencies, such as Navigators or The Evangelical Missionary Alliance (TEAM), and held a different vision for evangelism in Japan. Their basic theological stance was generally quite conservative, often reflecting a fundamentalist approach to scriptural interpretation and the work of mission…. In many cases, these missionaries tended to be strongly anti-Communist and were unable to work comfortably with Japanese Christians and other missionaries who seemed insufficiently aware of the threats which they felt that Communism, in theory and practice, posed toward the Christian faith (Phillips 1981, 155).

This was especially the case for missionaries who had been expelled from China in 1949. Their traumatic experience left them highly sensitized to Communist issues. They had also witnessed how abruptly a mission field can close, which gave a sense of urgency to their work in Japan. No one can deny the profound courage of any missionary entering Japan immediately after the war. The broad theological gap between mission agencies, however, represented a serious challenge for mission work at this time. “The newer groups were generally suspicious of alleged theological liberalism among established Protestant churches and missions, both in Japan and overseas, and they sought to remedy the situation by emphasizing what they held was a return to the original Christian gospel” (1981, 155). The lack of any imperative to bridge this gap coupled with the general frenzy to draw as many people as possible into the Church put some Christian organizations and churches in competition for new converts. This cast the Church as a sectarian faith that called individuals to make an exclusive commitment to a specific church community, which made it difficult for Christians of one church to relate to Christians of another church. During this same period the Japanese New Religions represented serious competition for the Church. Goals informed by the inherent Japanese need for unity, harmony, and group solidarity, along with an understanding of the


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spiritual and the physical realms as integrated spheres of life, gave the new religions a stronger appeal to the general public. The Christian church, on the other hand, with its modern Western worldview and values, tended to draw a clear dividing line between the spiritual and physical realms. Western missionaries also had difficulty understanding the group-orientation of Japanese society. Consequently, nurturing group solidarity in the process of evangelistic work was not something given serious attention. The churches, whether Roman Catholic or Protestant, often sought the conversion of the intellectually elite, those who seemed the least bound by the constraints of Japanese society and tradition. The effect of this approach was that churches often became gatherings of somewhat isolated—albeit highly educated—individuals. Joseph Spae (1964, 32) described the average Japanese Catholic as “higher middle class, professionally competent, faithful in his religious practices, respectful of the priest; but also little interested in a direct religious approach to his neighbor, passive rather than active, introvert rather than conquering.” This description could also apply to the average Protestant in Japan. Faith was usually considered a private matter and members did not readily form links between the church and their respective social circles. Many non-Christians, nevertheless, felt resentment toward the church because it drew households members away from their family traditions and customs. The Church was also faced with the rapid secularization of Japan. “For centuries, people in Japan were in bondage to religious traditions and observances that endowed natural objects, persons, social structures and other phenomenon with a veil of holiness. Secularization stripped away this veil and set people free from the bondage of religions” (Saeki 1967, 73). This freed Japanese to pursue economic development through capitalism and relegated religion to the rather limited role of maintaining various rituals and customs. As the pursuit of material goods captured the interest of society, the church and its evangelistic campaigns lost their appeal. The Turbulent 60s and 70s By the mid-1960s unprecedented economic growth gave the Japanese a renewed sense of pride in their country. The Japanese population was beginning to enjoy their prosperity in a wave of consumerism which also contributed to widespread political complacency. Perhaps this is at least partly why it was not until 1967 that the KyØdan released an official statement of apology for its support of wartime aggression. Confidence based on

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prosperity may have made reflection and apology more difficult to initiate. It was this lack of integrity with regard to the war that frustrated many students of Christian universities and seminaries. Similarly, students of secular universities also felt frustration over the lack of a clear national identity. Although Japan was becoming a major contender in the world economy, its success did little to unravel the ambiguity of Japanese national identity. Historically, this lack of shutaisei (selfhood) drove Japan to seek out foreign models in its pursuit of modernity. At the end of World War II, Japan embraced the United States as its core model. “Henceforth, Japan opted for willful subservience to America as the embodiment of selfhood, as the model that pointed to the eventual full recovery of Japan’s shutaisei” (Tamamoto 1999, 124). The desire to be on par with the West without becoming like the West, Tamamoto explains, led to an over-emphasis on technique. The purpose of technique has been to elevate Japan in world history by generally accepting the universalizing claim of the West and to find the meaning of Japan by imagining a cultural context of modernity. By dissociating culture from modernity, Japan could hope to become modern, that is, to parallel the achievements of the West, but not to be of the West (1999, 121).

Nevertheless, any clear notion of national selfhood remained elusive. “Since the early 1960s, the meaning of modernity for society at large became increasingly associated with material culture, the production and consumption of things” (1999, 125). This unbridled embrace of consumerism had the effect of numbing society to the troubling issues of selfhood, morality, and secularization. When the government introduced the Yasukuni Bill in 1969, however, there were protests throughout the country. The KyØdan released a statement of opposition that pointed out how the bill clearly violated the constitutional principle of seikyØ bunri (separation of religion and state). These Christian leaders, moreover, claimed that this bill represented the first step on a road back to State Shinto, State control of religion, and the revival of the emperor system. The church’s willingness to make their disapproval public gave them a voice far beyond their number. Christians have given to the struggle against the nationalization of Yasukuni Shrine a distinctive ethical definition of religious freedom and the human rights of minorities. Too, by following biblical imperatives and confessing their own wartime responsibility, Christians have deepened the larger peace movement’s understanding of Japan’s wartime aggression (ShØjii 1991, 75).


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The most significant result of the various crises of the 1960s was the formation of ecumenical coalitions to address these issues. At the same time, however, these circumstances also had a polarizing effect, especially within the KyØdan, where shakaiha (social actions groups) and kyØkaiha (churchcentered groups) came into being (Phillips 1981, 196). Consensus on the church’s role in social action became out of the question and a new Left— those who sought to develop a more political theology—began to emerge. While the theological diversity of the various conservative Evangelical denominations had made it difficult for them to achieve any sense of unity, the events of the 1960s also sparked renewed interest in ecumenical cooperation among these groups. In 1968 the Nihon Fukuin DØmei (Japan Evangelical Association, JEA) was established in order to foster greater cooperation between these churches as well as to provide a link with conservative Evangelical groups overseas. A number of these denominations, as well as the Roman Catholic and Orthodox churches, experienced minor struggles similar to the KyØdan, but much smaller in scale. By avoiding involvement in political issues they were able to escape much of the turmoil experienced by the KyØdan during this time. In 1978 the National Council of Churches in Japan formed a Peace Committee to give specific attention to the problem of the gradual militarization of Japan that was evident in the new Japan-U.S. defense guidelines. This served to raise the consciousness of many Japanese on peace issues and contributed to the identity of the church as an institution of social action driven by biblical ethics. As Charles Germany explains, this new social role for the church also influenced its attitude toward evangelism during this period: Christian interest in meeting the secular world so that the issues of common humanity are faced within the context of faith is growing stronger in the life of the church and in the consciousness of Christian laymen. The self-centered character of the early postwar period when the church was necessarily intent on the stabilizing of its own life is changing (Germany 1967, 128).

As the church took account of the rapidly changing society as a result of industrialization and urbanization, it discovered a new role as a servant to the millions of dislocated people moving into newly formed industrial cities. This concern, however, did not always lead to ecumenical efforts. Urban mobility, in some cases, was as much a hindrance as a help to ecumenical relations. Rapid mass transit allowed a single church to minister to people scattered over a wide area. Under such conditions it became almost impossible to form comity agreements, which resulted in competition between churches

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and missions in common areas. Churches also tended to be highly protective of their membership. When members moved to a different region, churches were reticent to transfer memberships to other congregations. Likewise, out of a sense of loyalty to their pastor and congregation, members rarely requested a transfer of membership from the church where they had received baptism. These factors were an additional impediment to membership growth in a time when the church was already fighting an uphill battle with the secularization of society and excessive materialism. Student Protests During the 1960s and 1970s most Japanese Protestant denominations began to look for ways to reduce reliance on foreign mission funds and personnel. They saw this as a crucial step toward developing a greater sense of selfhood. The KyØdan leadership realized it could not move forward until it also dealt with the issue of wartime responsibility. On Easter Sunday, 26 March 1967, the KyØdan General Assembly issued a statement entitled, “Confession Concerning the Responsibility of the United Church of Christ in Japan during World War II.” This was an important step for the KyØdan. However, it also fostered greater internal polarization.5 Moreover, it could not erase the profound sense of desolation that the history of the churches and the Christian colleges had cultivated in the minds of the students. The Christian Pavilion project for the 1970 International Expo in Osaka brought dissatisfaction to the boiling point.6 Students viewed this as an unequivocal example of the church walking hand in hand with imperialism and capitalism, and felt that it was their righteous duty to enlighten the establishment. For many students the KyØdan leadership demonstrated a profound lack of commitment to action based on the Christian truths and ideals professed by the church. Students protested what they deemed a hollow Christianity irrelevant to the context in which they found themselves. They sought a practical contextual theology that would foster new vitality in the Japanese church. The consequences of the student protests and the upheaval surrounding these issues were devastating. The theology departments of Kanto Gakuin and Aoyama Gakuin were closed permanently. Many seminaries were left in deep pain. Students were bitter because the leadership cooperated with the government’s use of the police to control and suppress them. Faculty members were bitter because they felt the students had given them no other choice. The remainder of the decade for the KyØdan might be considered a period of wan-


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dering in the wilderness in search of healing and a new identity as a church body. From 1970 to 1978, KyØdan membership dropped from 205,051 to 188,409, and mainline Protestant churches as a whole experienced a 2.1 percent decrease in total membership. This is in stark contrast to the evangelical churches, which experienced a 29.6 percent increase in membership, and the Roman Catholic Church, which grew from 337,243 to 375,533 members, an increase of about 11 percent. Postmodernism and the Japanese Churches In Japan, as in other postmodern7 societies, the nature of knowledge has been transformed into a product that can be bought, sold, and used in exchange. In 1986, Prime Minister Nakasone YasuhirØ described Japan as a “high-level information society … no other nation has the abundance of information that Japan does, and in no other nation does information come so naturally into one’s head” (Ivy 1997, 23). In this way he made the acquisition of knowledge sound like a natural part of being Japanese. “Nakasone thus creates a narrative of legitimation,” Ivy explains, “in which Japanese superiority depends on density of information and capacity to read” (1997, 23). For the postmodern, however, reading is best described as an “encounter” conditioned by the phenomenon of mass media. Information is dispersed to the public in a continuous stream of disconnected thoughts and images. This mode of communication cuts across the traditional dividing lines that define daily life. “Japanese culture no longer exhibits the vertical cleavage of the past … culture today is a mosaic of styles … dispersed, fragmented, and decentered” (1997, 35). This playful selective approach to knowledge has had a direct impact on Japanese religiosity. Beginning in the 1970s, the so-called “new new religions” (shin shin sh¨kyØ) began to emerge. In contrast to the new religions that became popular between 1945 and 1970, “the new religious organizations that came to prominence between 1970 and 1990 represent principles that tend, on the whole, to run counter to the rational, anti-magical aims of modernization” (Reid 1991, 31). They emphasize spiritual experience through various means, such as mediums, healing, and exorcism. Moreover, they “claim that all these elements from the particularistic world of Japanese folk religion serve the universal cause of world peace” (1991, 30). This indicates a change in religiosity among the people who had been raised entirely in a period of affluence and under the new constitution which secularized public education. Reid suggests

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that there may be a connection between “the search for meaning in the midst of affluence, the separation of religious principles from public education, and the existence of organizations that offer meaning and supportive fellowship under the name of religion or a quasi-religious substitute” (1991, 31). While Protestant churches have sought to provide meaning for life and supportive fellowship, their rational, conservative, and Western approach to spirituality has not attracted this emerging social group. In the midst of a swirl of postmodern activity, a church that is deeply entrenched in the modern has few alternatives other than retreating and further solidifying its modern stance in the name of survival. This has been the case for most Japanese churches. While the tide of postmodernism has prompted a defensive reaction in the church, at the same time it has also fostered relational growth through the embrace of diverse perspectives. In 1983 the KyØdan made a covenant of cooperation with the Korean Christian Church. The NCCJ established a similar relationship with the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan in 1984 and also visited Christian leaders and government officials in North Korea in 1987. Throughout the 1980s the Japanese church also strengthened ties with churches in the Philippines and China. These efforts and many others have not only constituted major steps toward reconciliation within the broader church in Asia, but also have served to crystallize a role for the church in the pursuit of peace and justice in Southeast Asia. This is clearly revealed in the themes of the five Christian Conference of Asia (CCA) meetings between 1970 and 1990: “Christian Participation in the Asian Struggle” (Singapore 1973), “Jesus Christ in the Suffering and Hope of Asia” (Malaysia 1977), “Living with the People of Christ” (Bangalore 1981), “Jesus Sets Us Free to Serve” (Seoul 1985), and “Christ our Peace: Building a Just Society” (Manila 1990). All of the gatherings served to broaden awareness of the struggle of the church from a local Asian perspective (Kanda 1991, 19). This development reveals the influence of postmodernity on the church. It recognizes the pluralism within Asian Christianity and at the same time seeks to build a sense of community that respects this diversity. Yamano Higeko summarizes the significance of this ecumenical activity within Asia for the church in Japan: At the very base of our ecumenical relations with Asian churches lies the Japanese churches’ deep sense of war responsibility…. In the postwar era we could not resume church life or restore Asian ecumenical relations without first acknowledging and confessing our war related sins…. The restoration of ecumenical relations with Asian churches has been more than an accessory to


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normal church life in Japan; these relations have been essential to our selfunderstanding and life as Christians. During the 1970s our Asian colleagues’ struggles for democracy opened our eyes to the meaning and value not only of democracy but also of human rights. Then in the 1980s their critique of Japan’s economic invasion of their countries sharpened and expanded our sense of justice. From the shared struggles for human rights and justice we have learned some basic things about the meaning of Christian conversion, and thus gained a new vision for mission (Yamano 1991, 42).

With this new awareness, the church in Japan has embarked on a journey of renewal by directly addressing issues of injustice, especially in Taiwan, China, Korea, and the Philippines, the nations that suffered most under Japanese imperialism. Japanese Christians have become painfully aware of labor injustice, sex tours, and the exportation of pollution, problems perpetuated by Japan’s continuing economic exploitation of Southeast Asia. The nationalism of the 1980s and callous economic imperialist attitude heightened the concern of the church and fostered a louder unified voice. Throughout the process of imperial succession (1989–90), Protestants and Roman Catholics joined in efforts to oppose publicly funded funeral rites for Hirohito and the similarly funded Daijosai enthronement ceremony for Akihito, citing violation of the constitutional provision for separation of state and religion (Mikell 1995, 133–134).

Through the 1970s and 1980s, Protestants and Roman Catholics in Japan also cooperated in campaigns against the re-nationalization of the Yasukuni Shrine, censorship of textbooks (to minimize the appearance of Japanese war responsibility), and the requirement that the KimigayØ (the “unofficial” national anthem with imperialist overtones) be sung at public school ceremonies (1995, 134). Such concerns shared across denominational lines and traditions served to build many bridges, especially in areas of peace and social justice work, and occasionally even in evangelistic ministries. Moreover, the Japanese church became intimately aware of the need for its own renewal. A major step toward renewal in the KyØdan took place in 1986 in an historic service of repentance and apology addressed specifically to the sixty-four Holiness pastors who had been imprisoned during World War II because of their non-compliance with government directives. The KyØdan recognized that they had failed to support the Holiness Church leaders during their time of trial during the war and now sought forgiveness and reconciliation. This move toward healing coincides with a new period of growth for the KyØdan that would last until the late 1990s. By 1987 membership had climbed back to

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201,063, which meant that the church had recovered the membership lost in the 1970s, and by 1997 membership reached an all time high of 206,002. The new, albeit cautious, opening of the church seems to coincide with the most recent “opening” of Japanese society. Ohtori Kurino proposes the late 1980s as the beginning of a new opening directly related to the penetration of postmodernism into mainstream society. From his non-Christian perspective he sees Christianity as having a central role in “transforming Japan into a society that sees itself as an integral part of a complete and fully human global community” (Ohtori 1989, 61). He goes on to argue that “Christians recognize that while we must strive to make the best possible judgments on vital matters, the power of reason is relative and limited. It is a warning not too lean too much on humanism, and particularly on certain humanists” (1989, 62–63). This perspective represents a high expectation for the church: Christianity is regarded as holding a key to the development of a holistic postmodern society. Stuart Picken (1983, 77) articulates a similar sentiment when he suggests the possibility of an amalgamation of “the transcending hope of resurrection that is at the heart of Christian faith and the spirit of endless renewal that is at the root of Japanese civilization. Both are deeply and profoundly optimistic, both assert regeneration and the need for a deep spirituality to undergird it. In the union between these two there is hope.” The Close of the Millennium The Christian Church in Japan at the end of the millennium clearly faces a formidable challenge. The traumatic events of the 1990s, including the collapse of the “bubble” economy and subsequent recession, the Kobe earthquake, and the sarin gas terrorist attack in Tokyo by Aum Shinri-kyØ, have all contributed to a growing sense of self-doubt and crisis of identity. In addition, there is evidence of a stronger individualistic orientation among many Japanese. In postmodern Japan, however, the center of individual identity is unclear. This has prompted many to seek new meaning in life and human relationships. Although Christianity may have the potential to address the concerns of postmodern society, the church in Japan has yet to effectively connect to the contemporary generation. Part of the reason for this is the tendency of the church to look inward. “Its concerns are for theological purity, Bible study, local church administration … to people outside the church, these matters are of no interest and appear merely as ingrown self-interest” (Dale 1998, 285). This makes the church irrelevant to outsiders from the earliest stages of


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inquiry. “Japanese pastors are characteristically orthodox in theology, faithful to the traditional Christian doctrines and capable and earnest in teaching the Bible” (1998, 284). However, an over-emphasis on intellectualism and orthodoxy has contributed to a general failure to connect the meaning of the gospel with contemporary daily living. In addition, the pastor-centered hierarchical leadership style means that laity are often under-utilized in the life and ministry of the church. Furthermore, “Japanese churches often look suspiciously at the outside world, fearful of Japan’s new pluralism and apprehensive that any modifications in church life would compromise its integrity” (Sachs 1988, 90). This makes some churches apprehensive at least at the sub-conscious level about receiving new members. On the other hand, many congregations are over-eager to receive newcomers. These churches have visitors fill out a name card in the entryway and even introduce them during the worship service. Of course this is meant to be welcoming, but for many it can be overwhelming. A typical Sunday at a Japanese church often becomes an all-day affair that includes worship, lunch, and various meetings. While this does contribute to a sense of church community, it also represents a missed opportunity to model a lifestyle different from the workaholic pattern that is so typical of life in contemporary Japan. Church life in postmodern Japanese society seems to be built as a reaction over against the prevailing culture and ministry seems to be developed largely in the absence of dialogue with contemporary society. While the church represents a striking alternative to the mainstream culture, it need not be detached and exclusive. The church can be an integrating community. “In the Christian vision of koinonia we find a language that embraces the I and we but moves beyond autonomy and belonging toward integrity and relationality” (Hastings 1994, 93). In other words, holistic Christian community has the potential to free the individual from the excessive individualism of Western cultures, while it also releases the individual from an oppressive collectivism that sometimes seems to characterize Japanese culture. This understanding affirms the universal relevance of Christ for every human being without violating the particularity of the individual or the community. The universal claims of the gospel are still regarded as valid, but de-centered through the creation of multiple centers, that is, communities characterized at once by the particularity of their context and their mutual embrace of each other in Christian love. This is beginning to take place for the church in postmodern Japan through the restructuring of churches into cell groups. The Japan Cell Church Mission Network (JCMN) is an ecumenical network of churches that share a similar desire to restructure and revitalize their

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churches. Their common emphasis on cell groups is not about technique, but about relationships, a herald of postmodernity. Through intentional networking, churches of various backgrounds and traditions are linked together in a spirit of mutual embrace, support, and sharing. In this way the universalism of Christianity is expressed in a pluralistic structure that embraces differences in tradition and theology, but does not deny the uniqueness of Christ. From 1982 to 2000 the mainline churches grew by about 6.9 percent, though growth slowed considerably at the end of the millennium. During the same period, the evangelical churches grew by 43.2 percent. JCMN, which includes churches from both theological spectrums, also experienced tremendous growth and vitality through positive ecumenical networking and intentional efforts to engage contemporary society. Another interesting example of a postmodern church concept that arose in Japan in the late 1990s is the VIP Club. These are lay-led Christian meetings held in hotels aimed at ministry to Japanese businessmen. By the simplest definition the VIP Club is a church, but its goal is to ultimately connect these businessmen with a local church. For decades the church in Japan has lamented its inability to attract men to church. Every month, VIP Club gathers over 6,000 men in meeting centers in twenty-seven major cities in Japan as well international groups in New York, Bangkok, and Lagos. Postmodern approaches represented by JCMN or the VIP Club are still striking exceptions to the approaches of most churches in Japan, which continue to emphasize the need to separate the “sacred church” from the “sinful world.” This stance creates a strong sense of security and identity within the church community, but it also presents a paradox. The church in Japan must continually struggle with the insider-outsider mentality inherent in Japanese culture: the outsider is viewed as a threat, but the Christian faith they profess compels them to invite the outsider in. Religious seekers in contemporary Japan are not so much looking for personal salvation as they are relational redemption. For this reason, religion as rational knowing—which is essentially how the church in Japan presents Christianity—has little chance of connecting with contemporary society. “On an individual level we can identify a reaction against the separation of body and spirit in modern society and a protest against the attenuation of human relationships. On a wider social level, increased interest in environmental concerns has contributed to current interest in healing” (Yumiyama 1995, 267). These characteristics are descriptive of a postmodern view of spirituality. “Salvation occurs precisely because one has experienced a healing that picks up the scattered fragments of a life and shapes them again into a single


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story, filling up the void left by meaninglessness” (1995, 269–270). Ecumenical cooperation between churches and an emphasis on relational groups within churches opens the way for people of particular contexts to enter God’s universal salvific story. Although Christianity has enjoyed a more positive public image for the last several decades, it is still not seen as a viable religious alternative for most Japanese. This is due in large part to the condition of the churches. The church stands firmly on the foundation of Christian tradition, but it has not developed a clear sense of identity as a Japanese church. Rather than embracing their liminal state in order to engage a radically changing social context, however, the church has tended to retreat into a shell of modernity and pursued technique and professionalism. Through the economic recession of the 1990s the church continued to focus much of its energy on maintenance of the status quo and has been overwhelmed by the vast pluralistic free market of spirituality. The church has correctly understood itself as on the margins of society. However, it continues to be preoccupied with internal issues rather than serious engagement with society. Of course, the church continues to offer itself as a fellowship of authentic friendship and care. However, where the problem two decades ago was keeping people from slipping out the back door, the current challenge is getting people through the front door in the first place. This has contributed to the rapid aging of the church. While it seems the majority of pastors and congregations settle for the maintenance of the status quo, many others have begun to see the opportunity that societal change has to offer the church in Japan. The theme of the Fourth Japan Congress on Evangelism (Daiyonkai Nihon DendØkaigi) sponsored by JEA in June 2000 was “The Church Responsible for Evangelizing 21st Century Japan: Living Together in the Gospel of Reconciliation.” This theme speaks directly to the social, environmental, and relational concerns of contemporary Japanese society. The theme of the 2001 Nationwide Lay Leader Convention (Zenkoku Shobokusha Konbenshon), an ecumenical gathering of over 300, focused on mobilizing congregations, moving the life of faith out of the private sphere and into the public sphere. Ecumenical networking and lay movements like these, along with the relational focus of the cell church movement in Japan, suggest new possibilities for the future.

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NOTES The Roman Catholic Church continued as a complete hierarchical structure led entirely by Japanese bishops and clergy. Their existing ties with Rome and inherent unity kept their identity intact. The Orthodox Church which had severed ties with Moscow during the war chose to remain that way in order to solidify their identity as the Orthodox Church of Japan (Drummond 1971, 357–58). 2 Unless otherwise noted all membership figures are obtained from KirisutokyØ nenkan (Christian Yearbook). 3 Each of these organizations also founded their own publications. JEMA publishes Japan Harvest and FCM published Japan Christian Quarterly, which became the Japan Christian Review in 1993. The publication of this annual review ended in 1998. 4 In this sample, “main line” includes KyØdan, Japan Anglican Episcopal, Japan Baptist Convention, Reformed Church in Japan, Japan Evangelical Lutheran and Japan Christ Church. “Evangelical” includes Japan Immanuel General Mission, Japan Seventh Day Adventist, Japan Assemblies of God, Japan Holiness Church and The Evangelical Alliance Mission (TEAM). 5 The debate centered on two main points. “First was the matter of whether the Confession struck a satisfactory balance between those who wanted to emphasize that the Nihon Kirisuto KyØdan had been formed under government pressure and those who wanted to emphasize that its formation was an answer to prayer. Second, it was protested by some that the Confession went too far when it said that recognition of the error committed in the name of the church was ‘unanimous’” (Reid 1991, 81–82). 6 Inspired by the example of Roman Catholic-Protestant cooperation at the 1967 Montreal Expo, it seemed to the NCC in Japan that a similar effort at Expo 1970 would have a powerful impact on ecumenical cooperation and the growth of the church in Japan. Although the cost was over thirty million yen, the promoters felt that it was critically important to have a tasteful symbol of cooperative Christianity standing in the midst of the array of current worldly achievements. 7 In essence that means a rejection of the Enlightenment Project upon which the modern era was built. The Enlightenment elevated the individual to the center of existence, an exalted autonomous self. With a view of knowledge as rational and objective, the Enlightenment lent a strong emphasis to the value of human reason. Moreover, knowledge was seen as inherently good, which gave the Enlightenment a highly optimistic view of the future. Those living in the postmodern world are no longer convinced that knowledge is inherently good. On the contrary, they see the future existence of humanity as dependent on a new attitude of cooperation and a community-based understanding of truth. 1

BIBLIOGRAPHY Dale, Kenneth J. “Why the Slow Growth of the Japanese Church?” Missiology: An International Review 17 (1998), 275–88.


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Drummond, Richard H. A History of Christianity in Japan. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. 1971. Germany, Charles H. “Crucial Challenges and Strategic Ministries.” In Charles H. Germany, ed. The Response of the Church in Changing Japan. New York: Friendship Press. 1967. Hastings, Thomas J. “Beyond Autonomy and Belonging: Toward a Global Vision for Christian Nurture.” Japan Christian Review 60 (1994), 79–95. Ivy, Marilyn. “Critical Texts, Mass Artifacts: The Consumption of Knowledge in Postmodern Japan.” In Masao Miyoshi and H.D. Harootunian, eds. Postmodernism and Japan. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. 1997. Kanda, Kenji. “World Ecumenism.” In Kumazawa Yoshinobu and David L. Swain, eds. Christian in Japan, 1971–1990. Tokyo: KyØ Bun Kwan, 1991. KirisutokyØ nenkan [Christian Yearbook]. Tokyo: Kirisuto Shimbunsha. 1983, 1999, 2001. Laures, Johannes, S.J. The Catholic Church in Japan: A Short History. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. 1970. Mikell, Douglas P. “The Contemporary Christian Response to Japanese Nationalism.” In Mark R. Mullins and Richard Fox Young, eds. Perspectives on Christianity in Korea and Japan: The Gospel and Culture in East Asia. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press. 1995. Morioka, Iwao. “Japanese Churches and World War II.” Japan Christian Quarterly 34/2 (1968), 75–85. Ohtori, Kurino. “Observations of a Peace Researcher.” In Suguru Matsuki and David L. Swain, eds. Called to be Peacemakers. Tokyo: Japan Ecumenical Books. 1989. Phillips, James M. From the Rising of the Sun: Christians and Society in Contemporary Japan. New York: Orbis. 1981. Picken, Stuart D.B. Christianity and Japan: Meeting, Conflict, Hope. Tokyo: Kodansha. 1983. Reid, David. New Wine: The Cultural Shaping of Japanese Christianity. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press. 1991. Sachs, William L. “The Inertia of Japanese Churches.” The Christian Century 105/32 (1988), 988–90. Saeki, Yoichiro. “The Christian Movement in Japan Today.” In Charles H. Germany, ed. The Response of the Church in Changing Japan. New York: Friendship Press. 1967. ShØji, Tsutomu. “Christians and Peacemaking.” In Kumazawa Yoshinobu and David L. Swain, eds. Christian in Japan, 1971–1990. Tokyo: KyØ Bun Kwan, 1991. Spae, Joseph J., CICM. Catholicism in Japan. Tokyo: ISR Press. 1964. Tamamoto, Masaru. “The Uncertainty of the Self: Japan at Century’s End.” World Policy Journal 16/2 (1999), 119–28.

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Yamano, Shigeko. “Asian Churches and Projects.” In Kumazawa Yoshinobu and David L. Swain, eds. Christian in Japan, 1971–1990. Tokyo: KyØ Bun Kwan, 1991. Yumiyama, Tatsuya. “Varieties of Healing in Present-Day Japan.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 22/3–4 (1995), 267–82.

THEOLOGY IN JAPAN J. Nelson JENNINGS

Christian theology in Japan has a rich history and intriguing representative spokespersons. Within an English-reading audience there will likely be a range of acquaintance with the topic from extensive to negligible. Names like Kitamori, Kagawa and Koyama1 will be familiar to some, but few will likely know the depths of these and the many other seminal thinkers who help to comprise the area we seek to consider here. How has the Christian God been understood in Japan? How have such central themes as “salvation” and “the Church” been articulated and fleshed out? What has been uniquely Japanese about Christian theologies that have developed in Japan? Mention of “theologies” points to the complexity of the subject. Christian theology in Japan has more than enough variety to persuade one to abandon any effort to encapsulate within a single description all of its hues, shades and accents. Indeed the danger of oversimplifying that complex variety makes entering this world a venture upon which we should embark with a measure of caution. Approach and Introduction Thinking about “Christian theology in Japan” leads immediately to the issue of descriptive categories: Do we use such traditional classifications as Catholic, Protestant and Orthodox, all of which have had a substantial presence in Japan? If so, how do we then sub-categorize those three classifications— particularly the multitude of varieties within the second? What about Christian theologies that might not fit neatly into any of those major three areas, for example that of the prominent SeikØkai (Anglican Church of Japan) or the well-known MukyØkai (“Nonchurch”) Christians? Where might we put certain theologies that many would consider marginally Christian or even heretical? If we opt for different categories, or at least additional ones, what are our options? Historical periods certainly can serve as a familiar and helpful framework.2 The earliest period of Christianity in Japan—from 1549 to the

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1630s—was almost exclusively Roman Catholic and Jesuit. Japan’s Kakure Kirishitan (“Hidden Christians”) then hung onto their necessarily creative understandings of God under literal pain of death over the next two centuries of Japan’s self-imposed isolation. The 1850s saw the re-entry of Catholicism (this time the French were the primary carriers), plus the initial appearance of both Russian Orthodoxy and Protestantism, developments allowed by the new treaties Japan signed with Western powers. Over the next sixty years a confusing array of Protestant traditions entered Japan. Dialectical theology (Barthianism in particular) began to sweep over much of the Japanese Protestant theological world as Japan entered the rough waters of Japanese militarism leading up to World War II. As Japan then emerged from the rubble of military defeat, Americans in particular brought fresh waves of theologies into the already complicated landscape of Japanese Christianity. The “economic miracle” of 1960s was accompanied by creative theological formulations, both by Protestants and post-Vatican II Catholics. Another approach is a topical one.3 There has been the matter of biblical interpretation, begun by Uchimura KanzØ (1861–1930) and his disciples and debated afresh in the 1970s. During and immediately following the difficult years of World War II, Kitamori Kazoh (1916–1998) developed a unique theology of the cross, widely known as the “theology of the pain of God.” Koyama Kosuke (1929–), while writing from outside of Japan, carved a particular niche in the wider theological world starting with his Waterbuffalo Theology. Takizawa Katsumi’s (1909–1984) theology of “Emmanuel” and his debate with Yagi Seiichi (1932–), which developed into a multi-faceted ChristianBuddhist dialogue, were also landmark developments. Church history was taken up in monumental fashion by Ishihara Ken (1882–1976), while both Ebina DanjØ (1856–1937) and Kagawa Toyohiko (1888–1960) formulated their own versions of Christian liberalism. Catholic theology is a topic unto itself, involving Christian-Buddhist debate, negative postures towards traditional Japanese thought, New Testament theology, and translation of Western theological works into Japanese. Each of these three approaches—traditional ecclesiastical categories that are not indigenous to Japan, a historical periodization that is tied to wider Japanese history, and a topical survey—has its own merits. We also need to take into account uniquely indigenous elements of Japanese Christian theology, including Japanese religious heritages, all of which have played important and multi-faceted roles in shaping Christian thought in Japan. In this chapter, therefore, we use the twin categories of indigenous and imported theologies as an overarching rubric. To help manage the various people, topics, and

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movements that will arise in our discussion, we will proceed along general historical lines that relate to the development of Christian thought in interaction with external transmitters of the faith. Proceeding historically will also help to anchor us in the real-life settings within which Christian theologies in Japan have been forged. Pre-Meiji Developments (Prior to 1868) It is of course impossible to delineate the diverse ways in which the notion of deity has been understood during the more than two millennia of Japanese history prior to the beginning of modern Japan in 1868. One must also keep in mind that pre-modern Japan was a divided and heterogenous society and that national unity only truly developed from the late nineteenth century. Regarding this pre-modern background, we can only briefly draw attention to five important strands of religiosity and theology into which specifically Christian theologies have been woven. First is the indigenous religious sense of most people who have been born and raised within the Japanese cultural-racial milieu,4 what could be referred to as Shinto religiosity. This “way of the gods” does not involve a rational confession of faith, but a sense of the awesome and mysterious reality(ies) upon which people are dependent for life and its provisions. Villages would thus have their festivals focused on their local agricultural deities; fishermen would offer their hopes to their sea-god for successful catches; people would bow in reverence before a beautiful sunrise or a majestic tree. The communal aspect of this sense is also fundamental: life is lived together in dependence on the surrounding powers—the “gods” or kami—of nature. Second is the multi-faceted background of Buddhism. Japanese Buddhism, taken as a whole, flows within the larger stream of Mahayana Buddhism. In its various forms Buddhism began entering Japan via China and Korea in the sixth century CE. Particularly noteworthy here are the Pure Land and Zen traditions. The former was developed by HØnen (1133–1212) and then his disciple Shinran (1173–1262) into a radical “salvation by faith alone” in Amida Buddha—so much so that upon encountering this “True Pure Land” Buddhism (JØdo Shinsh¨) some sixteenth-century Jesuits thought that the Protestants had preceded them to Japan. Zen Buddhism has had a profound effect on Japanese culture, for example in cultivating the serenity, beauty, and care evident in such traditional arts as the tea ceremony and flower arranging. Many scholars do not classify Confucianism as religion, but rather as an ethical tradition. A strict dichotomy cannot be drawn between these cate-

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gories, however, especially outside the West. Moreover, Confucian behavior and “world views” were central elements in the type of Christianity that developed among early Protestant leaders. Indeed this Chinese import infiltrated public life in Japan so as to shape significantly not only a minority religion such as Christianity, but the modern nation-state as a whole. A fourth strand of religious background that greatly affected later theological developments was the long-term impact of the cruel persecution of the sizeable Christian Church that had emerged since Francis Xavier’s arrival in 1549. The so-called “Christian Century” had seen the number of Christians rise to 300,000 or more. From the early seventeenth century until the midnineteenth century, the Tokugawa Shogunate enforced a strict prohibition of this alien superstition and cultivated in the wider Japanese psyche a fearful disdain of the “Southern Barbarians’” evil religion (jakyØ). Modern Japanese theologians had to deal with that deeply cultivated disdain both within themselves and their peers, the latter of which was exhibited in the general public opposition to Christianity from the 1890s. A fifth area that deserves mention here—and merits its own separate treatment in terms of theological analysis—is the variety of understandings of the Christian faith that developed among the “Hidden” or Kakure Christians. These Christians had no contact with the outside world for over two centuries. They were carefully monitored both by governing authorities and social restraints. Hidden methods of religious observance—carving crosses on the back of Buddhist statues, for example—had to be employed. Amalgamations of religious understanding, particularly Buddhist-Christian ones, inevitably grew. When modern French Catholic missionaries discovered these Hidden Christians in the mid-nineteenth century, there was initial widespread rejoicing at God’s merciful preservation of His Church within secluded Japan. Further investigation, however, drove the missionaries and others to conclude that the theological posture of the Kakure Christians was syncretistic and corrupt. On the one hand, what had happened served as a model of what can occur when a particular group of Christians is left to itself, separated from the wider Christian community. The reaction to the Kakure Christians’ beliefs also spoke loudly about the type of theologies modern Western missionaries brought to Japan, as well as the challenges that Christians would face in developing their theologies within a rapidly changing Meiji Japan.

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Meiji to Early ShØwa (1868 to 1930) The backdrop of Christianity’s reemergence in Japan in the mid-nineteenth century was the Meiji Restoration. The Tokugawa Shogunate was replaced by an oligarchy comprised of leading figures from southwestern Japan. The toppling of the Tokugawas naturally brought down families who had been loyal to them, most for several generations. It was almost exclusively out of this group of dispossessed samurai that the first-generation Christian leaders came. “Baptized BushidØ” Within the five pre-Meiji theological strands described above, certainly indigenous Shinto sensibilities as well as the latent disdain of the Europeans’ barbaric superstition played their parts. Undoubtedly, though, it was the Confucian thought and demeanor that was the single most important substratum for these first-generation Meiji Christian spokesmen. Generally what that meant was an unswerving devotion to their new Lord—God in Jesus Christ— that had supplanted their previous bygone loyalties, but without displacing their fierce determination to labor for Japan (albeit a renewed Christian Japan). While creative “academic theology” did not necessarily shine forth from these Christian stalwarts, genuinely new understandings of deity and of his relationship to life in Japan were forged on the hot anvil called Meiji Christianity. Five representative figures will serve us here: Niijima JØ (1843–1890), Uchimura KanzØ (1861–1930), Nitobe InazØ (1862–1933), Uemura Masahisa (1858–1925), and Ebina DanjØ (1856–1937). Niijima JØ’s samurai household was in Gumma in central Japan. He fled northward less than a decade before the Meiji Restoration, and he illegally left the country from Hakodate and sailed as a castaway to New England. Before leaving Hakodate he had encountered Christianity through the newly arrived Russian missionary Nikolai (who later became famous through his exemplary half-century of service in Japan). Niijima came to a fervent evangelical faith while in the United States, and the ambition to turn his native Japan to Christ gradually took shape within his heart. He returned in the 1870s and established a Christian school in Kyoto, which eventually became DØshisha University, an institution recognized as one of the most prestigious universities in all the land. DØshisha’s graduates thrived in all fields; science, education, politics, medicine, and the arts. Numerous evangelists fanned out

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from DØshisha as well, helping to establish the Kumiai (Congregational) churches throughout south-central Japan. Niijima’s samurai-like loyalty both to the U.S. Congregationalist American Board and—more fundamentally—to his Lord Jesus, constrained him to see his nation renewed for the honor of Christ. Over two decades after Niijima had ventured to the United States, the enigmatic Uchimura KanzØ followed in his wake to New England. Uchimura had been drawn into a Christian group while a student at Sapporo Agricultural College, a group that had been organized in 1876 by William S. Clark (1826–1886), a lay Christian professor who served as the first headmaster of this school. Along with some other young students, Uchimura received baptism and briefly associated with a Methodist mission church. Young Uchimura was wrestling with seeming contradictions between science and religion, however, and he was also finding it difficult to reconcile being Japanese and belonging to an imported organization. His four years in the U.S. shattered his latent images of the Christian utopia he had expected to find. Uchimura turned forever sour towards the shallow and mammon-driven Christianity he saw in America, while at the same time he was warmed to an evangelical devotion to Jesus through close American acquaintances. What was happening within Uchimura was the formation of an elliptical devotion to his “Two J’s,” Jesus and Japan, but he admitted that he did not know which foci of his ellipse drew from him the more fundamental loyalty. That two-pillared foundation was how Uchimura came to terms with his inherited Confucian, samurai devotion to Japan and his newfound faith in Jesus of Nazareth. Uchimura was pushed to the brink of having his twin loyalties ripped apart in the famous 1891 lèse majesté incident. He had to wrestle through supporting Japan’s mid-1890s war effort against China, then came to a position of Christian pacifism by the time Japan was warring with Russia one decade later. His ecclesiastical formulations (or lack thereof) in particular have given him notoriety within Japan and abroad. His instinctive desire to see the development of a uniquely Japanese form of Christianity, in contrast to what he saw as uniquely American, German, British and other forms of Christianity, led to his formulation of MukyØkai or “Non-Church” Christianity. Uchimura was not abandoning the idea of “the Church.” He was just claiming that for himself and many other Japanese Christians there had yet to appear a suitable, divinely constituted church. He thus held Bible studies, but there were no membership rolls, no clergy, no sacraments, and no other official ecclesiastical structures. Nitobe InazØ (1862–1933) walked in Uchimura’s MukyØkai circles. His labors as an educator and public servant have been recognized by the

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Japanese government to the extent that his picture was placed on the five thousand yen currency note. Perhaps Nitobe’s most lasting contribution, his English-language book BushidØ (1899), earned him international recognition. In this monumental work, Nitobe explains traditional Japanese Confucian morality by likening it to, but simultaneously distinguishing it from, medieval European chivalry. While not a theological work per se, Nitobe’s BushidØ articulated for the wider world the comprehensive samurai sociocultural ethic that served as the framework for the Meiji Christian leaders’ vision for a renewed Japan ruled by their new Lord, Jesus Christ. For Nitobe, this theological vision was served through educational and diplomatic efforts. In line with Nitobe, “Baptized BushidØ” was employed by various other Christian leaders, including Uemura Masahisa (1857–1925), called by some the Father of Japanese Protestantism. Uemura’s theological grafting of biblical Christian faith into his inherited Confucian worldview resembles the same dynamic of indigenous-imported religiosity exhibited by the other theologians we have already considered. With Uemura and others in his “PresbyterianReformed” tradition, however, we encounter a more intentional embracing of traditional—and in that sense imported—Christian confessional formulations. Of all the first-generation Meiji Christian leaders, Uemura can thus be understood as the most “conservative” in terms of retaining specifically Christian theology as it came to him. This should not, though, overshadow the tenacity of Uemura’s equally “conservative” BushidØ posture towards Japan. Having seen his family’s fortunes taken away by the new Meiji oligarchy, Uemura longed to see the former glory he had sensed as a boy restored, albeit in “baptized” fashion. One can trace his ecclesiastical leadership alongside the growth of the Japanese Empire, which included hosting annual worship services for the National Diet and evangelistic trips to the new colonial possessions of Taiwan and Korea. While Uemura’s Bible-centered faith certainly included a strong focus on the cross of Christ, his most central thrust was on the person and lordship of Christ, which was only proper for a devoted samurai. A particular theological-ecclesiastical incident that demonstrates Uemura’s own type of hybrid indigenous-imported Christianity occurred when Uemura’s “Japan United Christian Church” reconstituted itself in 1890. The United Church (Itchi KyØkai, not to be confused with the much later KyØdan) had been established in 1877. It was a union of the earlier Nihon Kirisuto KØkai (“Japan Christian ‘Universal’ or ‘Public’ Church; the English translation is problematic due to the much-discussed indigenous nuances of the term kØkai) and the Japan Christian Presbyterian Church (more “imported” in its charac-

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ter). That union had largely been brokered by American and Scottish missionaries, and the United Church had adopted not one but several imported Reformed confessional statements, including those of Westminster, Heidelberg, and Dordt. By 1890 Uemura and other Japanese pastors had assumed much of the actual responsibility for the United Church. Besides their decision to change the church’s name by dropping the term “United,” Uemura and others argued persuasively that a simpler and more universally recognized confessional statement—the Apostles’ Creed—be adopted, along with a concise statement. That would be more appropriate, Uemura asserted, to where Japanese Christians were historically in terms of developing their own understanding of who Jesus was to them. By contrast the ex-patriot missionaries, first and foremost the U.S. Dutch-Reformed James Ballagh, were furious. They saw the wiles of Satan behind such a move. Subsequently many missionaries also started viewing Uemura and others as ardent nationalists—not surprisingly, given Japan’s turn towards national consolidation starting with the 1889 Meiji Constitution. Nevertheless, Uemura and indigeneity won the day. The fact that indigenous-Japanese Christian thought and practice was by no means uniform is apparent from an incident related to Niijima JØ. Leading up to the reconstitution of Uemura’s denomination in 1890 was an intense four-year period of joint negotiations towards unification with Niijima’s Congregational churches. At the eleventh hour those efforts broke down. Analyses as to why are legion; many point to Niijima as the culprit. In any case, certainly there were various competing loyalties: to the two church bodies’ respective cooperating Western missionary bodies, to Congregationalist and Presbyterian ecclesiastical traditions that had become their own, and to regional differences within Japan. The ideal of a single Protestant Church in Japan had been a deep hope of expatriots and Japanese leaders alike for three decades, but in the end stubborn realities could not be overcome. A similar complex of indigenous and imported factors comes into play when we compare Uemura with our fifth Meiji representative, Ebina DanjØ. Ebina’s and Uemura’s names are forever linked in the annals of Japanese theology because of a well-known “debate” that took place between them. This public discussion was carried out via the written channels of Ebina’s and Uemura’s respective journals, Shinjin (The New Man) and the Fukuin ShinpØ (Weekly Gospel), from the fall of 1901 through the following spring. Although their respective, influential churches in Tokyo belonged to the same “Evangelical Alliance,” their debate made it apparent that Ebina and Uemura held widely different understandings of the organization’s defining notion of “Evangelical.”

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The discussion began to take on intellectual substance when Ebina asked Uemura to explain philosophically the statement, “God became man and descended to the world.” The two then volleyed back and forth over the course of the rest of the fall, during which time Uemura only went so far as to note that Ebina seemed to have wavered on fundamental historical doctrines such as the trinity, and had adopted higher critical approaches to the Bible. Ebina then makes his position clear in a January 1 exposition entitled, “The Doctrine of the Trinity and My Religious Consciousness.” In this essay, Ebina traces the dialectical development of the doctrine of the trinity through the notion of the logos. According to Ebina’s analysis, the “logos” concept arose out of the interaction between Judaism and Greek philosophy. Christians then identified Jesus of Nazareth with this logos as the mediator between God and man. The accompanying doctrines of the Holy Spirit, and then the trinity, subsequently came to be formulated. Christians, however, are to practice the religion of Jesus, not the religion about Jesus. The latter has been constructed by other believers—e.g., Clement, Augustine, Luther—who were men of their own day. As Jesus’ followers, our allegiance is to Him, not to other theologians. As other Christian thinkers did, we too, both as followers possessing Christ’s spirit and His own religious consciousness, and as people of our own day, must use contemporary thought in articulating our own religious awareness. The criticism that we may have different religious formulations than those created in other periods of history, e.g., the trinity, is thus not a valid criticism. Uemura’s quick rejoinder, published in the January 8 Fukuin ShinpØ, graciously praises Ebina for his toil of research and writing (reflecting the cordial tone of the entire discussion). Uemura also expresses gratitude for the essay’s clarification of Ebina’s position. While noting that Ebina’s historical analysis resembled that of the “German Liberals,” Uemura drew attention to Ebina’s starting point: Did he, or did he not, recognize and worship Jesus as God? Paul certainly did; what about Ebina? At this point the discussion came to an impasse. Ebina’s subsequent explanations include attempting to enable fresh theological articulation of Christian religious experience by stripping away inherited confessional baggage, for example the alleged unnecessary and indiscriminate claim that Jesus of Nazareth was God. Uemura’s lengthy exposition was entitled “Christ and His Work,” actually written over the course of several months (January through July). The focus throughout is on the person of Christ, particularly His divinity and sinless, supernatural character. Uemura in effect expounds Paul and John, while rebutting Ebina’s explanation of how Jesus became identified with the

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logos. In the meantime, the Evangelical Alliance met in April of 1902, and it rendered its judgment in favor of Uemura’s evangelical position, thus forcing Ebina and others out. What is particularly important for our purposes here is the analysis of the discussion. For example, one can see within the debate the role of the “Enlightenment worldview” within which the gospel was introduced and received during the Meiji period. Such a view’s ordered universe, ruled by the one true God and open to inspection and precise definition, not only led to the gradual crystallization of the gospel’s essence, but also its being scientifically debated. Most analyses of the debate quite rightly highlight the theological issues of Christ’s divinity and the atonement. As such, the debate was between traditional Christian orthodoxy and the so-called “New Theology” that had emerged in conjunction with the arrival in Japan of certain German missionaries in the mid-1880s. In either case, stressing the importance of the (European) “Enlightenment” and traditional versus newer (Western) theological formulations focuses on the imported side of the dynamic between Ebina and Uemura. On the one hand, Ebina both rejected tradition and opted for theological pluralism. Uemura, on the contrary, seemed not only to embrace a particular theological tradition, but to argue as well for exclusivity. Seen in this way, the debate between Ebina and Uemura hinged not so much on content as on the nature of the commitment to particular historical understandings of the Church. Thus the nature of Christian thinking becomes the primary question. One possible reason why the two men disagreed in their theological approach and perspective may be related to different educational backgrounds vis-£-vis Confucian and neo-Confucian thought. One could assume that Uemura’s education was grounded in the “orthodox” neo-Confucian tradition of Chu Hsi; its basic orientation was to ri (“principle or reason”). By contrast, Ebina probably was schooled in a more Wing Yang Ming tradition, the fulcrum point of which was shin (“mind” or “intuition”). While the specific evidence is incomplete, undoubtedly such indigenous factors help explain certain aspects of the different approaches pursued by these two theologians. Finally, we should note that the debate had begun with Uemura’s questioning whether or not those not adhering to “evangelicalism” should belong to the Evangelical Alliance. This was a organizational type of issue more than a strictly theological matter. Uemura’s underlying objective was to clear up the ambiguity of Alliance membership, in the interests of his ultimate goal of establishing one, unified Japanese Church. Uemura’s and Ebina’s different regional affiliations—east-central KantØ versus western Kansai—also were

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important factors underlying their interaction (similar to what happened in Uemura’s and Niijima’s respective churches’ failed attempt at denominational union, described above). Such dynamics serve to illustrate the fact that “theologies” in any setting rarely are formulated apart from the rough-andtumble of real-life controversies. It also shows that, as far as early twentiethcentury Japanese theology was concerned, Uemura emerged from his discussions with Ebina as the single most influential Protestant Church leader in Meiji Japan. Amidst the plethora of imported-indigenous streams of thought, Uemura’s “evangelical” theological viewpoint had become the single most prevailing Protestant understanding of the Christian faith. Other Theological Currents Mention has already been made of the “New Theology” that began in the mid-1880s. Wilfred Spinner arrived from Germany in 1885 and was soon producing a magazine entitled Shinri (Truth) that disseminated the latest German theological ideas; the magazine was also sent free to pastors throughout Japan. Two years later, A.M. Knapp arrived from the United States and was soon publishing his own magazine, the Unitarian. The new German theology had a particularly strong influence on many prominent Christian leaders, including Ebina, Kanamori Ts¨rin (later “Paul” Kanamori) and Yokoi Tokio. That imported “influence,” however, must always be seen in conjunction with indigenous realities (and often as subservient to more lasting and powerful indigenous concerns) that made these individuals gravitate towards making such new theology their own. The importance of Japanese concerns is evident in how Kanamori and Yokoi took the lead in articulating the theological foundations for what came to be known as a decidedly nationalistic “Japanese Christianity.” In the immediate wake of the granting of the 1889 Meiji Constitution and the promulgation of the 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education, Kanamori, Yokoi, and others sought an explicit Japanese connection with Christianity via Shintoism or Confucianism, as well as advocated a radical transformation of Christianity by stripping it of all Western elements. Paradoxically, modern scientific theories were used to bolster the need to be contemporary in recreating Christianity within the new, modern Japan. Generally speaking, this style avoided a confrontation with the state by attempting to re-plant the Christian faith fully in Japanese soil and to see it nourished in a fully Japanese environment. Our analysis would be incomplete without at least brief mention of Japanese Orthodox and Catholic theologies. Archbishop Nikolai is a dominant

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personage in the history of the Orthodox Church in Japan; his influence is literally represented by the magnificent Nikolai Cathedral in Tokyo. Alongside his pastoral and administrative legacy stand several literary achievements, not the least of which was a new Japanese translation of the New Testament (Cary 1973, 421). Iwashita Soichi (1889–1949) and his disciple Yoshimitsu Yoshihiko (1904–1945) both studied in Europe in their late twenties. During their ensuing years in Japan, they broke ground respectively for the study of European medieval thought and modern theological literature in Japan (Furuya 1977, 77–80). In general, however, it is difficult to uncover much more than the Russian and Latin characteristics of any so-called theological developments within these traditions through the 1930s, and indeed until Vatican II. The growth of ecclesiastical structures was paramount. Insofar as theologies were articulated in the Japanese language, for the most part they were either literal translations of imported creedal formulations or analyses of both traditional and contemporary Western writings. Other Representative Figures The life and work of Hatano Seiichi (1877–1950) extends well into the next time period, but much of his seminal work took shape in the early 1900s. Hatano deeply absorbed German approaches to the philosophy of religion, actually studying there from 1904–1906. His maiden work, KirisutokyØ no kigen [The Origin of Christianity] (1908), explicitly acknowledges Hatano’s indebtedness to German scholarship, including the history of religions school (Religionsgeschichte Schule). His work over the next four decades shows a fascinating interplay between German philosophy and Hatano’s own Japanese heritage, climaxed by his Toki to eien [Time and Eternity] (1943). Ishihara Ken (1882–1976) followed his mentor Hatano both in being nurtured into the Christian faith by Uemura and in going through German scholarship in developing his own approach, in his case Christian history. As the pioneer of Christian historians in Japan, Ishihara wrote extensively about the development of Christianity around the world, including Japanese and Oriental Christianity. Ishihara remains a towering figure in helping the Christian Church in Japan come to grips with its place within the wider, global Church of Christ. Takakura TokutarØ (1885–1934) served as a pivotal theologian in the transition from the first generation of Meiji leaders to the 1930s. He too learned of Christianity from Uemura, but also like Hatano, Ishihara and others,

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Takakura read German—unlike Uemura and others who were educated primarily before the 1890s. Thus at Uemura’s and others’ urging Takakura studied deeply Schleiermacher, Ritschl, and other important modern German figures. Interestingly, however, Takakura did his overseas studies in Britain (1921–1924). This was also likely due to the influence of Uemura, who saw British (especially Scottish) theology as a healthy middle course between “dangerous” German theology and “shallow” American theology. The Scottish Congregationalist P.T. Forsyth became Takakura’s closest theological kinsman; both battled so-called “Liberal Christianity” with a strong focus on the centrality of the Word of God. It is poignant to point out as well that among the dialectical theologians of the 1920s, Takakura found his deepest affinity with Emil Brunner rather than with Karl Barth. It is precisely at this point that the dynamics of imported and indigenous theologies undergo a fascinating twist. Within the Japanese (Protestant) theological world, Takakura’s period of peak influence was after Uemura’s untimely death in 1925 and before the overwhelming influx of German dialectical theology in the early 1930s. Relative to Uemura, Takakura waved a similar “Evangelical” banner: his enduring legacy was encapsulated in his wellknown Fukuinteki KirisutokyØ [Evangelical Christianity] (1927), which was used as a prime textbook in seminaries during the following decades. At the same time, Takakura differed from his mentor in being more preoccupied with inward matters (in Takakura’s words, “quality versus quantity”), for example, solving the “problem of the self” or its nature and identity. Their generational difference goes a long way in explaining this shift in emphasis (as Takakura himself noted): Uemura’s generation was preoccupied with building a new nation, whereas Takakura and his contemporaries had to digest internally the incredibly rapid changes that had occurred in Meiji Japan, including the type of human beings modern Japanese people had become. With respect to Western theology, Takakura can be (and has been) easily misunderstood as simply a Japanese copy or mirror-image of Forsyth and Brunner. Furthermore, because of the ensuing domination of Barthian theology in Japan, a retrospective analysis can even see an “influence” of Barth on Takakura’s theology—despite Takakura’s own claims to the contrary. What is crucial to note is the indigenous Japanese character of Takakura’s theological concerns. Like the Confucian-based former samurai who had established the modern Japanese Christian Church, Takakura had a tenacious religious heritage that forever informed his understanding of, and relationship with, deity. That family heritage, in contrast to Uemura’s, was a prominent branch of True

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Pure Land Buddhism. Deeper probings into Takakura’s theology, done in his mother tongue and in sympathy with his historical context, show how his inherited religiosity helped push him towards achieving a deep-seated certainty of faith rooted in an unshakeable authority. As we shall see, however, historical events of the 1930s prevented Takakura’s own creative Christian theological engagement with his Buddhist heritage. Whereas various forms of “Baptized BushidØ” had taken shape in the days of Meiji Japan, along with a Shinto-based “Japanese Christianity,” the growth of modern Buddhist-flavored Christian theologies would have to wait. A new wave of concern was sweeping over the Japanese theological landscape. Early ShØwa (1930) to Present That wave was distinctively German: Barthian theology. Barthianism’s effects are still felt today, and its influence was so overwhelming in the 1930s that it was not until the 1960s that certain younger theologians perceptively began to cry out for release from their inherited “German Captivity.” Dialectical Theology and Other Imported Currents Two well-known theologians recognized as having introduced dialectical theology into Japan were Kuwada Hidenobu (1895–1975) and Kumano Yoshitaka (1899–1982). Kuwada was appointed professor of systematic theology at Tokyo Union Theological Seminary in 1930 (this was the successor school to where Uemura, Takakura and others had taught). Soon thereafter Kuwada encountered dialectical theology and he publicly disavowed his earlier allegiance to Ritschlian theology and turned towards Barth. This theological re-orientation was so significant that he described his experience as a conversion of faith. Kuwada’s BenshØhØteki shingaku [Dialectical theology] (1933) and KirisutokyØ shingaku gairon [Christian theology in outline] (1941) served to place Barthian theology at the center of the Japanese Protestant theological world. Kumano published his BenshØhØteki shingaku gaisetsu [Introduction to dialectical theology] in 1932, then proceeded to develop his own distinctive theology over the next several decades. Kumano’s magnum opus was his three-volume KyØgigaku [Dogmatics] (1954, 1959, 1965), and the inevitable work that explicitly wrestled with coming to grips with indigenous traditional thought was his Nihon KirisutokyØ shingaku shisØshi [A history of Japanese theological thought] (1968).

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By contrast, Kagawa Toyohiko (1888–1960) and Nakajima Shigeru (1888 –1946) are names associated with “social Christianity;” in fact, Nakajima published a magazine by that name from 1933. “Redemptive love” expressed their vision of the development of an inner social self into God’s kingdom, the “community of God,” embodying union and solidarity among people within modern capitalist society. Undoubtedly there were similarities here with both Marxism and the American Social Gospel, although there were undoubtedly deeper affinities with an indigenous Japanese communalism. Besides their distinctive differences from dialectical theology, Kagawa and Nakajima both saw themselves as opposed to the more inward, pietistic “Evangelical Christianity” taught by Takakura. Another figure who held to similar dual-contrasts, although from a different standpoint, was Sato Shigehiko (1887–1935). Having studied under Uemura in Tokyo and then Karl Holl in Berlin (1922–1924), Sato furthered Luther studies in Japan in a way parallel to Takakura’s promotion of Calvin. More Indigenous Currents Dialectical theology, the social Christianity that developed in response to new problems associated with modernization, and Luther studies (as well as the evangelical Christianity of Uemura and Takakura) all had clear connections to impulses that entered Japan from the West. In keeping with our overall approach, indigenous-traditional undercurrents must never be forgotten in analyzing these imported developments; indeed it is the indigenous undertows that direct and pull what might be considered the more visible, formulated theologies that were brought into Japan. What is particularly interesting at this point is that even though the early ShØwa theological developments described above were taking place among the second and third generations of modern Japanese Christianity, they were sparked by more recent factors, namely dialectical theology and Luther studies imported from Germany, as well as by late-Meiji urbanization associated with Japan’s capitalist growth. Indigenous undertows may have been active in these newer theological developments, but it was imported elements (or at least newer, in relation to economic trends) that were the more explicit. Even so, because by early ShØwa modern Japanese Christianity had long since entered its second generation, it should come as no surprise that there were also more explicitly indigenous theologies that were being formulated. One of these was a newer and ultra-nationalist version of the 1890s “Japanese Christianity.” The context was the wartime Japan of the late 1930s and early

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1940s. Characteristic positions included the identification of Christ and the emperor, the substitution of ancient Shintoist writings for the Old Testament, and the identification of Yahweh with the mythical Japanese god Amenominakanushi. Much more enduring, as well as more compatible with universal Christianity, was Kitamori Kazoh’s Kami no itami no shingaku [Theology of the Pain of God]. Like “Japanese Christianity,” Kitamori’s theology crystallized during the wartime years. But instead of taking a jingoistic tack, Kitamori’s acute sense of wartime suffering fed instinctive notions he already had of God’s painful love expressed in the cross of Christ. Kitamori attributed this instinctive sense of God’s pain to the concept of tsurasa—”tragedy” or “agony”— expressed in traditional Japanese literature and drama. Specifically, through Jeremiah’s mention of God’s “troubled heart” (Jeremiah 31:20) and Isaiah’s description of God’s “yearning heart” or “compassionate heart,” Kitamori was struck by what he was convinced was the absolute truth of God’s loving heart. Supremely in Christ, that love in pain was demonstrated in God’s infliction of pain on himself, on his own Son, in order to save those whom he loves. Kitamori’s theology received a great deal attention in Japan after the initial publication of the Theology of the Pain of God in 1946. Following its translation into several Western languages in the 1960s, Kitamori’s work received wide acclaim as the first genuinely Japanese Christian theology. What was evident was that he had drunk deeply of Japanese philosophy and Mahayana Buddhist notions, particularly through his studies at Kyoto University, where the influence of Japan’s greatest modern philosopher, Nishida KitarØ (1870–1945), was still strongly felt. Kitamori also studied Karl Barth very closely, which complemented his own Lutheran affiliation. The result was a unique theology that, while not beyond certain charges of patripassianism and criticisms by Barthian theologians, exhibited the blossoming of biblical theology in Japanese soil. A fascinating interplay between imported and indigenous thought can also be seen in the important discussions that took place between Takizawa Katsumi (1906–1984) and Yagi Seiichi (1932–) from the 1960s. The elder Takizawa wrestled through the Zen-based writings of Nishida, then at Nishida’s recommendation studied under Barth in Germany. Yagi, by contrast, encountered Bultmann’s works as well as Zen Buddhism (strangely enough) for the first time while in Germany. Takizawa’s and Yagi’s publications in the 1960s led to their captivating multi-level interaction. Initially it seemed as though they respectively represented Barthian and Bultmannian perspectives.

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More fundamentally, however, their twenty-year long discussion, which involved other prominent Christian and Buddhist thinkers as well, was conducted within more Buddhist categories of thought. Takizawa, for his part, stood for the God-human relationship as “inseparable, unidentifiable and irreversible;” the first two characteristics were from Nishida, the last from Barth. (It is thus not surprising that this irreversible, God-to-human aspect was criticized by Buddhist analysts.) Yagi, on the other hand, allowed for a moment of irreversibility in the Self-ego interrelation. He stressed the “immediate experience” of the Christian I-Thou encounter, believing that Zen had an “existential selfunderstanding” parallel with Christianity. Given Yagi’s strong affinities with Japanese Buddhist categories, it is only to be expected that he was one of the younger theologians to initiate the 1960s cry to be freed from their “Germanic [theological] Captivity.” This section on more indigenous currents would be woefully incomplete without mention of indigenous Christian movements in modern Japan. Only recently have many of these groups come to the attention of the wider Christian community.5 The Nonchurch movement led by Uchimura KanzØ was the earliest such movement, beginning in a self-conscious way at the beginning of the twentieth century. Since that time various other groups have also been established. These groups have drawn on various native influences, including Confucianism, Shinto and Buddhist traditions, ancestor cults, and Okinawan shamanism. Theological formulations tend to address more traditional Japanese concerns. Other Noteworthy Individuals and Movements Several other more mainline Protestant theologians deserve mention; here we will mention three, all of whom exhibit the interaction between imported and indigenous theology in their own peculiar ways. Ohki Hideo (1928–) was another young theologian in the 1960s calling for a moving out of strictly German modes of thought. He studied Puritanism in the United States and also wrote important works on both Brunner and Barth. Demonstrating a running appreciation of the outward-looking Christian ethics of the first-generation Uemura over and against the more inward, pietistic bent of Takakura and Kitamori, Ohki has sought to take up Japan as a historical theological topic. Furuya Yasuo (1926–) has joined Ohki in this enterprise. The two actually coauthored a book entitled, Nihon no shingaku [Theology of Japan] (1989), in which they discuss the reason and process of considering Japan as an object of theological reflection. Furuya also studied extensively in the United States,

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and, more than Ohki, cut his theological teeth on Barth. SatØ Toshio (1923–), like many others of his contemporaries, dealt with Barth but did not remain there. He has done extensive work on modern German theology, branching off from there to follow in the Uemura-Takakura tradition while writing his own creative work in dogmatics and cultural ethics. MutØ Kazuo (1913–1995) developed a creative synthesis between Kierkegaard’s religious existentialism and Nishida’s “self-identity of absolute contradiction.” Similar to other postwar theologians who broke out of the imported straightjacket of primarily German intellectual categories, MutØ blazed new trails, in his case in formulating a theological philosophy (starting with his 1961 Shingaku to sh¨kyØtetsugaku no aida [Between Theology and Philosophy]) that mediated between theology and philosophy without depriving either of its proper integrity. Akaiwa Sakae (1903–1966) exemplifies the winding course of many Japanese theological trends. As a young pastor in the 1930s he enthusiastically embraced Barthian theology. After the war his desire to see human beings in their totality drew him towards Marxism, so much so that he joined the communist party in 1949. He eventually made a clean break with Barthianism in the late 1950s. Studies in German New Testament criticism led to Akaiwa’s rejection of traditional Christianity—although not necessarily Jesus—as described in his KirisutokyØ dasshutsuki [Exodus from Christianity] (1964). His correlative sympathies for Zen Buddhism led to such formulations as Jesus calling forth his ultimate subjectivity, as well as interchangeably calling the ultimate either God or sunyata. By contrast, Okada Minoru is a prime example of an evangelical Christian theologian who firmly and continuously embraced confessional formulations—specifically Reformed confessions—that had been imported from the West. Particularly in association with many U.S. missionary organizations that poured into Japan following World War II, a newer brand of Evangelical theology has been a prominent part of the overall scene of Protestant theology in Japan. Okada was the leading theologian in the Reformed Church in Japan, which itself traces its history in Japan back 100 years. This denomination on the one hand has understood its Japanese theological roots to lie in the UemuraTakakura tradition. On the other hand, its Western roots are American, and particularly Southern U.S. (post-U.S. Civil War) Presbyterian in comparison to the New England background of the mid-nineteenth-century missionaries who were catalysts in the formation of Uemura’s and Takakura’s Japan Christian Church. The more conservative (theologically and otherwise) Southern U.S. connection helps to explain Okada’s own conservative confes-

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sional posture. It also sheds light on his criticism of Uemura and Takakura as allowing their “Eastern” heritages to have destructively infected their own Christian theologies (Phillips 1981, 217, 266). Yet another contrast is provided by the liberationist theologian Kuribayashi Teruo (1948–).6 In focusing on the liberation (kaihØ) of the oppressed outcasts in Japan, specifically the “Burakumin,” Kuribayashi resists being categorized as a mere Japanese instance of liberation theology in general. Instead, his “Theology of the Crown of Thorns” is directly and particularly tied to the Burakumin’s strivings for concrete, historical, communal, and comprehensive freedom. Social, political, cultural and economic justice and freedom are thus in view, and such longings are reciprocally linked with so-called “spiritual” change. The latter is overemphasized and individualized by Japanese church theologians and biblical scholars, thus only buttressing most Japanese Christians’ oppressive preservation of the socio-political status quo, including discrimination of outcasts. The church in Japan must therefore join in the Burakumin’s struggle and hence come to their right understanding of the bible and of Jesus Christ. Kuribayashi also articulates a corresponding Christology of Jesus as both co-sufferer with and victorious liberator of the Burakumin, in which he employs the central image of the “crown of thorns” adopted by the Burakumin when they initially organized themselves politically in 1922. The voice of Japanese feminist theologians has also begun to be heard. Kinukawa Hisako (1938–), for example, critically engages not only Western scholarship but the problem of Bible translation in Japan, where many original texts are translated into Japanese in such a way as to affirm the Japanese traditional partriarchal understanding of the relationship between women and men. Her perspective seriously challenges, for example, the Confucian Christian interpretation of Christianity that was advanced by Uchimura KanzØ many decades ago.7 Finally we need to give explicit attention here to Catholic theological developments. Creative theology was difficult before Vatican II due to the ongoing linguistic barriers to understanding what was coming from Rome. This is not to say there were no prominent Catholic theologians in earlier days. But in parallel fashion to other Japanese theologians’ attempts to throw off the yoke of their “Germanic Captivity,” post-Vatican II Catholic theologians in Japan have shown a strong trend towards “inculturation.” Liturgically some have explored, for example, conducting the Mass in the form of a traditional Japanese tea ceremony. More focus has been on developing peculiarly Japanese theological formulations out of the practice of Japanese-

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Catholic spirituality. Japanese and expatriots alike have given significant attention to Buddhist-Christian dialogue.8 Perhaps more than in terms of philosophical discourse, creative Catholic thinking in Japan has developed within literature. The representative figure here undoubtedly is EndØ Sh¨saku (1923–1998). His Silence (1966) gained worldwide acclaim. That work called poignant attention to the fundamental difficulty of transplanting the “sapling” of Western Christianity into the “swamp” of Japan. Endo’s numerous works included Samurai (1980), in which Endo developed further the specifically Christological dissonance between the conquering Christ taken to the Americas and beyond by the Spanish and the humble, suffering Christ that took root among indigenous peoples over whom the Spanish ruled. Endo’s clear message is that, to traditional Japanese sensibilities, it is the suffering Christ who is much more at home. Summary On a worldwide scale, theologians have attempted to categorize how the Christian faith that has been transmitted through the modern West can be appropriately reshaped—or has in fact been reshaped—within its myriad of non-Western settings around the globe. In Japan, the primary drama giving rise to theological developments has been played out between God in Jesus Christ, as he has entered Japanese heritages, and people who have received Jesus as Savior and Lord. Necessarily, therefore, Japanese believers have developed their understandings of God in Jesus Christ in their own language and particular historical settings. The total picture of these developments is thus a fascinating mosaic. New hues and accents continue to be added. It will thus take keen eyes to discern the ongoing interaction of indigenous terms and external ideas that provide the contours of ever-evolving Japanese understandings of God.

NOTES Koyama Kosuke is as well-known internationally as any Japanese theologian. Even so, given the fact that he has been working outside of Japan for so long (since the 1960s), his contribution to theology within Japan has been negligible (Furuya 1997, 146). 2 This is the basic organization followed by Fuyura Yasuo, ed., A History of Japanese Theology (1997). 1

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Terazano Yoshiki does this in his article, “Japanese Theology,” in Karl Müller, et al, eds. Dictionary of Mission: Theology, History, Perspectives (1998). Topics mentioned here follows Terazano’s lead. 4 The equally indigenous Ainu religion is identifiably distinct, but its limited role in the development of Christian theology in Japan prevents its consideration in this necessarily limited study. 5 See chapter 7 of this volume and Mullins (1998) for a consideration of these representative indigenous movements and theologies. 6 Unfortunately, Kuribayashi’s Keikan no shingaku: Hisabetsu buraku kaihØ to KirisutokyØ [Theology of the Crown of Thorns: Liberation of Discriminated-againstBuraku and Christianity] (1991), is still only available in Japanese. A helpful English article in which Kuribayashi presents some of his key ideas is “Recovering Jesus for Outcasts in Japan: From a Theology of the Crown of Thorns,” Japan Christian Review 58, 1992, 19–32. See Dean (1995) for an interesting comparison of Kuribayashi’s theology and christology with that of Yagi Seiichi. 7 Representative works of Kinukawa Hisako are Seisho no feminizumi [Biblical feminism] (Tokyo: Yorudan Publishing, 1987) and, in English, Women and Jesus in Mark. A Japanese Feminist Perspective (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1994). For a helpful a guide to Japanese feminist theology, see England (2003). 8 Various studies have dealt with the widespread Buddhist-Christian dialogue that has been taking place in Japan. See Furuya (1997, 93 ff) and other works listed in the bibliography. 3

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bragt, Jan van. “The Challenge to Christian Theology from Kyoto-School Buddhist Philosophy” Studies in Interreligious Dialogue 1/1 (1991), 41–57. Cary, Otis. A History of Christianity in Japan: Roman Catholic, Greek Orthodox, and Protestant Missions. Two Vols. in one. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1909; reprint ed., Rutland, Vermont & Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1976. Cobb, John B., Jr., and Ives, Christopher, eds. The Emptying God: A BuddhistJewish Christian Conversation. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1990. Dean, Thomas. “Enlightenment or Liberation: Two Models of Christ in Contemporary Japanese Theology.” The Japan Christian Review 61, 1995. Drummond, Richard. “Dialogue and Integration: The Theological Challenge of Yagi Seiichi.” Journal of Ecumenical Studies 24/ 4, 1987. Earhart, H. Byron. Japanese Religion: Unity and Diversity. 3rd ed. Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Co., 1982. England, John, et al eds. Asian Christian Theologies: A Research Guide to Authors, Movements, Sources. Vol. 3. Delhi: ISPCK, 2003. Furuya Yasuo. “The Influence of Barth on Present-day Theological Thought in Japan.” Japan Christian Quarterly 30/4, 1964.

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______. ed. and trans. A History of Japanese Theology. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1997. Germany, Charles H. Protestant Theologies in Modern Japan. Tokyo: International Institute for the Study of Religions Press, 1965. Inagaki, Hisakazu and Jennings, J. Nelson. Philosophical Theology and EastWest Dialogue. Amsterdam/Atlanta: Rodopi B.V., 2000. Ishii, Hoshihiro. “As The Wind Blows—Interview of Fr. Inoue Yoji.” Japanese Missionary Bulletin 52/ 2, 133–9. Japanese Missionary Bulletin 30, 10, November, 1976. Kinukawa Hisako. Women and Jesus in Mark: A Japanese Feminist Perspective. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1994. Kitagawa, Joseph M. On Understanding Japanese Religion. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1987. Kitamori Kazoh, “Is ‘Japanese Theology’ Possible?” The Northeast Asia Journal of Theology No.3 (September, 1969), 76-87. ______. Theology of the Pain of God. Trans. of Kami no itami no shingaku. 5th rev. ed. Tokyo:Shinkyo Shuppansha, 1958; Richmond, Virginia: John Knox Press, 1965. Kumano, Yoshitaka. “A Review and Prospect of Theology in Japan.” The Northeast Journal of Theology No.4 (March, 1970), 66–75. Kumazawa Yoshinobu. “Japan: Where Theology Seeks to Integrate Text and Context.” In G.H. Anderson, ed. Asian Voices in Theology. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1976. Kuribayashi Teruo. Keikan no shingaku: Hisabetsu buraku kaihØ to KirisutokyØ [Theology of the Crown of Thorns: Liberation of Discriminated-againstBuraku and Christianity]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1991. ______. “Recovering Jesus for Outcasts in Japan: From a Theology of the Crown of Thorns.” The Japan Christian Review 58, 1992, 19–32. Lande, Aasulv. Meiji Protestantism in History and Historiography: A Comparative Study of Japanese and Western Interpretations of Early Protestantism in Japan. Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1989. Matsuoka, Fumitaka. “Theologia in Loco et Tempore: The Indigenizing Process of Protestant Theology in Contemporary Japan.” Unpublished Th.D. dissertation, Union Theological Seminary in Virginia, 1978. Michalson, Carl. Japanese Contributions to Christian Theology. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: The Westminster Press, 1960. Morse, Merrill. Kosuke Koyama: A Model for Intercultural Theology. Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1991. Mullins, Mark R. Christianity Made in Japan: A Study of Indigenous Movements. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1998. Nobuhara, Tokiyuki. “Principles for Interpreting Christ/Buddha: Katsumi Takizawa and John B. Cobb, Jr.” Buddhist-Christian Studies 3, (1983), 63–97.

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Ohki, Hideo. “Theology and Theological Education in Japan.” The Japan Christian Review 51, (1992), 7–18. Phillips, James M. From the Rising of the Son: Christians and Society in Contemporary Japan. American Society of Missiology, No. 3. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1981. Piryns, Ernest D. “Contextual Theology: The Japanese Case.” Japan Missionary Bulletin 11 (1978), 589-597. ______. “Japanese Theology and Inculturation.” Journal of Ecumenical Studies 24/ 4, 1987. Soltau, Addison P. “Uemura Masahisa (1857-1925): First Generation Pastor, Christian Leader and Instinctive Proponent of Indigenized Christianity in Japan.” Unpublished Th.D. dissertation, Concordia Seminary, St. Louis, 1982. Tagawa, Kenzo. “The Yagi-Takizawa Debate.” The Northeast Asia Journal of Theology No. 2, (March, 1969), 41–59. Takeda, Kiyoko. “Japanese Christianity: Between Orthodoxy and Heterodoxy,” in Koschmann, J. Victor, ed. Authority and the Individual in Japan: Citizen Protest in Historical Perspective. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1978, 82–107. Terazano, Yoshiki. “Japanese Theology,” in Karl Müller, et al, eds. Dictionary of Mission: Theology, History, Perspectives. American Society of Missiology Series, No. 24. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1998, 223–30. Waldenfals, Hans. “A Japanese Theology for Japan.” Japan Missionary Bulletin 28/8 (September, 1974), 480–6. Yagi Seiichi. “The Dependence of Japanese Theology upon the Occident.” Japan Christian Quarterly 30/4, 1964. Yamamoto, Kano. “Theology in Japan: Main Trends in our Time.” The Japan Christian Quarterly 32/1 (January, 1966), 37–47.


BIBLE TRANSLATIONS Bernardin SCHNEIDER, OFM

The history of Japanese Bible translations may be conveniently summarized under the five following headings: Translations during the Kirishitan period (1548–1613), Protestant translations (1837–1999), Orthodox translations (1892–1999), Roman Catholic translations (1895–1999), and Interconfessional translations (1975–1999).1 Translations During the Kirishitan Period (1548–1613) The story of Japanese Bible translations begins in 1548, a year before Francis Xavier, the Jesuit missionary to Japan, arrived in Kagoshima, Kyushu. Although no copy is extant, a “translation” of the Gospel of Matthew was made in Goa by YajirØ (or AnjirØ as contemporary sources give his name), a refugee samurai from Kagoshima. Xavier had brought YajirØ and two compatriots to the Jesuit college in Goa from Malacca on the Malay Peninsula where they first met in 1547. This is where YajirØ had given Xavier a glowing account of his native country, which greatly influenced Xavier’s decision to take the Gospel to the Japanese people. Upon hearing the Gospel of Matthew explained to him a second time, YajirØ wrote it down from beginning to end in Japanese characters “so as to be able the better to remember it” (Cieslik 1955, 31). Were this translation still extant it would no doubt reveal the problem of translating Christian concepts. From other sources it is known that early translators simply made use of Buddhist terms, even that of Hotoke (Buddha), for instance, to translate “God.” Cieslik remarks that at first sight YajirØ’s Scripture translations might have given the impression of being a Buddhist sutra (Cieslik 1955, 32). Soon apprised of such misleading usage, the early missionaries simply replaced such expressions by phonetically transcribing the Latin or Portuguese terms in question or by adaptations of terms that are strictly Japanese.2 The next mention of early translation work, in this case made for public use, appears in the notice of the loss of materials as a result of the fire on the

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island of Takushima in 1563. Fr. Luis Frois, the Jesuit chronicler, writes that “what afflicted them most of all, because they missed them so much afterwards, were the books and fascicules of Brother Joåo Fernandez” (Ciesilik 1955, 32–3). Among these writings were the Gospels for the Sundays of the year and other Bible pericopes, such as Passion accounts for liturgical readings on Good Friday. On Christmas of 1553, selections “from creation to the end of the world were read for many hours” (Ebisawa 1982, 80). Some years after the Takushima fire (around 1567), Fr. Luis undertook similar translations with the help of a Japanese Brother Daniåo and others. The originals have been lost, but a copy perhaps of these or other similar translations made by Fr. Manoel Barreto in 1591 was discovered some sixty years ago in the Vatican Library.3 Finally, there is some evidence that a partial translation of a significant portion of the New Testament was printed in Kyoto before 1613 (although no copy is extant). Strangely enough, the contemporary witness to this is in English. Captain John Saris, an English adventurer who spent about two years in Japan, made the following entry in his diary while in Kyoto on October 9, 1613: In this cittie of Meaco, the Portingall Jesuitts haue a verie statelie Colledge, wherein likewise are diverse Jesuitts Naturall Japonians, which preach, and haue the Newe Testament printed in the Japan Language. (Cited in Cieslik 1955, 40; also in Ebisawa 1982, 80)

This testimony is corroborated by another almost 180 years later in the form of an entry in a list of books mentioned by Fr. Joåo Laureyro, which reads: “New Testament in Japanese printed by the Society of Jesus before 1613 in Miyako [= Meaco = Kyoto], Small folio.”4 The Japanese section of the press at that time was in charge of a layman, Antonius Harada. In view of the general conditions of the time and the negative evidence of the contemporary literature, it seems very unlikely that this could have been a complete New Testament, including especially the writings of St. Paul and the Apocalypse.5 Protestant Translations The persecutions that began in Kirishitan times (the first martyrdoms took place in Nagasaki in 1597) and the closing of Japan to the outside wor1d from 1614 effectively put an end to post-Kirishitan translation for over two centuries. With Japan thus closed even to the reentry of Japanese sailors shipwrecked on foreign shores, the next translations were once more made outside Japan.

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The first of these was by Karl Friedrick August Gützlaff (1803–51), who in 1837 published his Japanese version of the Gospel of John in Singapore. Gützlaff was a Prussian doctor who had been sent as a missionary to Indonesia by the Dutch Evangelical Society in 1827. In 1832 he moved to Macao and with the aid of the London Missionary Society worked there as a free-lance missionary. Because of his interest in Japan, which had motivated him to begin the study of Japanese, in 1835 he was given charge of three stranded Japanese sailors, Otokichi, Hisakichi, and lwakichi. These three sailors from the port of Toba in south-central Japan were the sole survivors of a rice-ship bound for Edo (Tokyo) that was hit by a typhoon in October 1831. After drifting across the Pacific Ocean to Canada they were rescued by the British and sent by way of England to Macao for possible repatriation to Japan. Gützlaff completed the translation of the Gospel of John with their help in 1836. He then had his good friend Samuel Wells Williams (1812–84), a printer of the American Board of Commissionaries for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) then living in Macao, prepare woodcuts of the translated texts. In 1837 Williams brought these woodcuts with him when he set sail for Japan aboard the Morrison with the three sailors and four other stranded Japanese fishermen who had been shipwrecked on the coast of Luzon in the Philippines. They were joined by Gützlaff, who had gone ahead, at Naha, Okinawa. But all was in vain. After being refused entry at the Port of Edo and being met with shellfire from the shore batteries at Kagoshima they turned back and arrived again at Macao on August 29. In 1837 Gützlaff then arranged for the printing of the whole text of the Gospel of St. John and separately the three Johannine Letters at the ABCFM press in Singapore. The characters used were katakana (the square-type characters of the Japanese syllabary). J.C. Hepburn saw it there in 1841 and sent a copy to New York, which he later brought with him to Japan in 1859. Throughout Gützlaff’s translations “God” is rendered Gokuraku, which is the Buddhist term for Paradise or Heaven (see Ebisawa 1982, 81), the “Logos” is rendered Kashikoi mono (the Wise One), and the “Holy Spirit” as Kami (God). Chapters 1 and 2 of the Gospel of John and the Second Letter of John were printed in Paris in 1854. Though nothing more was published, Gützlaff continued his translation work and seems to have completed the entire New Testament and part of the Old Testament. During this time, Gützlaff’s friend Samuel Williams—the printer who later in life became a lecturer of Chinese at Yale University—began to work on translations of his own. He worked with the help of some of the Japanese sailors after their futile trip to Japan (he appears that he had taken these

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sailors into his house in Canton). He finished the Gospel of Matthew and Genesis in 1860 or 1861 and sent the manuscripts to J. C. Hepburn and S. R. Brown in Yokohama shortly after their arrival there. What appears to be Williams’ translation of Matthew, autographed with the name of ShØzØ (one of the four men who had been shipwrecked in the Philippines), survived a fire that destroyed Brown’s house in 1867 and was later found preserved in a private library in Fukuoka (Toyoda 1957, 3). The next Japanese Scripture translation was that of Bernard Jean Bettelheim (1811–70). His translation of the Gospel of Luke was first published in Hong Kong in 1855 from woodcuts in katakana characters, followed by the Gospel of John, Acts, and Romans. Bettelheim was a Hungarian Jew, who became a Christian, was naturalized in England and sent as a physician and missionary with his family to Naha, Okinawa, by a British naval officers’ Evangelistic Society. Finding that his translations were not acceptable in Japan because of their Okinawan dialect, and having moved to Chicago, where he worked as a druggist, he revised his translations into more standard Japanese with the help of a Japanese friend. His revised version of Luke was printed in Hong Kong in 1858 in parallel kanji (Chinese characters) and katakana. Later the revised Luke and John, transcribed into hiragana (the cursive Japanese syllabary), were printed in Vienna in 1873 and the Acts of the Apostles in 1874. These were favorably received and widely used. Bettelheim used the term JØtei, a Chinese word for God, in his original translations. The next translator was Jonathan Gobel (1827–98), whose first trip to Japan was as a marine on the Perry Expedition (1853). He resolved to return to Japan as a missionary and in 1860 arrived in Yokohama with his wife and a Japanese by the name of SentarØ KurazØ. He began his translation of the Gospels and Acts in 1864. The Gospel of Matthew was printed from woodcuts in July of 1871 in Tokyo, which was the first Bible translation in modern times printed inside Japan. Regarding its printing he writes: At that time there was great unwillingness on the part of the wood-block cutters to undertake any work for Christians on account of the danger. [The wooden placards proscribing Christianity were not removed until 1873.] In Yokohama there were none who would accept the order, so I had the blocks cut in Tokyo. It would seem that the Tokyo block-cutter undertook the work in ignorance of the contents of the book (Toyoda 1957, 5).

The government made short work of it, however, confiscating and burning both the woodcuts and the printed copies, only six of which are known to have survived (four in Japan and two in the USA).

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Although Goble’s translation of Matthew was the first one made and printed in Japan, others were already at work. According to J. C. Hepburn, the first missionary in Japan to work at translating the Gospels was Samuel Robins Brown (1810–1880). Like Hepburn, Brown had arrived in Japan in 1859. His translations were lost in the fire of 1867 mentioned above (with the exception of those for Matthew and Mark, which had been lent to some Japanese friends). A copy of the manuscript of Matthew was found in the same Fukuoka library as that of Williams’ translation of Matthew. In the fateful year of 1867, a new start was made that eventually led to the committee translations of the Bible Societies. That year saw the beginning of the translation of Genesis by David Thompson and the four Gospels by James Curtis Hepburn (1815–1911) with S. R. Brown, also assisted by Okuno Masatsuma. Mark and John were published separately in 1872 and Matthew in 1873. This was followed by Luke as the first fascicule of the committee translation in 1875. On September 20, 1872, the first meeting of representatives of the Protestant Mission Societies in Japan was convened to discuss a corporate translation of the Bible. This meeting was held in Hepburn’s house in Yokohama. The American Bible Society assumed responsibility for the work. Each church group was to furnish one translator. After the resignation of one after another, the project was reorganized and the first meeting of the new committee was held March 25, 1874, in the house of S.R. Brown. According to the records of this committee, present were: S. R. Brown, J.C. Hepburn, R. S. Maclay, and D.C. Greene. After the opening prayer by Greene, on the nomination of Hepburn, Brown was elected as Chairman and Greene as Secretary. Okuno Masatsuma was asked to act as the Japanese Secretary. Meetings were to be held from 2:00 to 5:00 P.M. on Monday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday. The minutes of the initial meeting read: “A translation of Luke by Dr. Hepburn as revised by Dr. Brown, and Rev. D. Thompson, was then laid before the Committee, with the suggestions of D.C. Greene” (Yelle 1985, 10). The meeting ended at 5:00 P.M. during the discussion of verse 9 of chapter 1. At the next meeting on the following day it was decided to invite Nathan Brown to join the committee in its work of translation and revision. He attended the meetings from the following day until January of 1876. In that year he published his own version of the Letter of Peter, having already published the Letter of James the year before (both were in hiragana). The committee work continued apace for five and a half years until the New Testament manuscript was completed in December of 1879. Early in 1875, however, while the Gospel of Luke was being revised for the second time, a

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proposal was made to substitute the transcription baputesuma for the translation senrei for the Greek word baptizØ or its cognates. A questionnaire regarding the proposed change was sent to fifty-five Protestant missionaries in Japan. The response was as follows: sixteen voted against the change, including Hepburn and Maclay of the committee; thirty were for the change, including S.R. Brown, N. Brown, and Greene; and nine had not answered by March 8 when it was voted that the change be adopted. Baputesuma was accordingly substituted for senrei in the manuscript of Luke already prepared for the woodblock cutter, which was then published in August 1875. Nathan Brown resigned from the committee shortly after the last meeting he attended (January 27, 1876), and went on to make his own translation of the New Testament. Building on the foundation made by his fellow Baptist, Jonathan Goble, Brown used the translation shinrei for baptism (by immersion). He completed and published his New Testament in hiragana in August 1879, which was just eight months before the one volume kanji edition of the Committee New Testament Translation was published in April 1880. Nathan Brown’s New Testament was published in kanji by the Baptist Church in 1900. In the same year that the Committee New Testament was published (1880), Hepburn published the same in transliterated rØmaji, using the romanization transcription system he had devised and which is still in use in bilingual dictionaries (known simply as the Hepburn system). He had previously published the Gospel of John in rØmaji in 1873 (New York: American Bible Society). In a letter explaining who had prepared the original manuscripts for the committee translation of the New Testament, Hepburn wrote: “I did all the New Testament except Acts, Galatians, Philomen, Philippians, and Revelation which were done by Dr. S. R. Brown and the Epistles of John and Colossians by the Rev. D.C. Greene” (Robertson 1952, 20). The list given in the committee records has Hepburn as the original translator also of Galatians (Yelle 1985, 67).6 It was Okuno’s calligraphy that was used to make the woodblock cuts. Other principal Japanese assistants of the New Testament committee members besides Okuno, who was Hepbun’s assistant, included Takahashi GorØ, who assisted S. R. Brown, Matsuyama Takayoshi, who assisted Greene, and Kawakatsu Tetsuya, who assisted Nathan Brown (e.g., Yelle 1985, 13, 60). In the minutes of these meetings these assistants were referred to as “teachers.” October 13, 1876, four years before the publication of the Committee New Testament, a number of interested missionaries had met in Tsukiji to organize work on the translation of the Old Testament. The Bible Societies of Great Britain and Scotland agreed to sponsor this work. The first formal translation

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of a part of the Old Testament published in Japanese appeared the following year and consisted of the first eleven chapters of Genesis made by David Thompson and revised by a committee consisting of himself, H. Waddell, J. Piper, and G. Cochran, the committee secretary. Various other committees for Old Testament books were organized. But the overall plan made in May of 1878 overreached itself and broke down. In 1879, however, J. Piper was able to publish his translation of Jonah, Haggai, and Malachi. The translation of other Old Testament books that did reach publication around this time were Thompson’s complete Genesis (1878), G.H.F. Verbeck’s Psalms (1880), P.A. Fyson’s Joshua (1882). C.F. Davison’s Kings (1883), and Hepburn’s Proverbs (1883). As a result of reorganization in 1882, the standing committee consisted of Verbeck, Fyson, and Hepburn. Three Japanese members (elected two years later from among six candidates), were Matsuyama Takayoshi, Uemura Masahisa, and lbuka Kajinosuke (who later resigned). The committee meetings were held in Verbeck’s house in Tsukiji. The translation of the Hebrew Old Testament was finished in 1887, in which year the National Bible Society of Scotland published the earliest complete edition of the Protestant Bible in Japanese in two volumes. A celebration in Tsukiji on February 3,1888, marked the publication of this one volume translation by the American Bible Society. In 1892, the Bible Societies’ Committee for Japan published the romanized version of this Bible by Hepburn (who had already published the Psalms in 1888, in addition to John and the New Testament mentioned above). The first committee translation of the New Testament had been based on the King James Version with consultation of the Greek (Textus Receptus). A revision of the New Testament to purify its language and base it directly on the Greek was first ventured in 1904, but without success. At a May 1906 meeting in Tokyo, a revision committee was organized that consisted of four Japanese (T. Fujii, T. Matsuyama, U. Bessho, and M. Kawazoe) and four foreign missionaries ( D. C. Greene [replaced by D. W. Learned after Greene’s death in 1913], H.J. Foss, C. S. Davison and C.K. Harrington). The first committee meeting was held in March 1910 and actual work began the following July. Sessions were held daily (except for Sundays and holidays) in a room at Aoyama College. The text used was that of Nestle. The revision was finished in February 1917 and published that October by the English and American Bible Societies. This revision remained the standard Protestant New Testament until the colloquial version was published in 1954. Before completing the account of committee translations sponsored by Bible Societies, some of the translations made by individuals within Japan

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deserve consideration. First in interest among these are the Bible portion translations of Nagata Hosei (1844–1911) published in 1873. Born in Tokyo, Nagata became acquainted with an English Bible from New York in 1863. After moving to Osaka in 1872, he worked with a firm publishing educational materials. With the opening of Japan to international commerce after the Perry expedition (1853), a government directive encouraged education concerning Western ideas. It was in such a milieu that Nagata published three volumes entitled SeiyØ-gusa [Western Doctrines], which included excerpts from twelve Old and New Testament books and complete translations of 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus. He seems definitely to have been the first Japanese within Japan and the first of any translator to have published parts of the Old Testament. His translations were publised in three volumes just two months after the public notices proscribing Christianity had been taken down. Volume one contained excerpts from Proverbs (1–23); volume two selections from Leviticus, Deuteronomy, Exodus and Numbers, along with excerpts from Romans, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, 1–2 Timothy, and Titus; and volume 3 the teachings of Christ from the Gospels. It was only in 1900—almost forty years after his scripture translations—that Nagata was baptized a Christian while living in Hakodate, Hokkaido (Ebisawa 81, 200–203). Another translation effort to be noted was by B.H. Chamberlain, an experimental draft in verse of some of the Psalms in manyØchØkatai, an extremely classical style, published in the periodical Nippon Ajia KyØkaishi in 1880. Sakon Yoshisuke, another translator during this period, published Matthew (1907), the Psalms (1909), Genesis (1911), a harmony of the Gospels (1914), and Acts (1919). Also worthy of mention is Nagai Naoji’s very literal and faithful translation of the New Testament based on the Greek (Textus Receptus), which was published in 1929. Almost all the translations mentioned thus far were made in a more or less classical or at least literary style. One of the first attempts to depart from this classical tradition was Ibuka Kajinosuke’a translation of the Gospel of Mark published by the British and Foreign Bible Society in 1891. Although no copy is known to exist, it was probably based on the committee classical-style translation, but was republished with changes in the transcription of proper names by J. L. Amermann with the help of lshimoto Sanj¨rØ around 1888. A second edition was published in 1895, of which copies are extant, followed by many subsequent editions. A romaji edition was published in 1903. In 1901, G. Braithwaite published part of the Gospel of Matthew at his own expense in a style midway between colloquial and classical. Among other colloquial (kØkogotai) translations published by individuals before that

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of the committee kØkogotai translation published in 1954–1955 may be noted: the above-mentioned Sakon Yoshisuke’s Acts (1919), Matsumoto Takuo’s Galatians and Yamaya Seigo’s whole New Testament with notes (1928). Almost in a class by itself is the ultra-colloquial New Testament by Watase Shin’ichirØ and MutØ Tomio, which was published by Kagawa Toyohiko of the Kirisuto Shinbun (Christ Weekly) in 1952 as a work intended for readers with no pretentions whatsoever of learning. The story of the committee translations after the completion of the New Testament revision made from the original Greek was published in 1917, continues with the formation of an association in 1926 to study terminology and methods of translation in view of a similar revision of the Old Testament. Although this association made no attempt at translation, its executive chairperson, Tsuru Senji, later headed the committee of the classical-style revision and thereafter the committee of the colloquial version of the Old Testament. The committee to revise the classical-style Old Testament to match that of the revised classical-style New Testament was formed under the initiative of the Japan Bible Society in 1941. A general organizational meeting was held at Kanto College in Yokohama in July of that year. Actual work began February 7, 1942, with twenty members, five of whom formed the central committee. Work went on through and after the World War II. Many specialists in various fields served as advisors, among whom after the war special mention is made of Rabbi Mantle (“Manteru” in rØmaji) of the Occupation Forces. In 1948 a trial edition of Psalms 1–42 was printed and circulated for comment and later the Book of Job (1950). But by 1950 when the whole manuscript was almost complete the need for a revised classical version of the Old Testament seemed superseded by the need of a standard colloquial version of both the Old and New Testaments. So the completed classical version of the Old Testament was officially received in manuscript form but never published. Instead it became the basis of an entirely new version in colloquial style. The committee for this new version of the Old Testament was again headed by Tsuru Senji. Three full-time collaborators were Tetzuka GiichirØ, EndØ Toshio, and Baba Kaichi (who served as secretary). Genesis and Exodus were published as preliminary separate fascicles in 1952 and 1953. The new translation of the whole Hebrew Old Testament was completed and published together with the new colloquial translation of the New Testament (already published the year before) in March 1955. To fill in the details of the New Testament committee counterpart: its three full-time members were Matsumoto Takuo (chairperson), Yamaya Seigo, and Takahashi Masashi, with Sekine Bunnosuke as secretary. Tsuru and Baba of

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the Old Testament committee were the chair and secretary when the two committees met jointly. Further, a total of eight consultants and forty advisers assisted the committees. The New Testament committee met together 318 times from September 1951 to March 1954. All four Gospels and Acts, both separately and in a single volume, had been published in the interim. This “standard” colloquial version of the Old and New Testaments was sponsored jointly by the Japan, the British and Foreign, and the American Bible Societies, each sharing one third of the expenses. The celebration marking its publication was held in the Ginza church April 15, 1955, and was featured by a congratulatory address by Prince Mikasa, and messages from the Prime Minister and the Minister of Education. At the year’s end the Asahi Shinbun, one of the largest newspapers in Japan, awarded this version its prize for the best religious literature published in 1955. From here on the production of Bible translations in Japan resembles a forest. Unfortunately, not all the trees can be tabulated in this short survey. Continuing in the category of Protestant translations, it would seem pertinent to concentrate on the translations of the entire Bible or entire Testaments whether already completed or still in progress. The first of note here is the New Testament translation of Tsukamoto Toraji (1885–1973). He first published the Gospel of Mark in 1953, although as early as 1935 he had published parts of New Testament books in various periodicals (see Schneider 1992, 86–92, 98–100). Iwanami Shoten published his four Gospels in one pocket-book volume (with Mark preceding Matthew) in 1963, and posthumously his translation of Acts in 1977. Although he had completed his translation of the whole New Testament by 1969, it was not published in his lifetime because he wanted to revise it further. By 1969 the remaining books had been published by Seisho Chishiki Sha, whose fascicules carry the caption “A colloquial New Testament for churchless people.” Tsukamoto explains this elsewhere as “a Bible for those who would like to go to a church but cannot, for those who with a one-volume Bible want to learn faith and live it” (Kadowaki and Ooshiba 1983, 315–6). In the same Nonchurch (MukyØkai) tradition, Sekine Masao began a scholarly translation of the Old Testament from the original Hebrew with explanatory notes by publishing Genesis in 1956 in the same pocket-book series of Iwanami Shoten. Genesis was followed by ten other booklets of Old Testament translations in this series and others published elsewhere including the Wisdom of Solomon and also Romans and Matthew of the New Testament. The whole Hebrew Old Testament with short notes was published in four volumes in 1993–95 (Tokyo: KyØ Bun Kwan).

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Oyama Reiji, an evangelical who in 1953 had founded the Seisho Kirisuto KyØkai [Bible Christ Church], published a translation of the Letter to Philemon in 1960. In 1978 he published his translation of the New Testament, and a decade later the entire Protestant Bible as Seisho Gendaiyaku [Modern Japanese Bible] (Tokyo: Gendaiyaku Seisho KankØkai, 1988). The was followed by another New Testament from the evangelical tradition, which was a translation of The Amplified New Testament (Lockman Foundation. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1958). The Gospel of John appeared in 1961 and the entire New Testament in 1962 (both were published by Inochi no Kotoba Sha and sponsored by the Lockman Foundation). In 1961 the Lockman Foundation organized and sponsored an altogether new translation from the origina1 languages known as the Seisho Shinkaiyaku [Bible. New Revised translation]. The organization that took responsibility for the new translation (Shinkaiyaku Seisho KankØkai) represented a number of evangelical groups who thought the colloquial Japan Bible Society translation too free in some respects. After a pilot edition of the Gospel of John, issued in 1963, the entire New Testament was published in 1965 by the newly-formed Nihon Seisho KankØkai with lnochi no Kotoba Sha as the agency. After an issue of the Psalms in 1968, the entire Hebrew Old Testament with a slightly revised New Testament was published in one volume in 1970. It soon became widely used, even among Roman Catholics. The organization comprised twenty-five translators, six commissioners, including one representative of the Lockman Foundation, twenty-eight collaborators, and seven editors. The head translator of the New Testament was Matsuo Takeshi (d. 1967), and of the Old Testament Nao Kosaku (d. 1996). The modern language translation used as a model was the New American Standard Version. At the bottom of each page cross references are given along with critical textual notes and alternate translations. Two special features of the translation are: the beginning of each verse with a separate line, indented to indicate a new paragraph, and the printing of the word Shu [Lord] in bold face wherever it stands for the Tetragrammaton. The next New Testament translation was that of Maeda GorØ (1915–1981), a professor of western ancient literature, especially biblical Greek, at prestigious University of Tokyo. Also of Nonchurch persuasion, he published a private magazine entitled Seisho aidoku [Fond reading of the Bible] from 1964 until his death. His translation of the four Gospels, Romans, and Philemon were published as the New Testament second half of volume 12 of the series Sekai no meisho: Seisho [Great books of the world: the Bible]

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(Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1968), following selected Old Testament books in the first half, translated by Nakazawa Koki. His complete translation of the New Testament was published posthumously by ChuØ Koronsha in 1983. Iwakuma Naoshi, a Nonchurch evangelist, published 13 volumes (divided into 19 books) of the entire New Testament, beginning with the Gospel of Mark, in a facing-page bilingual Greek-Japanese format from 1973 to 1990. The Greek text is that of a V. G. Tasker (Oxford/Cambridge: Oxford University Press, Cambridge University Press, 1964). The bottom half of the pages contain explanatory, textual critical notes and the translation of variant readings of the Greek. A Japanese translation of the New Testament English translation of the New World Translation [in Japanese, Shinsekaiyaku], the Bible of the Jehovah’s Witnesses, was published in 1973, and in 1982 the whole Bible (both by the Watchtower and Trust Society of New York, though translated and printed in Japan). The Ribingu Baiburu, a Japanese version of The Living Bible by Kenneth Taylor (Wheaton, Illinois: Tyndale House Publishers, 1971), was published by Inochi no Kotoba Sha, beginning with the New Testament in 1975 and the whole Bible in 1978. Wishing to answer the criticism of Japanese persons of literature that most Japanese versions of the Bible to date were more “translationese” than good Japanese, Yagy¨ Naoyuki published his own translation of the New Testament (Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha) made from the original Greek in 1985. It is a translation based on the principle of “dynamic equivalence” rather than “formal correspondence,” and yet not a paraphrase as The Living Bible nor an amplified Bible. SinotØ Yosito (so in the book’s colophon; more conventionally, ShinotØ Yoshito, 1895–1989), a disciple of Tsukamoto Toraji and like him of Nonchurch persuasion, published his translation of the New Testament in 1989 (Tokyo: ShinotØ Yoshito Shiyaku Seisho KankØkai) just five months before his death at the age of ninety-four. Although he was not a scripture scholar, it was likewise a translation made from the original Greek. He had worked on this translation for forty years. He made every effort to give his translation a modern look and flavor so that “many Japanese might become familiar with the Bible” (see Schneider 1992, 91). The most recent project of Protestant Old and New Testament translation is a series of independent, occasionally illustrated, annotated translations by various scholars that is published by lwanami Shoten. The first volume, the Gospels of Matthew and Mark, appeared in 1995. By the end of 1999, all five

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of the New Testament volumes have been published as well as ten of the projected fifteen volumes of the Old Testament.7 Before going on to non-Protestant modern translations, it seems appropriate here to record the Anglican-Episcopal translation of the Protestant Old Testament Apocrypha. Published under the title Kyÿaku Seisho Zokuhen (Apokurifa) [Old Testament supplement (apocrypha)] in 1934, an updated revision retitled Apokurifa: Kyÿaku Seisho Gaiten [The Apocrypha: Extracanonical] appeared in 1968, both published by the Nihon SeikØkai Shuppanbu. Its fifteen books, all of which were included in the original King James Version of 1611, comprise 1 and 2 Esdras (known in the appendix published in the Latin Vulgate until about 1925 as 3 and 4 Esdras), the Prayer of Manasseh (also included in the Vulgate appendix), and seven books and parts of the Old Testament books that make up the deuterocanonicals of the Roman Catholic canon. Its style is semi-classical, originally made to complement the then “standard” Japan Bible Society version of the Bible. Orthodox Translations The principal figure in the history of Orthodox Japanese Bible translation is Archbishop Ian Nikolai (1836–1912), who had come to Japan from Russia. Nikolai was one of the additional review members of the New Testament committee translation under Hepburn (Ebisawa 1981, 223 n. 3). In 1892, working with Ueda Masa as the translator, he published the Gospel of Matthew. With the assistance of Nakai Shuji he finished and published the official Orthodox Japanese New Testament in classical style in 1901 as Waga Shu lisusu Harisutosu no Shinyaku [The New Testament of Our Lord Jesus Christ] (Tokyo: SeikØkai Honkai). Roman Catholic Translations in Modern Times Although a number of abbreviated excerpts or digests of the Old and New Testaments were published previously (Schneider 1965, 79–80), the first formal Roman Catholic (hereafter Catholic) Japanese Scripture translation is that of the four Gospels by Michael Steichen and Noel Peri, both of the Paris Foreign Mission Society (MEP), working with Takahashi GorØ, whose name alone appears in print as the translator in the books themselves. Takahashi had previously worked with S. R. Brown on the first committee translation of the New Testament referred to earlier. The four Gospels were published in both

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Tokyo and Hong Kong in two volumes: Matthew and Mark in 1895, Luke and John in 1897. They bear the imprimatur of Archbishop Pierre-Marie Osouf MEP of Tokyo, who sponsored and financed the translation. In 1896 Steichen published Matthew and Mark in parallel rØmaji and Latin columns in Yokohama, and in 1900 all four Gospels in one volume were published in Hong Kong. In the first half of the twentieth century certainly the most famous name in the circle of Catholic Scripture translation is that of Emile Raguet MEP (1852–1929), a native of Belgium. While serving as a pastor in Kagoshima, Raguet dictated his translation to Kako Yukikazu. He used the Latin Vulgate as his basic text, but with constant reference to the Greek, which he sometimes preferred (as noted in an upper margin). The manuscript of the entire New Testament was complete in 1905. It then underwent a painstaking and exceedingly well-done literary revision by Ono Tota, Yamada Jun, and Mitsu Mikasa. In 1908 Raguet moved to Tokyo and the next year began the printing at the Protestant Yokohama Gospel Printing Co. Ltd. (Yokohama Fukuin lnsatsu Goshi Kaisha). With the help of contributions, Raguet met all of the expenses personally. The place of publication is Kagoshima and the date July 2, 1910. The first rØmaji edition, likewise printed in Yokohama, was published in Nagasaki the same day as the kanji edition in Kagoshima. The 18th edition of the latter, published by the Paulist Press (Ch¨Ø Shuppansha, now San Pauro) in 1960, employs a more modern usage of kanji and kana (the syllabary). As regards Catholic Old Testament translation, under the initiative of Bishop Johannes Ross SJ of Hiroshima and Francis Xavier Larbolette SJ, Superior of the Jesuits in Japan, Moriya Okio was entrusted with the translation of the deuterocanonical books of the Old Testament for which there was not yet a Japanese translation of any kind. Using Arndt’s German translation (1914 edition) as the basic text, Tobit was translated and published in 1932, 1 and 2 Maccabees in 1933 and Wisdom (the Wisdom of Solomon) in 1934. With the appearance of the Kyÿaku Seisho Zokuhen (The Old Testament Apocrypha) published by the Anglican Episcopal Church in 1934, however, this project was discontinued. All of the Catholic translations mentioned thus far were in the literary style. In 1933, however, the first Catholic colloquial style (kØgotai) translation of a book of the Bible appeared, that of Ruth, by Max Knapstein SJ and Inoue Ikuji, which was published in the periodical Katorikku [The Catholic]. Other Old Testament books or portions were published mainly in periodicals, some in the colloquial style, such as Isaiah 1–12 and the Gospel of Mark; others in the classical style, such as Jonah, 100 of the Psalms, and the

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complete Book of Genesis (for details see Van Hecken 1960, 81–94, 193–205; also Schneider 1965, 81–82). In 1937 Bishop Ross was entrusted by the Conference of Catholic Bishops in Japan to organize a translation of the whole Old Testament. Although thirty-three prospective translators responded positively to a request for cooperation, after two years the project was abandoned in favor of entrusting it to one man, Shibutani Osamu (1893–1972), who was to devote all of his time to a translation from the original languages. He worked with Chiba Ichiju, who was his assistant and secretary. In 1941 the Book of Genesis was published in a highly classical style. Exodus was begun but then laid aside in response to urgent requests to translate the Psalms. The first proofs of the first fifty Psalms were in hand in 1945, but with the end of the war and the occupation in Japan it was not until 1950 that they finally appeared in print. Because of the shortage of priests, Shibutani moved to Nagasaki in order to serve as pastor of a large parish, which meant that the translation project had to be discontinued (though he continued publication of books and articles related to the Sacred Scriptures). The first complete Catholic Japanese Version of the Old Testament is the work of Eusebius Breitung OFM, from the Fulda Province in Germany, who collaborated with Kawanami Shigeo. It was published by the Franciscan KØmyØsha Press in Sapporo, Hokkaido. Breitung was commissioned by the Catholic hierarchy to make a translation in a moderate classical style to complement Raguet’s New Testament, although Breitung himself thought it should have been in the colloquial style. The translation and printing was begun in 1947 and completed twelve years later in 1959, and included four volumes with explanatory notes. The third volume (1957) contains two renderings of the Psalms: one from the traditional (Clementine) Vulgate, the other from the new (1945) Latin Psalter of Pius XII. Just a year before that third volume appeared, Julius Abri SVD of the Divine Word Seminary in Nagoya had published the first complete Catholic version of the Psalms in a simplified classical style (Tokyo: Enderle Shoten, 1956). His translation was from the Hebrew and his assistant was Hiratsuka Takeshi. The best-known individual Catholic colloquial translator of the past halfcentury is Federico Barbaro SDB (1913–1996) of the Salesian Press (Don Bosco Sha). Barbaro published his translation of the four Gospels in 1950 and the complete New Testament in 1953 (this was a year before the colloquial New Testament of the Japan Bible Society and a year after that of the Kirisuto Shinbun Sha). A revised second edition was published in l967 along with the whole Old Testament. His assistant was Ogata Sue. In this edition,

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Genesis to Nehemiah (except for Ruth) was the work of Alyosius Del Col SDB. In 1975, a completely new edition, with Barbaro as the single translator, was published by Kodansha. All of the previous editions had been published by Don Bosco Sha, as well as the rØmaji New Testament prepared by Del Col, first published in 1955. Barbaro worked from modern-language critical versions with reference to the original languages. In 1956, Alphonse Schnusenberg OFM, Delegate General of the Franciscans in Japan, at the request of the Apostolic Internuncio to Japan, Archbishop (later Cardinal) Maximilien de Furstenberg, founded the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum [Franciscan Biblical Institute] to undertake a colloquial critical annotated translation of the Bible from the original languages (this was with the hearty approval of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference). Accompanied by copious introductions, detailed explanatory notes, with appendices of critical textual notes, maps, tables, and illustrations, the first volumes to appear were Genesis (1958), Leviticus (1959), and Wisdom (1960). After the publication of the eleven volumes comprising the New Testament, they were published in one volume with shortened notes in 1979. As of 2002 a total of 37 separate volumes have been published. The Studium was the publisher until 1975; thereafter, the Paulist Press (Ch¨Ø Shuppansha, now San Pauro). The original staff members were the Franciscans (OFM), Serafino Finateri (d. 1990), Marie-François Geng, Maegawa Noboru, and Bernardin Schneider (director), with Taira Seizo and Ozawa Ken’ichi as the principal assistants. A literary stylist who later contributed greatly was Kumata Kunio (d. 1994), who had once been an assistant to Raguet. Of the numerous staff members of the past forty-five years, others whose names appear as the principal translators of the various volumes published so far are (in chronological order): Hotta YukØ (d. 1988), Honda TetsurØ, Urano YØji, Nishizu Mikio, Suzuki Shin’ichi, Imamichi YØko, and Izumi Yasuhiro. Interconfessional Translation In 1987, the New Interconfessional Translation with Deuterocanonicals and Apocrypha (Seisho. ShinkyØdØyaku. Kyÿaku Seisho Zokuhentsuki) was published by the Japan Bible Society. This Japanese translation was the fruit of over eighteen years of cooperation by Protestant and Catholic scripture scholars and church leaders, as well as the Japan Bible Society and its constituents on the one hand and the Catholic Bisihops’ Conference of Japan on the other. More than to any other one person, the initiative of this project came from the

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Kishi Chitose (d. 1989), an ecumenical leader who served as head of one of the Lutheran denominations in Japan and as chairperson of the Board of Directors of the Japan Bible Society from 1971 until his death. After a three-week ecumenical Far East International Bible Translators’ Seminar held in August 1966 at Hachioji outside Tokyo under the auspices of the United Bible Societies (UBS), a follow-up meeting of most of the participants from Japan and others was held at the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum under the auspices of the Japan Bible Society April 10, 1967. An immediate concrete result of this meeting was the formal request—acceded to by the Japan Bible Society—to found the Society for the Study of Japanese Bible Translating. This society’s organizational meeting was held July 22, 1969; its twenty-sixth meeting was held November 23, 2000. The twenty-seventh issue of its publication appeared in October 1998. The next concrete development was the acceptance by the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Japan of the invitation by the Japan Bible Society to cooperate in the formation of two joint committees. The first of these committees was to be an ongoing group to study the question of reconciling interconfessional differences in biblical terminology especially in the transcription of proper names. (To mention but one outstanding example: at that time the Protestant form and that in general use in Japan for the name Jesus was Iesu; the Catholic form was Iezusu; the Orthodox form, Iisusu.) This committee, composed of ten scripture scholars from Hokkaido to Kyushu (five Protestant and five Catholic) met a total of seventy-one times until its last meeting in 1983. The second committee was an ad hoc group set up to study and report back on the possibility of actually making an interconfessional translation in Japan. It consisted of twelve church or translation related members (six Protestant and six Catholic). After four meetings within one year it reported back unanimously that such a translation in Japan was not only possible but necessary, especially from the viewpoint of evangelization. It recommended the appointment of a joint executive committee of ten members (five Protestant and five Catholic) to inaugurate and implement such a project following the recently published Guiding Principles for Interconfessional Cooperation in Translating the Bible (London and Rome: UBS and Vatican, 1968). Both committees met for the first time in the Bible House of the Japan Bible Society in Tokyo on July 21, 1969. At the first meeting of the newly-appointed Executive Committee, held August 27, 1970, Kishi Chitose and SØma Nobuo (d. 1997), the Catholic Bishop of Nagoya, were elected co-chairpersons. SØma was succeeded by

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Hirata Saburo in May 1977, who at that time was the Catholic Bishop of Fukuoka. Another church leader member of the committee was GotØ Makoto (d. 1989), the Anglican Bishop of Tokyo, later succeeded in 1982 by Bishop Yamada Jo (d. 1993). A total of forty-four translators were involved in this undertaking and divided into three sections: New Testament, Hebrew Old Testament, Deuterocanonicals and Apocrypha, later designated Kyÿaku Zokuhen [Old Testament supplement]. Each section comprised Protestant and Catholic translators, including one woman scholar in each, one of whom also served as one of the editors. The original number of eighteen editors (4–10–4 for the three sections) was later reduced to working groups totaling eight (2–4–2). The two editorial co-chairpersons for all three sections, who alone of all the editors were not also translators, were Takahashi Masashi (d. 1992) and myself. Takahashi, of Kyoto, had been one of the translators of the 1954–55 Japan Bible Society version and until his death the chairperson of the Society for the Study of Bible Translating. (The present chairperson is Kida Ken’ichi, one of the translators and editors.) A pilot edition of the Gospel of Luke was published in 1975 and the entire New Testament in 1978. The proper names were newly translated from the Greek according to modern Japanese usage, resulting in the form Iesusu for Jesus, different from all three forms then in use. The style of the translation was more idiomatic and based more on the principle of dynamic equivalence, than most current versions. It was intended especially for the ninety-nine percent of the population who are not Christian. But these factors, particularly the strange new transcription of well-known biblical names, proved unacceptable. Therefore the whole was revised, including the already prepared manuscripts of the Old Testament books. After pilot editions of a selection (50) of the Psalms in 1983, and Ruth and Job in 1984, the whole Bible was published in September 1987 as the New [Shin] Interconfessional Translation. In it the form of the name Jesus is Iesu. The traditional forms of other wellknown biblical names were also restored. The translation is published in two formats: one including the Zokuhen, and one without. The Zokuhen are placed between the Hebrew Old Testament and the New, and are divided into two groups: the Catholic deuterocanonicals, and the three apocryphal books, namely 1 and 2 Esdras (in the former Vulgate appendix, 3 and 4 Esdras, renamed in the new translation respectively “Greek Ezra” and “Latin Ezra”) and the Prayer of Manasseh. The New lnterconfessional Translation has been well received. It has been adopted by the Catholic Church and the Anglican Church in Japan for official

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use in the liturgy, and is used now in a growing number of Protestant denominations. Responsibility for the text, as regards corrections, revisions, possible annotation and the like, is now in the hands of an ongoing joint committee of eight members (4 and 4)8 that now meets two or more times a year.

NOTES This overview of Bible translation in Japan draws on a number of my earlier publications in the field (see the various entries in the bibliography). Many of these studies were published in The Japan Missionary Bulletin and several topics were covered in a number of issues as follows: on the translation of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum in general, see 10 (1956), 567–1; 11 (1957), 518–9; 12 (1958), 765–7; regarding the problem of transcribing biblical names, see 13 (1959), 365–73; 14 (1960), 376–80; and for articles concerning the Interconfessional Translation, see 20 (1966), 709–11; 21 (1967), 317; 22 (1968), 70–1; 25 (1971), 45–7; 35 (1981), 544–6; 36 (1982), 497–8; 38 (1984), 385–6; 41 (1987), 167–73. For summary accounts of the translation work of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum of Tokyo, see Liber Annus: Studii Biblici Franciscani [of Jerusalem] 11 (1960–1961), 319–23; 19 (1969), 373–5; 21 (1971), 338–9. 2 Regarding “the trouble with God,” to use his expression, see Ebisawa (1982, 79–82); for other terms, see Schneider (1957, 43) and Kaiser (1996). 3 See Schütte (1940, 226–80); for its description, early partial printings, and contents, see Schneider (1957, 42–3). 4 For the Latin text and pertinent reference details, see Laures (1940, 329–30). 5 Here I am relying the studied opinion of Fr. Josef Schütte, S.J., received by personal communication with the author. 6 As for his imprint on the Old Testament translation, Hepburn revised J. Piper’s Haggai, Jonah and Malachi, P.K. Fyson’s Joshua, and translated Proverbs. 7 Concerning two partially completed or partial interlinear Japanese versions, respectively of the Hebrew Old Testament (Tokyo: Myrtos, 1990–94) and of the four Gospels and Acts of the New Testament (Tokyo: KyØ Bun Kwan, 1991–96), see Schneider (1992, 91–2). In January 2000, a facing-page Greek-Japanese synopsis of the four Gospels appeared, the Greek version being that of Kurt Aland, the Japanese text that of the New Interconfessional Translation (Tokyo: KirisutokyØdan Shuppankyoku). For a bibliography of the better known translations of only one or a few books of the Bible from 1965 to 1991, see Schneider (1992, 92–4). 8 Four of the translators and/or editors of the New Interconfessional Translation were members of the staff of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum as are now the four Catholic members of the ongoing committee of the Translation. Three of the four Protestant members of the committee were translator-editors of the translation; the fourth, as a standing member, is the General Secretary of the Japan Bible Society. 1

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Cieslik, Hubert, SJ. “Die Heilige Schrift in der alten Japan mission” Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft—Nouvelle Revue de science missionnaire 11 (1955), 30–41. Curran, M., SDB and Del Col, L, SDB. The Holy Scriptures in Japan. Tokyo: Salesian Press, 1958. Ebisawa, Arimichi. Nihon no Seisho: Seisho no wayaku no rekishi [The Japanese Bible: The history of Japanese translation of the Bible]. New revised edition. Tokyo: Nihon Kirisuto KyØdan Shuppankyoku, 1981. ______. “Problems in the History of Japanese Bible Translation: A Focus on the Translation for God.” Trans. by James L. Wiese. “The Japan Christian Quarterly 48/2 (1982), 79–82. Finateri, Serafino, OFM. “La Bibbia in Giappone.” Euntes Docete 26 (1973), 255–99. Kadowaki Kiyoshi and Ooshiba KØ. Nihon Seisho honyakushi [The History of Japanese Bible translation]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1983. Kaiser, Stefan. “Translations of Christian Terminology into Japanese, 16th–19th Centuries: Problems and Solutions.” In John Breen and Mark Williams, eds. Japan and Christianity: Impacts and Responses. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996. Laures, Johannes, SJ. Kirishitan Bunko [Kirishitan bibliography] (in English). Tokyo: Sophia University, 1940. Miyauchi Thomas Shunzo and Schneider, Bernardin. “Towards a Common Bible.” The Japan Christian Year Book, 1968. Tokyo: KyØ Bun Kwan, 1968. Robertson, James C. F. The Bible in Japan. London: The British and Foreign Bible Society, n. d. [est. 1953]. Schneider, Bernardin, OFM. “Japanese Versions of the Bible.” Wordmission 8 (1957), 39–54. ______. “The Sacred Scriptures in Modern Japan.” Asia: Monthly Review of the Apostolate in the Far East [Hong Kong] 12/7 (1960), 691–8. ______. “Catholic Japanese Bible Translation in Modern Times (1895–1964).” The Japan Christian Quarterly 31/2 (1965), 79–86. ______. “The Translation of the Bible into Japanese.” La Sacra Scrittura e i Francescani. Roma: Pontificium Athanaeum Antonianun, 1973, 225–240. ______. “Problems of Discrimination in Bible Translation.” The Japan Christian Quarterly 42/3 (1976), 143–7. ______. “Japan’s Encounter with the Bible.” The Japan Christian Quarterly 48/2 (1982), 69–78. ______. “The Problem of Transcribing Bible names in Japanese.” The Bible Translator 27/4 (1976), 413–17.

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______. “The Japanese Common Bible Translation.” Nihon no Shingaku [Theological Studies in Japan] 18 (1979), 19–40. ______. “A Remarkable Ecumenical Achievement.” Scripture Bulletin [The Catholic Biblical Association of Great Britain] 10/2 (1980), 26–31. ______. “The Japanese Common Bible Translation” [English half of KyØdØyaku Seisho ni tsuite]. Tokyo: Nihon Seisho KyØkai, 1975. ______. “Efforts in Japanese Bible Translation Since 1965.” The Japan Christian Review 58 (1992), 85–101. Sekine Masao. “The Japanese and the Bible.” Trans. by Lloyd Neve. The Japan Christian Quarterly 48/2 (1982), 82–5 . Schütte, Josef, SJ. “Christliche japanische Literatur, Bilder und Druckblätter in einem unbekannten vatikanischen Codex aus dem Jahre 1591.” Archivum Historicum S. J. 9 (1940), 226–80. Takahashi Masashi. “A Short History of Bible Translation in Japan.” The Japan Christian Quarterly 31/2 (1965), 74–8. Toyota Minoru. A Short History of the Japanese Translations of the Bible. Tokyo: The Japan Bible Society, 1957. Van Hecken, J. L., CICM “Les publications bibliques catholiques en Langue japonaise (1859–1959).” Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft—Nouve11e Revue de science missionnaire 16 (1960), 81–94, 193–205. Yelle, Zenon, SSS. “The Transcription of the New Testament Proper Names.” The Japan Missionary Bulletin 18 (1964) , 101–4. ______. “Meiji shonen no Shinyaku iinkaiyaku ni kansuru shiryØ” [Data regarding the New Testament translation committee from the first year of Meiji; English index title: D.C. Green’s Records on the first Japanese Bible Committee Translation].” Seisho honyaku kenky¨ [The study of Bible translating] 23 (1985), 3–6. ______. “Records of the Committee for the translation of the Bible into the Japanese Language.” Seisho honyaku kenky¨ [The study of Bible translating] 23 (1985), 7–68.


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Early Encounters? At the bottom of the magnificent graveyard at Mount Koya, one of the major centers of Japanese Esoteric Buddhism, there is a beautiful replica of the Chinese Nestorian monument. The original stele, erected at Sian-fu, China, in 781, records the history of the Nestorian church in China, including a statement about its doctrines. When a replica was made and placed in one of the sacred places of Japanese Buddhism, it was because a number of scholars and interested lay people were convinced that the Nestorian Church and Esoteric Buddhism had been in close contact in China, and perhaps in Japan, and had exerted a mutual influence on each other. Some people, including the English lady who took the initiative for erecting the replica at Mount Koya, Elisabeth A. Gordon, even believed that Esoteric Buddhism represented a synthesis of the two religions (Gordon 1911, 193–209, Reichelt 1948, 66–7). It is a fascinating fact that the Nestorian Church was active in the capital of Changan in the same period as K¨kai (KØbØ Daishi) and other distinguished Japanese Buddhist monks were studying and practicing in the area, and it is certainly conceivable that there was contact between representatives of the two religions in the multicultural and cosmopolitan atmosphere of the capital. The Nestorian monument itself evinces the attempt of Christians to express their faith in terms that might be familiar to Buddhism and Chinese indigenous philosophical traditions, and it has been suggested that the Esoteric Buddhist terminology in particular suggests influence from Nestorian ideas. However, even though K¨kai relates his understanding of Esoteric Buddhism to other religious traditions, for example in his HizØ hØyaku (The Precious Key to the Secret Treasury), there seems to be no references to Nestorian Christianity and, further, no direct indication that he ever encountered representatives of the Nestorian Church. The theories about the presence of a Nestorian church in

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Japan, formulated by such a distinguished scholar as P.J. Saeki (Saeki 1916 and 1951) and repeated by others (England 1996; Aprem 1976; and Young 1984), are not necessarily mistaken, but as they have not yet been substantiated by historical evidence, such theories can hardly be regarded as more than intelligent guesses. The replica of the Nestorian monument at Mount Koya might be misleading as a testimony about the early historical encounter between Christianity and Esoteric Buddhism in China and Japan, but it certainly expresses the wish to initiate such a dialogue about one century ago, and it could even be seen as a prophecy about a dialogue which deserves much more attention in the century to come. While the Christian encounter with Japanese Buddhism in the twentieth century has been preoccupied with Zen, and partly with Pure Land Buddhism, there is no doubt that a deepening of the relationship with Esoteric and other Buddhist traditions may open new perspectives and fresh insights. Encounters in the “Christian Century”: Trimphalism and Defeat The first documented encounters between Buddhists and Christians in Japan took place immediately after the arrival of Francis Xavier and the Jesuit mission in 1549. The Jesuits had extremely positive impressions of the Japanese, and reported favorably about their cultural and intellectual abilities. They also established friendly relations with the Buddhist leadership as they entered new places. Their evaluation of Buddhism was initially colored by their own tradition. They observed many similarities in religious practices, such as monastic orders, vestments, the use of rosaries and other ritual elements, but were shocked by the moral laxity of the monks, notably in relation to sexual practices, heterosexual and homosexual (Schurhammer 1982, 77, 84–5). The Jesuits, eager to find indigenous terms in order to make their faith more easily understood, were led to adopt a considerable amount of Buddhist terminology. From the Buddhist point of view, consequently, Christianity seemed to be just another denomination of Buddhism. As the missionaries gradually discovered that the terminology failed to distinguish their teaching from Buddhism, they changed policy and began to denounce Buddhism. The inevitable result was, of course, broken relationships and an increasingly negative stance also on the part of Buddhism. One characteristic example of such misunderstanding is the initial designation for God, introduced by the first interpreter, a Japanese named YajirØ, who had also given the missionaries a fragmentary introduction to Buddhism. He

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suggested that the central Buddha of Esoteric Buddhism, Mahavairochana Buddha, in Japan called Dainichi (The Great Sun), corresponded to the Christian concept of the trinitarian God, creator of heaven and earth. During well-recorded disputations in Yamaguchi in 1551, Xavier spoke about Dainichi as the creator of all things, the eternal goal of immortal souls. Such concepts were certainly unfamiliar to the Buddhist dialogue partners, who were used to thinking that everything was in a state of coming and going like foam on the sea, and they had long discussions questioning all these strange ideas. Xavier finally referred to the eternal law, written in men’s hearts, and the opponents seemed to be content. In a discussion about the origin of God, Xavier explained that he had neither shape nor color nor any accidents, but was pure substance, powerful, wise and good, without beginning or end, and hence it was easy for the Buddhist listeners to assume that the ideas corresponded to their own understanding of the Dharma. The Christian preachers urged people to believe in the trinitarian Dainichi. When after further discussion Xavier realized his mistake, however, he stopped using the name of Dainichi for God. He ordered his companion to proclaim to the townspeople never to worship Dainichi again, but rather regard him as a diabolic invention. In this way the friendly relations with the bonzes changed to fierce animosity (Schurhammer 1982, 220–9; Elison 1973, 32–4). A bizarre aspect of Jesuit bias is their negative evaluation of the Pure Land tradition, with its emphasis on faith in Amitabha and its invocation of Amitabha’s name. To the Jesuit observers this was “precisely the doctrine which the devil, father of both, taught to Luther.” The same evil result is seen among the European heretics as among the Japanese heathen, it was argued, “for these as much as the others are sunk in total carnality and obscenity, divided in divers sects, and living therefore in great confusion of belief and in continuous wars” (Elison 1973, 43–4). The general tone of later relationships with the Buddhists of various sects seems to be consistently negative. It should be remembered that the Jesuits were nurtured by the Counter-Reformation and trained to engage in violent religious disputes. At least the numerous reports sent by the missionaries to Rome abound in negative evaluations of the Buddhist leadership and the Buddhist religion. Buddhism is generally regarded as a diabolic invention, morally degenerated, and an opponent to be conquered (Cooper 1965). The first important apologetical work in Japanese, MyØtei mondØ [Dialogue between MyØsh¨ and Y¨tei], published in 1605 by a converted Zen Buddhist who became Jesuit brother, Fabian Fucan, was an attempt to demonstrate the superiority of Christianity over Buddhism, Confucianism, and Shinto. When

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the same Fabian later recanted his faith and in 1620 wrote his famous HaDaiusu [Refutation of God], he tended to use the same sort of information and arguments as material for refuting Christianity, this time ridiculing Christian teaching from a Buddhist point of view. The Christian doctrine was, according to Fabian, not only ridiculous and childish but dangerous, for absolute loyalty to God implied the right to revolt. With his inside knowledge of Christianity as a previous Jesuit brother, his refutation made a decisive impact on the Buddhist community and became a source of information for later Buddhist attacks (Elison 1973, 142–84). Another, more positive, aspect of the encounter is the relationship that seemed to develop in some circles at the level of art and esthetics. The way of tea is generally considered to be a characteristic expression of Zen spirituality, but it may also have established a base for mutual appreciation. The fact that Sen no Riky¨ and other leading tea masters established close relations with some Catholic priests, and the obvious resemblance between the Catholic mass and elements of the tea ceremony, at least suggest that even in periods of mutual rejection representatives of the two religions have enjoyed the fellowship of tea (Nishimura 1948). Such artistic relationships, however, could not possibly prevent the increasingly negative relations between the two religions, which resulted in Buddhism becoming one of the main means for the oppression and destruction of the Christian church in the seventeenth century. This process, of course, has to be understood against the background of political ambitions of Japanese military leaders who in the last decades of the sixteenth century managed to unify Japan after almost a hundred years of political unrest and civil war. Those sects within Buddhism that were regarded as serious threats to the unification of the country were also severely oppressed and persecuted. While the pressure against Christianity only increased, however, Buddhism was finally brought under the strict control of the Tokugawa Shogunate and given a central position as a semi-national religion and became the main agent for the oppression of Christianity. Buddhist scholars were used as advisors in religious matters, and Buddhist temples were entrusted with the investigation and elimination of Christianity and other “evil religions.” In addition to the above-mentioned refutation of Christianity by Fabian, a number of other anti-Christian tracts were written by Buddhists in the mid-seventeenth century, such as Ha-Kirishitan [Refutation of Christianity] and Taiji jash¨ron [Extermination of the Evil Attachment] (Elison 1973, 230–2, 375–89; Ebizawa 1970). Chinese anti-Christian tracts, written by Confucian and Buddhist scholars, were also used in Japan. With its consistent anti-Christian policy the


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Buddhist world could hardly avoid confronting Christianity with bitter opposition as Japan again opened its ports in the mid-nineteenth century (Thelle 1987, 6–10). Nineteenth Century Relations: From Conflict to Dialogue The initial contact between Buddhists and Christians after the forced reopening of Japan in 1854 presented no basis for a meaningful relationship. From the Buddhist point of view, Christianity was still a fatal enemy and there was no room for concessions. From the Christian point of view, Buddhism posed no threat and there was no need for contact. The relationship was thus extremely unbalanced: a one-sided preoccupation with Christianity on the part of the Buddhists, characterized by exaggerated fear and suspicion; and an almost total neglect of Buddhism on the part of the Christians. Buddhism in the mid-nineteenth century had inherited the deep-rooted anti-Christian sentiment of the previous centuries. Buddhist communities opposed the opening of the country, and were particularly concerned about Christianity, which they confronted with excessive fear. In a characteristic use of slogans they combined “defense of the state” (gokoku) with “defense of Buddhism” (gohØ) and “opposition to the pernicious religion” (bØja). A characteristic example is the warning of the Buddhist priest GesshØ in 1856: “If the Land of the Gods is held by the barbarians and the (Christian) heresy prospers, how can we protect Buddhism from decay?” (Kashiwabara and Fujii 1973, 546). The anti-Christian sentiment was further stimulated by the fact that Japanese Buddhism was in a serious crisis in the mid-nineteenth century. Among various aspects of this crisis historians often mention the inner corruption of the Buddhist priesthood, two hundred years of government protection and control, intellectual trends of anti-Buddhist thought among both Confucian and Shinto scholars, and numerous waves of anti-Buddhist riots and attempts to eradicate Buddhism. According to Tsuji Zennosuke, by this time Buddhism had become entirely formalistic, alienated from the people, and almost paralyzed; and “only because of inertia temples and priests barely managed to protect their social position” (Tsuji 1970, 493–4). Soon after the Meiji Restoration (1868) attempts were made to establish Shinto as the national religion at considerable cost to Japanese Buddhism. The most easily available method of defense was to appeal to the deeprooted fear of the foreign faith. Buddhists reprinted the old anti-Christian

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literature, which had been used in the early Tokugawa period, both Chinese writings and pamphlets produced by Japanese propagators. The old antiChristian writings, however, had been produced in order to face a different political situation and a different Christian tradition (Roman Catholicism), and were in many ways inadequate. The need for renewed study of Christianity resulted in a fervent activity organized by several Buddhist head temples. Just as the government sent spies to keep the activities of the missionaries under surveillance, the Buddhist head temples dispatched priests disguised as religious seekers in order to control the advances of the missionaries. The spies made detailed reports about the activities of the missionaries, wrote summaries of their teachings, registered differences between various denominations, and even compiled lists of the books they found in their shelves. Some of the spies were even baptized in their attempt at concealing their intentions, and some apparently converted to Christianity. A further consequence of such apologetical work was the introduction of Christian studies and Western learning at the Buddhist seminaries. The missionaries, for their part, were aware of the Buddhist activities and made their observations. Guido F. Verbeck, missionary from the Dutch Reformed Church in America, reported from Nagasaki: They (the Buddhist priests) are certainly a strange set of men, if my suspicions are founded; for they have bought whole boxes of Chinese Bibles and Christian books and tracts, and all, as they said, for the purpose of teaching their scholars. These books, perhaps gotten for bad purposes only, may yet turn out a blessing to many, quite contrary to the wicked intention (Griffis 1900, 134–5) .

In general Buddhism was regarded as so dated and corrupt that it seemed unnecessary to take it seriously. It sounds triumphalistic and biased, but the missionaries only shared the predominant sentiment of Japanese intellectuals and politicians, who tended to ignore or even despise Buddhism. From the missionary point of view, other challenges seemed more relevant, such as the Confucian philosophy with its ambivalent attitude to religion; and the increasing influence of what the missionaries called “Western infidelity,” that is, religious indifference, atheism, materialism, and trends in philosophy and science. Compared to such challenges, Buddhism was not regarded as a serious rival. Buddhist-Christian relations entered a new stage in the 1870s and 1880s. In 1873 the Japanese government ordered the removal of the notice boards proscribing Christianity and introduced a policy of tacit recognition of Christianity. The change initiated a period of increasing missionary activity.


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As Christianity gradually expanded beyond the narrow boundaries of the treaty ports, the deep-rooted influence and power of Buddhism also became more obvious. One of the first missionaries to acknowledge the power of Buddhism, the American missionary D.C. Green, observed in the early 1870s that Buddhism had a “far stronger hold upon the people than the Sintooism (sic) which the rulers wish to uphold and strengthen,” and that “whatever a Japanese may be while he lives, he is a Buddhist when he dies.” Hence, he encouraged the study of Buddhism, for “our great fight in Japan, it becomes more and more clear every day, is to be with B(uddhism)…” (Greene 1927, 120). This reluctant recognition of the power of Buddhism led in the 1880s to a different type of relationship. The apologetical concern was obvious—one had to prepare oneself for the struggle—but apologetics opened for study and personal contact. Several missionaries were invited to lecture on Christianity in Buddhist seminaries, while Buddhist priests lectured or gave private instruction to Christian missionaries. The result was in many cases development of courteous friendship between the antagonists. One may discern among the Christians a growing admiration of the learning and personal integrity of the Buddhist scholars and leaders. The Congregational missionary J.H. DeForest, for example, began his career in Japan with successful evangelistic campaigns where he denounced and ridiculed “the evil of worshipping dried wood.” Acquaintance with Buddhists, however, gradually convinced him that it was wrong to call the native religions “false” or to call the Japanese “heathen.” Instead he regarded Buddhism and Confucianism as part of God’s preparatory work, Buddha and Confucius being “the moral prophets to fit the East for Christ” (DeForest 1913, 62–6). As regards the Buddhists, the study of Christianity gradually led to new insights. The leading head temples sent delegations to Europe and America in order to acquaint themselves with the spiritual base of Christianity. Everything was studied: philosophy, theology, the relationships between church and state, cultural trends, education, political systems, and—most importantly— the new science of religion. The Buddhist observers realized that Western Christianity was weakened by theological unrest, and happily introduced critical theology and anti-Christian writing, arguing that “science has laid the Christian religion captive at its feet,” thanks to such noble men as Darwin, Huxley, Spencer, and Mill, who had “striven to shake off this horrible religion” (Thelle 1987, 82–5). Such aggressively apologetical attitudes were, on the other hand, balanced by a number of scholars who went beyond apologetics and apparently had a

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sympathetic understanding of the Christian faith. It is significant that the Buddhists referred to above belonged to the progressive parties of their respective sects. They were painfully aware of the crisis of Buddhism, and saw the Christian expansion as a real threat. But as reformers they were also stimulated by the challenge from Christianity and believed that the situation would change as soon as their reforms were adopted. This combination of reform zeal and increasing confidence vis-£-vis Christianity contributed to more friendly attitudes and in various ways prepared the ground for open dialogue. While the 1880s had been characterized by enthusiasm for the West, with waves of Westernization and a favorable climate for Christian expansion, the 1890s were characterized by a nationalistic reaction, strongly anti-Western and anti-Christian. It is no exaggeration to say that Buddhism rode on this nationalistic wave, making every effort to defame and stigmatize Christianity as anti-national, dangerous, and incompatible with the national polity. Especially in the years from 1889 to 1893, the Buddhists engaged in fervent anti-Christian propaganda, including even violent persecution and destruction of church buildings in the provinces. The opposition was so strong that even Buddhist observers sometimes pitied the Christians for their extreme hardships (Thelle 1987, 135–49). Given this background, it is significant to note that the 1890s, for all its nationalistic and anti-Christian sentiments, was also the period during which the first peaceful encounter between Buddhists and Christians was prepared and reached a decisive break-through. The dynamics behind this development cannot be described sufficiently here, but a few elements should be noted. First, the Japanese Christians finally managed to convince their critics that it was possible to combine Christian faith and patriotism. Throughout the Meiji era Christians had claimed that their faith enabled them to serve the nation as true patriots, but conservative Japanese—including the Buddhist establishment—had consistently suspected their motives. Nothing proved their patriotism more eloquently than the Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895), when they finally were able to demonstrate in action what they had maintained all the time. Second, along with the new emphasis on patriotism, the churches developed a theology that advocated the need for Japanization of church life and theology. Expressed in the words of a representative church leader and theologian, Yokoi Tokio, Christians “should believe in Christianity as Japanese, study theology as Japanese, propagate Christianity as Japanese… We should hold up Christianity with the right hand and stretch down the left hand to grasp the forty


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million (Japanese) brethren” (RikugØ zasshi 114/1890, 5). Such a new emphasis on Japanese traditions—slightly anti-Western and anti-denominational, but also influenced by Western liberal theology—naturally led to a renewed interest in Japanese indigenous traditions, including Buddhism. On the part of the Buddhists, several reform movements advocated the need of a New Buddhism (shin bukkyØ). A reformed Buddhism had to be new in terms of a progressive grappling with social and political issues, and new in terms of a radical reformation of the formalistic and hierarchical Old Buddhism. The concern for reform led to contact with Christian communities, which to a great extent provided models for practical reform, social work, missionary activity, and for the whole problem of coming to terms with modernity. The very concept of a “new” Buddhism confronting the “old” establishment, was actually borrowed directly from Christianity, where the Protestant Reformation in Japan was understood as the conflict between the old religion (ky¨kyØ) of Roman Catholicism versus the new religion (shinkyØ) of the Reformation. Among other factors that facilitated more formal contacts were the establishment of a chair of comparative religion at the Imperial University in 1889, an example soon followed by other places of learning, and the World’s Parliament of Religions in Chicago in 1893. A number of Japanese Buddhists attended the Parliament and established contacts in the West. And it provided the model for a similar Japanese small-scale parliament of religions in 1896, the so-called Buddhist-Christian Conference (Thelle 1987, 163–213). The Conference, convened in September 1896, was officially called the Conference of Religionists (Sh¨kyØsha Kondankai). Since most of the 42 representatives were Buddhists and Christians, however, it was generally referred to as a Buddhist-Christian encounter (Butsu-Ya RyØkyØ Kondankai). The meeting was held in the villa of Viscount Matsudaira in Tokyo, and was organized as a social gathering for the exchange of opinions. Critics denounced the meeting, or ignored it as a gathering of liberal Buddhists and Christians. Nevertheless, it was significant both as a friendly encounter of former enemies, and as a manifestation of a new relationship with symbolic meaning far beyond the actual event. A Buddhist participant described the encounter in dramatic terms. Many of the leading figures of the religious communities were lined up on the tatami floor, facing each other in formal positions, the Christians on the left side, the Buddhists on the right. The simple fact that people who for years had been involved in mutual struggle now for the first time met each other face to face seemed almost miraculous, and created a very peculiar atmosphere (KirisutokyØ to BukkyØ 1899).

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The meeting only lasted a few hours, but a number of leading Buddhists and Christians delivered their messages, advocating toleration, friendly relations, and even cooperation. Patriotic sentiments dominated the talks; all seemed to agree that religious leaders needed to join hands for the sake of the country, for the sake of the Emperor. Another dominant feature was the concern for social problems. But doctrinal issues were also discussed, and a number of speakers suggested ways to find common points or to build bridges of understanding. Probably the phenomenon itself was more significant than the actual content of the talks. The meeting was interpreted as a unique sign of a new age. As a Christian journal commented, the Conference signified that “the age of blind obedience and suppression has already passed, and the age of gentleman-like criticism and study is about to come. How can gentlemen who already once have talked cheerfully with each other in the same hall, and, moreover, had a photo taken together, once more start to abuse and slander each other?” (RikugØ zasshi 190/1896, 492) The Buddhist-Christian Conference and the discussions in connection with the Conference of course did not reach a sophisticated level of mutual understanding. It is, however, possible to discern, already at this early stage of dialogue, most of the recurrent themes of later dialogues, and even the basic models of the relationship between the two religions (Thelle 1987, 225–46). In the years 1898–1899 Buddhist communities again engaged in antiChristian campaigns, this time in connection with opposition against the new legislation which would allow foreigners freely to reside in the interior of Japan, the so-called “mixed residence.” But the anti-Christian agitation soon lost its momentum (Thelle 1987, 150–62). Buddhist-Christian Relations in the Twentieth Century Most analyses of Buddhist-Christian relations in the twentieth century tend to concentrate on the developments in the last few decades. Protestants refer to the World Council of Churches and its dialogue programs, which have developed since the 1950s. Roman Catholics emphasize the new attitudes introduced by the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s. There is no reason to underestimate the importance of recent developments in Buddhist-Christian relations, as we shall see below, but the exaggerated concentration on recent decades reveals a lack of historical consciousness. From the point of view of Christianity in Japan, the recent dialogue with Buddhism is only an expression of a contact that has developed through many


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stages and at various levels throughout the century. Rather than focusing on the latest developments, I will, therefore, describe three characteristic trends in Buddhist-Christian relations, well aware that there are other types of relationships as well, and that the various types of relationships cannot be distinguished so clearly. These are 1) various types of dialogues at the official level between representatives of the established religious communities: what one might call the “establishment dialogue;” 2) the dialogue between outsiders and reformers critical of the religious establishment: what one might call the “anti-establishment dialogue;” and 3) various types of spiritual search and encounter. The “Establishment Dialogue” The first Buddhist-Christian Conference in 1896 was planned and carried out by liberal Buddhists and Christians and criticized by conservatives, but it expressed a concern that was rapidly gaining support also in conservative circles. The “establishment dialogue” represents various types of contact and cooperation that developed among influential leaders in the mainstream of the Buddhist and Christian establishments. As already noted, it was nationalism, more than anything else, that broke down the barriers between Buddhists and Christians in the 1890s, enabling them to cooperate for the sake of patriotic purposes. As the Sino-Japanese War prepared the way for the recognition of Christian patriotism in the mid 1890s, the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905) brought religious leaders together in a common effort to support the government and strengthen the unity of the Japanese people. A “War-time Conference of Religionists” was convened in 1904, gathering more than a thousand Buddhists, Shintoists, and Christians, and justifying the war as a means to protect the security of the Japanese Empire and the eternal peace of the Far East. In the following years several other conferences and associations were organized, supported by the religious establishments and often by the government. The general aim of such conferences was to nurture the patriotic spirit, strengthen the power of religion, and to create a religious front against such “dangerous ideas” as socialism, Marxism, and anarchism. Developments in the 1930s and during the war years were, of course, dominated by patriotic and Shinto indoctrination, and religious leaders had to adapt themselves to the circumstances. Further research is necessary to elucidate the religious cooperation and the trend of patriotic Christianity in those years. In general, however, it can be said that the “establishment dialogue”

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failed to make religious leaders aware of the inherent dangers of identification with the patriotic spirit. The experiences of patriotic cooperation before and during the war, and the strict separation between state and religion after the war, alerted both Christians and Buddhists to the dangers of combining religious concerns with national issues. As we shall see below, a number of cooperative Buddhists and Christians have been rather critical of the dominant political establishment. Some ventures may nevertheless be seen as expressions of an establishment dialogue. The Japanese initiative to mobilize religionists in cooperation for peace, which led to the formation of the World Conference on Religion and Peace (founded in 1970), has in a remarkable way put world peace on the agenda of Japanese religionists, and several of them have even played a leading role on the international arena. It may be discussed whether or not it should be characterized as an establishment dialogue. The initiative came from concerned individuals and religious groups that could hardly be characterized as the religious establishment. The most important contribution came from RisshØ KØseikai and its president, Niwano NikkyØ, representing a Buddhist grassroots lay movement, which at that time was not part of the so-called establishment (Kisala 1999). On the other hand, the fact that the major religious communities in Japan have joined the organization, including Shinto organizations and the generally conservative Buddhist establishment, has made it difficult to deal openly and radically with a number of touchy issues, including nationalism, militarism, and various types of discrimination. In sum, with its potential for a critical reflection on the role of religion in Japan, the Japanese part of The World Conference on Religion and Peace is in danger of becoming just another forum for an established dialogue where little happens apart from declarations. The “Anti-establishment Dialogue” We have already registered that various Buddhist reform movements dissociated themselves from the Buddhist establishment. They denounced the Old Buddhism, and advocated a New Buddhism, which could overcome the inherited formalism and the inertia and thus face the challenges of modern society. These efforts brought Buddhist reformers into close contact with Christian groups, mainly liberal Christians, Unitarians, and Christian socialists. They were not only in conflict with their own religious establishments,


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but also often critical of what they regarded as political opportunism of the “establishment dialogue” and its naive support of nationalistic policies. A similar expression of anti-establishment contact was evinced in the years around 1930, when socially concerned Buddhists and Christians stimulated one another and engaged in various types of cooperation. The relationship between Buddhist socialism and social Christianity in those years needs further exploration, but there are interesting areas of ideological closeness. While the Christians anticipated the “establishment of the Kingdom of God,” the Buddhists advocated the “establishment of the Buddha-Land,” not as a state of mind, but as an actual social reality (Thelle 1987, 253–4). Compared to the “establishment dialogue,” the contact between the small groups that were critical of established religion and nationalistic values may seem insignificant. Nevertheless, they stand for a trend that deserves due consideration, particularly because of their critical function in the predominantly conservative religious world of Japan. A vestige of such a critical contact may perhaps be seen in efforts of religious groups in the 1960s and 1970s to coordinate their opposition against the nationalization of the Yasukuni Shrine, and the attempts to oppose militarism and nationalism, race and sex discrimination. Some of the initiatives for peace and justice also represent a critical spirit that goes against the religious establishments. In recent years critical Buddhists and reform-oriented groups within various denominations have tried to deal critically with the inherent discrimination in Buddhist traditions, and have to a certain extent cooperated with Christians. Christians on their part, however, find the Buddhist involvement rather weak (Bodiford 1996; ShØji 1982). In the anti-nuclear movement there seems to be little interreligious cooperation (Swyngedouw 1982). Spiritual Encounter The above-mentioned types of dialogue were certainly expressions of a spiritual encounter, but the term is here used in a narrower sense to characterize various types of contact resulting from a spiritual search, mainly on the individual level. The most common expression of spiritual encounter might be characterized as spiritual pilgrimages. Numerous Japanese have experienced the attraction of both religions. Buddhists who were challenged by Christianity and converted to the new faith, discovered later that Buddhism was still a part of their spiritual history, and somehow had to reconcile the two faiths. Or, perhaps more often, Buddhists who were attracted to Christianity without leaving their faith, somehow had to integrate Christian

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insights into their Buddhist understanding. A number of Christians went the other way, leaving the church and becoming Buddhists, but without abandoning their faith in Christ. Such spiritual pilgrims live in a constant dialogue with the other faith, their own hearts being the place of encounter. There are numerous such Buddhist-Christians or Christian-Buddhists in Japan. They are more or less committed to the traditional religious life in one tradition, but also show affection for the other tradition or include elements of its religious beliefs or practices. A few names must suffice as examples: Nishida TenkØ, whose conversion was influenced by both Buddhism and Christianity, created in IttØen [The Garden of Light] a religious community beyond the boundaries of church and temple (Tamamuro 1975, 369–70; Thomsen 1963, 221–34). ItØ ShØshin created a similar community in Mugaen [The Garden of Selflessness], and advocated a “selfless love” which should unify Buddhist selflessness and Christian love (Yoshida 1964, 603–33; Tamamuro 1975, 366–9). Kurata HyakuzØ contributed to the boom of Pure land Buddhism through his writings, particularly his book about Shinran, The Priest and His Disciples (1918), which was also colored by Pauline Christianity; and he searched for ways to unify Buddhist and Christian spirituality (Kurata HyakuzØ zensh¨ 1963). The Congregational pastor Kaneko Hakumu tried to develop what he had discovered as the Zen spirituality in Christianity (Kaneko 1922). And another pastor, Katayama Y¨kichi, advocated what he called “Zen Christianity” (Katayama 1944). The list could easily be enlarged. The quiet spiritual search, which so often leads to a hyphenated religious life, is perhaps the most characteristic expression of the Buddhist-Christian encounter in Japan. Spiritual search has often been combined with the study of comparative religion. The two founders of comparative religion in Japan, Kishimoto Nobuta (1866–1928) and Anesaki Masaharu (1873–1949), were devoted to Christianity and Buddhism respectively. They were both engaged in the initial stage of interfaith encounter in the 1890s, and regarded the study of religion as a vital part of their spiritual search. Of the numerous comparative studies which have been published in Japan, a surprising number deal with BuddhistChristian studies. The quality of these studies varies considerably, but as a phenomenon they are symptoms of a spiritual climate and reveal how many Japanese feel a need to come to terms with both religions. The Christian study centers mentioned below have also contributed to spiritual search through a combination of religious studies and theological reflection. The philosophical dialogue between Buddhists and Christians can be traced back to the initial contact in the 1890s, but did not reach any depth


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until the philosopher Nishida KitarØ prepared the ground for a more penetrating search. The present dialogue would be inconceivable without the influence of Nishida and his disciples, who in various ways have dealt with such issues as theism and atheism, the personal and impersonal character of the Ultimate (God), transcendence and immanence, the selfhood and selflessness of the human person. There was, for example, a vivid discussion about these issues between Buddhist and Christian thinkers in the daily Yomiuri Shinbun in 1931 and 1932 (Ojima 1932). The philosophical encounter was greatly enhanced by the involvement of Nishida’s disciples. The most influential on the Buddhist side has undoubtedly been Nishitani Keiji, a philosopher who approached Christianity with his unique combination of sympathy and criticism (Nishitani 1982, Waldenfels 1980). Others who in various ways have been involved are Tanabe Hajime, Suzuki Daisetsu, Masao Abe, and Ueda Shizuteru. The most important contribution from the Christian side has come from Takizawa Katsumi, also one of Nishida’s disciples, and Yagi Seiichi (Takizawa 1964, Yagi 1975, Thelle 1975). For several decades this dialogue was mainly limited to publications and encounters in the Japanese language. As foreign scholars were gradually invited to participate (in the symposiums initiated by the NCC Center for the Study of Japanese Religions and published in Japanese Religions in the 1960s and 1970s, for example), the philosophical dialogue became more and more an international venture. The dialogue goes on in the Japanese context, but the internationalization of the dialogue has certainly created a new situation and has challenged a great number of Western scholars, both Buddhists and Christians. Christian mission is often regarded as incompatible with the spirit of dialogue. It is a fact, nevertheless, that missionary and apologetical concerns have been among the decisive forces that brought Christians into direct contact and dialogue with Buddhists. Since the more systematic and serious study of Buddhism among Christians in Japan began in the 1880s, a number of missionaries have contributed to such studies, often in a paradoxical combination of missionary commitment, spiritual search, and admiration for Buddhist thought and experience. An early expression of such missionary dialogue is seen in the writings of the American Episcopal missionary Arthur Lloyd, who was the only foreigner who was prepared to participate in the BuddhistChristian Conference in 1896. He found that “the quarrel between Eastern Buddhism and Western Christianity is one to be best solved by the path of meditation and prayer,” and wanted to make a “new and perhaps dangerous missionary experiment of discovering the way of Christianity through the

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Shin Buddhist teaching” (Arthur Lloyd 1910, 1–8). Among other missionaries in Japan who distinguished themselves as fervent students of Buddhism in the early twentieth century were A.K. Reischauer, Hans Haas, and Wilhelm Gundert. They were later followed up by Roman Catholic missionaries, such as Heinrich Dumoulin, E.M. Enomiya Lasalle, and Joseph Spae, and an increasing number of missionary scholars who integrated scholarship, spiritual search, and theological reflection. In recent decades most of these have been directly or indirectly related to Roman Catholic and Protestant study centers, such as the above-mentioned NCC Center for the Study of Japanese Religions in Kyoto (founded in 1959), Oriens Institute for Religious Research (founded in 1959), the Institute for the Study of Oriental Religions (founded in 1970) in Tokyo, and Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture (founded in 1974) in Nagoya. The Nanzan Institute has in recent years contributed to a renewed international dialogue by publishing works of scholars related to the Kyoto School of Philosophy and other studies on Japanese religions. Meditation and prayer is a natural expression of any spiritual encounter, as indicated in several of the above examples, but some of the dialogical ventures have deliberately concentrated on such aspects. The so-called Zen-Christian Colloquium, which met for the first time in 1967, was an attempt to make religious practice and experience the very meeting point. Every year about ten Zen masters and scholars from the SØtØ and Rinzai traditions met with a similar number of Roman Catholic and Protestant Christians. Rather than discussing doctrines and philosophies, they meditated together, and shared their experiences and life stories (Irie 1979; Dumoulin 1974). A more ambitious and demanding expression of similar concerns was developed in the so-called East-West Spiritual Exchange, which was arranged the first time in 1979. A group of Japanese Buddhists, primarily from the Zen traditions, were then invited to visit European monasteries, experiencing European monastic life from within. A similar visit of European monastics to Zen monasteries in Japan was arranged in 1983, enabling Christian monks to experience Zen life from within. This mutual hospitality has continued, and created a unique atmosphere of friendship and inspiration (Åmell 1998). In addition to such ventures it is natural to mention a few retreat centers which have in various ways integrated Buddhist elements. Father Lassalle established Shinmeikutsu outside Tokyo as a Catholic “Zen monastery” in the 1960s, where he integrated Zen practice with Christian contemplation (Lassalle 1974), a tradition, which was continued by Kadowaki Kakichi and others. Dominican Father Oshida Shigeto established an open community sharing in work and prayer in Takamori, Nagano Prefecture, where elements


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of Zen were integrated as a natural part of the daily rhythm. And in 1987 Xaverian Father Franco Scottornola established Seimeizan in the mountains north of Kumamoto, Ky¨sh¨, as a Catholic center of prayer and interreligious cooperation (Scottornola 1993). It is impossible at this stage to estimate what impact such ventures make on the Japanese church—too often they are so identified with their founders that the original energy and creativity disappear when they are gone. But they have certainly given the church models for taking the spiritual context of Japan seriously, not only as an object for missionary work, but as an inspiration for spiritual penetration. Conclusion: The Coming Dialogue If the reader is given the impression that the Christian church in Japan is involved in a vivid encounter with the Buddhist community, it is certainly wrong. The official attitude of the churches, at least the Roman Catholic and the mainstream Protestant churches, is affirmative of dialogue, and there is certainly a great variety of encounters, common ventures and dialogues programs. Nevertheless, those who are actually involved in dialogue with Buddhism are quite limited in number, and their enthusiasm does not seem to make much impact on the life of the churches. Furthermore, even though there are some examples of theologians who regard Buddhism and other religious traditions as important partners in theological reflection and education, their concern about the religious context does not seem to influence the general trend of theological reflection. From this point of view the dialogue with Buddhism is still to be developed. A similar tendency can be observed on the part of Buddhism. The number of Buddhists who are vitally interested in the dialogue with Christianity is rather limited, and quite a few who are involved have done so reluctantly, urged by Christian partners. It may be time to consider why it is usually Christians who are concerned about dialogue, while Buddhists and others do not seem troubled by similar concerns. A similar sobriety may also be needed for those who regard the encounter with Buddhism as the most important event in the twentieth century. Such an exaggeration can be understood as an expression of the excitement and joy of sharing with others in the search for truth, but is hardly warranted. A similar excitement was also found among those who pioneered the dialogue in the 1890s, when the rapprochement was regarded as the beginning of a new age in religion. That age did not come. In the future I expect that the internationalization of Buddhist-Christian dialogue will have a stronger impact on the Japanese churches than the

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numerous dialogues that are occuring on the national level. The lack of interest among Japanese church people is partly due to the fact that Buddhism is in a rather critical state in Japan. The Buddhism people actually meet is not primarily zazen, selflessness, the philosophy of Emptiness and Nothingness, pure faith, and enlightened masters, but expensive funeral rites, sutra readings, power struggles, greed, and stagnation. The average Japanese impression of Buddhism may be even worse than the image many Westerners have of established church life. So Japanese Christians have good reasons for asking why they should engage in dialogue with Buddhism. As the dialogue with Buddhism now develops on the international level, Christians encounter a Buddhism without many of the cultural trappings of an established religion. What they encounter is Buddhist philosophy, penetrating and challenging; it is a Buddhism which emphasizes spiritual experience through meditation and ritual initiation; it is an ecumenical Buddhism committed to contemporary issues, such as the environment, discrimination, and injustice. It is exactly these aspects of Buddhism which have challenged the Christians in Japan to engage in dialogue. But because other negative features of Buddhism are so obvious, they have found it difficult to motivate others to see the need of dialogue. If the international dialogue between Buddhists and Christians continues to develop and is put on the theological agenda of Western theology, there is reason to believe that it will return to Japan again with a new appeal and on a broader level. For Japanese churches have traditionally been more alert to what happens on the international—or Western—scene than in their own cultural context. Then the encounter with Buddhism may enter a new stage. Buddhism will not only challenge a few Christians in Japan with exotic interests, but will also become a pastoral challenge, and perhaps finally make an impact on the life of the churches.

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Cooper, Michael, ed. They Came to Japan: An Anthology of European Reports on Japan, 1543–1640. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965. DeForest, Charlotte B. The Evolution of a Missionary: A Biography of John Hyde DeForest. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1914. Ebisawa Arimichi. Kirishitansho, Haiyasho [Christian writings, Anti-Christian writings]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1970. Elison, George. Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan. Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University Press, 1973. Dumoulin, Heinrich. Christianity Meets Buddhism. LaSalle, Ill.: Open Court, 1974. England, John C. The Hidden History of Christianity in Asia: The Churches of the East before 1500. Delhi: ISPCK, 1996. Gordon, E.A. The Lotus Gospel: Or Mahayana Buddhism and Its Symbolic Teachings. Tokyo: Waseda University Library, 1911. Greene, Evarts Boutell. A New-Englander in Japan: Daniel Crosby Greene. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1927. Griffis, William Elliot. Verbeck of Japan: A Citizen of No Country. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1900. Irie Yukio. “A Quaker View of Interfaith Dialogue.” Japanese Religions 10/4, 1979. Jennes, Joseph. A History of the Catholic Church in Japan. rev. ed. Tokyo: Oriens Institute for Religious Research, 1973. Kaneko Hakumu. Taiken no sh¨kyØ [Experiential religion]. Tokyo: Ky¨bunsha, 1922. Kashiwabara Yusen and Fujii Manabu, eds. Kinsei BukkyØ no shisØ, Nihon shisØ taikei [Early modern Buddhist thought, An outline of Japanese thought], vol. 57. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1973. Katayama Y¨kichi. Zenteki KirisutokyØ [Zen Christianity]. Hakodate, 1944. KirisutokyØ to BukkyØ [Christianity and Buddhism]. FukyØ shinjitsu, no. 2. Kyoto: HØzØkan, 1899. Kisala, Robert. Prophets of Peace: Pacifism and Cultural Identity in Japan’s New Religions. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1999. Kurata, Hyakuzo. The Priest and His Disciples. Trans. Glenn W. Shaw. Tokyo: The Hokuseido Press, 1922. Kurata HyakuzØ sensh¨ [Selected works of Kurata HyakuzØ]. 5 vols. Tokyo: Shunj¨sha, 1963. Lassalle, H.M. Enomiya. Zen Meditation for Christians. La Salle, Ill.: Open Court, 1974. Lloyd, Arthur. Shinran and His Work: Studies in Shinshu Theology. Tokyo: KyØbunkwan, 1910. Moran, J.F. The Japanese and the Jesuits: Alessandro Valignano in Sixteenth Century Japan. London : Routledge, 1993.

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Nishimura Tei. Kirishitan to sadØ [The Kirishitan and the way of tea]. Osaka: Zenkoku ShobØ, 1948. Nishitani Keiji. Religion and Nothingness. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982. Ojima Saneharu, Ki-Butsu ronsen [A Christian-Buddhist debate]. Tokyo: Shinraisha, 1932. Reichelt, Karl Ludvig. Fromhetstyper og helligdommer i øst-Asia II. Oslo: Dreyers Forlag, 1948. Saeki, P.J. The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China. Tokyo: Maruzen, 1951. ______. The Nestorian Monument. Tokyo: Waseda University, 1916. Schurhammer, Georg. Die Disputationen des P.Cosme de Torres SJ mit den Buddhisten in Yamaguchi im Jahre 1551. Tokyo: Deutsche Gesellschaft fü Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens, 1929. Schurhammer, Georg, S.J. Francis Xavier: His Life, His Time. Volume IV: Japan and China 1549–1552. Rome: The Jesuit Historical Institute, 1982. Scottornola, Franco. “Seimeizan 1987–1992: Five Years of Interreligious Experience.” The Japan Missionary Journal 1993, 119–29. ShØji Tsutomu. “Japanese Religions and Discrimination against Buraku People.” Japanese Religions 12/3, 1982. Swyngedouw, Jan. “Japanese Religions and the Anti-Nuclear Movement.” Japanese Religions 12/3, 1982. Takizawa Katsumi. BukkyØ to KirisutokyØ [Buddhism and Christianity]. Kyoto: HØzØkan, 1964. Tamamuro TaijØ. Nihon BukkyØshi [A history of Japanese Buddhism]. Vol. 3: Kinsei kindaihen [The early modern and modern period. Kyoto: HØzØkan, 1975. Thelle, Notto R. “Barthian Thinker between Buddhism and Christianity: Takizawa Katsumi.” Japanese Religions 8/4, 1975. ______. Buddhism and Christianity in Japan: From Conflict to Dialogue, 1854–1899. University of Hawai‘i Press, 1987. ______. “Christianity Encounters Buddhism in Japan: A Historical Perspective.” In John Breen and Mark Williams, eds. Japan and Christianity: Impacts and Responses. London: Macmillan Press, 1995. ______. “Foe and Friend: The Changing Image of Christ in Japanese Buddhism.” Japanese Religions 12/2, 1982. ______. “Prospects and Problems of the Buddhist-Christian Dialogue.” Japanese Religions 10/4, 1979. Thomsen, Harry. The New Religions of Japan. Rutland, Vermond: Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1963. Tsuji Zennosuke. Nihon BukkyØshi [A history of Japanese Buddhism]. Vol. 9: Kinseihen [The early modern period], no. 4, reprint ed. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1970.


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Turnbull, Stephen, ed. Japan’s Hidden Christians 1949–1999, 2 vols. Richmond: Japan Library, 2000. Waldenfels, Hans. Absolute Nothingness: Foundations for a Buddhist-Christian Dialogue. New York: Paulist Press,1980. Yagi Seiichi. BukkyØ to KirisutokyØ no setten [Points of contact between Buddhism and Christianity]. Kyoto: HØzØkan, 1975. Yoshida Kyïchi. Nihon kindai BukkyØ shakaishi kenky¨ [Studies in the social history of Buddhism in modern Japan]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa KØbunkan, 1964. Young, J.M.L. By Foot to China: The Mission of the Church of the East to 1400. Tokyo: Radio Press, 1984. Åmell, Katrin. Contemplation et dialogue: Quelques exemples de dialogue entre spiritualités après le concile Vatican II. Uppsala: The Swedish Institute of Missionary Research, 1998.


SHINTO AND CHRISTIANITY A History of Conflict and Compromise John BREEN

The relationship between Christianity and Shinto in Japanese history has been consistently complex and important. The complexities derive not least from the fact that there have always been multiple Christianities and multiple Shintos. Prior to the Meiji Restoration of 1868, a decisive moment in the history of both Shinto and Christianity, the Roman Catholic Church was the sole representative of the Christian tradition, but there were various forms of Shinto—most of them intertwined with Buddhism and Confucianism—that were often in competition. After the Restoration, the Roman Catholic Church was joined by numerous Protestant sects and denominations as well as by Christian-related new religious movements, such as the Mormon Church, Jehovah’s Witnesses, and others. As for Shinto, many Shinto lineages were now eliminated, as the state sought to establish a Shinto orthodoxy with which to identify itself, but other Shinto sects were created anew in the same process. Both Christianity and Shinto have their own complex histories, then, but to a greater extent than is generally realised the two histories have crossed paths. Herein lies the importance of the relationshp. At the risk of some oversimplification, Shinto and Christianity have been linked throughout much of their shared history by a nativistic dynamic. In Linton’s classic definition, nativism involves “the revival and perpetuation of aspects of the indigenous culture” in response to a perception of threat (Breen 2000, 429–31). After Christianity’s arrival in Japan, developments in Shinto have often been of this nativistic order: that is, they have occurred at least in part as a response to perceived threats from Christianity and the Western nations that seemed to identify so closely with it. As may be expected when a nativistic dynamic is operative, the fortunes of Christianity in Japan have often in their turn been directly affected by the burgeoning of Shinto-rooted nativistic discourse. In each of the three sections that follow I devote some space to an overview of Shinto developments before discussing Shinto in its relationship to

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Christianity. This approach suggests itself partly because Shinto developments are so frequently misunderstood and misrepresented; partly also because a firmer grasp of Shinto is essential to sharpening the focus on the Shinto-Christian dynamic. I have divided the essay into three major sections: “Early Modern,” “Meiji and TaishØ,” and “ShØwa to the present.” Each of these is further sub-divided in to early and later sections so that the complexities of the Shinto-Christian relationship are approached in six key phases. Shinto and Christianity in Early Modern Japan (1550–1867) The early period, 16th–17th centuries Yoshida Shinto: The key to an understanding of Shinto during this period is the activities of the Yoshida Shinto family. The family had been influential in the imperial court since the 15th century, but most importantly for our period is the fact that Yoshida Kanemi (1535–1610) was able to establish privileged contacts with each of the men who brought Japan out of the chaos of the medieval period: Oda Nobunaga (1534-82), Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1536–98) and Tokugawa Ieyasu (1542–1616). The Yoshida were instrumental, for example, in the deification of both Hideyoshi and Ieyasu. Indeed, so privileged was the Yoshida relationship with the men of power that the family was eventually entrusted by the Tokugawa with control over all shrines in the land, and their priests and rituals, too. It was only much later in the Edo period that this Yoshida hegemony was challenged, as the Shirakawa court family rose to prominence. The theology of Yoshida Shinto is highly complex, and we need here note only that it was centered on the deity, Kunitokotachi no mikoto, with the Sun Goddess, Amaterasu, occupying a somewhat subordinate position; that, despite family claims to the contrary, Yoshida Shinto derived much from esoteric Buddhism, Taoism and yin yang teachings; and that, finally, this theology was a vital element in the intellectual life of early Edo Japan. It was discussed, debated and accommodated by all the leading Confucianists of the day. Christian-Shinto Dialogue: What connections are identifiable—if any— between these developments and Christianity? To what extent did Christians and Shintoists engage with one another, intellectually or otherwise during this period? These questions have yet to be thoroughly researched, but there are indications of a dynamic relationship. MyØtei MondØ (1605), the work of the Japanese Jesuit, Fabian Fucan, provides one insight.

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MyØtei MondØ was a guide to Christian teachings structured as a dialogue between two nuns, the “conservative” MyØshu and the Christian Yutei. It carries a section “On Shinto,” which features a withering, salacious attack by Yutei on MyØshu’s exposition of Yoshida Shinto theology. There is nothing mysterious about Shinto, insists Yutei; it is a mere paraphrase of Confucianism; its claims that the deity, Kunitokotachi, created Japan are quite preposterous. Regarding the creation myths, Yutei taunts: “What the story of the spear dangled downward has for its hidden meaning is so embarrassing that even intimates such as you and I cannot talk about it. What is the spear? And what the drippings? You can easily guess.”1 It seems clear from this brief exchange that Fabian Fucan and other Christians regarded Yoshida Shinto, at least by the start of the seventeenth century, as an enemy of the faith, even if less awesome a foe than Buddhism. But Oyama Tokuko has argued it was not always thus. Oyama has found evidence, from a generation earlier, of a meeting of minds between Jesuit missionaries, especially men like Fr. Gaspar Vilela, and the head of the Yoshida school, Yoshida Shigekata. She argues that the redefinition of Kunitokotachi under the influence of Chu Hsi Confucianism into a creator deity, unique, eternal and omnipotent, paved the way for an encounter between Gaspar Vilela and Yoshida Shigekata. She suggests the two men were able to discover common theological ground, and that here in this cultural exchange is to be found the reason why, for example, the Jesuit missionaries now abandoned the use of deusu to designate the Christian God and deployed in its place tendØ, a concept with strong Yoshida Shinto associations (Oyama 1988; 1982). Indeed, it is noteworthy that when Meiji period Shintoists criticised the Yoshida Shinto of this time they did so precisely for “ending up preaching of the other realm, [which it did simply ] in order to fend off the foreign creed” (Fujii 1977, 676). A more antagonistic dynamic between Shinto and Christianity in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries is more easily identified. Early evidence is to be found, for example, in Hideyoshi’s expulsion edict of 1587 and his 1591 letter to the Governor General of Goa (Gonoi 1990, 150–1). In both, Hideyoshi deploys Shinto symbolism to justify the expulsion from Japan of Christianity and its missionaries. Item 1 of the edict reads: “Japan is the Land of the Gods. Diffusion here from the Kirishitan Country of a pernicious doctrine is most undesirable.”2 His 1591 letter begins in the same vein—“The fact is that our land is the land of the gods”—and then proceeds to an exposition of what Takagi ShØsaku (1993) has identified as Yoshida Shinto theories of the origins of the universe. Asao Naohiro has observed that Hideyoshi was

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consciously constructing the idea of “Japan as land of the gods” as a counter and response to the idea of “Europe as land of the Christian God.” Ieyasu’s letters to the Governor General of the Philippines in 1604 and the Governor General of Mexico in 1612 articulate the same ideas about Christianity’s incompatibility with Japan as shinkoku, the land of the gods (Asao 1991, 108–18; Gonoi 1990, 203–5). More research needs to be done on this linkage between the Christian proscription and Shinto ideas, but it would not be surprising, given the nature of the nativistic dynamic, if counter-Christian concerns were somewhere present in the anxiety of both Hideyoshi and Ieyasu to have themselves deified and venerated after their deaths. Finally, there is an as yet little-noted phenomenon that might be located within this same nativistic dynamic. Kudamatsu and Nagura have both identified a program of intensive shrine-building in Nagasaki at the height of the Christian persecution, and they suggest that both this and the subsequent promotion by the Nagasaki authorities of pilgrimage to the Ise shrines are to be understood primarily as responses to Christian-prompted crises (Kudamatsu 1993; Nagura 1994). The later period, 18th–19th centuries Christianity in late Edo Shinto Nativism: The emergence of Shirakawa Shinto as a challenge to the Yoshida hegemony, the popularity of often short-lived cults of various kami (known as hayari or fashionable kami) and the growth of new religious movements deriving their symbolism, and sometimes much more, from shrines, are among the developments of importance in Shinto of this period. Of greater political significance than any of these, however, were the publications, and the influence they came to exert, of nativist thinkers like Motoori Norinaga (1730–1801), Hirata Atsutane (1776–1843), Aizawa Seishisai (1781–1863) and ÷kuni Takamasa (1792– 1871). These men were not Shinto priests; they were intellectuals, rather, who explored Shinto themes in their often political writings prompted by the threat they perceived to Japanese culture by Confucianism, Buddhism and indeed Christianity. In their writings, Amaterasu as Sun Goddess and divine ancestress of the imperial line occupied a central place. Some, like Hirata and ÷kuni, also explored the myths to construct theories about creation, the other realm and the fate of the soul in the afterlife. Here my focus falls on Hirata, Aizawa and ÷kuni since each of them engaged to a greater or lesser extent with Christianity. Hirata Atsutane’s fascination with Christian theology has been frequently commented upon. Muraoka Tsunetsugu was the first to attribute his new other-worldly emphasis to the Christian theology he encountered in texts by


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such China-resident Jesuits as Ricci and Aleni (Muraoka 1940). While recent scholars warn against overemphasising Christian influence on Hirata, there remain the most striking similarities between, say, Hirata’s HonkyØ Gaihen and the Jesuit Aleni’s Sansanron Gakki, as Ebisawa has demonstrated conclusively.3 Hirata’s purpose was to demonstrate to all Japanese, and in time to Westerners, too, that all knowledge—theological and otherwise—grew from the seeds scattered across the globe by Japanese deities in mythical times. There is strikingly little anti-Christian venom in Hirata’s writings; he reserves that for Buddhism, Confucianism and Yoshida Shinto. For real venom, we need to turn to scholars from Mito domain like Aizawa Seishisai. Aizawa’s Shinron was arguably the most important political tract of the late Edo period; it was read and debated by loyalists the length and breadth of Japan in the 1850s and 1860s. It offered a blue-print for a new society restructured around the emperor and his court, in which imperial ritual in Shinto mode and commoners’ worship at shrines would serve to achieve national unity in the face of the Western threat. Wakabayashi is one of several scholars to argue the centrality of Christianity in Aizawa’s perception of that threat. Christianity, for Aizawa, was the Westerners’ technique for ideological subversion; it was, in his view, infinitely more to be feared than any attack by Western gunboats (Wakabayashi, 1986). Wakabayashi analyzes Aizawa’s antiChristianity and links it to his proposals for a Shinto revival in the new Japan. In the early writings of Aizawa’s contemporary, ÷kuni Takamasa, there is evidence that he not only shared Aizawa’s loathing of Christianity but was directly influenced by it. There is evidence that his views underwent a radical transformation in the 1860s, however, as the inevitability of Japan’s participation in the new world order presented itself. Where Aizawa’s fear saw no bounds, Takamasa came to believe that Christianity was “a good religion” whose arrival in Japan was pre-ordained by the Sun Goddess and which might, given certain conditions, namely the erection of Shinto structures, be accommodated in the new Japan.4 Takamasa and his disciples, men like Fukuba Bisei, were subsequently responsible for both the counter-Christian policy and the Shinto policy of the early Meiji government. Shinto and Christianity in Meiji and TaishØ Japan (1868–1925) The first period: 1868–1889 Shinto and the Meiji Restoration: In the aftermath of the Restoration of 1868, the new government took a number of measures which had profound implica-

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tions for Shinto and Japanese religious culture in its entirety. The leadership first announced the revival of saisei itchi, the ancient principle of the unity of rites and government, according to which the emperor was chief priest of state ritual and political sovereign. The declaration had numerous ramifications. All shrines and their priests were now declared subject to the authority of the resurrected Jingikan, the ancient state’s Bureau of Ritual Affairs, and the influence of the Yoshida and Shirakawa families was terminated. In quick succession, other policies were articulated. From 1868, began the unravelling of the religious fabric of pre-modern Japan in which Shinto and Buddhist themes had all been woven in complex patterns. New legislation was implemented to define—to invent—a new Shinto, with its own dedicated space, physical and symbolic, and to sever Buddhism’s privileged relationship to power, one that had lasted for well over a thousand years. A second piece of legislation, in 1871, declared shrines to be “sites for the performance of state ritual,” and the government immediately set about fashioning a national shrine network of multiple categories, “official” and “general,” centred on the Sun Goddess’s shrine in Ise. Between them, these early Meiji edicts defined for Shinto a special and privileged relationship with the modern Japanese state, one that endured in theory, if not always in substance, through Meiji, TaishØ and beyond until 1945. While the government never withdrew any of this legislation, some serious qualification is required for a balanced understanding of Shinto in Meiji and TaishØ. First of all, there is the economic dimension. In 1872, the government introduced funding for shrines and their priests, but this was abandoned a year later for all except shrines of “official” status (kansha), and in 1887 the government announced that, with the exception of Ise and the newly created Yasukuni shrine, all payments for all shrines and their priests would end ten years on. Not until 1906, after the Russo-Japanese War, did the government once more extend a modest disbursement to shrines and their priests. The government frequently exhorted shrine priests to devote themselves to the nation, and it prescribed certain emperor-centred rites for them to perform at shrines, but adequate financial backing was never forthcoming. Nor was it provided for the Shinto-oriented counter-Christian propaganda campaign overseen by the KyØbushØ (Ministry of Religions) from 1872. The KyØbushØ itself had the smallest budget of any ministry, and the Shinto and Buddhist priests recruited as state evangelists received no stipend for their efforts. A second qualification to the idea of Shinto privilege in Meiji and TaishØ concerns ideology. The ideological concerns of the political leadership, in so


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far as they related to Shinto, were to legitimize the assumption of power by the emperor and, at the same time, to generate a sense of national community. The leadership had little time for the obscure articulations of Shinto scholars. The early Meiji Jingikan and its propaganda arm, the SenkyØshi or Missionary office, came to grief over theological questions; so, too, did the DaikyØin. This DaikyØin was a theological institute attached to the KyØbushØ whose purpose was to define an orthodoxy for state evangelists, the better to counter Christianity. More destructive still were the theological disputes that wrecked the ShintØ Jimukyoku, the exclusive Shinto body that replaced the DaikyØin in 1875. In the 1870s and 1880s the government became increasingly anxious about disputations within the Shinto community, since they seemed to threaten the very legitimacy of the emperor-centred government; political leaders intervened. Consequently, in the 1880s, government banned shrine priest involvement in “religious” activities and debates; these included giving sermons, proselytizing and performing lucrative Shinto funerals. They confined priests, rather, to the performance of “non-religious” shrine rites. The state would maintain an identity with shrines, but these were now nonreligious places; they were uniquely the (unfunded) sites for state rites. There were two significant consequences of the government’s policy. Firstly, major figures in the Shinto world, including the chief priests of both Ise and Izumo shrines, abandoned their shrines and set up new Shinto sects. The government for its part granted to these new religious formations and others, like the Shinto-rooted KurozumikyØ, considerable freedoms. Secondly, even as the government distanced itself from the “thicker” Shinto theology, it maintained the closest identity with those doctrines that related exclusively to the emperor, the Sun Goddess and the eternal nature of the imperial line. Bureaucrats in the Home Ministry, the Education Ministry, and intellectuals at Tokyo University became the guardians of these doctrines. They referred to them typically not as Shinto but as the kokutai or “national essence.” The Restoration, Shinto and the Christian Threat: How, if at all, is Christianity connected with the history of Shinto in early to mid Meiji? The briefest answer is that the connection was both very important and far from straightforward. In 1868, the leaders of the new government re-issued the Tokugawa ban on Christianity, and banished thousands of “hidden Christians” (Kakure Kirishitan) from the Urakami district of Nagasaki to domains across the west of Japan. Subjected to various forms of persecution in exile, these men, women and children were only released in 1873 when the proscription was finally lifted (Breen 1998). It was during this same period, the first five years

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of Meiji, that the new Shinto construct was most actively promoted by the state. This fact has been observed by Kataoka Yakichi (1963) and Haga ShØji (1984; 1994), among others, who argue that government enthusiasm for Shinto best explains the Christian proscription and the exile of the Urakami Christians: Christianity was incompatible with Shinto, the ideology of the new state, and was therefore suppressed. Suzuki Hiroko (1977), however, insists there were only practical political factors behind the Christian persecution; she finds no evidence that ideological issues were involved. Still others—Sakamoto and Takeda in Japanese and Breen in English—point to the government’s rational enough fear of Christianity, and argue that fear offers a persuasive, if ultimately partial, explanation for the early Meiji enthusiasm for Shinto in all of its various aspects. They cite evidence that the development of new state rituals and local shrine rites, the articulation of shrine policies and the creation of a national shrine network, the promotion of Shinto funerals and the establishment of shrine registration, not to mention the different Shinto theological formulations produced and disseminated in turn by the Jingikan and, following its failure in 1871, the KyØbushØ, were all linked to government paranoia about the Christian threat. The argument is not that this cluster of developments can be uniquely explained in counter-Christian terms; rather that such concerns were ever-present.5 Other scholars have looked closely at some of the tracts produced by Shintoists working in the DaikyØin and found evidence of direct Christian influence. Yano GendØ and Watanabe Ikarimaro are among the Shintoists whose writings on the after-life and the deity Amenominaka nushi have attracted considerable scholarly interest in this regard.6 After the anti-Christian notice boards were removed in 1873, the Meiji government received regular reports from all over Japan of people converting to Christianity, participating in Christian gatherings, performing Christian funerals and disseminating Christian material (Breen 1998, 161–2). In this environment, the point of the DaikyØin and the KyØbushØ policy of employing Shinto priests and Buddhist as state evangelists charged with countering Christianity were all inevitably called into question. It was at least partly to enhance their ability to take on the apparently rapid spread of Christianity that first the Buddhists then the Shintoists pulled out of the Daikyoin, causing its dissolution. With the DaikyØin gone, the point of the ministry that oversaw its activities, the KyØbushØ, was queried and it, too, was abolished in 1877. The spread of Christianity remained a matter of grave concern for shrine priests and also for the men who led Shinto-derived new religions in Meiji


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period. Inoue Nobutaka argues that some of the best known Shinto sects owe their very formation to the founders’ desire to protect Japan from Christianity. He cites ShintØ Sh¨seiha, ShintØ TaiseikyØ, and ShinrikyØ as examples.7 The remarkable successes of the Russian Orthodox missionary Nikolai and his apparent contempt for Shinto caused particular concern among Shintoists of different hues in the 1870s and 1880s. There is extant the record of a fascinating debate in 1884 between Sano Tsunehiko, the founder of ShinrikyØ, and Nikolai, on the relevant merits of Shinto and Christianity. The two men argued over the formation of the two creeds, with Tsunehiko insisting Shinto was “natural” while Christianity was “man made.” They discussed creation—regarding which Nikolai accused Tsunehiko of stealing Christian ideas. They clashed over the soul and its fate, with Tsunehiko claiming his Shinto position was no less sophisticated than that of Christianity. Finally, the question of patriotism was raised: how could Nikolai and his converts be loyal citizens of Japan if they followed a foreign creed? (Inoue 1993, 198–209). The Meiji Constitution: Finally, something needs to be said here about the Meiji Constitution and its implications for Shinto and for Christianity. In its opening articles, the Constitution refers to the line of emperors as “unbroken for ages eternal” and to the emperors themselves as “sacred and inviolable.” These ideas are clearly rooted in what we might call a Shinto worldview. The Constitution certainly served to legitimize such a view, but it is important to realise that Shintoists were not involved at any stage in the drafting of the document; nor were they involved in the document’s promulgation. It is worth noting that, to the chagrin of Shintoists everywhere, the Constitution did not advocate any sort of special relationship between the state and Shinto or the state and shrines. It gave no further substance, that is, to the idea of shrines as sites for the performance of state ritual. A related point concerns the provision for freedom of conscience in Article 28. It advocates freedom of conscience for all citizens “within limits not prejudicial to peace and order and not antagonistic to their duties as subjects.” It is frequently proposed that the rider was inserted in order to facilitate the state’s imposition upon Christians and others of worship at “non-religious” Shinto shrines; that “subjects’ duties” meant shrine worship. Nakajima Michio is one scholar who recognises that the rider came to be used to justify such practices, but he concludes from careful research that such was not the intention of the men who drafted the Constitution (Nakajima 1977).8

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The later period: 1890–1926 Education, Ethics, and Religion: A most important development for Shinto and for Christianity in this later period was the publication of the so-called Imperial Rescript on Education (kyØiku chokugo) in 1890. The Rescript begins with a reference to the emperor’s heavenly ancestress and the mythical first emperor, although neither Amaterasu nor Jinmu are mentioned by name. It then proceeds to proclaim loyalty and filial piety as “the glory of the fundamental character of Our Empire” and “the source of our Education.” Loyalty and filial piety are “[essential to] the prosperity of Our Imperial Throne coeval with heaven and earth.” Still more important than the Shinto-Confucian content of this Rescript was its “supercharged symbolism” (Hardacre 1989, 122). Within two years, copies of the document had been distributed to all primary and secondary schools in Japan, where they became the focus of elaborate school rites involving ceremonial readings and acts of veneration. As we shall see, there were to be serious implications here for Japanese Christians. There is clearly a Shinto dimension to this Imperial rescript on Education, as there was sometimes to the rituals surrounding its veneration, but we should note once more that, while Shintoists everywhere presumably welcomed the Rescript, they were not involved; and it was certainly not an intention of the Rescript’s author that the standing of shrines or priests within Japan be enhanced. The important point once more is that Shinto ideas, as they related to the imperial institution and its divine qualities, had long ceased to be the unique property of Shintoists. They were the property of bureaucrats, intellectuals like Inoue TetsujirØ (1855–1944) and Uesugi Shinkichi (1878–1929) and, indeed, any patriotic Japanese. If these developments yielded few tangible benefits for Shinto shrines or priests, they posed a major challenge to Christians. This became rapidly apparent with the eruption in January 1891 of the incident involving Uchimura KanzØ. Uchimura KanzØ (1861–1930) was a teacher at the First Higher Preparatory School in Tokyo. He was a nationalist, and so had no problem either with the Rescript’s discreet references to Amaterasu and Jinmu or with its exhortations to loyalty and filial piety. As a devout Christian, though, he experienced problems with the ceremonial treatment accorded to the Rescript. The incident in question occurred at a school event in January 1891 when the headmaster intoned the Rescript and then required all teaching staff to bow before the imperial signature affixed to it. Uchimura described what happened next: “Hesitating in doubt, I took a safer course for my Christian conscience, and in the august presence of sixty professors . . . and over one


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thousand students, I took my stand and did not bow.”9 The “incident” was taken up in the press where Uchimura was pilloried for his lack of patriotism, and was eventually forced to resign his teaching post. There were wider ramifications, too, for his actions prompted a wave of anti-Christian invective. Much of the most strident came from the pen of Inoue Tetsujiro in his bestselling book, KyØiku to Sh¨kyØ no ShØtotsu [The clash between education and religion, 1893]. Something of the flavour of this influential work is evident in the following: Christianity advocates universalism and a love that know no distinctions, and consequently it cannot be harmonized with the purport of the Imperial Rescript on Education which is nationalistic. Moreover, Christianity places its Heavenly Father and its Christ above the Emperor and therein it contradicts the principles of loyalty and filial piety of the Imperial Rescript on Education.10

Among others to join the fray was KatØ Hiroyuki (1836–1916), another Tokyo University professor, with his book Waga Kokutai to KirisutokyØ [Our national essence and Christianity, 1907]. KatØ insisted that, since the Rescript spoke only of the Imperial Ancestors, “[Christians] cannot have it in their hearts at all to read the Rescript acceptably. They must practice deception.” He concluded: “It is entirely clear that the teachings of Christianity and our national structure [as manifest in the Rescript] can never stand together” (Holtom 1963, 81–2). The Christian response to all this was varied. There were those like Maeda ChØta, a Catholic priest in Tokyo, who published an attack on Inoue, so barbed that it was banned by the government (Gonoi 1990, 282–3). Kashiwagi Gien (1860–1938), a graduate of the Protestant college, Doshisha, was another who in a famous riposte to Inoue dismissed the value of the Rescript altogether (Takeda 1965). Far more common, though, were Christians who insisted the Rescript was quite compatible with Christian virtues; that there was, indeed, no patriot like the Christian patriot. Yokoi Tokio (1857–1928), in the year he became president of DØshisha wrote of the Rescript that it was “noble in style, catholic in sentiment, candid in tone. . . . The document remains to this day [1897] the earnest [expression] of the Emperor’s fatherly counsel to his loyal subjects in the essentials of sound morality” (Gluck 1985, 126). The Rescript controversy placed Christians on the defensive for the next couple of decades. Indeed, the government banned religious education in schools in 1899 as a counter-Christian measure, fearful of its deleterious effects on ethical education. But the mood changed for the better in the second

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decade of the new century. This change was largely a consequence of the new dread of radical socialism following the High Treason incident of 1910, and recognition of Christianity’s record in countering left-wing ideologies in Europe. One palpable manifestation of the new mood was the Home Ministry’s sponsorship of the Shinto-Buddhist-Christian conference in February, 1912. In addition to 13 Shinto sect representatives and 51 Buddhists, 7 Christians from both Catholic and Protestant churches were also present. Conference passed a resolution promising to “assist the imperial way and promote national ethics.”11 This was the rather more liberal context, too, in which the Christian leader Kozaki Hiromichi (1856–1938) published his Kokka to Sh¨kyØ [State and religion, 1913], in which he wrote: “The fact that our nation is a divine nation, that the imperial institution is descended from the gods, and that our national essence is a unique national essence in no way clashes with my beliefs as a Christian.” He went on to argue that all nations are in their way “sacred,” and their monarchies “similarly descended from the gods.” Shrines and Shrines Priests: This same period of late Meiji–TaishØ saw developments of the most profound importance for Shinto shrines and Shinto priests. Their ramifications for Christianity were to be not insignificant. On the one hand, the Shinto developments served to cast a shadow over the new atmosphere of tolerance; on the other, their legacy for the next ShØwa period, in which Christianity was subjected to new ideological pressures, was to be immense. The abolition in 1897 of state support for all shrines, except Ise and Yasukuni, prompted a nationwide campaign of protest from Shinto priests, who now formed themselves into the National Organisation of Shrine priests (Zenkoku Shinshokukai). The campaign was joined by parliamentarians and many a bureaucrat, too, all of whom wished a reversal in the declining fortunes of shrines, and a new, more intimate relationship with the state in fulfillment of the promises of early Meiji. The government responded with a gesture. In 1900, it created a dedicated Shrine Bureau (Jinjakyoku) within the Home Ministry; and allocated affairs relating to Christianity, Buddhism and other religions to a quite separate Religions’ Bureau. The gesture was important since it gave institutional underpinning to shrine Shinto’s definition as “non-religious;” Shinto was distinct, administratively at least, from “religions.” The creation of the Jinjakyoku did not, however, mean any improvement in the fortunes of shrines and their priests (Sakamoto 2000). It fell far short, too, of their ideal of a high-ranking state bureau, along the lines of the early Meiji


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Jingikan, that might oversee the nationwide promotion of the way of the gods. The immediate aftermath of the Russo-Japanese War had important implications for Shinto’s fortunes that need to be spelled out here. From 1906, the government delivered a mighty blow to the Shinto community with its policy of shrine “mergers” (jinja gØshi). So drastic were these that, over the next few years some 80,000 shrines across Japan were destroyed (Fridell 1973). Nonetheless, the fortunes of the shrines that survived began now to improve considerably. They did so partly spontaneously as a result of the heightened nationalism generated by victory over Russia; partly also because government reinstituted a measure of state support for shrines and began to locate them as central to the local improvement movements now being launched all over Japan. Indeed, over the next few years, the government demonstrated a new enthusiasm for shrines by publishing regulations on shrine rites and priests’ duties which, in the words of one authority, “effectively erected the state Shinto structure.” From roughly 1910 onwards—from the end of Meiji through early TaishØ—shrines and their priests acquired new and higher profile in the local and national life. In 1911, an Education Ministry directive required school teachers to take pupils to local shrines to help “establish the foundations of national morality.” These developments were in part a reaction to the 1910 High Treason incident; they were a response, too, to a sequence of momentous national events: the death of Emperor Meiji in 1912 and the creation of the Meiji shrine; Japan’s declaration of war on Germany in 1914, conveyed to the Ise and Yasukuni shrines by imperial messengers and accompanied by the Prime Minister’s call for shrine priests to help “stir national morale;” and, finally, the enthronement rites of Meiji’s son, TaishØ, in 1915. The Home Ministry instructed local governments to ensure a massive turn out at shrines to celebrate the auspicious moment. Shrine priests responded positively and began now to intensify their campaign for the establishment of a dedicated government Shinto office, though it was not until Showa that their efforts bore fruit (Sakamoto 2000, 275). Christianity and the Shrine Question: Late Meiji and TaishØ witnessed then a gradually changing ideological environment, with the state exhorting Japanese to attend shrine rites to demonstrate their loyalty, and state and Shinto growing correspondingly closer to one another. Here lay the seeds of major problems for representatives of both Catholic and Protestant communities. Two statements are given below—one from 1917, the other from 1918—which point out the emergence of these pressures on Christians, but they serve also to remind us that TaishØ Japan remained highly pluralistic.

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Conformity or persecution were not yet the only options available to Christians. Protest and dissent were still admissible (Garon 1997, 69). To lead the people into a vague religious exercise under the pretext of reverence towards ancestors and thus to mix the two things is not only irrational, but results in harm to education and hinders in many ways the progress of the people (Federated Churches of Japan, Japan Evangelist, November, 1917; quoted in Holtom 1963, 96). The members of the Catholic Church, without hesitation will join in paying due reverence toward the nation’s distinguished men as a part of patriotic duty. Shrine worship. . . is an organized form of reverence paid to supernatural beings and must be regarded as a religion. Moreover it is a religion forced upon the people. . . We regret exceedingly that as Catholics we cannot accept the interpretation of shrine worship given by he government, nor can we visit shrines and engage in the service for the dead nor can we ever pay respect to the so-called gods. (Bishop of Nagasaki, Japan Evangelist, May, 1918; quoted in Holtom 1963, 98).

Shinto and Christianity in ShØwa and Heisei Japan (1926–present) The early period, 1926–1945 From roughly the end of the TaishØ period through to the conclusion of the Pacific War, Christians in Japan were subjected to state-directed pressures that surpassed anything in the previous half century. The choice faced by Christians, Catholic and Protestant, became a simple one: compromise and accommodate or contest the state and its ideological formulations and suffer certain persecution. The new oppressive environment of early ShØwa had much to do with the increasingly authoritarian, militaristic nature of government, itself a response to a complex of problems, domestic and foreign, political, economic and social. Among the events at once reflecting and contributing to a new sense of crisis in ShØwa were these: the Manchurian “incident” of 1931, the creation of ManchukØ in 1932 and Japan’s departure from the League of Nations in 1933; ultranationalist terror, from the assassinations of Prime Minister Inukai in 1932 to the February 26th incident in 1936; the Sino-Japanese war of 1937; the National Mobilization Law of 1938 and then, of course, the Pacific War that began in 1941. The nationalism that gripped Japanese society throughout this period was more frequently than ever before articulated in the vocabulary of Shinto; and it was sustained partly, at least, by Shinto institutions and served by Shinto priests. There are several elements in this increasingly monolithic ideological structure that merit comment before we consider the implications of the whole for


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Christianity. The elements are education, shrines, and the Jingiin, established in 1940. Education: The school texts of ShØwa Japan, especially those on ethics and national history after 1933, suggest a new fixation with Shinto mythology (Caiger 1968). The result, in the words of a contemporary observer, was that: “The whole scope of education in the entire school system of Japan today, from kindergarten to university, is completely dominated by definite instruction in a politico-religious ancestralism centring in Amaterasu ÷mikami” (Holtom 1963, 60; Holtom 1938, 125–38). This same politico-religious tendency was enhanced in 1937 by the publication and dissemination of the Kokutai no Hongi [Fundamental principles of the national essence] to all schools and local government offices. The Kokutai no Hongi, which immediately became the statement of national ethics, was published as part of an Education Ministry-led move to stamp out unorthodox interpretations of the imperial institution. The following extract conveys the tenor of this immensely influential book. Note how it glorifies the early Meiji ideal of the unity of state and ritual: The emperor by means of religious ceremonies becomes one with the divine imperial ancestors and, though participation in the spirit of the imperial ancestors, He is able to educate the subjects of the state ever more and more and promote their prosperity. In this way, the spirit wherewith the Emperor rules the country is imparted. For this reason, the worship of the gods on the part of the Emperor and His administration of government are in their fundamental aspects one and the same thing (Holtom 1963, 7).

Shrines and shrine rites: Government concern to promote shrines as the focus of the local community—albeit with a minimum of financial backing— began, as we saw, in late Meiji and extended through Taisho. In ShØwa, the trend was invigorated in response to a succession of international crises. After the eruption of the Manchurian incident in 1931, local shrine attendance was no longer merely encouraged, it was increasingly regarded by bureaucrats, the military and the police as the litmus test of a citizen’s patriotism (Nitta 1998, 48). It was around this time, too, that growing numbers of school age Japanese, millions in fact, began to visit the Ise shrines on annual pilgrimages (Hardacre 1989, 110). Worthy of special mention in this shrine context is the Yasukuni shrine in Tokyo. Yasukuni was unique in several ways: it was an invention of the early Meiji period; it was dedicated to a new category of deity—the spirits of dead patriots; and it was supervised by the military and not by the succession of ministries charged with all other shrines. Yasukuni became increasingly prominent in the national life with the victory

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parades that followed the Russo-Japanese War and the emperor’s attendance at rites to venerate the war dead. Important, too, was the TaishØ emperor’s pilgrimage to Yasukuni to venerate the fallen of World War I. The ShØwa emperor ensured Yasukuni’s national profile remained second to none: he venerated the dead of the Manchurian incident in 1932 and 1933, and worshipped yearly until 1938. From 1938, his identity with Yasukuni was intensified: he venerated in both spring and autumn every year until the end of the Pacific War (Oe 1984, 130–4). To those who died in combat, Yasukuni promised deification as kami and then glorification by the emperor, and the public rites held there unquestionably did much to stir patriotism in Japan of the twentieth century. Jingiin: The creation of the Jingiin in 1940 was largely of symbolic import. Headed by the Home Minister and charged with not only shrine and priest affairs but the dissemination of Shinto thought, the Jingiin symbolised the new and intimate relationship between state and Shinto. The Jingiin was the answer to decades of campaigning, by shrine priests and their supporters within government and without, that Shinto be granted a privileged position in the national life and that that position be proclaimed (Sakamoto 2000, 285–91). Incidents in the 1930s A review of some incidents in the 1930s will help to highlight the nature of the tensions between Christianity and Shinto during this period. JØchi University and the Yasukuni Shrine Incident, 1932–1933:12 In April 1932, parties of students from schools and colleges all over Tokyo were taken to the Yasukuni shrine by military “attaches” to venerate the spirits of the deceased in the Manchurian incident. A number of students from the Catholic JØchi University (Sophia) declined to participate on the grounds that Yasukuni rites were religious. Enforced attendance violated not only the Constitution but their own beliefs, they argued. Immediately the military attache sent a report to the Army Ministry on the harm JØchi students posed to the state. Taken up in the press, the incident prompted a wave of anti-Catholic and antiChristian sentiment. The attache tendered his resignation, doing irreparable harm to the university’s prestige. Archbishop Chambon responded by seeking clarification from the Education Minister on the purpose of shrine worship. When he was informed it was “for reasons of education,” and that the bow required was “a manifestation of patriotism and loyalty and nothing else,” the Archbishop reversed the Catholic church’s earlier position, accepted the non-


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religious definition of shrine worship, and allowed Catholics to attend Yasukuni and other shrines.13 This stance, later adopted by Protestant churches too, did much to ensure the Catholic church escaped relentless persecution in Showa Japan. The upshot of the incident was that all JØchi students were henceforth to attend shrine rites; ethics lectures were to be given by a nonChristian Japanese lecturer; the university was to refrain from religious propaganda on campus; and the school secretary, Tanba KØzØ, was to resign.14 The university appears not to have protested against any of these measures. The DØshisha Incidents, 1935–1937 (Takamichi 1969): In 1935, a student from the Protestant DØshisha University removed the picture of the founder Niijima JØ (1843–90) from the martial arts dØjØ, and replaced it with a kami altar dedicated to the martial deity, Hachiman. The student was reprimanded by the university authorities, apologised, removed the altar and reinstalled Niijima’s picture. The military attache at the school reported the incident to the local press, however, accusing DØshisha of “contravening the national essence rooted in reverence for the kami.” The attache threatened to withdraw from the school. Despite stiff opposition from DØshisha Director, Yuasa HachirØ, the military got their way: the kami altar was re-installed in the dØjØ. The University resisted bravely in ensuing years as right wing pressure increased on the university over its dismissal of a lecturer who wrote an essay extolling the virtues of kokutai; for Yuasa’s mis-reciting of the education rescript, and then for his expelling a number of activists who had occupied the university chapel to protest DØshisha’s anti-kokutai tendencies. In the end, fearful for the future of DØshisha, Yuasa resigned at the end of 1937. Osaka Kenpeitai inquisition, 1938:15 At the end of 1938, the head of the Osaka military police sent a questionnaire to Christian churches of all denominations in Osaka. He demanded answers to such questions as Christian views on Amaterasu and Jinmu, the relation between the Bible and the Education rescript and the reasons why Christians regarded Shinto (and Buddhism) as superstitious. On receiving their answers, he wrote once more to the churches demanding they press believers into accepting talismans from the Ise shrines. News of the incident spread quickly and prompted Tagawa DaikichirØ (1869–1947), a Christian member of the Diet, to publish a scathing attack on the Osaka military police. Tagawa was subsequently arrested on a visit to Osaka by the police for all manner of anti-kokutai activities: his support for the JØchi students, his opposition to shrine attendance, and his criticisms of the ideal of the unity of rites and state. The three incidents reveal much about the conflict between Christianity and Shinto in the 1930s. Firstly, it is clear that the military were becoming

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increasingly now the true guardians of Shinto orthodoxy; secondly, though Christians were compelled to attend shrine rites and bow their heads, and though Christian clergy were regularly tailed, Christianity was not banned; the Catholic Mass and Protestant services were not prohibited; thirdly, even though pressures on Christianity were growing, voices of dissent, as the actions of Yuasa and the writings of Tagawa attest, could still be heard. In the 1940s, however, as Japan prepared for total war, the tensions were exacerbated. And of sustained resistance to the kokutai, Catholic or Protestant, there was little evidence. Conformity and compromise were the order of the day. Japan at War: The 1940s began with the implementation of several policies targeted at Christianity and other religious groups. The first was the Religious Organizations Law (Sh¨kyØ dantai hØ) of 1940. Designed to mobilize religions to the national cause, the law also demanded religions become “at one with the national essence [and with] the spirit of the imperial way” (Garon 1997, 84–5). The law required all religious groups to submit their doctrines to scrutiny by the Education Ministry; they would then be “approved” and mobilized, or simply suppressed. The Catholic priest, Shimura Tatsuya, has left a fascinating account of the approval procedure, and of his debates with a Ministry official over the Trinity and allegiance to the Pope. Shimura persuaded the Ministry that neither violated the kokutai, and the Catholic church was given state approval as the TenshukØkyØ KyØdan (Shimura 1991, 31–6).16 To facilitate surveillance and control of Protestant Christians, the Education Ministry required the thirty or so Protestant groups to form into a single body, known as the Nihon KirisutokyØ KyØdan. The Ministry scrutinized its doctrines and “approved” but, ever more wary of Protestants than of Catholics, it required KyØdan representatives to undergo a month’s intensive Shinto training at the Meiji shrine (Wada 1968, 26–7). In 1944, the Education Ministry created the Great Japan Religious Patriotic Society (Dainihon ShØkyØ HØkokukai), a body that embraced Catholics and Protestants in a single unit alongside Shintoists and Buddhists. All religionists were charged with “mutual cooperation,” “raising national spirit through religion,” and “participation in rites for the spirits of the war dead” (Shimura 1991, 65–8). Compliance with the state’s demands, and the emergence of a new form of “nationalistic” Christian apologetic in the 1940s, helped ensure that the vast majority of Christians avoided direct persecution, even though clergy were regularly investigated, foreign clergy placed under house arrest and Japanese called up.17


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Persecution: No overview of Christianity and Shinto in this period would be complete without reference to one very serious incident of persecution. It broke out in 1941 and involved members of the Holiness Church, part of the newly formed Nihon Kirisuto KyØdan.18 Two events sparked off the persecution. Some time in 1941, Koyama Munehiro, a Hakodate pastor, refused to participate in the daily pilgrimages to the local shrine dedicated to the war dead. He was reported to the police, arrested and died in prison; it is unclear whether he killed himself or was murdered. In spring of the same year, a Holiness church pastor from Aichi was indicted for undermining the kokutai in his sermons. The subversive potential of the Holiness church was clear, and, from summer 1942, the police rounded up some 100 members, accusing them of “denying the kokutai.” Holiness teachings on the sinfulness of all men—including the Emperor—and on the Second Coming, when Japan too would be part of Christ’s kingdom, were cited as especially incompatible with the kokutai. Several members were tortured and died in prison. In spring the following year, the government used Article 1 of the Religious Organizations Law to dismiss all Holiness pastors and ban the church (÷shio 1983). The incident was meant as a lesson to Protestants everywhere, and it serves to remind us, too, of the penalties for failure to conform in ShØwa Japan. The later period, 1945–2000 Shinto Reformed: The Allied Occupation of Japan from 1945 unravelled the relationship between state and Shinto and thus affected fundamentally the relationship between Shinto and Christianity. There were three moments of particular importance. The first was the publication of the so-called Shinto directive in December 1945. The Directive’s aim was to end “the sponsorship, support, perpetuation, control and dissemination of Shinto by the Japanese national, prefectural and local governments.” By Shinto, the directive referred to shrines, their priesthood and to the practices and doctrines that had more usually been referred to as kokutai. The directive abolished the largely symbolic Jingiin, banned the inclusion of Shinto doctrine in school syllabi and forbade public support for such events as rites for the war dead.19 Shrines themselves were not abolished; they were to be reconstituted as Religious juridical persons and funded privately. The second moment of consequence was the emperor’s Rescript in New Year of 1946 when he appeared to renounce his divine status: “The ties between Us and Our people . . . are not predicated upon the false conception

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that the emperor is divine and that the Japanese people are superior to other races and are fated to rule the world” (Holtom 1963, 176). While the intent behind this statement is open to some question, its effect was to remove from the public realm at least the single most vital item of the kokutai, namely the doctrine of the emperor’s descent from the Sun Goddess and the eternal nature of the imperial line.20 The Directive and the import of this Rescript were enshrined in the postwar Constitution of 1947 which located sovereignty with the people and provided, in Articles 20 and 89, for freedom of religion and the separation of religion and state. The promulgation of the Constitution was the third of the moments that decisively affected the relationship between Shinto and Christianity in the postwar period. Despite—indeed in some degree owing to—these momentous developments, Shinto and Christianity have conflicted on a number of occasions in the post war era. Christians have protested at manifestations of a growing proximity between state and Shinto.21 Shintoists for their part idealise a more intimate relationship and justify their position with two arguments. They argue that the Constitution was imposed on Japan by a foreign, Christian power with no regard to the reality of Japan as a land of the gods; the Constitution should therefore be ignored and replaced; Christian sensibilities are, anyway, not an issue (EtØ 1986). Alternatively, they propose that the separation of state and religion is provided in the Constitution in order to guarantee freedom of religion; it was never meant, even by the Occupation, to be a total severance; state support for, say, Yasukuni shrine, could not be deemed a breach of the religious freedom of Christians or anyone else; it should be therefore be pursued (÷hara 1986). These positions have been countered vociferously by Christian activists like Nishikawa Shigenori (1988). Two moments in postwar history brought to the surface tensions between Shinto and Christianity: one concerns the apotheosis of an officer of the Self Defense Forces; the other concerns the enthronement rites performed in 1990 by the new emperor, Akihito. Apotheosis: In 1973, Nakaya Yasuko’s husband, Takafumi, an officer in the Self Defense Force, was killed in a car crash.22 Conflict arose when the Self Defense Force decided to enshrine her husband’s spirit as a deity in the Yamaguchi prefectural Nation-Protecting shrine. This was problematic for Yasuko as a Christian, and she objected to the SDF proposal. When the SDF went ahead with the apotheosis regardless, Mrs. Nakaya sued the state for violating her rights of religious freedom, and won her case. The state appealed, and in 1988 the earlier ruling was overturned by the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court held that apotheosis was not religious and that the


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rights of Nakaya to religious freedom were not violated by the SDF’s apotheosis of her husband. The case was interesting not least because it resurrected the old question about the nature—religious or otherwise—of shrine activity. At shrines dedicated to the war dead, it was now deemed “non-religious.” The Nakaya incident unfolded against the backdrop of—so far unsuccessful— moves by the ruling Liberal Democrats and their right-wing supporters to revive state funding for Yasukuni. Official Prime Ministerial visits to Yasukuni on 15 August 1985 ended in amidst international outrage, and Christian activists like Nishikawa Shigenori have been at the forefront of the—so far successful—movement to prevent their revival (Breen 2001). Enthronement: In 1990 Akihito was enthroned as the Heisei emperor. The enthronement rites were conducted according to Shinto format, and were indistinguishable from rites that were performed for his father Hirohito in 1926. What was controversial about them was not the Shinto content per se, but that they were staged as public, not private, events funded to the tune of millions of dollars by the government (O’Brien 1996, 203–9.) After all, Article 20 forbids government patronage for any religion and Article 89 bans state expenditure for religious purposes. All in all, the performance of the rites suggested an intimacy between state and religion not sanctioned by the Constitution. Christians were in the vanguard of those who protested against the enthronement, especially the final DaijØsai stage, which celebrates the emperor’s intimate relationship with the Sun Goddess.23 We should note, finally, that even in the late twentieth century, protests against Shinto and the kokutai can incur a penalty: the rector of the Christian Ferris Women’s College, Yuge TØru, one of the most vociferous opponents of the DaijØsai, was shot at by a right wing extremist (÷shima 1990).

NOTES The translation is by George Elison whose lucid discussion of the MyØtei MondØ and its section on “On Shinto” is to be found in Elison (1973, 177–81). 2 The translation here is by George Elison (1973, 115–6). 3 Ebisawa (1958). See also ItØ (1981 ). In English, Devine (1981) closely follows Ebisawa’s analysis. For quite a different reading of Hirata’s enthusiasm for the other realm, see Kamata (2000). 4 Takeda (1990). See also Breen (1995) or for substantially the same piece in English, Breen (1996). 5 Sakamoto (1993), especially chapters 3 and 5, and Sakamoto (1994), especially chapters 4 and 5; Takeda (1996), especially chapters 6 and 7; Breen (1996, 1). See 1

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also Yasumaru (1988). This volume contains a good selection of important primary sources on Meiji Christianity and Shinto. 6 Nagata (1978); Tokushige (1974); Anzu (1983); and Sasaki (1998). 7 Inoue (1993), especially chapters 4, 5, and 7. These sects were founded by Nitta Kuniteru, Hirayama Seisai, and Sano Tsunehiko respectively. 8 On this point, see also Nitta (2000, 252–3). 9 The Uchimura incident is discussed most fully in Ozawa (1980). See also Abe (1969, 192–3) and Hardacre (1989, 122–4). 10 Cited in Holtom (1963, 81). On Inoue and Christianity, see Davis (1976, 11–12; 21–27). 11 For critical appraisals of the Conference, see Dohi (1967; 1969) and Yamaguchi (1996). 12 Documents relating to the incident can be found in JØchi Daigaku ShiryØ Hensan Iinkai ed., JØchi Daigakushi shiryØsh¨ (1985, vol. 3), JØchi Daigaku, and idem 1994. See also Oe (1984, 41–3) for a brief but useful summary. 13 The Education Ministry soon showed itself to be remarkably pro-Catholic, insisting to the military that “Catholicism is definitely not incompatible with the national essence” (JØchi Daigaku ShiryØ Hensan Iinkai ed. 1985, 78). For the pro-Catholic tendencies of the Education Ministry, see especially “Tanba KØzØ Kanji no Sh¨ki,” in JØchi Daigaku ShiryØ Hensan Iinkai ed. (1985). 14 JØchi Daigaku ShiryØ Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1985, 95–6). 15 For comments from different perspectives see, Jinja ShinpØ SeikyØ Kenky¨shitsu ed. (1986, 189–91); Wada (1968, 31–3); Oe (1984, 46–9), and Shimura (1991, 37–9). 16 Shimura reports that the Ministry official concerned converted to Catholicism after the war. 17 Garon (1997, 85). Holtom discusses attempts by Christian apologists of different hues to establish the essential compatibility between Christian and Shinto theology, Christian ethics and BushidØ, God’s Kingdom and the Japanese empire. (Holtom 1963, 109–20.) 18 The incident is discussed in Wada (1968, 18–25); Chiyosaki (1991), and a series of articles and recollections in “HØrinesu no dan’atsu to kyØdan,” Fukuin to Sekai 9 (1983). 19 Hardacre (1989, 136). The document is published in full in Holtom (1963, 215–8) and Hardacre (1989, 167–70). See also Ashizu (1960). 20 For different perceptions of the meaning of the Rescript for postwar Japan, see Breen (1998, 2), and Ohara (1978). 21 For an example of a Christian—a Catholic—who has no problem with state support for Yasukuni, see Hattori (1986). 22 On this incident, see Hardacre (1989, 153–79); Field (1991), and O’Brien (1996, 142–203). 23 On Christian objections to these rites, see especially the many essays from Catholics and Protestants collated in NCC DaijØsai Mondai ShØmei UndØ Senta– ed.


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(1991); also ÷shima (1990); “Statement of presidents of four Christian universities,” Japan Christian Quarterly 221 (1990); and Nishikawa (1990).

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mondai shomei undØ sentå ed. KirisutokyØ to tennØsei [Christianity and the emperor system]. Tokyo: Yorudansha, 1991. Davis ,Winston “The civil theology of Inoue TetsujirØ.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1, 1976. Devine, Richard. “Hirata Atsutane and Christian sources.” Monumenta Nipponica 36, 1981. Kamata TØji. “Nativism Disfigured.” In John Breen and Mark Teeuwen, eds. Shinto in History: Ways of the Kami. Richmond: Curzon Press/University of Hawai‘i Press, 2000. Dohi Teruo. “SankyØ kaidØ: Seiji, sh¨kyØ, kyØiku to no kanren ni oite” [The three creeds conference: Politics, religion, and education]. KirisutokyØ Shakai Mondai Kenky¨ 11, 1967; 14/15, 1969. Ebisawa Arimichi. “Kokugaku ni okeru TenshukyØ gaku sesshu” [The accommodation of Catholic Christianity into kokugaku]. In Idem. Nanban gakuto no kenky¨ [Studies in the lineage of Barbarian learning]. Tokyo: SØbunsha, 1958. Elison, George. Deus Destroyed. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973. EtØ Jun and Kobori KeiichirØ eds. Yasukuni ronsh¨: Nihon no chinkon no dentØ no tame ni [Essays on Yasukuni: Towards a tradition of spirit pacification]. Tokyo: Nihon KyØbunsha, 1986. Field, Norma. In the Realm of a Dying Emperor: Japan at Century’s End. New York, Random House, 1991. Fridell, Wilbur M. Japanese Shrine Mergers, 1906–1912. Tokyo: Sophia University Press, 1973. Fujii Sadafumi. Meiji kokugaku hasseishi no kenky¨ [Studies in the emergence of Meiji kokugaku]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa KØbunkan, 1977. Garon, Sheldon. Molding Japanese Minds: The State in Everyday Life. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997. Gluck, Carol. Japan’s Modern Myths: Ideology in the late Meiji Period. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985. Gonoi Takashi. Nihon KirisutokyØshi [A history of Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1990. Haga Shoji. “ShintØ kokkyØsei no keisei: SenkyØshi to tennØ kyØken” [The formation of Shinto as state creed: Shinto propagandists and the emperor’s religious authority]. Nihonshi Kenky¨ 264, 1984. Hardacre, Helen. Shinto and the State, 1868–1988. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989. Hattori Hisashi. “Hitori no Katorikku shinja toshite” [As a Catholic believer]. In EtØ Jun and Kobori KeiichirØ, eds. Yasukuni ronsh¨: Nihon no chinkon no dentØ no tame ni [Essays on Yasukui: Towards a tradition of spirit pacification]. Tokyo: Nihon KyØbunsha, 1986.


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Holtom, D.C. The National Faith of Japan: A Study in Modern Shinto. London: Kegan Paul and Tubner, 1938. ______. Modern Japan and Shinto Nationalism. New York, Paragon, 1963. Inoue Nobutaka. KyØha Shinto no keisei [The formation of sect Shinto].Tokyo: KØbundØ, 1993. Ion, A. Hamish. The Cross in the Dark Valley: The Canadian Protestant Missionary Movement in the Japanese Empire, 1931–45. Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1999. Ito TasaburØ. “Kinsho no kenky¨” [Studies of banned books]. In idem, Kokugaku to yØgaku: Kinseishi no kenky¨ [Kokugaku and Western learning: Studies in early modern history]. Vol. 1. Tokyo: Yoshikawa KØbunkan, 1981. ______. “YØgaku to kokugaku” [Western learning and kokugaku]. In idem, Kokugaku to yØgaku: Kinseishi no kenky¨ [Kokugaku and Western learning: Studies in early modern history]. Vol. 1. Tokyo: Yoshikawa KØbunkan, 1982. Jinja Shinpo SeikyØ Kenky¨ Shitsu, ed. ZØho kaitei kindai jinja ShintØshi [Expanded and revised modern shrine Shinto history]. Tokyo: Jinja ShinpØsha, 1986. JØchi Daigaku ShiryØ Hensan Iinkai, ed. JØchi daigakushi shiryØsh¨ [Documents relating to the history of Sophia University]. Vol. 3. Tokyo: JØchi Daigaku, 1985. Kataoka Yakichi. Urakami yonban kuzure: Meiji seifu no Kirishitan dan’atsu [The fourth Urakami village Christian: The Meiji government’s persecution of native Christians]. Tokyo: Chikuma ShobØ, 1963. Kudamatsu Kazunori. “Nagasaki machish¨ ni okeru Ise shinkØ: Kirishitan no machi kara no dappi” [Ise faith in Nagasaki: Exiting the Christian town]. In Fujino Tamotsu Sensei Kanreki Kinenkai, ed. Kinsei Nihon no seiji to gaikØ [Politics and diplomacy in early modern Japan]. Tokyo: Y¨zankaku, 1993. Miyachi Masahito. “Kokka Shinto keiseikatei no mondaiten” [Problems in the formation process of state Shinto]. In Yasumaru Yoshio and Miyachi Masahito, eds. Kindai Nihon shisØ taikei 5: Sh¨kyØ to kokka [Compendium of modern Japanese thought 5: Religion and State]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1988. Muraoka Tsunetsugu. “Hirata Atsutane no shingaku ni okeru YasokyØ no eikyØ” [The influence of Christian thought on Hirata Atsutane’s theology]. In idem, Nihon shisØshi kenky¨ [Studies in Japanese intellectual history]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1940. Nagata Nishio. “TaikyØ senpu undØ to sono shinkan” [The great propaganda movement and its views of the kami]. In idem, Nihon Shinto shi kenkyu 7: Kinsei hen (ge) [Studies in Shinto history 7: Early modern (part 2)]. Tokyo: KØdansha, 1978.

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Nagura Tetsuzo. “Kinseijin to sh¨kyØ” [Early modern peoples as their religion]. In Asao Naohiro et al, eds. Iwanami kØza Nihon ts¨shi 12: Kinsei 2 [Iwanami course on Japanese history 12: Early modern 2]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1994. Nakajima Michio. “Meiji kenpØ taisei no kakuritsu to kokka no ideorogiseisaku: Kokka ShintØ taisei no kakuritsu katei” [The creation of the Meiji constitution and state ideology policy: Creating the state Shinto system]. Nihonshi Kenky¨ 176, 1977. Nishikawa Shigenori. “The DaijØsai, the Constitution and Christian faith.” Japan Christian Quarterly 132, 1990. ______. TennØ no jinja, Yasukuni [The emperor’s shrine: Yasukuni]. Tokyo: Nashi no ki sha, 1988. Nitta Hitoshi. “Kindai to jinja” [Modern Japan and shrines]. KØgakkan Daigaku kØen sØsho, 97 [KØgakkan university lecture series]. Ise: KØgakkan Daigaku Shuppanbu, 1999. ______. “Shinto as a Non-religion: The Origins and Development of an Idea.” In John Breen and Mark Teeuwen eds. Shinto in History: Ways of the Kami. Richmond: Curzon Press/University of Hawai‘i Press, 2000. O’Brien, David (with Yasuo Ohkoshi). To Dream of Dreams: Religious Freedom and Constitutional Politics in Postwar Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1996. ÷e Shinobu. Yasukuni jinja [Yasukuni shrine]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1984. ÷hara Yasuo. “Akitsumikami kØ josetsu: TennØ was shinkaku o hitei sareta ka” [Preliminary thoughts on the living deity idea: Did the emperor renounce his deity?]. In idem, Akitsumikami kØ shiron [The living deity: A personal approach]. Tokyo: Akebono ShobØ, 1978. ______. “Yasukuni jinja to Shinto shirei” [Yasukuni shrine and the Shinto directive]. In EtØ Jun and Kobori KeiichirØ, eds. Yasukuni ronsh¨ [Essays on Yasukuni]. Tokyo: Nihon KyØbunsha, 1986. ÷shima Koichi “Problems of the DaijØsai: Grounds for Christian Opposiiton.” Japan Chrisitan Quarterly 221, 1990. ÷shio Kiyonosuke. “KyØdan no tsumi to kokuhaku” [The sins and confessions of a religious organization]. Fukuin to Sekai 9, 1983. Oyama Tokuko. “Kirishitan sh¨mon to Yoshida ShintØ no setten: ‘TendØ’ to iu go o megutte” [Where Christian religion and Yoshida Shinto meet: On the use of the word TendØ (heavenly way)]. Kirishitan Kenky¨ 20, 1982. ______. Nihonjin no miidashita kami [The Japanese discovery of the kami]. Tokyo: Perikansha, 1988. Ozawa SaburØ. Uchimura KanzØ fukei jiken [The Uchimura KanzØ lèse majesté incident]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1980. Sakamoto Koremaru. Kokka ShintØ keisei katei no kenky¨ [Studies in the creation of state Shinto]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1994.


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______. “The structure of State Shinto: Its Creation, Development and Demise.” In John Breen and Mark Teeuwen eds. Shinto in History: Ways of the Kami. Richmond: Curzon Press/University of Hawai‘i Press, 2000. ______. Meiji ishin to kokugakusha [The Meiji restoration and nativists]. Tokyo: TaimeidØ, 1993. Sasaki Seishi. “Meiji shoki ni okeru Ame no minakanushi no mikoto ron [Debating the kami Ame no minaka nushi in early Meiji Japan].” Meiji Seitoku Kinen Gakkai KiyØ 22, 1998. Shimura Tatsuya. KyØkai hiwa [Church anecdotes]. Tokyo: Seibo no Kishisha, 1991. Suzuki Hiroko. “Meiji seifu no KirisutokyØ seisaku: KØsatsu tekkyØ made no seiji katei” [The Meiji government’s policy on Christianity: The political process leading to the withdrawal of the noticeboards]. Shigaku Zasshi 86/2, 1982. Takagi Shosaku. “Hideyoshi, Ieyasu no shinkokukan to sono keifu: KeichØ 18 nen ‘baterentsuihØ no bun’ o tegakari toshite” [Japan as a sacred land according to Hideyoshi and Ieyasu: Analyzing the Keicho 18 order for the expulsion of missionaries]. Shigaku Zasshi 101/10, 1993. Takamichi Moto. “DØshisha no teikØ: Kamidana jiken kara chaperu rojØ jiken made” [The resistance of DØshisha University: From the kami shelf incident to the chapel path incident].In DØshisha Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku Kenky¨jo, ed. Senjika teikØ no kenky¨: Kirisutosha, jiy¨shugisha no baai, 2 [Sudies in wartime resistance: The case of Christians and liberalists]. Mizusu ShobØ, 1969. Takeda Hideaki. ÷kuni Takamasa no ‘Shinri shogen’ ni tsuite: Kaisetsu to honkoku” [Regarding ÷kuni Takamasa’s ‘Comments on truth’: Commentary and reproduction of the original text]. KØgakkan Daigaku ShintØ Kenky¨jo KiyØ 6, 1990. Takeda Hideaki. Ishinki tennØsaishi no kenky¨ [Studies in the imperial rites in restoration Japan]. Tokyo:TaimeidØ, 1996. Takeda Kiyoko. “Kashiwagi Gien no shinmin kyØiku hihan” [Kashiwagi Gien’s critique of citizen education]. In Ningenkan no sØkoku [Conflict between humans]. Tokyo: KØbundØ, 1965. Tokushige Asakichi. “TaikyØ senpu undØ ni okeru Tenjin zØka setsu” [Theories of the creator deity in the great propaganda campaign]. In idem, Ishin seiji sh¨kyØshi kenky¨ [Studies of politics and religion in restoration Japan]. KyØto: Rekishi Toshosha, 1974. Wada Yoichi. “TeikØ no mondai: Senjika no Kirisutosha, Jiy¨shugisha no shisei ni kanrenshite” [Problems of resistance: With regard to the stance of Christians and liberalists in wartime Japan]. In DØshisha Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku Kenky¨jo, ed. Senjika teikØ no kenky¨: Kirisutosha, jiy¨shugisha no baai, 2 [Studeis in wartime resistance: The case of Christians and liberalists]. Mizusu ShobØ, 1969.

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Wakabayashi, Bob Tadashi. Anti-foreignism and Western Learning in Early Modern Japan: The New Theses of 1825. Cambridge, Mass.: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University Press, 1986. Yamaguchi Teruomi. “Meiji matsunen no sh¨kyØ to kyØiku: SankyØ kaidØ o megutte” [Religion and education in late Meiji Japan: On the three creeds’ conference]. TØkyØ Daigakushi KiyØ 14, 1996. Yasumaru Yoshio. “Kindai tenkanki ni okeru sh¨kyØ to kokka” [Religion and state in the transition to modernity]. In Yasumaru Yoshio and Miyachi Masahito, eds. Kindai Nihon shisØ taikei 5: Sh¨kyØ to kokka [Compendium of modern Japanese thought 5: Religion and state]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1988.

NEW RELIGIONS AND CHRISTIANITY SHIMAZONO Susumu

What Are New Religions? When people use the term “new religion” they generally mean a religion that just came into existence in their times, but more commonly the term refers to a comparatively recent religion seen from the perspective of modern times.1 In this latter case, the problem that arises is determining how long ago a religion can have started and yet still be described as “new.” In Europe people are more likely to be talking about religious groups that began spreading in the 1960s when they speak of new religions, whereas in the Americas, Japan, and Korea, religious groups that began anytime after the beginning of the nineteenth century are more likely to be called new religions. The latter are religious groups that have to a certain extent become independent of established religious traditions and that have developed on their own in step with the establishment of a modern national state. In Japan this meaning of the term is far more common than any other. The Mormons in the United States, the Baha’i Faith in Iran, and the Chondo-kyØ in Korea are early examples of such new religions. The earliest of the new religions in Japan was Nyorai-kyØ, a group that emerged in the early nineteenth century. It was followed by the KurozumikyØ, Misogi-kyØ, Tenri-kyØ, KonkØ-kyØ, Honmon Butsury¨-sh¨, and others. By the 1870s the fact that they were a force to reckon with on the religious scene was recognized, and even the central government considered it advisable to assign them some sort of institutional place in the bureaucratic scheme of things. They were followed in the first half of the twentieth century by more new religions such as the ÷moto-kyØ, the Hitonomichi KyØdan (later renamed the PL KyØdan), and the Reiy¨kai; these had developed so much that in the first half of the 1930s they were a major force behind popular movements. In the second half of the 1930s most of these religious groups were subjected by the government to strict regulation and their activities were

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curbed, so that they could not interfere with the prosecution of the government’s war objectives, but after the end of World War II freedom of religion was guaranteed and these groups grew more rapidly than ever before. By the end of the 1960s SØka Gakkai could claim more than fifteen million followers. It was joined by other religious groups that each claimed to have several million followers. During the 1960s SØka Gakkai formed its own political party, the KØmeito; most of the other religious groups formed links with the Liberal Democratic Party, or other parties, in a bid to assure themselves of political protection. At the same time, the political parties came to look upon the religious groups as powerful backers because of the huge numbers of votes each group was capable of directing their way. During the 1970s, however, the impetus to growth of the SØka Gakkai and other already established new religions came to a halt, and newer new religions began to emerge. In the 1980s an increasing number of these latter groups, dubbed “new new religions,” “cults,” and the like, became conspicuous for their friction with the wider community. A great many of them proclaimed a vision of reform of the Establishment and came into conflict with the modern State. Among them was Aum Shinri-kyØ, which even resorted to terrorism and mass murder, with the result that new religions began to draw fresh attention—as groups that were capable of threatening the freedom of large numbers of the nation’s citizenry. It is extremely difficult to estimate the number of new religion groups or the numbers of their followers. The Shinsh¨kyØ Jiten (Dictionary of New Religions) describes approximately two hundred of these groups in some detail, but it says the total number of such groups “probably exceeds two or three thousand” (Matsuno 1984, i). As regards the total number of followers of such groups, I would put the number at somewhere between ten and twenty percent of the total population. There appear to be three main religiohistorical sources of the new religions: 1) the groups of folk religions that, while equally accepting Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples as centers for pilgrimages and accepting the yamabushi, gyØja, and other folk belief practitioners as intermediaries, supported people who gathered at the kØ (religious associations); we can call this source the “syncretic cult” tradition; 2) the kØ (religious associations) in the Nichiren tradition, in which family groups of lay followers actively participated; 3) popular movements stressing self-discipline and the cultivation of virtue, such as Sekimon Shingaku.

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The majority of Japan’s new religions would, when they were formed, inherit one or other of these religious traditions coming down from early modern times, but the closer we come to the present day, the more the new religions would select bits and pieces of the religions, learning, thought, and ideology that spread through the country after the Meiji Restoration. Christianity would become one of the important modern sources for such eclectic new religions. The new religions have taken their pabulum from a truly wide variety of sources. The special feature of the religious thought of the new religions can be summarized in the phrase “this-worldly salvation thought.” Whereas the view of salvation in Buddhism, which was dominant until the appearance of the new religions, was this-world renouncing and oriented to the next world, the new religions would preach that improvement of a person’s immediate life in this world would itself lead to ultimate happiness. They were not too interested in death or the world after death, and even when they did show interest in the world after death, they had a strong tendency to be concerned about the next world only insofar as it had an effect on happiness in this life. Some would take as their main object of devotion Oyagami (Parent God) or “Buddha,” but often enough the main object of devotion is also referred to as the “Great Life of the Universe.” According to the typical teaching on the subject, all things in the universe, including human beings, have sprung from the same Great Life of the Universe, and a person can achieve union with the life force of the universe by forging harmonious relations with other people and with one’s environment. The key to forging harmonious relations lies in each individual’s “heart.” All these new religions also share in common the teaching of kokoronaoshi (heart rectification or heart healing), which holds that, by preserving a pure, unclouded heart, a heart that is rich in love and enjoys serene tranquillity, one can realize a happy life in which there is an outpouring of universal life. These teachings constitute what can be called “a vitalistic conception of salvation” (Tsushima et al. 1979). Inasmuch as vitalism finds life in all beings whatsoever, it is possible to conclude that the new religions have inherited the animistic beliefs of folk religions. We can also discover in them the influences of Shinto and Neo-Confucianism, as well as the influence of the “original enlightenment” (hongaku) thought that was very strong within Japan’s Buddhist tradition. Most of the new religion groups hold that a person’s life is naturally brought to fulfilment in the person’s family, and harmony within the family is highly esteemed. Many of the groups treasure the ancestors as guardians of the family. A typical example of such groups would be those in the Reiy¨kai

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line; they require that each family have a “combined posthumous Buddhist name” to honor all the ancestors on both the husband’s and the wife’s sides of the family. Through the giving of new posthumous names to as many of the deceased family members as possible and the performance of rites for them, adherents hope that the ancestors will enter Paradise and do what they can to guard both their descendants’ families and their country. We can also find in these groups a widespread nationalism, in that they believe Japan is a special country with a special mission, but the groups that revere and worship the emperor are not necessarily in the majority. Many of them do worship their founders or the founders’ successors in a manner approaching that of living deities. Finding sanctity in things of this world (such as the family or a living deity) is a special characteristic of the new religions; at the same time it is also a special characteristic of Japan’s folk religions, of Shinto, and of Japanese Buddhism with its heavy dependence on original enlightenment thought. Some of the religious groups, touting yonaoshi (rectification of the world), look forward with great expectation to a fundamental renewal of this world’s order. Tenri-kyØ, Maruyama-kyØ, ÷moto-kyØ, and Honmichi are examples of such groups. At one time the Buddhist-based SØka Gakkai and Reiy¨kai also were heavily colored by a strong expectation of the coming of an ideal world. Words like “heaven on earth” were used, and some looked upon their group’s holy land as a miniature replica of this heaven on earth. In ÷moto-kyØ and Honmichi we also find influences of the folk religion idea of “the world of Miroku (Maitreya).” The motivation for joining a new religion is often summarized in three words: poverty, sickness, and strife. These indicate how common it is for very concrete worries and concerns in people’s daily lives to serve as the trigger for starting religious activities. Especially frequent are cases in which someone suffering from an illness has experienced relief from it after a healing ceremony in a new religion and then goes on to become a fervent believer. The practice of healing does in fact occupy an extremely important place within the activities of new religions. The Sekai Ky¨sei-kyØ introduced a method of healing in which a protective amulet called ohikari (sacred light) is hung around the believer’s neck and a hand is laid upon the believer to “cleanse the spirit.” This healing technique has gained wide support and been adopted by numerous groups, including the Mahikari-kyØ (Sekai Mahikari Bunmei KyØdan and S¨kyØ Mahikari). Frequent family meetings conducted by small local groups is another feature of the new religions. At such meetings everyone has a chance to talk with


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others and learn from them in the presence of a local religious leader. Representative examples of such sessions are the hØza of the RisshØ KØseikai and the zadankai of the SØka Gakkai. These can be seen as successors to the ko (religious associations) that once were common in folk religions, JØdo Shinsh¨, and Nichirensh¨. Up until the 1960s these small local groups made up of people with close daily contacts formed the foundation upon which the structure of many of the religious groups was built. From the 1970s, however, there has been a growing tendency for the religious group as a whole to be controlled by a power-centralizing organization in which all authority lies with the head of the group. More and more religious groups are being organized along the lines of business corporations. The Unification Church and Aum Shinri-kyØ are good examples of new religion groups that are organized this way. The Connection between New Religions and Christianity The new religions and Christianity have in common the fact that both were guaranteed a legal standing after the Meiji Restoration, both gradually increased the number of their adherents, and both became influential religious forces. Both of them are similar in that they preach the salvation of the individual, urge the believer to undergo a transformation of heart, and require entry into a group of believers that revolves around a local leader. The concept of “salvation” presupposes the idea that from the start man is living in the midst of an adverse situation that makes salvation necessary. Before salvation can be experienced as something real, the person has to realize that man’s life is circumscribed by limitations that cannot easily be overcome by a person’s ordinary powers. Once such a realization is gained, the person sets his eyes on some being that transcends human powers and tries, with the aid of that transcendent power, to draw near to the state of supreme bliss that transcends the aforesaid limitations—in other words, tries to draw near to “salvation.” In premodern Japan Buddhism was the major salvation religion, and as such it played an important role in Japanese society. From the beginning of the Edo period, however, the Buddhist temples belonging to the principal sects came to focus their activities on the performance of funeral services, and Buddhism in Japan more and more took on the character of a religion devoted to rituals promoting the unity of the ie (household, family). This character grew even stronger in modern times, to the extent that Buddhism

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would be given the label “funeral Buddhism” or “ancestor rite.” What this also meant is that its function as a religion of salvation of the individual would progressively diminish. Meanwhile, in the Edo period Confucianism and Shinto made great progress, but even though they sometimes carried out functions that had something to do with the salvation of the individual, this facet was not a significant part of their work. What did develop in the late Edo period as powerful religious forces that dealt with the salvation of the individual were folk religion groups that had been made popularized. Many of these, however, were dealt a severe blow at the time of the Meiji Restoration by the policy of the separation of Shinto and Buddhism and similar measures. From the Meiji Restoration on, then, conditions were spreading that would prevent the religions that had taken root before the modern period from being able fully to carry out their functions as salvation religions. Furthermore, after the Meiji Restoration autonomy and independence of the individual would be encouraged, and opportunities would increase for people to leave their traditional regional communities and lead new lives as individuals; both these factors raised people’s felt need for a salvation religion that looked to the salvation of the individual. The new religions and Christianity would come to play an extremely important role in this situation, thanks to their being salvation religions that were new on the religious scene. This situation is similar to the one in South Korea. There, too, new religions and Christianity came to enjoy tremendous development because of the fact that Confucianism and the other religions passed down from Yi Dynasty times were incapable of functioning fully in the process of modernization. But whereas in South Korea it was Christianity that made the greater advances, in Japan it was the new religions that gained most ground. In Japan Christianity had infiltrated by way of the samurai stratum, and from then on it tended very much to win the support of people from the upper strata of Japanese society. On the other hand, in South Korea Christianity came to gain the support of the masses. In Japan the masses flocked to the new religions, and so Christianity had only limited success in getting through to them. What no doubt happened in Japan was that Buddhism and folk religions still remained powerful influences at the time modernization was beginning, and when the new religions were formed they inherited some of that energy. When one thus compares the situation of the new religions and of Christianity in Japanese society, one sees that, though both groups were alike in being religions devoted to the salvation of the individual, at the same time they differed in several important respects. The difference in the social strata of their adherents is an important consideration. According to an analysis


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made by Morioka Kiyomi (1970, 193), the social strata of Christians went through three stages during the Meiji period: (1) the first converts were drawn largely from the samurai class, particularly those individuals who lost their social status as a result of the Meiji Restoration; (2) in the next phase, progressive small capitalists and wealthy farmers (1870s) turned to Christianity; and (3) from the 1880s the new middle-class intellectuals made up of people earning salaries, and their successors (high school and university graduates) were drawn to the Christian churches. In each of these three stages Christianity was accepted in the context of a foreign language and associated with cultural refinement obtained through a high level of education. Morioka draws upon the words of Honda YØichi (1848–1912), a samurai Christian, to confirm what he says about these social-strata features: Even though the ordinary people in Japan are not deep thinkers and have many superstitions, they do entertain a certain amount of religiosity. For this reason [sic] Christianity is not readily accepted by them. But Japan has a social class, that of the samurai. They are self-reliant people who are comparatively culturally refined, independent of spirit, and somewhat proud. When the Meiji Restoration brought on a breakdown of the old order, they discovered that there were many problems, both to do with themselves and to do with society in general, requiring a solution. This realization made them feel there was something lacking, and this feeling was also shared among many ambitious young samurai who embraced the same feeling. They were proud, true, but they sensed an emptiness deep in their hearts. The spaces of this emptiness could be filled up by Christianity. Also, in their somewhat proud philosophy of life, they recognize a being that, simple as it may be, is to be revered; it is referred to as the Way of Heaven, the Disposition of Heaven, and so on (it is not extremely concrete, as it would be among common folk). Also, while among the great masses the only measures of human life are simply advantage and loss, this samurai class has the attitude that losing one’s life for the sake of honor and uprightness is a virtue, so Christianity’s teachings about the existence of God and service to others had a profound appeal. At the same time, because the samurai had the inner force to resist what was common, they managed to see creative possibilities within difficulties. Again, because they wanted to learn once more what was happening in the world, and how they could bring their beloved country up to a par with the major powers and restore the Emperor to his rightful place, and because they believed that it was Christianity that animated Western civilization, they wasted no time in adopting it (1970, 192–93).2

On the basis of his investigations, Morioka concludes that “the social stratum that supported the Christian church in our country was not that of working farmers or craftsmen, nor even of factory laborers, but, right from its first beginnings, the intellectual stratum” (194).

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The principal supporters of the new religions, in contrast, were the middle and low strata of the population. In the case of Tenri-kyØ, which is representative of Meiji-period new religions, there is no mistaking the fact that the poorest stratum was included among the principal targets of its propagation, as is easily seen from the fact that the founder himself, heeding the command of God (“Abandon thyself to poverty”), was drawing near to the lifestyle of the poorest stratum in society, and from her prophesying that the control of the “high mountains” would finally end and the hopes of the “bottoms of the valleys” would be realized. Its teachings were couched in easily understood everyday language, and they have been characterized ever since the founder’s times as “teachings in kana.”3 We also have a study on the characteristics of SØka Gakkai membership in Fukuoka City around 1960 (Suzuki 1968, 25–26). It lists membership as: a) people in their thirties and forties; b) more women than men; c) of low educational background; d) of lower middle class, lower-class laborers, simple and irregular laborers; e) urban residents; and f) increasing suddenly since 1955. In a 1967 public opinion survey (White 1970), ordinary members of the public (= A) and SØka Gakkai members (= B) were asked how far they had completed their education. The results (White 1975, 98) were as follows: Graduated from elementary school Graduated from junior high school Graduated from senior high school Graduated from university

(A) 21% 41% 29% 8%

(B) 19% 55% 18% 4%

Though the findings cited above apply only to Tenri-kyØ and SØka Gakkai, and the membership of some of the new religions are thought to consist of higher social strata, the overall tendency in new religions in respect to social strata is believed to approximate that of these two groups. Another matter that is important when looking at the difference between the functions of Christianity and the new religions within Japanese society is the difference in their views of the world and in their views of salvation. In the new religions the attitude is that human beings are by nature good, and that by purifying their hearts through their own efforts they can go on to draw nearer to a happy life. And in this world the family is linked with salvation, in that becoming happy together with the people around one is considered to be the highest goal in life. As was pointed out before, the salvation of the new religions is this-world affirming, mankind affirming. One might say it prefers to turn its


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eyes to the brighter, more positive things about human beings and life. Let us look at this characteristic as it shows up in Tenri-kyØ. Because Parent God wanted to see joyous life and to share this joy with someone else, he created man. For this reason, bringing this desire of Parent God to fulfillment is the meaning of human life and the ultimate goal of the human race. No matter how long you believe, Let it always be with a heart full of joy. A bright, cheerful heart—that is a happy heart. True happiness, and worthwhile living, are to be found in spending all one’s days with a joyous heart. No matter how long the road one trods, if the heart is not cheerful, is gloomy, it is not in tune with the heart of Parent God. Living every day in joy and pleasure, safe in the protection of Parent God, is an experience that cannot be surpassed in this world. When one opens the closed windows of one’s heart and receives the infinite light of Parent God upon oneself, the dark clouds of confusion disperse of themselves and one stands in a circle of bright joy. What is meant by a happy existence is a life full of pleasure (Tenri-kyØ KyØkai Honbu 1949, 92–93). The fact that Parent God allows us to experience so many different fates stems from the desire of Parent Heart to use them to make people change their hearts, or to cheer them up, so that they will have a happy existence. Even when Parent God allows us to experience unpleasant fates, it is not from a desire to make us suffer or cause us trouble. No matter what situation we find ourselves in, if we lean upon the Parent Heart that leads us to good and if we keep our hearts calm as we pass through the situation, everything will be restored to the original fate of a happy existence, the limitless blessings of Parent God will flow without end to the person, and his heart will become brighter and more cheerful. A person’s happiness does not lie in his surroundings; the pains and pleasures of human life are not determined by external appearances. All things depend on the way each person keeps his heart. Correcting the way one keeps one’s heart and living every day in cheerful joy, that is the way of the believing heart (ibid., 71–72).

In the above text the words “correcting the way one keeps one’s heart” refer to the clearing away of the blemishes of the heart that are represented by the “eight blemishes of “begrudging, wanting, judging ugly, judging pretty, envying, being angry, being greedy, being proud”—in other words, they refer to cleansing of the heart. It is believed that one can head in the direction of “a happy existence” by having one’s own heart made pure through being filled with the cleansing action of God.

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How does this compare with Christianity? Let us turn to one Yamamuro Gunpei (1872–1940), who devoted his whole life to bringing the Gospel to the common people and preached the teachings of Christianity in easily understood language. In olden times a man named Shokusanjin made up his mind to stay away from all alcohol. Two days, three days passed, and already he couldn’t stand it anymore, so he promptly broke his resolve. When he did so he wrote a poem on the paper door next to where he sat: “My vow not to drink has ended up a tattered garment; come on, pour me another drink!” Now, this story of spineless failure is not a story of Shokusanjin alone; the world is full of such people. . . . This is the way it goes with something as simple as alcohol or tobacco. When it comes to all the different kinds of sins like pride, servility, deceit, lechery, insincerity, laziness, jealousy, thievery, unkindness, impiety, and other vices, how can a person be expected to win against them on his own power? There are those people who, in the inner rooms of their houses, do things that are unpardonable, but out where other people can see them they pretend to be oh-so-perfect—I’m talking about hypocrites. But people like this are like the whitened sepulchers that Christ spoke about; no matter how fine they are on the outside, inside they are full of rotting and dead men’s bones. You can be sure that, in the presence of God, who sees to the very core of man’s being, they are not worth a plug nickel. Then what should we do? Clumsiness in being honest is far better than skilfulness in deceit. The only way we can be saved from the likes of sin is, along with King David of ancient times, bemoaning the way we are and, relying on God the Father in Heaven, allowing ourselves to be saved by his power. (Yamamuro 1899 [1992], 39–41)

Obviously, Tenri-kyØ is only one example of the new religions, but still the general framework of its views of the world and of salvation is similar to that of many of the other new religions. Within that framework you see that a person changes into a good person in this world by his own power, and expectations are placed on becoming happy in this world by doing so. Sometimes the world after death is believed to be important, but even in such cases it is not believed that the ultimate good life will be realized in the world after death. In contrast to this, in Christianity man is fundamentally a deeply sinful being, the evil that man produces is something difficult to remove, and this evil can only be overcome by the power of God. And ultimately the only way man can be cleansed from sin is in the next world, after death. Yamamuro, who was an officer in the Salvation Army, stressed that the believer could undergo change in this world through the process of sanctification, a belief he inherited from the Arminian theology of the Methodist tradition. As a person who carried out a propagation of the Gospel that was


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deeply rooted in the lives of the common people, Yamamuro was someone within Christianity who had a keen interest in self-reformation in the present world. In spite of this, he stressed the deep sinfulness of man and rarely referred to happiness in this life. One of the reasons for this no doubt is the difference between Christianity, which stresses the break between God and man, and Japan’s religious tradition, which accepts as perfectly natural a continuity between the gods and man. Another reason is that, in Japan, traditional Buddhism, particularly the JØdo sects, represents a this-world-denying doctrine, and people feel this is something they can relate to because of their familiarity with funeral Buddhism and traditional culture. The new religions that appeared on the scene in modern times presented an alternative to that familiar this-world-denying view of salvation, and they no doubt built up a relationship with funeral Buddhism in which they each catered for different aspects of religion. Christianity within the New Religions The earliest of the new religions, Nyorai-kyØ, founded by Isson Nyorai Kino (1756–1826), is more similar to Christianity than other new religions, and at one time there were those who argued that Christian influences could be found in it. Ishibashi Tomonobu, a religion scholar specializing in Old Testament studies, published in 1927 an essay entitled “A Hidden Messiah Religion in Japan,” thus bringing Nyorai-kyØ to the world’s attention. Just as Jesus, conscious of himself as the Messiah, the savior of the world who would redeem it from sin, was worshipped after death as the son of God, the Christ, and overseas there arose the Christian religion (a Messiah religion) that reveres and prays to that Messiah (Christ), so too over here the woman “Kino,” who ended her days in the world as the sin-redeeming Lord and Messiah who suffered tribulations, and who was also called Ry¨zen, is now worshipped, revered, and prayed to as “Ry¨zen Nyorai,” and at the present time there is this hidden Messiah teaching being followed in our country. This is a really amazing similarity. The fact that it has, however, obviously not received any influence from the Christian religion whatsoever, that it is purely made–in–Japan, a domestic product, makes it all the more fascinating from the standpoint of comparative religion studies. (Ishibashi 1927a, 504)

If we look for a similarity on the score of “a founder who suffered tribulations,” then other examples exist as well. Ishibashi has noted that Nyorai-kyØ also has creation myths, but these can be found in other groups as well. TenrikyØ and other new religions also teach about the ordeals of their founders,

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and they have creation myths. Still, in the case of Nyorai-kyØ we find other features as well—an idea of original sin and an orientation toward the world to come—that make the resemblance to Christianity striking. In this new religion that appeared on the scene slightly earlier than the other new religions, there is a this-world-denying way of thinking that is deeply colored, experts believe, by the influence of Buddhism, particularly that of the Pure Land sect. Commenting on this point, Ishibashi says: Mankind is evil. Right from birth, all man does is heap evil upon evil. There is not a single good person. Even the ancestors “are unworthy to enter the Good Land [the Pure Land].” The world of man is nothing but a world of sin. “In this Valley of Tears peace of mind and freedom from care are impossible.” There is no salvation, no hope. Wishing for salvation is useless—the more dire the situation, the more useless the wish. There are many gods in the world, but only Nyorai is incomparably high. It is Nyorai who creates the human race and the world and disposes all things. Who is all-knowing, all-powerful to the highest degree. Whose heart is love, and who therefore undergoes all kinds of suffering for the sake of the salvation of the sinful world, sinful offspring. Who, moreover, exists in the transcendent reaches of the upper world, continuing to agonize for the sake of delivering this lower world from its sins. It is believed that it is the foundress to whom the agonizing heart of Nyorai was revealed and who accomplished the salvation that the loving Nyorai agonized over. Accomplishing Nyorai’s salvation and thus becoming the savior, revealing the Nyorai of love and thus held to be Nyorai in another form, the foundress is now revered as Ry¨zen Nyorai. Taking this Nyorai as the only support, abandoning all consideration of devices based on self-power, turning away from cleverness and resourcefulness, believing wholeheartedly in Nyorai’s salvation, taking on the love of Nyorai, putting love into practice, storing up good, hoping in this way to reach in the next world the “boundless Good Land” at the side of Nyorai, keeping Nyorai in mind at all times, being unrelenting in effort—this is what it is to be a follower of the Nyorai teaching of Ry¨zen Nyorai, this is the Isson teaching that takes Isson as its founder (Ishibashi 1927b, 126).

Ishibashi came to the conclusion that there was no influence of Christianity on Nyorai-kyØ, but Murakami Shigeyoshi (1971) thought there was a possibility of influence by the Kirishitan (Christians who had been forced into hiding by severe persecution in the seventeenth century) who were living in the part of Japan where Nyorai-kyØ originated. The divine status of Nyorai as supreme god, creator god, and savior god is nearer to the view of the God of Christianity than to the divine status of the monotheistic Amida Buddha. Konpira, the messenger of Nyorai who visits


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Kino, corresponds to the concept and the role of the angel that is a feature of the monotheism of the Semite line: Judaism, Christianity, Islam, etc. The concept of sin is completely alien to the traditional view of sin and evil in Japanese society, that is, the optimistic view that sin and uncleanness are things that adhere from the outside and that sin is removed by being brushed away or washed off. Whereas Tenri-kyØ, which carried on from Nyorai-kyØ, formed the idea of “blemish” along the lines of “sin” and “uncleanness,” Kino’s theory of original sin is a pessimistic philosophy of redemption from sin that considers this world a place for “Buddhist asceticism.” This view of sin and evil is closer to the idea of Christianity than to Shinran’s idea of evil human beings full of sins and bad karma. These ideas are said to stem from the influence of the Kirishitan upon Nyorai-kyØ, an influence that is amply conceivable from a religious history standpoint (Murakami 1971, 585–86).

Later, Kanda Hideo, a scholar conducting the most comprehensive research on Nyorai-kyØ, would conclude that a Christian influence on Nyorai-kyØ is unlikely (Kanda 1990, 133–35). What had strongly influenced Nyorai-kyØ had been Pure Land teachings, the Nichiren sect, ShugendØ, Konpira belief, and so on. According to Kanda, the more likely interpretation is that these sources provided a seedbed in Japan’s commoner society from the end of the eighteenth century to the beginning of the nineteenth century from which sprang a salvation religion that closely resembled Christianity. It was after the middle of the nineteenth century that Christianity would again reveal itself to Japanese society as a living religion instead of a body of knowledge encased in written documents. And from this period on, the gap between the new religions and Christianity would proceed to widen. This can be seen from the fact that the period of establishment and development of Christianity in Japan overlaps the period of establishment and development of Tenri-kyØ, the new religion that is typical of the early new religions with their “happy existence” teaching. Its foundation as a religious body firmly established in the 1860s, Tenri-kyØ would be able to claim over four million followers in 1929 (Tenri-kyØ DØyusha 1929, 286). It was just at this time, when the emphasis on sin and the idea of salvation in the next world that were so prominent in the heyday of Nyorai-kyØ would be receding into the background in the new religions, that Christianity began propagating its teachings in Japan. It would be wrong, however, to think that the common people in Japan turned whole hog to this-world-affirming views of salvation, because at this very same time the JØdo Shinsh¨ was also still going strong. When one looks at the development of the new religions after this time, one finds that Christianity and the new religions developed along parallel paths, and there were very few times when the two paths fused to result in a

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“Christian new religion” or in a “new-religion-like Christianity.” Let us briefly touch, then, on the two questions of how new religions made contact with Christianity, and how Christianity developed into new religions. Both Deguchi OnisaburØ (1871–1948) of ÷moto-kyØ and Masaharu Taniguchi (1893–1985) of Seicho-no-Ie knew quite a lot about Christianity. The religious world of ÷moto-kyØ was shaped by Nao Deguchi (1836–1918) and OnisaburØ, but nothing connected with Christianity comes from the writings left by Nao, who had very little acquaintance with written culture. Wherever the contents of Christian teachings appear in ÷moto-kyØ materials, it is almost always in the writings of Onisaburo. One reason the latter had such a strong interest in Christianity was, as he himself said, that he wanted to explain the connection between the God of Judaism and Christianity and the god of ÷moto-kyØ. We can refer to some of the modern doctrinal texts as we pick out the main lines of OnisaburØ’s thought. The god of ÷moto-kyØ is called Sushin (= Lord God). This is “the true god that is the original source of the universe. . . . In order for this true god to save the human race of the present times from great danger, the persons especially possessed by the god were the Foundress [i.e., Deguchi Nao] and the Holy Teacher [i.e., Deguchi OnisaburØ]” (÷moto Honbu 1975, 46). Through these “two great god-humans,” the two great scriptures of ÷moto shin’yu and Reikai monogatari were revealed to the human race. When one reinterprets the sacred scriptures of the past in the light of these two works, one realizes that the former were only expressing the truth imperfectly. Still, many religions do talk about the true god; in Japan’s Kojiki the true god is called Ame-no-minaka-nushi-no-kami, and in the Bible it is called Jehovah. Moses was correct in understanding the true god to be the only god, but his way of explaining the “divine virtues” of this god was mistaken. The view that ÷moto-kyØ and Christianity worship the same god is connected with the idea of “thousands of religions, one root” (Tsushima 1989). “Thousands of religions, one root” holds that all religions have the same root source; the idea is that truth is contained to a certain extent in other religions, and for that reason they have a certain value, but because they all are imperfect, they have to be united by ÷moto. Thus it is that Christianity is seen as one of the religions that has a certain amount of significance and ought to be united into ÷moto, and for this reason it is the object of ÷moto interest. Indeed, Christianity would take a place alongside Buddhism as the most frequently mentioned religion in ÷moto commentaries. The case of ÷moto shows, one can safely say, the classical pattern of what happens when a new


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religion draws near to Christianity. While on the one hand Christianity is perceived as a formidable opponent attacking one’s position from the outside, it is treated as something that has to be absorbed by taking in as much of its doctrinal content as possible. We have seen a case of a new religion making contact with Christianity; we now need to look at “Christianity within the new religions” from the opposite direction, that of a Christian group developing into a new religion. This is closely connected with the indigenous Christian movements discussed in chapter 7 of this volume. These indigenous movements are religious groups that, while possessing a Christian framework (at least in the beginning), took on other elements as well and more or less ended up being distinguished from traditional Christianity. These groups stand somewhere between Christianity and the new religions. If you imagine a coordinate axis running between the two opposite poles of Christianity and new religions, you can visualize these groups as moving away from the Christian pole and nearer to the new religion pole, the more non-Christian elements take over positions of dominance. Thus, for example, while the Nonchurch Movement, the Original Gospel, and the Okinawa Christian Gospel are close to traditional Christianity, The Way, Christ Heart Church, and the Holy Ecclesia of Jesus are nearer the new religion pole. Whether to call them new religions or not depends (among other things) on how one defines a new religion. In the case of The Way (DØkai), even were one to adopt a very narrow definition, it would almost certainly be classed as a new religion. Most of these indigenous movements could easily be called Christian new religions. The Christian new religions also include some that are imports. Jehovah’s Witnesses, the Unification Church, and the Mormons are groups that have achieved considerable success. Their growth since 1970 has been remarkable. The Jehovah’s Witnesses, for example, began preaching in Japan in 1911; in 1933 and 1939 they were subjected to official regulation and their activities suspended; after World War II they began missionary work again under prodding from the United States, but as of 1966 they had only 4,112 followers. Their numbers increased rapidly after that, and by 1975 they numbered approximately 33,000, then 108,000 in 1986, and finally approximately 223,000 in 1999 (these figures are based on Numata 1988 and materials provided by the Watchtower Bible and Tract Society). Many of the new religions that made progress during this period are referred to as “new new religions” (shin shin sh¨kyØ). It was not until after the beginning of the 1970s that the Christianity-related new religions made rapid progress and came to hold a large share of the religious pie. To put it another way, Christianity-related new

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religions figure quite prominently among the new new religions, and this is one significant difference from the situation among earlier new religions. From the end of the seventeenth century and in the early eighteenth century, before the beginning of modernization, a small new religious group called Nyorai-kyØ preached a this-world- denying, pessimistic view of salvation that had many features similar to Christianity. But it was followed by new religions in which a this-world-affirming, human-being-affirming view of salvation became dominant, and the distance between the new religions and Christianity widened. Sometimes a new religion drew near to Christianity and sometimes the opposite occurred, but in neither case was there sufficient impetus to fill in the divide separating both sides, and nothing much ever came of these exercises. But then the period beginning with the1970s came along, a period in which a new generation of new religions, called new new religions, would evolve, and for the first time Christian new religions would form a major influence. Imported Christian new religions like the Unification Church and Jehovah’s Witnesses must be reevaluated as religious groups that have an important significance from the standpoint of the history of Christianity in Japan. This is because of the possibility that the great success enjoyed by these groups indicates that the time has arrived when the thisworld-denying view of salvation preached by Christianity once more looks appealing—this time not to Japan’s intellectuals, but to the ordinary common folk. NOTES *Translated by Edmund Skrzypczak. 1 For more on the meaning of the term, see Inoue et al. (1989), Shimazono (1992a), and Mullins et al. (1993), all of which works aim at presenting the whole picture. Some historians maintain that the term “popular religion” is more appropriate than the term “new religion,” and that such religion begins as far back as the Fuji-kØ in the 18th century (see Shimazono 1995). On the “new new religions” see Shimazono (1992b). 2 This quotation is taken from Honda YØichi sensei iko [Unpublished manuscripts of our teacher, Honda YØichi]. 3 Kana are writing symbols that anyone with even a minimum of education would be able to read.


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BIBLIOGRAPHY Deguchi OnisaburØ. Deguchi OnisaburØ chosakush¨ daiikkan—kami to ningen [The collected writings of OnisaburØ Deguchi I: God and man], Yomiuri Shinbunsha, 1972. Inoue Nobutaka, Komoto Mitsugu, Tsushima Michihito, Nakamaki Hiromitsu, and Nishiyama Shigeru, eds. Shinsh¨kyØ jiten [Dictionary of the new religions], Kobundo, 1989. Ishibashi Tomonobu. “Kakuretaru Nihon no meshia-kyØ—Isson-kyØ no kyØdan seikatsu to sono shinkØ naiyØ” [A hidden Messiah religion in Japan: The way of life of the Isson-kyØ and what it believes], Part I, Sh¨kyØ kenky¨ new series vol. 4 (no. 4), 1927a. ______. Part II, Sh¨kyØ kenky¨ new series vol. 4 (no. 5), 1927b. Kanda Hideo. Nyorai-kyØ no shisØ to shinkØ [The ideology and beliefs of Nyoraikyo], Tenri University Oyasato Research Institute, 1990. Matsuno Junko, ed. Shinsh¨kyØ jiten [Dictionary of new religions], Tokyodo Shuppan, 1984. Murakami Shigeyoshi. “Isson Nyorai Kino to Nyorai-kyØ/Isson-kyØdan” [Isson Nyorai Kino and the Nyorai-kyØ and Isson-kyonan], in Nihon shiso taikei 67—minsh¨ sh¨kyØ no shisØ [Japanese thought, volume 67: The ideology of folk religions], ed. Murakami Shigeyoshi and Yasumaru Yoshio. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1971. Morioka Kiyomi, 1970. Nihon no kindaika to KirisutokyØ [Japan’s modernization and Christianity]. Tokyo: Hyoronsha, 1970. Mullins, Mark R., Shimazono Susumu, and Paul Swanson, eds. Religion and Society in Modern Japan. Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1993. Mullins, Mark R. Christianity Made in Japan: A Study of Indigenous Movements. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1998. Numata Ken’ya. Gendai Nihon no shinsh¨kyØ—jØhoka shakai ni okeru kamigami no saisei [Contemporary Japan’s new religions: Rebirth of the gods in an information society], Sogensha, 1988. ÷moto Honbu, ed. ÷moto annai [Guide to ÷moto], ÷moto Honbu, 1975. ÷moto KyØgaku Hensansho, ed. ÷moto no oshie [The teachings of ÷moto], Tenseisha, 1972. Shimazono Susumu. Gendai ky¨sai sh¨kyØ ron [Salvation religions in contemporary society]. Tokyo: Seikyusha, 1992a. ______. Shinshin sh¨kyØ to sh¨kyØ buumu [The new new religions and the religion boom]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1992b. ______. “Minsh¨ sh¨kyØ ka, shinsh¨kyØ ka” [Popular religion or new religion?]. In Edo no shisØ [Edo thought], Edo Thought Editorial Committee, ed., no. 2, 1999.

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Suzuki Hiroshi, 1964. “Toshi kaso no sh¨kyØ sh¨dan—Fukuoka-shi ni okeru SØka Gakkai” [A religious group of the urban lower class: SØka Gakkai in Fukuoka City], Shakaigaku kenky¨ (Journal of the Tohoku Sociology Study Group), nos. 24 and 25, 1964 (An abridged version appeared in KyØzai shakaigaku [Teaching materials, sociology], ed. Nakano Takashi, et al. : TokyoYuhikaku, 1968). Tenri-kyØ Doy¨sha, ed. Tenri-kyØ kØyØ [An outline of Tenri-kyØ], Tenri-kyØ Doy¨sha, 1929. Tsushima Michihito. “Shinsh¨kyØ ni okeru ‘bankyØ dokon’ shisØ to sh¨kyØ kyØryoku undØ no tenkai” [The “thousands of religions, one root” idea in the new religions and the evolution of the religious cooperation movement]. In Central Academic Research Institute, ed. Sh¨kyØkan no kyØchØ to kattØ [Harmony and discord in views on religion], Tokyo: KØsei Shuppansha, 1989. Tenri-kyØ KyØkai Honbu. Tenri-kyØ KyØten [The Doctrine of Tenri-kyØ]. TenrikyØ Doy¨sha, 1949. Tsushima Michihito, Nishiyama Shigeru, Shimazono Susumu, and Shiramizu Hiroko. “The Vitalistic Conception of Salvation in Japanese New Religions: An Aspect of Modern Religious Consciousness,” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 6 (nos. 1/2), 1979. White, James W. The Sokagakkai and Mass Society. Standford: Stanford University Press, 1970. (Japanese translation, 1975) Yamamuro Gunpei. Heimin no fukuin [The Gospel of the common people]. 526th edition. Ky¨seigun KyØky¨bu, 1899 [1992]. Young, Richard Fox. “The ‘Christ’ of the Japanese New Religions.” In Mark R. Mullins and Richard Fox Young, eds. Perspectives on Christianity in Korea and Japan: The Gospel and Culture in East Asia. Lewiston, New York: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1995. ______. “Jesus, the ‘Christ,’ and Deguchi Onisaburo: A Study of Adversarial Syncretism in a Japanese World-Renewal Religion,” Japanese Religions 15 (1989), 26–49.

BRIDGING THE DIVIDE Writing Christian Faith (and Doubt) in Modern Japan Mark WILLIAMS

The Challenge When T.S. Eliot argued, in his seminal article “Religion and Literature,” that “literary criticism should be completed by criticism from a definite ethical and theological standpoint” (1951, 388), he was allying himself to a lengthy tradition of authors who have found themselves engaged in a literary consideration of the potential for reconciliation between the necessity, accruing to themselves as authors, to remain honest to their observations of nature, and their duty as Christian believers to seek within their creations the potential for salvation. Matthew Arnold, François Mauriac, Julian Green, Graham Greene, Fyodor Dostoevsky… one does not have far to search for a list of authors who have struggled to remain honest and objective in the face of the unedifying matter of their art—corrupt humanity—while at the same time conforming to their duty to bear witness to the revealed truth of their faith. The clash between that which Mauriac portrayed as “the disinterestedness of the artist” and the “sense of utility of the apostles” (Stratford 1964, 201) was acute, and the challenge neatly encapsulated in the following assessment by Mauriac: If there is a reason for the existence of the novelist on earth, it is to show that element which holds out against God in the noblest characters… their innermost evils, and to light up the source of purity in fallen creatures. Christian authors should concentrate on what is most miserably human in human nature (cited in ibid., 209).

It goes without saying that, plagued by such concerns, some have chosen to renounce the path of literature altogether, and others have resorted to an “apologetic” form of literature in which the emphasis is on proselytization rather than on any concerted attempt to reveal the reality of life of the individual or to plumb the depths of human experience. For others, however,

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the issue was not so readily resolved. And, in keeping with the observation of Graham Greene that “creative art remains a function of the religious mind” (ibid., xiv), these writers came to view the need to judge the artistic merits of the novel on the basis of a poetics of literature as paramount. Determined to preserve the literary text as of primary importance and consequently refraining from the temptation to use this as a means towards securing salvation either for themselves or for their creations, they sought to create their artistic world through consideration of the dramatic tension that ensues when religion and literature are placed in opposition. The gauntlet was not lightly grasped. For, in the majority of cases, the endeavours were pursued in the full knowledge that they would, in all likelihood, result in conflict with the more traditional elements within the church; one need look no further than the relatively recent attempts by the Catholic authorities to “blacklist” the works of Greene and of the Japanese author, EndØ Sh¨saku, for evidence of the antipathy aroused in this way. For these authors, however, there was little alternative: having once determined to pursue a literary career, they were immediately subjected to the constraints of the form, obliged to create characters who would stand, not as authorial mouthpieces or scribes, but as living beings who would speak with their own authority. Stories could not be shaped to conform to a specific authorial theology—for, as authors, they were in no position, either to take charge of their characters or to intervene arbitrarily in their destinies. Instead, theirs was an obligation to “roam experimentally through the human mind” (ibid., 28), to create characters who would serve, not as types but as individuals— individuals who would resist all authorial attempts to introduce a preconceived order or logic on to their psychology and who would consequently come to exercise freewill. For, as EndØ has argued, “If, for the sake of creating a truly ‘Catholic literature,’ or for the purpose of preserving and propagating the Catholic doctrine, the personalities of the characters in a novel are subjected to artifice and distortion, then the work ceases to be literature in the true sense of the word” (2000/12, 24). The danger of the author being prevented, through a sentimental attitude towards religious motifs, from a deeper probing of human nature is here readily acknowledged. And, as the critic A. Boyce Gibson points out in his study of the religious nature of the art of Dostoevsky, it is only through persistent scrutiny of human nature that the potential for a literature born of this tension can be realized:

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The Christian novelist does not write novels about God; he writes them about people in their perplexities about God. He may, indeed he cannot but, reveal his personal convictions, but it will be dissolved in the structure of the novel; it is the people, with their unfulfilments, their stresses, their defiances and also their complacencies and compromises, and their exposure to the light which they may accept or decline, who absorb his attention (Gibson 1973, 54).

The challenge, however, remained. For, as EndØ continued, for all the paramountcy of concern with artistic effect, as Christians, these artists could not ignore the “nagging fear that the evil world he has created may sully the reader’s soul.” In contrast to the “average author [who] is upheld by a belief, however unconscious, that anything can be condoned in the name of art,” EndØ (2000/12, 29–30) argued that “the Catholic author… finds himself confronted by the following Biblical verse, from Mark 9:42: ‘Whosoever shall offend one of these little ones that believe in me, it is better for him that a millstone were hanged about his neck and he were cast into the sea.’” EndØ’s encapsulation of the consequent dilemma echoes similar concerns, expressed by Mauriac, Greene, and so many authors of Christian persuasion: The doubt that never left Mauriac’s mind was precisely the fear that the gloomy world he had created might draw his readers closer to the world of sin, by granting them a glimpse of Evil. In which case, mindful of the harsh rejoinder of Christ, “If thy hand offend thee, cut it off; if thy eye offend thee, pluck it out,” does the author have a responsibility to remove the very essence of his work out of concern for his audience? (ibid., 30)

The question is clearly rhetorical. Such compromise could never be countenanced. And yet the challenge of how to incorporate into their creative literature the issues embodied by their faith—to “provide a literary configuration to the concept of the holy” (Yamagata 1994/1, 13)—could not simply be ignored. And it was the exigencies of this situation that gave rise to the literary technique identified by Mauriac as “transposition”—a gradual erosion of the disparity between beings traditionally assigned to differing dimensions, together with the concomitant conviction that “salvation is to be found, not in some distant place separated from us by a vast expanse of open sky, but within our own being—in the dirtiest and most mundane part of our being” (EndØ 1985, 70). Far from lucid confessions of faith, therefore, the onus for these authors was on their obligation to portray what has traditionally been seen as the “misery of the godless man”:1 in so doing, they believed themselves better equipped to hint at that quality which the old priest at the end of Greene’s Brighton Rock refers to as “the appalling… strangeness of the mercy of God”

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(Greene 1970, 308). The emphasis here is on grace—but it is grace operating, not in hygienic splendour, but ultimately through that which is most corrupt in humanity. To show the workings of grace without violating either the psychological or the physical credibility of the text is an issue with which these authors have all struggled, one that has contributed directly to the preponderance of protagonists in the works of Mauriac, Greene, EndØ, Dostoevsky and others who embody evil in physical, if not in moral terms. The emphasis here is on the force of evil clearly established in these works as in opposition to good. We have moved beyond the more comfortable distinction between right and wrong, and it is this quality of evil, embodied in a corpus of sinners—but sinners pursued by a conscience, sinners launched on a quest for salvation — that contributes a religious dimension to these works. As Charles P¡guy argues in the epigraph Graham Greene appended to The Heart of the Matter, “At heart, the sinner is no different to the Christian… None is as competent in matters of Christianity as the sinner. None if it is not the saint” (Greene 1971, vi). Viewed from the textual perspective, therefore, it may be no exaggeration to suggest that these texts often rival those of their non-Christian contemporaries in terms of both cynicism and pessimism; in many cases, the absence of God is portrayed more forcefully than the presence of his grace. There is, however, an awareness of this absence that pervades these works, a suggestion of the potential for grace to operate on the lives of these characters that distinguishes them. And it is in thus introducing the melodramatic action of grace into their fictions—whether, as with Mauriac, this is achieved through psychological analysis of often abstract statements, or, as with Greene, by means of allegory, ambiguity and the grotesque—that these depictions of “the miserably human in human nature”2 come to assume a higher dimension. The critic Yamagata Kazumi (1988, 69ff) has deployed the term “paradoxical inversion” with reference to the symbiotic relationship between sin and salvation that lies at the core of such works. And, while acknowledging that the grounds upon which such inversions are premised must remain outside the remit of the author, Yamagata argues that attempts to follow this process as it is conveyed to the reader at the textual level must represent an integral element on the critical agenda. In this, he is echoing Gide, whose vision of the “cooperation of the Devil” as the sine qua non of all literary activity was so instrumental in the vision of God as “at work, not merely in the beautiful parts of our being, but also over our sullied parts, our sins” (cited in EndØ 1985, 73). Protagonists who find happiness in the depths of despair, those

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who find themselves acting in spite of themselves… such literature is premised on an oxymoron—an acceptance that depiction of “the holy” is only possible through consideration of its antithesis—with the onus for the author being to seek a fusion of qualities initially seen, or conventionally depicted, as irreconcilable. The result is a series of texts—and this is nowhere better exemplified than in The Brothers Karamazov and other of Dostoevsky’s later novels—in which faith and doubt are portrayed, not as antonyms, but as engaged in a symbiotically interdependent relationship. Here, the most profound faith comes to be expressed—can only be expressed—through the language of scepticism, through the metaphor of doubt. And it is in seeking to capture the hearts of their characters at the moment of greatest internal drama—as they stand, quite literally, in extremis and are racked by fundamental doubts with regard to their faith—that these authors are in a position, paradoxically, to highlight the potential for a fusion of forces initially seen as in opposition. Dostoevsky, we should recall, composed The Brothers Karamazov from a “cauldron of doubt” (cited in Gibson 1973, 169). Paradoxically, however, it is only thus that Dostoevsky could remain faithful to the literary parameters he had established for himself. Only thus could he do justice to his vision of the composite individual, an amalgam of forces which, although seemingly in opposition, contain within themselves the potential for reconciliation, most notably at the level of the unconscious. The phenomenon is one that has been widely discussed in the critical literature and critics have made much of the link between the composite individual and the preponderance of characters in these works who find themselves confronted by “another self,” their double or doppelgänger.3 Such confrontation typically assumes one of two guises. On the one hand, one can cite Francis Andrews’ admission, in Greene’s The Man Within, that “it is as though there were about six different people inside me. They all urge different things. I don’t know which is myself;” Versilov’s claim, in Dostoevsky’s The Raw Youth, that “I am capable of experiencing in complete comfort, two contradictory feelings at one and the same time—independently, of course, of my own freewill,” Mariko Naruse’s admission, in EndØ’s Scandal (1986), that “you might want to ask which of these two is the real Mariko. All I can say is that both of them are me…” Such literature is replete with protagonists who find themselves confronted by internal contradictions of thought and behaviour— and who consequently conform to Gibson’s portrayal of the prototypical Dostoevskian individual as “a unity of contradictories” (ibid., 64). Equally prominent, however, are protagonists who, while not specifically troubled by such internal turmoil, nevertheless find themselves doubled with another

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character in the narrative. Such literature is characterised by a clear affinity between the “first” and “second selves” (to coin Carl Keppler’s terminology), the affinity being manifest in a variety of responses, whether “inexplicable emotional reactions” to developments, “insistent preoccupation” with each other, or even “intimate insights into each other’s mind.” To Keppler, there is also a strong tendency for the “second self” to “appear, unexpected and uninvited, to initiate the subsequent drama” (Keppler 1972, 10ff). The immediate effect of such confrontations is to remove these characters from a stereotypical mold. In so doing, however, these authors are in a position to reveal incongruities and complexities to their characters and this, in turn, enables them to tap a layer of reality that, by definition, remains obscure to observers of the social surface. Having identified, in broad brush strokes, the main issues surrounding the very concept of “Christian literature,” however, our attention must now turn to Japan—where authors of Christian persuasion have traditionally received less encouragement for the development of literary themes dealing with the spiritual drama of the relationship between God and humankind. Operating in a climate which has never boasted more than one percent of its total population as Christian adherents, such authors have found themselves struggling with the challenges as outlined above in a spiritual milieu divorced from the Judeo-Christian tradition and in a literary milieu of very differing expectations. Indeed, whether explicitly or implicitly, each has found him or herself challenged by the widespread conviction, epitomized by the literary critic, Kamei KatsuichirØ, who informed the prominent postwar author, Shiina RinzØ, on the occasion of the latter’s baptism into a Protestant church, “Shiina-san, you’re going to have to make a choice between religion and literature” (TakadØ 1967, 85). The consequent uncertainty was encapsulated by EndØ, who admitted towards the outset of his career, As a Japanese, a Christian and an author, I am constantly concerned with the relationship and conflict created by these three tensions. Unfortunately, I have yet to reconcile and create a certain unity between these three conditions in my mind and, for the most part, they continue to appear as contradictory (EndØ 2000/12, 300).

The challenge for EndØ and his compatriots was to “find God on the streets of Shinjuku and Shibuya, districts which seem so far removed from Him” (ibid., 381). In responding to this challenge, however, Japanese authors can be seen adopting very different strategies that in large measure mirror the various responses to Christianity since the reintroduction of the faith into Japan

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around the time of the Meiji Restoration. Let us turn to an examination of these various responses and consider the extent to which the writers in question have indeed derived their creative inspiration from the above-mentioned tension and the degree to which this has been tempered by the cultural milieu within which they have operated. The Early Responses With his observation that “spiritual revolutions begin on the margins of an era” (cited in Karatani 1993, 83), the prominent Meiji theologian, Yamaji Aizan, drew attention to the fact that, as the children of displaced samurai, the majority of those who turned to Christianity during the first wave of conversions at the outset of the Meiji era were, by definition, alienated from the Meiji establishment. Converts such as Aizan himself, Uemura Masahisa, Honda YØichi, and Ibuka Kajinosuke may have been “happy to profess the new religion and resolved to take on the whole world for it,” but they “were, without exception, those who were not advancing on the currents of time. They had no hopes of sating themselves with prestige. Their expectations of attaining status in the real world were minimal” (ibid., 84). The observation is important: the early Meiji converts who turned to Christianity in search of new values and morals were inspired by a profound sense that the more immediate process of nation-building was somehow passing them by. Equally germane to any discussion of the emerging literary awareness of these early Meiji Christians is the fact that, under the tutelage and Puritan morality of the early American missionaries, their exposure to the gospel was initially limited to the Bible, hymnbooks, and other orthodox Christian tracts that, for all the new oligarchy’s determination to introduce the whole gamut of Western learning following the reopening of the country, nevertheless represented the priorities at the outset of the age of translation in the 1870s and 1880s. It was only once these texts had been assimilated that the floodgates were opened to allow for the translation of literary works derived more specifically from the tension between literature and religion as outlined above. In the interim, however, attitudes had hardened and, during the spiritual revolution that characterized the latter half of the Meiji era, many Christians found themselves confronted by the stark choice between their careers and their faith. Few would have disagreed with the assessment of Uchimura KanzØ, the foremost Christian thinker of his generation in Japan, that “religious faith owes much to literature. At the same time, literary

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affection will only be perfect with the help of religion” (cited in Boyd 1988, 408). But whereas Uchimura and others would shortly abandon their search for a “pure literature” that would “fight against ugliness, against injustice, coldheartedness, flattery and deceit” in favour of evangelistic work,4 others determined to pursue their interest in a literary career. Having made his decision, Uchimura was adamant in his conviction of the incompatibility between his faith and literature: Literature is the worst possible path that the person seeking to interpret Christianity can choose… As a Christian, one may be a critic, a dramatist— even, in certain circumstances, a poet. The man of letters, however, tends to be too feeble, too delicate and too cowardly to be a cross-bearing follower of Christ (cited in TakadØ 1967, 84).

For the young men and women of the literary coterie associated with the journal, Bungakkai, established in the early 1890s by a group of young Christians, many of whom had received instruction and encouragement from Uchimura, such a gauntlet could not be ignored. Determined to play their part in the ongoing exploration of the modern self that, by the 1890s, was proving such a dominant force on the literary, social and even political landscape of Japan, here was a group of individuals intent on securing a literary form appropriate to the discovery of the self. The issue is addressed in depth by the critic, Karatani KØjin, in his seminal study, The Origins of Modern Japanese Literature, in which he cites the 1890s as the formative period during which the “landscape” required for a modern Japanese literature was discovered. To Karatani, the “self” and its “expressions” did not simply exist a priori as natural and self-evident phenomena; they, too, required discovery and Karatani is convincing in his assertion that it is to the members of the Bungakkai coterie that this “discovery of interiority” is best attributed. In his schema, “a historical process was necessary to bring the ‘self’ into existence”—even if, in the course of that process, the origins of the self have become shrouded in oblivion (Karatani 1993, 77). Equally significant, however, is Karatani’s assertion that it was the literary form of the confession (what he calls “confession as a system”) that produced such interiority—and his suggestion that it was the practice of Christianity by the Bungakkai coterie to which the increasingly prominent confessional form is directly attributable. The repercussions of Karatani’s thesis are considerable. Not only does he attribute an unprecedented spontaneity to the literature of this period, but in suggesting that it was the emergence of an irresistible force like Christianity

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in the 1890s that was in large measure to determine the configuration of the prose narrative form in Japan in the twentieth century, Karatani emphasises the affiliation of these authors to that category of Meiji Christian who, through exposure to the faith, found a concomitant awakening of their own native traditions. To be sure, they may have struggled to have accommodated both. But it is the presence of a view of Christianity in which a native Japanese intuition is to be seen alongside a determination to espouse the gospel in which the individual is depicted standing alone before God that characterises this first wave of “Christian authors” in Japan. Let us turn then to a brief consideration of the contribution of the leading artists of this coterie. Following its inception in 1893, the journal Bungakkai sought to stress both the emotional side of human feelings and the importance of freedom. At the same time, however, the founding members clung tenaciously to the Christian doctrine of the uniqueness of the individual’s inner life—and it was this that inspired, albeit indirectly, the development of the new ideal of private self-cultivation that lay at the heart of the People’s Rights Movement of the day. Most prominent in this process was one young man, Kitamura TØkoku, traditionally depicted as the first of his generation to respond to the challenge of finding ways to explore seriously, through literature, the nature and possibilities of the self—to “awaken the spiritual selfhood of the individual” (Sasabuchi 1974-82/1, 276ff). Largely at the instigation of his wife, Ishizaka Minako, TØkoku was baptized into the Unitarian Church in 1888, and immediately set about a literary depiction of the duality he had come to observe between the sØsekai [ideal world] of youthful innocence and the jissekai [real world] of adulthood and social responsibility. And, in large measure, it is to his earliest works, the lyric poems such as “Sosh¨ no shi” [The Prisoner’s Tale, 1889] and “HØraikyoku” [Tale of Mt HØrai, 1891], that one must turn for an orthodox Christian perspective. There is an optimism about these works—and a less introspective approach to his material—in which the mix between Japanese poetic imagery and concepts inspired by his study of the western Romantics appears entirely natural in context. In TØkoku’s subsequent work, the author’s move from the Reformed tradition through a Quaker outlook towards a suicide inspired by spiritual uncertainty is clearly mirrored: the image of God becomes increasingly personal. Eventually, however, it emerges as little more than a principle of life, one that serves merely to divide the world between spirit and matter and which can ultimately command neither his submission nor his belief. At the core of this evolution is the process, defined in his “Naibu seimeiron” [Theory of the Inner Life, 1893] as

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“the cultivation of the inner life,” whereby the individual is enabled, not only to contribute to social reform but also to his/her own ultimate salvation.5 In large measure, the concept is couched in Christian terminology. But in holding that the potential for redemption resides, not in a transcendent divinity, but within the individual himself, TØkoku was widely accused of placing theory first and subsequently moulding this to conform, to some extent, with Christian theology. 6 If nothing else, it would appear that, in attempting to define the self in terms of the self, TØkoku was here choosing largely to ignore the Christian doctrine of divine salvation. TØkoku’s struggle with the spirit of the age was nothing if not intense and his work has been seen, by Sasabuchi and others, as one of the most passionate attempts to fuse the various contradictions he came to discern within both society and himself. In pursuit of a more consistent theory of the inner life, he dabbled with Buddhism, Confucianism, and even with pantheism. Ultimately, however, his inability to reconcile such differences—and his consequent suicide at the age of twenty-six—may be attributed to his confrontation with the challenge facing all authors of Christian persuasion in Japan: to express the Christian faith using conventional (western) terminology and, in so doing, to be accused of abandoning the native literary tradition, or to seek to render this less alien to a Japanese readership but, in so doing, to bring into question, however implicitly, the universals of the faith. For all this, however, his legacy, both to his immediate disciples and to subsequent generations, is hard to exaggerate and, as we shall see, his vision of the complexity of human nature as encapsulated in the following portrayal was destined to find echoes long after his work had drifted from mainstream interest: There is a god-like quality in man and there is a human-like quality in man, and these two are constantly at war with each other. If such fighting does not exist within one’s body, then the body withers and one’s life is at stake… When these two qualities are in conflict, then your spirit becomes alive and one has the courage to climb up a long ladder (Katsumoto 1950/2, 18).

Another person to have embraced the underlying Christian values upon which the journal Bungakkai was premised but whose fascination with the natural world and those around him led to a gradual distancing from his Christian beliefs and an increasingly autobiographical tenor to his writing was Shimazaki TØson.7 Baptised, like TØkoku, in 1888, TØson was deeply pained by the suicide of his friend and mentor: he would subsequently claim that it was this event that “caused him to consider deeply the imperative of discovering one’s calling” (cited in EndØ T. 1994, 284) and to opt for a career,

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first as a poet of shintaishi [new-style poetry] and thereafter as a novelist in the naturalist tradition. In many ways, from the outset, his faith would appear far from orthodox Christianity. But, to the end, the tension remained in his writing, his continuing interest in Christianity reflected in the respect for life evidenced by so many of his protagonists. Most memorable in this regard is the portrayal of Ushimatsu in Hakai [The Broken Commandment, 1905], the work with which TØson secured his literary reputation. Born into the “untouchable” eta class, yet instructed by his father never to reveal the truth of his ancestry for fear of social ostracization, Ushimatsu’s inner conflict is initially clearly defined in the contrast established at the textual level in the protagonist’s divided loyalties between his tradition-minded father and Inoko, the author who has pursued a successful career in spite of his eta origins. The protagonist’s subsequent transition to an embracing of life as he confesses all to his understanding pupils was depicted by the author himself as “the tragedy of one who has awakened” (Shimazaki 1974, xxii). The technique was one to which TØson adhered throughout his career; equally powerful is the depiction of Kishimoto in Shinsei [New Life, 1918], whose inner struggle and turmoil as he awaits a new dawn in France is reminiscent of Dante’s Vita Nuova. To be sure, literary success for TØson was accompanied by a renewed determination to immerse himself in his own immediate world and to adhere more closely to the burgeoning trend towards the shishØsetsu form of confessional literature. Significantly, however, it is on The Broken Commandment that TØson’s enduring reputation as a faithful chronicler of the human psyche is based; TØson himself was to dismiss the subsequent works as “mere confessions of a gnawing anguish” (cited in Kuyama 1980, 206). A third member of the Bungakkai coterie to have received baptism amid the groundswell of popular appeal of Christianity in the late 1880s was Kunikida Doppo. Thereafter, plagued by similar doubts concerning the compatibility of his faith and his career, Doppo too sought to bridge the gap between himself and his writing, leading Karatani to portray him as the “first Japanese author to attain transparency” (Karatani 1993, 71). These doubts and misgivings find powerful voice in “Azamukazaru no ki” [An Honest Account, 1893–97], a piece seen by many as Japan’s first truly confessional work. The work is candid about the author’s divided loyalties. To the literary critic, however, it is as an unadorned expression of interiority—an interiority born of the sense of the presence of the author’s voice to which he has clearly paid heed—that the work is best remembered. In keeping with his peers involved with Bungakkai, Doppo, too, may have found himself distanced

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from the church as his career progressed. The doubts remained, however, as suggested by his admission towards the end of his short career: “I must become a part of God… I am not a pastor, yet I yearn to know God” (cited in EndØ T. 1994, 192). It is difficult to exaggerate the significance of the contribution of these authors affiliated to Bungakkai. On the one hand, here was a group of writers devoted to the search for a literary form appropriate for the expression of the “inner life” and whose writing, as such, has been categorized as containing “all the germs of the literature which was to be produced by the next generation” (Karatani 1993, 71). Equally significant, however, was their contribution to the debate, being conducted so vociferously in the West at the time, as to the possibilities for a “Christian literature.” And yet the questions must remain. For it is impossible to overlook the fact that, having embraced Christianity in a wave of youthful enthusiasm and subsequently opted for literary careers that were to distance them from their mentors in the church, the above-mentioned writers remained reluctant to give literary expression to the pain and contradictions with which they subsequently struggled. As noted above, the confessional element in their writing may have been enhanced as their careers progressed. Increasingly, however, such confessions were directed at narrow, psychological concerns—with a concomitant weakening of the religious element of confession. We remain, as such, far removed from a literature born of the “dramatic tension that ensues when religion and literature are placed in opposition.” And, in the decades that followed, there were to be few challenges to the focus on the more mundane aspects of autobiographical experience of the shishØsetsu. Before moving on to a discussion of the more concerted attempt by a series of postwar writers to fashion their literature from this duality, however, let us briefly consider a series of authors, prominent on the literary scene in the early decades of the twentieth century, who, in reacting against the prevailing literary trend, found themselves confronting, if ultimately largely evading, the gauntlet so publicly thrown down by Uchimura. Such a list would include such mainstream figures as Natsume SØseki, Akutagawa Ry¨nosuke, Arishima Takeo, and Masamune HakuchØ. In the case of SØseki, conventional wisdom suggests that the author was studious in his avoidance of Christianity. Plagued by depression following his unhappy two-year period of study in London, SØseki has traditionally been seen as, at best, apathetic to the religious underpinnings of the English literature on which so much of his energy was expended. Recent studies, most notably those by SatØ (1974) and Tanabe (in Boyd 1988) have, however,

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sought to refute this image and SatØ, in particular, is vehement in his portrayal of SØseki’s oeuvre, not as a concerted study of egoism, but as depicting the cries of desperate individuals whose attempts at creating an absolute of the self are the ultimate contributory factor to the misunderstandings and charges of selfishness with which the various protagonists are confronted (SatØ 1974). SatØ clearly has Kokoro [1914], SØseki’s masterpiece, in mind. But, in supporting his argument with extensive examples from earlier texts, including SanshirØ [1908] and Mon [The Gate, 1910], he offers evidence of a consistent and concerted confrontation with the very issues that had ultimately appeared so insuperable to the Bungakkai members. Tanabe is even more outspoken in his reevaluation, arguing that it was not until he had taken part in an inner dialogue with the Christian literature of the West that the distress of SØseki, “the intellectual eager to build up his own identity amidst the throes through which Japan was about to be reborn into a modern nation, came to be regarded as appropriate” (Boyd 1988, 401). For SØseki, interest in Christianity may rarely have extended beyond the level of intellectual curiosity. For Akutagawa, on the other hand, the tension between faith and art was ever-present. By his own admission, Akutagawa turned to literature as “a means of somehow giving order to an essentially chaotic and illogical existence: he was convinced that art could allow the author to create an order and to provide a structure to the world that God or the gods had obscured.”8 To Akutagawa at this time, there was a clear parallel between salvation in art and salvation in faith, and as he acknowledged in a letter to a friend, Tsuneto KyØ in 1914, “I have my faith, a faith in art. I cannot believe that the exaltation I gain through this faith of mine is inferior to the exaltation gained through other faiths” (Ueda 1976, 141). As his career progressed, moreover, he came to conclude that art did not merely resemble religion: art was religion and his religion was art. “In the final analysis, Christianity is a work of art, a didactic literature created by Jesus” (ibid, 142). By his own admission, Akutagawa’s contact with Christianity brooked three phases (Akutagawa 1977/9, 230). Initially attracted by the exotic nature of the foreign religion, he subsequently developed a fascination for the psychology of martyrdom—and more specifically for those missionaries and their Japanese converts who had paid the ultimate sacrifice for their beliefs during the so-called Kirishitan period (c.1549–1644)—and consequently found himself drawn to the various works that had entered the Japanese literary arena with the missionaries at that time. To some, Akutagawa’s subsequent “Kirishitan texts” may serve merely as reflections of the author’s insatiable passion for history and exoticism.9 Increasingly, however, critical consensus

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is coming to concur with Beongcheon Yu that these kirishitan-mono “reveal something deeper and more personal than mere exoticism and aestheticism”: it is in these pieces that Akutagawa investigates the qualities of a very personal religion and is thus able to consider the possibility of salvation through art.10 From the earliest kirishitan-mono, Akutagawa is explicit in his determination to divest Christ of some of his divinity, to bring him closer to the human dimension. To this end, he focusses on the Japanese martyrs, finding in their experience a powerful metaphor for Christ’s ability to transcend the reality of his situation and to find peace. Increasing critical acclaim led, paradoxically, to burgeoning doubts as to the supremacy of his art and, under the influence of the prevailing shishØsetsu tradition, Akutagawa turned away from historical fiction to a more confessional style. The last few years of his life thus comprise the third phase of his relationship with Christianity during which time he “came to love the Christ portrayed to us by the four gospel writers and no longer to look on Christ as a passing stranger” (ibid). The result is a series of theoretical essays on Christ and Christianity and several short stories, most notably “Kamigami no bishØ” [The Smile of the Gods, 1921] and “Oshino” [Oshino 1923], in which the perceived tension between Christianity and native Japanese belief is specifically addressed. Significantly, these stories end on an ambiguous note: at no point is Christianity (or the West) specifically rejected, but the texts are explicit in their suggestion that these are not paths that the Japanese can ever wholeheartedly embrace. The following portrayal from “The Smile of the Gods,” of the Portuguese missionary, Organtino, struggling to make headway in the “morass” of Japan represents a fascinating precursor of a similar depiction of the apostate priest Ferreira by EndØ in Chinmoku [Silence, 1966]: Since sailing from Lisbon, I have dedicated my life to you… everything is thanks to your blessing, heavenly Lord. But since coming to Japan, I have come to realize just how hard my task here is. There exists in this land some mysterious power which lurks in the mountains, in the forests and, some would argue, even in the built-up towns… What this power is I do not know. But somehow or other, like a subterranean spring, it spreads out over the entire country (ibid./5, 175–76).

The image is by no means alone as Akutagawa’s legacy to subsequent generations of “Christian writers” in Japan. Even more pronounced in anticipating trends prominent in the literature of the postwar authors to be considered later is the portrayal of the eponymous hero of the short story “Juliano Kichisuke” [1919] as a “holy idiot.”11 And, with his final work, “SeihØ no hito” [The Man

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from the West, 1927], Akutagawa bequeathed his own Life of Jesus (in 37 chapters) that was to resonate so heavily in similar manifestos by authors such as EndØ, Shiina, and Ogawa Kunio of the postwar generation.12 Significantly, the figure of Christ as depicted here by Akutagawa is not the worker of miracles of the gospel accounts. Instead, he is portrayed as a bohemian journalist whose short stories are the parables and whose fictional biographies were laid out in the New Testament. The image is of Christ, the poet, an individual possessed of the genius to smile on life even as he forsakes it is an image that recurs with remarkable similarity in the above-mentioned postwar works (most notably in EndØ’s much-discussed portrayal of Christ as dØhansha [the faithful companion]). Akutagawa’s self-inflicted death sent shock-waves through the literary community. Taken in conjunction with the high-profile suicide of Arishima Takeo in 1923—another writer initially attracted to the faith by the powerful example of Christian leaders such as Uchimura and Nitobe InazØ, but who ultimately rejected the faith for an agnostic humanism—this led several of their peers on the literary scene to seek refuge in the more superficial confessional format of the shishØsetsu.13 The result was the formation of the Shirakaba-ha [White Birch] literary coterie, so influential in defining the parameters of the shishØsetsu in the 1920s and 1930s. For Shiga Naoya, MushanokØji Saneatsu, and the other founding members of this group, initial attraction to the Christian faith was again a direct consequence of their early contacts with the Christian leaders of the day. Determined to place the various issues concerned with the freedom of the individual at the heart of their literary concerns, many evidenced considerable interest in the Bible and came to betray profound insights into the faith. There remained, however, a serious obstacle to these authors in their attempts to incorporate a spiritual drama into their literary creations—an obstacle imposed in no small measure by Uchimura and other Christian leaders in their emphasis on the harsh, paternal God of the Old Testament. The overwhelmingly negative tenor of this image led to the following assessment by EndØ: When Masamune HakuchØ wrote “I believe God to be a terrifying God,” he was not alone. When post-Meiji Japanese writers thought of God, the main image on their mind was that of a God who stood in judgment over their unconfessed sins and who punished them. As such, they came to look on Christianity, not as a religion of love and harmony, but as an oppressive religion. It is this one-sided interpretation, plus the view of Christianity as a Western religion, that has led to the predominantly negative view of Christianity since the Meiji era (EndØ 2000/12, 371).

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The image can be cited as a contributory factor to the sense of fuan [unease] to which both Akutagawa and Arishima attributed their suicides. But the issue was no less acute for Shiga and his fellow members of the Shirakaba-ha, for as their search for an even greater freedom led ever more towards perception of the self as the window of all truth, so the vision of a terrifying God standing in judgment over His forlorn creation appeared increasingly incongruous. It is to this—as much as to any perceived tension between their faith and their careers—that the subsequent renunciation of Christianity by Shiga and his contemporaries is perhaps best attributed. Their subsequent narratives, confined almost exclusively to the shishØsetsu genre, ultimately betray more evidence of an unprecedented moral, humanistic and social consciousness than of any concerted determination to draw their literary lifeblood from the tension between literary and spiritual concerns. Before moving on to consideration of the postwar literary scene, there remains, however, one other author for discussion, a transitional figure whose influence on the form the postwar narratives would assume cannot be overlooked. Dazai Osamu may be best known as the standard-bearer of the Burai-ha [Decadents] literary grouping, his “classic” texts marked by an unparalleled attention to those actions that are ostensibly portrayed as placing his creations beyond the pale of human society.14 Yet herein lies the twist. For, as noted at the outset of this chapter, it is precisely in the depiction of characters in extremis—characters reduced to agonized cries from the depths of despair—that the process of paradoxical inversion can begin to take hold. Dazai’s fallen protagonists may be dismissed as “sinners” by human society. It is precisely by means of such portrayals, however, that the potential for forgiveness can be introduced at the textual level. Nowhere is the trait better exemplified than in Dazai’s final masterpiece, Ningen shikkaku [No Longer Human], published immediately after his suicide in 1948. As the protagonist, YØzØ, continues to plumb the depths of his being, he struggles desperately to find an antonym for the word “sin” and admits, “I was even afraid of God. I was unable to believe in God’s love, only His punishment. Faith? That just felt like walking towards the table of judgment with head hung low to receive God’s reply. I could believe in Hell, but not in the existence of Heaven” (Dazai 1989/9, 371). YØzØ alights on various possibilities (including law, god, salvation, confession, repentance). Significantly, however, he fails to arrive at the “orthodox” answer—that of forgiveness: we are dealing here with a literary text and not a theological exposition, and the inversion consequently remains at the implicit level.

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In considering Dazai’s relationship with the Christian faith, critics have made much of the innumerable Biblical allusions in his work.15 Indeed, so frequent are these that the critic Kamei KatsuichirØ was led to suggest that “one cannot understand Dazai without considering his relationship with the Bible”.16 To be sure, as Donald Keene suggests, “[Dazai’s constant Biblical references] do not imply that he was a believer, nor even that he sought to believe—merely that they attracted his curiosity. He found in the Bible phrases that perfectly expressed his own feelings and mood.”17 To dismiss entirely the importance of Biblical motifs in Dazai’s oeuvre is, however, to belittle the continuous soul-searching evidenced in his literature as suggested by the following comment in “Human Lost”: “By one book, the Bible, the history of Japanese literature was clearly divided into two parts, with such a distinction as was impossible in the past” (Dazai 1989/2, 36). Dazai’s attachment to the Bible may not be in question. For all the biblical terminology, however, there is a single-level narrative perspective to these works—an overwhelming focus on the immediate problems confronting his narrator-protagonists—that ultimately militates against their categorization as “Christian literature” as defined at the outset of this chapter. In the search for a group of authors who conform more immediately to this template, therefore, one must turn to the generation of writers who reached literary maturity following the end of the Pacific War in 1945. From the Jaws of Defeat Particularly in view of the fact that there was no single author of Christian persuasion active on the literary scene on 15 August 1945, the emergence of a mature “Christian literature” in the ensuing years appears all the more remarkable. On the prose narrative front, authors such as EndØ, Shiina, Ogawa, Shimao Toshio, Takahashi Takako, Miura Shumon, Sono Ayako, Miura Ayako, Ariyoshi Sawako, Inoue Hisashi, Yasuoka ShØtarØ, and Kaga Otohiko were all to emerge on the literary scene within the ensuing fifteen years, there to be joined by a series of playwrights, including Kinoshita Junji, Yashiro Sei’ichi, and TakadØ Kaname. In keeping with the varying responses to the challenges outlined at the outset of this chapter, the techniques adopted by these authors remain diverse. For some, most notably Miura Ayako, determination to be seen as writing “with the specific aim of expounding the Christian gospel” (EndØ T. 1994, 601) was to remain paramount; Miura’s recent death followed a lifetime struggle against illness interspersed with a

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series of powerful novels, such as HyØten [Freezing Point, 1964] and Shiokari no tØge [Shiokari Pass, 1968], that regularly found pride of place in the Christian bookstores in Japan but achieved a relatively muted reception outside this limited community. Of greater interest in the context of this study, however, is the extent to which several others from the above list have long since been accepted into the mainstream of postwar Japanese literature, attracting a readership that extends far beyond the narrow confines of the Christian population in Japan.18 But to what are we to attribute this phenomenon? In any consideration of this issue, the influence of the Pacific War itself cannot be overlooked. Here was a generation, weaned on the wave of rapid militarization in the 1930s, for whom life under wartime conditions had long since come to represent the norm. Admittedly, many of the above did not see active service at the front and others who were mobilized were to make much in their subsequent writing of their sense of the War having passed them by.19 Many, however, emerged from the experience bearing the scars inflicted by the years of ridicule and abuse to which they had been subjected as believers of the “enemy religion,” and all were to find themselves embroiled, in the immediate postwar era, in the struggle against the contradictions and irrationalities of the age. Indeed, it was in large measure to this group of postwar Christians that the stigma that accrued to those who had succumbed to the pressure to commit political apostasy [tenkØ] in the 1930s was transferred. The experience of this generation was, in short, far divorced from that of their above-mentioned forebears: in contrast to the intellectual search undertaken by the latter, theirs was a faith born of the very struggles and doubts occasioned by the War. They had, quite literally, experienced life in extremis and, in the aftermath of defeat, were determined to give literary voice to the consequent anguish and despair. The literature to emerge in the ensuing decades can be depicted, on the one hand, as continuing where their predecessors in the Meiji and TaishØ eras had left off: the process of seeking to transpose their Christian experience into literary materials accessible to a Japanese readership is here resumed with renewed intensity. Once more, Christianity is transplanted into a Japanese setting. The difference, however, is marked. For, whereas Akutagawa and his peers had sought to adapt the foreign religion to suit the spiritual needs of Japan, the approach adopted by EndØ and his generation was to focus more on the fundamental essence of the faith, and to render this in a manner as unobtrusive as possible. The challenge is expressed in EndØ’s oft-cited metaphor of retailoring his western-style suit into a Japanese kimono:

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Because my attachment to my mother would not permit me to forsake Christianity, I made one decision. I wondered whether it was possible for me to reshape this western dress that my mother had given to me and make it fit the Japanese body; that is, whether it was possible to adapt Christianity to our mentality without distorting it. And I decided that I should make this problem the main theme of my novels! (Boyd 1988, 464)

In contrast to the earlier authors who had tended to see Christianity as a mirror of their own youthful egos and determined, albeit briefly, to give explicit voice to their spiritual wanderings, therefore, the goal for this postwar generation, the majority of whom turned to Christianity later in life, was to absorb their religious sensitivities more thoroughly into the literary substance of their fictions. The process was, of necessity, a gradual one and many of the early narratives, produced during the Occupation era, are marked by explicit depictions of protagonists embroiled in a search, a quest for hope and for freedom, both physical and spiritual, amid the ruins. Most memorable in this regard are the early stories of Shiina RinzØ whose protagonists, though struggling simply to “endure” the perceived hopelessness of their current abject circumstances, are nevertheless portrayed in optimistic light as they ultimately secure freedom among the “goodwill of the masses.”20 To some, including Gessel (1982, 457), Shiina’s subsequent literary portrayals of his encounter with Christianity, most notably those in his novel, KaikØ [The Encounter, 1952], written in the immediate aftermath of his baptism in December 1950, remain largely “undigested,” the frequent resort to specifically Christian terminology over-obtrusive. There is nevertheless a fundamentally life-affirming and optimistic tenor to these works that was to serve as an inspiration to many of Shiina’s colleagues listed above. Indeed, it was this quality that was cited, in the publisher’s preface to the eighteen-volume series devoted to postwar Japanese Christian literature, as a prime criterion for inclusion of works in the series: In the chaotic postwar period, marked by doomsday fears and existential crises, Christian writers brought forth a unique message that sprang from their inner depths. In those critical times, their writings were a well-spring of the power needed for renewal (Kumazawa and Swain 1991, 259).

The quality is indeed all-pervasive, the determination to focus on a deeper level of the individual—to plumb the depths in order to reconcile the various dualities with which their faith had confronted them—is a constant refrain in their narratives. Well-known in this regard are EndØ’s portrayals of the complex human psyche. One example is Rodrigues, in Silence, who is aware of

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the formal dictates of his faith to be willing to lay down his life for his beliefs and yet ultimately heeds the voice of his unconscious urging him to go through with the outward act of apostasy as a means to “love his Lord in a different way from before.” Another example is Hasekura, in Samurai [1980], who finds himself, in spite of himself, accepting death at the stake for the faith which, to the end, he insists he has embraced merely as an expedient (in an attempt to secure lucrative trading rights with the outside world for his feudal lord). EndØ, however, is by no means alone in such depictions. Equally memorable are the portrayals of the literary persona crafted by Shimao Toshio. For Shimao, whose baptism into the Catholic faith came in the wake of the two years he spent on the island of Amami (between 1943 and 1945) preparing for his kamikaze mission that was ultimately aborted and the years he subsequently endured caring for his wife whose psychiatric condition he attributed to his own marital infidelity, literature came to represent, quite literally, a cry from the depths of despair (see, for example his early story, “Ware fukaki fuchi yori” [From out of the Depths, 1950], with its direct echo of Psalm 130). Nowhere is this cry more anguished than in Shimao’s masterpiece, Shi no toge [The Sting of Life, 1960–76 (another title with an explicit biblical reference, from 1 Corinthians 15:55)], a work arguably unrivalled in Japanese literature in its concerted probing of the psychology of the protagonist. The depiction here is of a hopelessly cruel world, both for the protagonist determined to endure all his wife’s attempts at “revenge” and for Miho, his ailing wife. Through concerted focus on Toshio’s attitude of contrition and the suggestion of reconciliation incorporated into the very final section of the narrative (as Toshio finds himself, in spite of himself, drawn to return to the claustrophobic world of Miho’s ward), however, Shimao succeeds in injecting a certain gentleness, and a distinct beauty, into his depictions of hell on earth. The list is by no means exhaustive. But let us limit ourselves to just one more example—that of Takahashi Takako. For Takahashi, commitment to the Catholic faith was inspired, in no small measure, by the depths to which she descended following the death of her husband, Kazumi, in 1971. Her subsequent oeuvre has been portrayed by Takahashi herself as a “literary expression of the powerful life-force welling up within me” (Takahashi 1986, 146), this in the guise of a series of protagonists who find themselves responding to impulses unfathomable at the conscious level. The technique is exemplified in her penultimate novel, YosØi seyo, waga tamashii yo [Attire Thyself, O my Soul, 1982], in which the depiction of the protagonist, Namiko, alone and

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lonely in Paris, practising the pipe-organ, merges symbolically with the portrayal of Namiko thereby gaining access to the inner recesses of her being: She decided to practise the manual part only and began to play. As she did so, a strong life-force arose within her. It was a vague feeling and she was unable to ascertain whether it stemmed from the keys or from within herself. But it seemed to emanate from some large, unfathomable depths… There was something behind the piece giving life to it: it was as though this background force was the inner being of this instrument—and of Namiko herself (Takahashi 1982, 118).

The self-scrutiny is intense, leading EndØ to conclude, “You, Takahashi-san, write at the level of the unconscious and the demonic forces that underlie this. When you have gouged out your inner being and finished writing, you are left standing in front of the world of the Soul—that mystic, holy world that defies verbal definition” (1978,161). The focus in all the above examples has been on portrayals of the protagonists’ inner worlds as battlegrounds for seemingly conflicting forces, of characters captured at the moment of greatest internal drama. Thereafter, in keeping with the model established at the outset, these narratives reveal a preponderance of characters depicted as confronted by “another self,” a doppelgänger, whose appearance is initially disconcerting but with whom they eventually achieve a rapprochement and even reconciliation. Most memorable in this regard is the portrayal of Suguro in EndØ’s Scandal (1986; trans. 1988), initially so disturbed by the appearance of the man he attempts to dismiss as a “chance look-alike” or an “impostor,” but with whom he is ultimately reconciled—as he comes to realize that “that had been no stranger, no pretender. It had been Suguro himself… another side of himself, a separate self altogether” (1988, 221). Again, however, the example is by no means isolated. There are similar moments of awakening in the other narratives under consideration: Namiko, whose instinctive identification with a complete stranger she passes on the street inspires her to conclude, “She felt as though she were somehow leaving herself behind... that woman and Namiko were the same woman, if only for a moment.... these were two distinct manifestations of the same woman.” (Takahashi 1982, 20); Toshio, whose incessant self-recrimination leads to frequent encounters with “mØ hitori no jibun” [another me] whom, try as he might, he is unable to ignore, and who is ultimately acknowledged as an integral part of his own being. As suggested by the above, the course pursued by these protagonists is by no means devoid of pain. They are portrayed as engaged upon journeys of

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self-discovery, during the course of which they find themselves face to face with what EndØ has described as “the living chaos of man” (EndØ 1985, 13). The realization of a greater complexity to their being than initially countenanced is one which each of these protagonists, in his or her own way, is inclined to resist. The ensuing struggle may exert a considerable physical toll. In keeping with the technique of “paradoxical inversion,” however, the greater the physical struggle depicted, the greater the potential for the suggestion, at the textual level, of a concomitant spiritual salvation. Again, the trait is exemplified by EndØ in his portrayal of ÷tsu, the young Japanese priest for whom rejection has long since become the norm and who places his own life at risk to save the insensitive cameraman, SanjØ, from a furious Indian mob at the end of Fukai kawa [Deep River, 1993]. Echoes with Christ’s own passion are by no means coincidental. By means of this one juxtaposition, the image of SanjØ and the other Japanese tourists (each of whom is initially portrayed as participating in the tour of India as part of a very personal search) preparing to fly home with their quest unfulfilled is subverted. They may be leaving India as empty-handed and as alone as when they had arrived; but their eyes have been opened by ÷tsu’s altruism—and it is here, in the potential for regeneration attributed to each of these individuals in these concluding portraits that the force of the narrative impact lies. Significantly, the same holds true for Toshio and Namiko: Toshio may be left contemplating a return to Miho’s ward, the future, both for himself and for Miho still as uncertain as ever; it is in this very act, however, that the potential for their rebirth, spiritual as opposed to physical, is hinted at. In similar vein, Namiko may be left, at the end of Attire Thyself, responding to an instinctive and unfathomable impulse to board a train bound, not for Paris, her ostensible destination, but for Marseilles. As the priest whom she encounters at the convent (in which she comes to find increasing solace) informs her, however, her “search” may not have produced the tangible results she had anticipated; she is nevertheless in a position to agree with his analysis that “your former self is dying minute by minute and a new person is rising up within you to replace it” (Takahashi 1982, 305). Given Japan’s somewhat tenuous connection with the Christian church, the progression outlined above is striking. In the space of little more than a century, these authors have developed from the first tentative steps at imitating western models to the mature portrayals, by this generation of postwar authors, of faith within, and through, doubt. The ensuing image is of the composite individual described by EndØ in the following terms:

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Man is a splendid and beautiful being and, at the same time, man is a terrible being as we recognised in Auschwitz. God knows well this monstrous dual quality of man (Boyd 1988, 499).

It is in their ability to give literary voice to this complexity, not as an amalgam of ultimately conflicting qualities, but as possessed of the potential for reconciliation, that the contribution of this generation of postwar authors is most marked. Here was their retort to the gauntlet that had been proffered, several decades earlier, by Uchimura. Here was their embodiment, in literary terms, of the argument with which Shiina had countered the critic, Kamei’s, negative assessment of the former’s career prospects following his baptism: I still write novels and remain a Christian. According to Kamei’s logic, as long as I keep writing literary works, I cannot be a true Christian—but remain a fake. Equally, as long as I remain a Christian, I cannot, by definition, be a man of letters. Here, too, I remain a mere fake. In other words, whichever option I adopt, I am no more than an impostor (Shiina 1970–79/20, 87).

NOTES The phrase is from Pascal, but appears frequently in the critical writings of Mauriac, Greene, EndØ et al. 2 The phrase is a constant refrain in Mauriac’s “Le romancier et ses personnages,” Oeuvres Compltes de Mauriac, vol. 8. 3 See, for example, Keppler (1972); Gibson (1973); and Stratford (1964); also Andrew Webber, The Doppelgänger: Double Visions in German Literature. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. 4 Cited in Kokubungaku: Kaishaku to KanshØ 1974/7, 68. 5 For a detailed discussion of TØkoku’s career, see Mathy (1963-65). 6 See, for example, Sakamoto Hiroshi, Kitamura TØkoku: Jiy¨ to heiwa, ai to shi [Kitamura TØkoku: Freedom and Peace, Love and Death]. Tokyo: ShibundØ, 1957. 7 In the paragraphs that follow I have used the given names rather than family names for several authors (Doppo, TØson, TØkoku, and SØseki) since this is how they are always cited in the English literature. 8 Tsuruta, Kinya. Akutagawa Ry¨nosuke: His Concepts of Life and Art. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Microfilms, 1972, 13–14. 9 See, e.g., Yamanouchi Hisaaki. The Search for Authenticity in Modern Japanese Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978. 10 Yu, Beongcheon. Akutagawa: An Introduction. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1972, 32. 11 In this vein, one is reminded, inter alia, of the figures of Gaston (The Wonderful Fool, 1959) and Mitsu (The Girl I Left Behind, 1964) from EndØ’s corpus and Toshio from Shimao Toshio’s The Sting of Life (1960–76). 1

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In this regard, see EndØ’s Iesu no shØgai [A Life of Jesus, 1973], Shiina’s Seisho monogatari [The Story of the Bible, 1956] and Ogawa’s Aru seisho [A Certain Bible, 1973]. 13 For a detailed discussion of Arishima’s encounter with Christianity, see Systma (1987–88). 14 See, for example, Dazai’s final novel, Ningen shikkaku [lit. “disqualified as a human being”]. 15 See, for example, Sako Jun’ichirØ, Dazai Osamu to seisho [Dazai Osamu and the Bible]. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1983. 16 Cited in Kokubungaku: Kaishaku to KanshØ 1974/7, 92. 17 Ibid. 18 I am thinking here particularly, but not exclusively, of EndØ, for whom Silence sold some 2 1/4 million copies in the Japanese original alone, and Deep River approximately 1 million (figures provided by ShinchØsha and KØdansha). Significantly, however, EndØ’s work was rarely on display in the specialist Christian bookstores. 19 e.g. Shimao Toshio, an ultimately undeployed kamikaze pilot, and Yasuoka ShØtarØ, who managed to avoid military service until March 1944 and who was then hospitalized the day before his scheduled mobilization to the Philippines. 20 Taeru [endurance] and taish¨ no zen’i [goodwill of the masses] are frequent refrains in Shiina’s early literature. 12

BIBLIOGRAPHY Akutagawa Ry¨nosuke. Akutagawa Ry¨nosuke zensh¨ [The Complete Works of Akutagawa Ry¨nosuke], 12 vols. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1977. Boyd, Ian, ed. “Christian Writers of Japan.” The Chesterton Review 14/3 (1988), 365–506. Dazai Osamu. Dazai Osamu zensh¨ [The Complete Works of Dazai Osamu], 15 vols. Tokyo: Chikuma ShobØ, 1989. Eliot, T.S. “Religion and Literature,” in Selected Essays of T.S. Eliot. London: Faber and Faber, 1951. EndØ Sh¨saku. EndØ Sh¨saku bungaku zensh¨ [The complete literary works of EndØ Sh¨saku], 15 vols. Tokyo: ShinchØsha, 2000. ______. Ningen no naka no “X” [The “X” within Man]. Tokyo: Ch¨Ø KØronsha, 1978. ______. Watashi no aishita shØsetsu [A Novel I have Loved]. Tokyo: ShinchØsha, 1985. ______. Sukyandaru [Scandal]. Tokyo: ShinchØsha, 1986; trans. V. Gessel. London: Peter Owen, 1988. EndØ Sh¨saku et al, eds. Gendai Nihon kirisutokyØ bungaku zensh¨ [Japanese Christian literature of the postwar era], 18 vols. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1972–4.

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EndØ Tasuku et al, eds. KirisutokyØ bungaku jiten [Dictionary of Christian literature]. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1994. Gessel, Van. “Voices in the Wilderness: Japanese Christian Authors.” Monumenta Nipponica 37/4 (1982), 437–57. Gibson, A. Boyce. The Religion of Dostoevsky. London: SCM Press, 1973. Greene, Graham. Brighton Rock. London: Heinemann, 1970. ______. Heart of the Matter. London: Heinemann, 1971. Karatani KØjin. The Origins of Modern Japanese Literature. trans. B. de Bary. Durham: Duke University Press, 1993. Katsumoto SeiichirØ, ed. TØkoku zensh¨ [The complete works of TØkoku], 3 vols. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1950. Keppler, C.F. The Literature of the Second Self. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1972. Kumazawa Y. and David Swain, eds. Christianity in Japan, 1971–1990. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1991. Kuyama Yasushi et al. “Christian Influences on Meiji Literature,” Japan Christian Quarterly 46/4 (1980), 201–14. Mathy, Francis. “Kitamura TØkoku.” Monumenta Nipponica 18/1–2; 19/1–2; 20/1–2 (1963–5). Nakano K. “Christian Milieu and Natsume SØseki’s SanshirØ and Mon.” In Iijima T. and J. Vardaman, eds. The World of Natsume SØseki. Tokyo: KinseidØ, 1987. Sasabuchi Tomoichi et al, eds. Kindai Nihon kirisutoky¨ bungaku zensh¨ [Japanese Christian Literature of the Modern Era], 15 vols. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1974–82. SatØ Yasumasa. Bungaku: sono uchi naru kami [Literature: the God within]. Tokyo: ÷f¨sha, 1974. Shiina RinzØ. Shiina RinzØ zensh¨ [The complete works of Shiina RinzØ], 23 vols. Tokyo: TØjusha, 1970–79. Shimao Toshio. Shimao Toshio zensh¨ [The Complete Works of Shimao Toshio], 17 vols. Tokyo: ShØbunsha, 1980–83. Shimazaki TØson. The Broken Commandment. trans. K. Strong. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1974. Stratford, Philip. Faith and Fiction: Creative Process in Graham Greene and Mauriac. New York: University of Notre Dame Press, 1964. Systma, Richard. “Arishima Takeo’s Short-lived Christian Pilgrimage.” Japan Christian Quarterly 53/2, 54/2 (1987–88). TakadØ Kaname. “The Challenge of Christian Literature.” Japan Christian Quarterly 33/2 (1967), 81–6. Takahashi Takako. YosØi seyo, waga tamashii yo [Attire thyself, O my soul]. Tokyo: ShinchØsha, 1982. ______. Kami no tobihi [Sparks from God]. Tokyo: Joshi Paolo-kai, 1986.

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Ueda Makoto. Modern Japanese Writers and the Nature of Literature. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976. Williams, Mark. EndØ Sh¨saku: A Literature of Reconciliation. London: Routledge, 1999. Yamagata Kazumi. “KirisutokyØ bungaku toshite no Eien naru JoshØ-ron” [The eternal preface as Christian literature]. KirisutokyØ bungaku kenky¨ 5 (1988), 68–79. ______. ed. Sei naru mono to sØzØryoku [The holy and powers of the imagina-

tion], 2 vols. Tokyo: Sairy¨sha, 1994. Yoshida Toyoko. “KirisutokyØ to Nihon-bungakusha” [Christianity and Japanese authors]. Seiki (1984/9–1987/2).

MISSION SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION FOR WOMEN Karen SEAT

Christian mission schools for girls and women have played an important role in modern Japanese history and culture. These schools pioneered higher education for women in Japan in the 1870s, providing some of the highest levels of education for Japanese women until World War II. Although all-male educational institutions opened to women after World War II, largely altering the place and purpose of all-female schools, mission-affiliated women’s schools have continued as a significant presence in Japan’s educational world to the present day. An examination of the 130-year history of Christian mission schools for Japanese women sheds light on broader issues related to gender in Japanese history, as mission schools have helped to shape and have been shaped by socio-political transformations in Japan. Japan’s transformation after World War II radically altered the role of mission schools for girls and women, and thus it is necessary to examine the history of these schools within two distinct periods: 1868 to 1945, and 1946 to the present. From their beginnings in the Meiji period (1868–1912) until World War II (1931–1945), mission schools were among a handful of private schools offering the top academic programs in women’s education, far surpassing the education provided at government-funded girls’ and women’s schools. While mission schools before 1946 were often involved in broadening women’s roles in society, Japanese public schools, under the instruction of government officials, were intent on establishing women’s subservient place in the Japanese state. The 1899 Meiji Civil Code specifically detailed the roles women were expected to play in the family and state; it legally established the ie, or household system, in which women were given few legal rights, and were thus entirely dependent on the legal powers of the male household head. Public education for girls and women reflected this state gender ideology until the Meiji Constitution and Civil Code were replaced in 1946. When the national educational system was created during the Meiji Era, the government reinforced the ie ideal through an educational agenda for

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women centered on developing “good wives, wise mothers” (ryØsai kenbo). While public education for men was aimed to train them in the sciences, law and other subjects that would prepare them for careers in “New Japan,” women were taught to serve the country patriotically through reproduction and selfless service to the family. Girls were placed on a separate educational track from boys, following a program of study in Confucian-style morality and domestic arts, and were not allowed into public universities. In this context, private Christian schools from the Meiji period until World War II often appeared quite liberal, as they sought to bridge the gulf between male and female education in Japan. After World War II, changes in Japanese educational laws opened up traditionally all-male schools to women, triggering a process through which many Christian schools for women began to be perceived as second-class institutions. Many private, all-female schools began to lose their place at the cutting edge of women’s education, as the top female students entered coeducational universities. Thus, many post-World War II Christian schools for women found their niche by providing educational programs designed for women seeking to become good wives and mothers; in effect, they traded places with government-funded schools in the educational agenda they offered. While there were notable Christian all-female schools that became prestigious, academically competitive universities after 1946, the majority of Christian schools for women reorganized their higher departments into junior colleges. This move proved to be a successful strategy for maintaining these schools’ marketability in the years following World War II. Given social pressures and the real lack of career opportunities, from the 1950s to the 1980s the majority of Japanese women seeking higher education opted for the junior college track, in order to acquire the skills necessary for short-term jobs before marriage. Even when an increasing number of junior colleges began to reorganize into four-year colleges in the 1990s, their programs of study often reflected the expectation that graduates would become middle class housewives. In recent years, this focus has led to a decline in the popularity of all-female Christian schools. The Meiji Period (1868–1912) During the first two decades of the Meiji period, as Japan opened to Christian missionaries for the first time in over 250 years, no other missionary work was more successful than that of female mission schools. A number of historical events came together in the late nineteenth century which made educational

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mission work for Japanese girls and women so fruitful. The Meiji government’s 1872 call for universal education, followed by its failure to provide educational opportunities for Japanese girls and women, coincided perfectly with the rise of the women’s foreign missionary movement in North America, in which women’s education was a key agenda. Missionaries arriving at the dawn of the Meiji period witnessed a major turning point in Japanese history. Since the early seventeenth century, Christianity had been banned in Japan, and Japan had been closed to most of the western world. Pre-Meiji Japan had a hereditary class system, and the political and economic system of that era has often been compared to European feudalism. However, through international intervention and new domestic leadership, Japan was completely reconstructed during the period from 1868 to 1912. By the end of the Meiji period, Japan had rapidly changed from an agrarian-based society, made up of some 250 semi-autonomous domains, to become a unified, militaristic, industrialized nation-state governed by a constitutional monarchy. The government became centralized and developed more systematic ways of governing the populace than ever before. Western imperialism in the Pacific sparked these major transformations. The United States, in particular, was centrally involved in the radical restructuring of Japan. It was the U.S. navy, led by Commodore Matthew Perry, which coerced Japan to open up to western trade in the 1850s, thereby setting off a chain of events that altered Japan at a dizzying rate. Threatened with invasion and war by Commodore Perry, Japanese rulers signed commercial treaties with the U.S. in 1858, and soon after they were compelled to sign similar treaties with Britain, France, the Netherlands, and Russia. Dealing with the reality of the imposed treaties and the very real possibility of being completely colonized by a western country, the new government that came into power with the Meiji Restoration of 1868 was determined to make Japan a powerful state with a nationalistic citizenry, in order to keep Japan a sovereign nation free of western rule. Through early Meiji transformations, missionaries found Japan to be a particularly open environment for the establishment of Christian schools. It quickly became clear to the Meiji government that western countries—where Christianity was a central part of their culture and politics—would not even consider dealing with Japan on an equal basis as long as it continued its proscription on Christianity. Thus, the ban on Christianity was lifted in 1873, allowing missionaries to work freely in Japan. Additionally, westerners were highly valued as educators, as the Meiji government sought to selectively model Japan after the most globally powerful western countries. Christian

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mission schools thus had a privileged position in the Japanese educational scene during the 1870s and 1880s. Additionally, mission schools, along with other private institutions, filled the gaps in Japan’s fledgling national educational system during early Meiji. Female mission schools, in particular, significantly augmented the public education offered to girls, a role they would play until World War II. Although the government legislated in 1872 that all Japanese should receive a primary education regardless of gender or class, by 1879 only 52 percent of the planned elementary schools had been established. The government was not yet able to offer free public education, and so even if a local school was available, many families could not afford to send all of their children to school. Thus, by 1882 only about 40 percent of Japanese boys were enrolled in primary school, while less than 20 percent of girls were enrolled (Hara 1995, 96). Families were much more willing to pay to send their sons to school than their daughters. Therefore, female mission schools offering a primary education were able to attract students by offering tuition scholarships. Moreover, in 1880, the Education Ministry formally excluded girls from public middle schools. Instead, the government set up terminal post-primary schools for girls called kØtØ jogakkØ, which focused primarily on domestic arts and morality. Before 1900, girls were fortunate to have access to any sort of public post-primary education, however limited in scope; as late as 1894, only eight kØtØ jogakkØ existed for young women. Therefore, Christian schools provided almost all of the higher education for Japanese girls and women before 1900. The Origins of Mission Schools for Japanese Girls and Women Protestant women from the United States founded the majority of mission schools for Japanese girls and women, beginning with the establishment of Ferris Seminary in 1870 by Mary Kidder of the Reformed Church of America. The large number of American, Protestant-founded mission schools for women reflects both the sweeping popularity of the Protestant missionary movement in the U.S. in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and the major role that the U.S. government played in Japan’s transformation into a “modern” nation-state. It is important to note, however, that the Roman Catholic Church, as well as Protestant missionaries from Canada and England, also founded a number of major schools for Japanese girls and women.1 Japanese Christians also founded private female schools, the most


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notable of which were Tsuda Umeko’s Girls’ English Institute (Joshi Eigaku Juku), founded in 1900 (now Tsuda College), and Naruse JinzØ’s Japan Women’s College (Nihon Joshi Daigaku), founded in 1901. The large presence of single missionary women in Japan during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was an outgrowth of the North American women’s missionary movement of the time. Nearly forty independent denominational women’s foreign mission societies were formed in the U.S. and Canada between 1868 and 1900 (Montgomery 1910, appendix), and there were more than three million women on the membership rosters of these societies at the turn of the century (Hill 1984, 3). In the late nineteenth century, the Methodist Episcopal Church, Presbyterian Church, U.S.A., and the Congregationalists had the largest independent women’s foreign missionary societies, and thus it is not surprising that some of the earliest and most successful female mission schools in Japan were founded by these denominations.2 These women’s missionary societies formed the backbone of female mission schools, as they provided funding, academic materials, and missionary personnel. Supporters of the women’s mission movement felt strongly that women’s missionary work was one of the most important elements of the larger mission movement. Indicating that genteel, Christian womanhood was the core of civilization, one early missionary woman wrote, “The degradation and oppression of woman is the stronghold of heathenism; and when the lever of the gospel has raised HER, then the whole structure of superstition and idolatry falls” (Light and Life January 1872, 8–9). An 1886 missionary publication stated that women’s work for women had a unique strength in “that it touches society at all of its most sensitive points. It concerns the sacredness of womanhood and motherhood. It molds the plastic character of the young. It exalts and sanctifies the home” (Woman’s Work for Woman January 1886, 6). Summing up the motivating logic of the women’s missionary movement, one missionary simply stated, “you cannot evangelize a country until you convert the women” (Heathen Woman’s Friend July 1869, 11). Western missionaries, influenced by Victorian gender ideals which emphasized women’s moral influence as wives and mothers in the domestic sphere, were greatly disturbed when they encountered in Japan an environment in which mothers and wives were not valued as in the late nineteenth-century Western world. In Japan, the traditional view was that women were not adept at training children in morals. Furthermore, adequately wealthy men often had concubines in addition to having a wife, one of the Japanese practices most criticized by westerners. While American missionaries believed that it

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was important to educate girls and young women so that they could be moral leaders in the home, most Japanese in early Meiji did not have any such vision. Thus, even though the Meiji government legislated that girls should receive a primary education and there were strong advocates of women’s education among some Meiji leaders,3 the Education Ministry primarily focused its resources on education for boys and men. It was only after the Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895) that the government began to see motherhood as an important civil institution, and thus began to develop a more systematic educational agenda for females (Uno 1994). Until the 1890s, therefore, mission schools, as well as other private schools, had virtually free reign in the area of women’s education. Christians were able to gain footholds in women’s education, as there was official sanction for female schools but little follow through in the way of public schools, and few governmental rules and regulations for private schools. Moreover, until 1899 treaties between Japan and the U.S. (and other western powers) exempted many westerners residing in Japan from much of Japanese law, giving western missionaries an additional level of freedom in running their schools. While all-female mission schools were united in their goal to evangelize the women of Japan, before 1900 there was a remarkably wide spectrum of educational programs offered by these schools. With little government regulation, early mission schools often reflected the particular personalities and ideologies of the missionary women who ran them. To be sure, the majority of missionary educators in early Meiji sought to teach Japanese women how to make a home reflecting the values of middle-class Protestant America, and their curricula reflected this goal. Many of the earliest female mission schools appealed to students desiring to learn English, western cooking and sewing. Some mission schools, providing the minimum number of such courses to attract students, filled the bulk of the curricula with Bible study and religious services. The principal of one such school stated that “[o]ur object is not to teach arithmetic, reading, writing . . . or even to educate. Our object is to make Christians, and our schools are only a means to an end” (Heathen Woman’s Friend October 1890, 78–79). At the other end of the spectrum, however, schools staffed by missionaries passionate about women’s higher education developed programs of study that were quite radical for the time, by either American or Japanese standards. Offering subjects such as science, logic, Latin and Greek, some female mission schools mirrored boys’ and men’s educational institutions. For example, Methodist Episcopal missionary Elizabeth Russell, the founder of Kwassui Jo


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Gakuin and one of the most outspoken advocates of women’s higher education in Meiji Japan, stated in 1886 that: [w]e look for results not only in the acquisition of a knowledge of [reading, history, arithmetic and algebra], but in the waking up of powers that would forever lie dormant . . . . we may look for early results in the practical work of everyday life, in the students’ steadily broadening views on all subjects, in their more logical thinking, in the more symmetrical development of their intellectual powers (Minutes of the Woman’s Conference 1886, 25).

Additionally, as early as the 1880s, some female mission schools, perceiving the growing demand for female laborers in newly developing industries, opened industrial departments. Most mission school programs, regardless of their scope, were able to attract students initially because of the widely felt need among Japanese for western education. Mission schools were attended most readily by daughters of former samurai; not only had there had been a precedent among the samurai class for women’s education, but, more importantly, former samurai families believed that western studies would improve their precarious position in the new Meiji social order. Increasingly, the change in many women’s lives through Japan’s social, political, and industrial transformations led to a wider interest in female education among more sectors of society. Numerous girls and women worked in factories during the Meiji period and beyond. In fact, Japan had a uniquely high participation of women in newly developing industries, as women made up about sixty percent of the industrial labor force between 1870 and 1930 (Sievers 1983, 84). Many Japanese thus became interested in female schools offering training in marketable industrial skills. Finally, a number of women, aware that Japan was going through a major transformation, were hopeful that the new government would enact policies that would raise the overall status of women. These women were eager to obtain an education that would help them to become involved in influencing the direction of “New Japan.”4 As more and more young women and their families became interested in education, female mission schools rose in popularity in the 1870s and 1880s, and many of them did not have enough room to accommodate the number of applicants desiring to attend the schools. Between 1870 and 1889, 34 major female mission schools were founded, including Ferris, Kobe Jo Gakuin, Aoyama Jo Gakuin, Joshi Gakuin, Kwassui Gakuin, and others (Kohiyama 1992, 184–86).

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The Crises of the 1890s After such a successful beginning, missionaries in Japan were largely unprepared for an abrupt change in attitude toward Christian schools in the 1890s. The 1889 Meiji Constitution and its companion piece, the 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education, emphasized the power of the emperor and defined civil morality in terms of loyalty to the emperor and the “family-state.” Shifting away from overt borrowing from the West to a nativist pride in the Japanese “spirit,” the leading ideologues of the 1890s argued that Christianity was a subversive element in Japan. Imperial University Professor Inoue TetsujirØ argued that Christianity detracted from government attempts to foster nationalism because it was a foreign ideology that demanded obedience to a universal God, as opposed to the Japanese emperor. He stated that “‘monotheism is like an absolute monarchy,’” and thus “‘the two powers, the Rescript and Christianity are not in harmony’” (Cary 1909, 243). Even though many Japanese initially saw female mission schools as a cost-effective way to educate women, as time passed government officials became increasingly critical of the kind of women who were graduating from mission schools. Often, the greatest point of conflict between female mission schools and the developing ideology of the Japanese government was the issue of filial piety. Missionaries often explicitly stated that fighting the concept of filial piety was crucial for the successful conversion of Japanese. Respecting family wishes was a major barrier for people interested in converting to Christianity. This was especially true for women, who were expected to be particularly obedient to parents and husbands. Thus, many mission schools had been designed as boarding schools for the explicit purpose of separating girls and young women from their families, so that missionaries could more successfully convince students to convert to Christianity.5 And, in fact, students who boarded at mission schools did convert more often than students who were not boarders.6 Mission schools were especially criticized when Japanese women who had attended them became active in movements demanding women’s rights, especially as participants of the broader Popular Rights movement. Even though such activity was not something that most missionary educators condoned, mission schools were increasingly perceived as a threat to the government’s ideals of female morality, understood in terms of obedience to the family and state. The Ministry of Education and government-sponsored newspapers pronounced that mission schools “had the wrong view of female education,” and produced women “who walk like men” (Rose 1992, 50).


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At the same time, women’s wartime contributions during the SinoJapanese War (1894–1895) thoroughly convinced the Japanese government of the importance of women in developing a patriotic and imperialist country. Women’s patriotic cooperation with food drives, clothing and bandage production, and other wartime efforts epitomized the conservative ideal of the Japanese woman laboring selflessly for the “family-state.” Thus, as the nineteenth century drew to a close, there was a growing effort to control women’s education and use it as a vehicle for state social policy. The Japanese government began to systematically implement a state ideology of womanhood centered on the concept of ryØsai kenbo (good wives, wise mothers). Even though Christian missionaries and Japanese officials often articulated visions for women’s roles in society which, on the surface, appeared similar, these visions were in fact quite different. In the missionaries’ view, based on latenineteenth century gender ideologies of the west, the ideal wife and mother created a domestic haven from the industrial world, and was a moral leader in the home. The ryØsai kenbo concept, on the other hand, envisioned the home as a microcosm of the state, rather than as a private sphere, with the ideal wife and mother laboring for the larger good of family and state (Nolte 1991). While this late-Meiji Era ideal waned in the more liberal TaishØ Era (1912–1926), it was reappropriated with vigor during Japan’s involvement in World War II. With such differing views on gender, family, and public/private space, mission schools and the Japanese government had extremely different approaches to women’s education throughout the pre-World War II period. In 1899, the government passed a series of laws which gave Japanese officials unprecedented power over private schools, and which also radically increased the number of public schools. In July of 1899, new treaties came into effect that placed westerners in Japan completely under Japanese law. In August, the Education Ministry sent shock waves through the Christian educational community when it issued Order Number 12, which stated that religion could not be taught at government-approved schools, public or private. This ordinance was followed by the Act of Private Schools, which put pressure on mission schools to become accredited by the government. Christian mission schools, therefore, were in a bind, as they desired to attain government recognition, but were loath to give up their Christian focus. In 1899, the Educational Convention of Missionaries in Japan issued a statement of protest, stating that: [w]e do not here raise any objections to the Educational Department making such restrictions [on religious education] for public schools supported by public

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funds; but we feel that to put these same limitations upon private schools supported by private funds works great injustice. We feel even more strongly that these regulations make it impossible for Christian schools to secure the recognition of the government and its accompanying privileges (Japan Evangelist February 1900, 42).

Nevertheless, the government’s main objective was to ensure that filial piety was not threatened in either “private” schools or in the “private” realm of the home. Attaining government recognition was not the only worry of mission schools for girls and women at the turn of the century. In addition to Order Number 12, the 1899 Higher Girls’ School Law required all prefectures to establish at least one kØtØ jogakkØ (post-primary girls’ school). Moreover, by 1900 the government was able to lift tuition fees for public schools providing compulsory education. Thus, the number of girls attending public schools soared. While in the mid-1890s there were only eight public higher schools for women, there were 45 such schools by 1900, and 89 by 1905 (Marshall 1994, 74). As the twentieth century began, unaccredited female mission schools were competing with free, government-approved public schools and an unprecedented number of female higher schools. Female Mission Schools in the Early Twentieth Century In the years following the 1899 educational ordinances, missionaries found that their higher schools were able to survive through diplomatic negotiations with Japanese officials and by reevaluating their approaches to mission education. Christian educators soon perceived that there was room to maneuver around the new laws; as one missionary woman reported, “after the law comes the interpretation, and after the interpretation the enforcement; and . . . local officials varied in judgment and inclination” (Minutes of the Woman’s Conference 1900, 7). While primary-level students were largely lost to public schools after 1900, it became increasingly clear that mission-affiliated higher schools would be able to become accredited by the government as long as religious activities were presented as “voluntary.” Many schools found that local authorities would allow them to “teach the Bible openly as a textbook” as long as it was “taught under the term ‘Morals’” rather than a name with religious connotations. In the early 1900s, therefore, an increasing number of mission higher schools began to obtain the privileges of kØtØ jogakkØ, through conforming more closely to the curriculum of the public female


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higher schools (Japan Evangelist July 1908, 252–53). While many Protestant female schools had developed post-primary grade levels before the crises of the 1890s, and thus were able to maintain a sense of continuity through further developing these programs of higher education in the 1900s, Roman Catholic schools had focused solely on primary education before 1899. Thus, Roman Catholic educational missions had to be completely revamped to focus on higher education after the Educational Ordinances of 1899. All Roman Catholic female post-primary schools in Japan, therefore, were founded after 1900 (Drummond 1971, 318). As public educational opportunities increased for Japanese girls and women, female mission schools, even with government recognition, had to find ways to continue to attract students. Missionary educators increasingly agreed that it was of utmost importance to avoid the impression that “Christian schools exist solely for the sake of the propagation of Christianity” (Japan Evangelist February 1900, 42). Female mission schools found that offering subjects, programs and even a world-view that presented an attractive alternative to government-run schools was the key to maintaining public interest in Christian education for girls and women. Training students in English and foreign music became two of the biggest draws of mission schools. Female mission schools also developed a reputation for instilling in students the values of charitable service, hard work, and good interpersonal skills—values that mission schools deemed part of the “Christian character.” Additionally, female mission schools often offered academic programs that far exceeded the education level of public higher schools. After the 1903 Ordinance for Special Schools, many female mission schools were able to get their advanced academic programs accredited as senmon gakkØ, or “specialty” schools. In English, mission schools often labeled their senmon gakkØ as “colleges” (Japan Evangelist March 1910, 111; Ishii 1998). While female mission schools had been uneven in the level of education they provided before the 1899 increase in regulations and competition, from the early 1900s until World War II, successful female mission schools consistently found their niche in the Japanese educational world by providing a level and quality of higher education not available in the public schools system. The TaishØ Period (1912–1926) The TaishØ Period began in 1912, with the death of the Meiji Emperor and the beginning of Emperor TaishØ’s reign. As the Taisho period began, ideas that

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had seemed radical to an earlier generation of Christians were becoming more mainstream. For example, working for women’s suffrage was becoming more acceptable among many Christian leaders in Japan. While a number of female mission schools had made industrial education a priority in the Meiji Period, the idea of women working for wages and in a broader range of areas was discussed in a more open and positive way. Additionally, women’s labor conditions, such as that of factory workers, had become a central concern of missionary educators in Japan.7 With the increasing concern over women’s lack of rights and opportunities, more missionaries began to openly criticize the dichotomy between the public educational tracks for men and women in Japan. As one missionary woman stated: can equality exist when many men go to higher institutions and all women but the exceptional ones are hindered from getting an education beyond the four years after primary school? . . . A Christian College for the education of Japanese women is an imperative need of the day if Japanese women are to be made efficient for their life work (Japan Evangelist February 1913, 96).

Building on such sentiments, one of the most successful Christian endeavors during the TaishØ period was the founding of Tokyo Women’s Christian College (Tokyo Joshi Daigaku) in 1918. An ecumenical effort coordinated by several American Protestant denominations, the idea for the women’s college originated at the 1910 World Missionary Conference in Edinburgh. The first president of the college was Dr. Nitobe InazØ, one of the most prestigious public figures in early twentieth-century Japan. From its beginnings to the present day, Tokyo Women’s Christian College (now Tokyo Women’s Christian University) has been a cutting-edge women’s educational institution, an emblem of the achievements made possible through the Christian movement for women’s education in Japan. Tokyo Women’s Christian College was founded during a period when Japanese society was beginning to embrace liberal ideals as never before. In the 1920s, “democracy” became a fashionable concept among intellectuals, influencing the educational world. Yet, counterposing forces were at work in Japan during this period of liberalism. For example, in 1925, when all Japanese men were given suffrage, the government passed a new Peace Preservation law to curtail political protest (Reischauer 1974, 175). While private schools increasingly focused on independent, critical thinking, the government aggressively reappropriated the Meiji Era agenda of training men to “enrich the country and strengthen the army” (fukoku kyØhei) and on


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the nationalistically motivated “good wife, wise mother” (ryØsai kenbo) agenda for women (Hara 1995, 96). World War II By 1930, the militaristic, authoritarian forces were overwhelming liberal democratic elements in Japan. Moreover, western nations’ continued refusal to acknowledge the Japanese as racial equals, evidenced in the United States’ Exclusion Act of 1924 which denied Japanese immigrants U.S. citizenship, sparked wide-spread anti-western sentiments in Japan, thereby fueling the flames of ultranationalsim (Reischauer, 183). The military began to control the Japanese government in 1931, as Japan went to war. Despite the war conditions, missionary work continued through the 1930s, and enrollment in mission schools even increased (Drummond, 250). In 1941, when war broke out between the U.S. and Japan, many missionaries were interned in the Roman Catholic Sumire Girls’ School in Tokyo (Parker 1991, 165). By 1942, all missionaries from the allied countries had returned to their homelands. Therefore, while Japanese Christians had for many years played important roles as members of the faculty and administration of mission schools, in 1941 Japanese faculty and staff took complete control over most mission schools, and continued to hold leadership positions in many mission-founded schools in postwar Japan. After the war, western missionary societies did not always reassume their previous level of administrative leadership or financial support of mission-founded schools. Therefore, in discussing the postwar period the more general term “Christian school,” rather than “mission school,” would more accurately characterize missionfounded schools as a whole. During the war, mission-founded schools struggled to maintain their Christian perspective while surviving in the emperor-centered environment. Although outwardly Christian activities were suppressed, Japanese Christians at mission schools sought to keep emperor-glorifying activities to a minimum. Still, mission schools were compelled to show support for the war, through such activities as providing military training exercises for students, displaying the national flag and imperial symbols, and removing English courses from their curricula. In 1945, the American firebombing of some 60 Japanese cities destroyed many mission schools, as well as other mission-related buildings. There were Methodist girls’ schools in both Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Hiroshima Jo GakkØ was demolished by the atomic bomb, and 350 students, faculty and

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staff were killed. Many students of Nagasaki’s Kwassui Jo GakkØ died as well. The buildings of Kwassui survived, although badly damaged, since the school was shielded by mountains from the atomic bomb’s hypocenter.8 Postwar Period After World War II, Christian schools for women found it necessary to restructure their programs in order to remain viable in Japan’s new educational system. This restructuring often happened at the cost of weakening all-female Christian schools’ traditional commitments to providing academically rigorous, Christian educational programs. While a number of exceptional Christian schools for women were able to maintain and develop academically prestigious programs, most all-female schools were not able to achieve this, and almost all mission-founded schools, whether academically rigorous or not, began to lose the strong Christian focus of earlier years. Christian schools for women were faced with many challenges after World War II, ranging from the need to rebuild damaged mission school property to the pressure to revamp existing programs in light of new education laws. After Japan’s defeat at the end of World War II, the United States was once again centrally involved in restructuring Japan. The United States Education Mission during the Allied Occupation recommended drastic changes in Japan’s educational system, including the legislation of equal opportunities in education for women. Such recommendations were implemented in the 1946 Japanese Constitution and in the 1947 Fundamental Law of Education. This legislation required nine years of free, compulsory education for both girls and boys, mandated that girls and boys would have the same curricula in their compulsory education, and opened traditionally all-male schools—including universities—to women. The senmon gakkØ of Christian schools for women continued until 1948, when the government restructured the higher education system. From 1948 to 1949, senmon gakkØ were required either to meet new standards in order to become accredited as colleges or universities, or to scale back to the level of high schools. In 1949, they were given the third option of becoming two or three year junior colleges (Marshall 1994, 165). From 1948 to 1949, 31 women’s higher schools became colleges or universities, 26 of which were private. A number of the private women’s universities were Christian affiliated, such as Ferris University (founded by the Reformed Church as Ferris Seminary in 1872) the University of the Sacred Heart (founded by Roman Catholic sisters as Sacred Heart Higher Normal School in 1916), and Tokyo


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Woman’s Christian University (founded in 1918 as Tokyo Women’s Christian College). However, while a number Christian higher schools became full four-year colleges or universities, the majority of Christian senmon gakkØ became junior colleges. Mission-founded schools in Japan were economically depleted and materially damaged or destroyed after the war. Thus, when choosing whether to become a four-year college or a junior college, the deciding factor was usually the availability of funds and resources. While some female schools, such as Tokyo Women’s Christian University, maintained significant overseas support, enabling them to meet the requirements to become full colleges or universities under the 1949 laws, many mission schools did not have such extensive resources. Most female missionary societies had been reabsorbed into the general missionary boards of their denominations in the first half of the twentieth century, and thus in some cases mission-founded female schools lost the strong support they had long enjoyed from independent women’s missionary boards. Struggling financially, most all-female Christian schools depended on tuition from students, and thus began to enroll an increasing number of applicants. In accommodating more students, however, they lowered their educational standards. As most Christian schools for women developed junior colleges, they became part of the “ghettoization” of women’s higher education in postwar Japan. Many families did not want their daughters to attend coed higher schools, preferring instead to send them to all-female schools, even though many were considered to be academically inferior (Clarke 1974, 86–87). Many Japanese perceived junior colleges to be adequate for women’s higher education, as cultural norms dictated that women would not pursue high-level careers after school. Thus, while the number of women attending postsecondary schools rose dramatically in postwar Japan, these numbers were largely comprised of women attending junior colleges (Fujimura-Fanselow 1995, 127). Junior colleges became the defining feature of women’s higher education in postwar Japan, and the vast majority of all junior college students were women.9 At the same time, all-female Christian schools that were able to become full colleges or universities were now competing with prestigious, traditionally all-male schools for students. In order to stay competitive, their priorities centered on academic achievement, and the traditional Christian focus of the schools became less of a priority. Thus, whether Christian women’s schools had become prestigious universities or two-year junior colleges, the increasing focus on educational competitiveness or financial survival ultimately

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challenged the Christian dynamic and identity of the schools. Since female schools seeking to expand their tuition base needed to expand their faculty, and female colleges seeking to compete with coed colleges needed to secure the best and brightest teachers, more and more non-Christian faculty began teaching at Christian schools. In the 1990s, for example, a survey of both coeducational and all-female Christians schools revealed that non-Christian professors comprised the majority of faculty at 25 out of 30 Christian universities. This was also the case for the faculty of 21 out of 31 junior colleges, and 62 out of 72 Christian high schools (Gendai ni okeru KirusutokyØ kyØiku no tenbØ 1996, 116–120). Overall, Christian schools for women had slipped away from their earlier ideals. Not only did they lose their Christian focus, but schools which had been at the cutting edge of female education in the early twentieth century began to look like finishing schools as the new educational world took shape in postwar Japan. While they certainly provided young women with a broader worldview and more intellectual stimulation than no post-secondary school at all, by the 1970s many private Christian schools had in essence traded roles with public schools—the majority of all-female private schools were training women to be “good” wives and mothers, while coed public schools offered female students more opportunity to push against the limitations placed on women’s lives in Japan. Christian Schools for Women Today In response to larger transformations in Japanese society, Christian schools today are once again faced with pressures to radically restructure their approach to women’s education. The pressure to change is so great that at a national conference of Christian schools in June 2000, it was noted that the early twenty-first century will likely witness a third major reformation in Japanese women’s education—the first reformation being the establishment of higher schools for women in the Meiji Period, and the second being the restructuring of educational institutions following World War II. The present need for reform is driven by the fall in enrollment in all-female Christian schools, especially junior colleges, as Japanese women’s lives have changed markedly during the 1980s and 1990s. An increase in opportunities and reform in the workplace and the decline of traditional patterns of early marriage and childbearing are influencing more and more Japanese women to pursue a higher level of education than women of earlier generations.


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Such changes began slowly, and are only now beginning to be felt as a real shift in the social and economic realities of Japan. The symbolic beginning of the movement to open up social and economic opportunities for women in Japan was when the Japanese government signed the documents of the United Nation’s International Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1980). As international attention was directed toward Japan during its economic boom of the 1980s, the government was increasingly under pressure to maintain its commitment to its 1980 declaration to eliminate discrimination against women. Therefore, in 1985, the government passed the Equal Employment Opportunity Law (EEOL). Before this law came into effect, hiring firms preferred to employ women who graduated from junior colleges rather than four-year colleges, as junior college graduates were paid less and were more likely to quit after a few years, right before their pay would increase (Kawashima 1995, 284). The EEOL prohibited such discriminatory hiring practices, and as a result, female junior college graduates began to lose their competitive edge to female graduates of four year colleges. Not surprisingly, the number of female students seeking to enter four-year colleges increased sharply by the end of the 1980s. Thus, according to a study of graduates of Tokyo high schools, by 1994 women from the most metropolitan areas of Japan began to enter four-year universities in higher percentages than junior colleges for the first time in postwar history.10 In the late 1980s and into the 1990s, a number of Christian junior colleges responded by restructuring their institutions into four year colleges. Gradually, Japanese women have become more career-minded, especially since the 1985 EEOL. Japanese young women have increasingly resisted the pull of social expectations that they marry and bear children at a young age. The birthrate in Japan has been steadily dropping, and the average marriage age of women has been rising.11 Relatedly, the number of years that female college graduates hold “temporary” jobs before marriage has been increasing, from four years in 1960 to over seven years in 1992 (Fujimura- Fanselow, 150). While the recession of the 1990s often negatively affected women in the workplace, as they were often the most vulnerable to layoffs, cutbacks for full-time workers also resulted in increasing the job opportunities of lowerpaid temporary and part-time workers, positions often filled by women. In the 1990s, then, more women than ever were working for wages, including over half of all women with children.12 As more women entered the workforce and remained there for longer periods of time, female workers began to press for more equality in the workplace. Additionally, more female students began to look for educational tracks that would lead to more permanent and

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financially rewarding jobs. Enrollment in all-female educational institutions began to decline, as these institutions were perceived to offer an academically inferior education to coeducational schools. These perceptions were not entirely unfounded, for many all-female schools did not have strengths in areas generally leading to high-level careers, like economics, medicine, and law. As a result, according to Toyo Eiwa Women’s University professor Kumiko Fujimura-Fanselow, women’s colleges “have come to be viewed as somehow old-fashioned and lacking in any special merit” (FujimuraFanselow, 151). Not only have Christian schools for women been confronted with such perceptions of all female schools, but they have also had to contend with the fact that private schools in general have begun to suffer from an increasingly negative public image. For example, one news magazine recently reported that many private schools were operating at the “F” rank (Asahi Weekly June 23, 2000). The number of Japanese women pursuing higher-level careers is most likely to increase in the twenty-first century, as a new, much stronger equal employment opportunity law was passed in the late 1990s, coming into full effect in April of 1999. This Equal Opportunity Law, much more comprehensive than the 1985 law, prohibits “discrimination against women regarding recruitment, employment, assignment, promotion, education and training, welfare programs, mandatory retirement age, retirement, and dismissal,” and gives perks to companies seeking to end the disparities between the jobs and salaries of male and female employees. Additionally, the Child Welfare Law of 1998 increased the childcare options for working parents. As the leaders of Christian schools made abundantly clear in their June 2000 meeting, Christian educational institutions for women will once again need to develop new strategies to maintain their competitiveness in the changing environment of Japan. With the upheavals related to the recession of the 1990s, as well as the domestic and international pressure to remove social and legal barriers to equal opportunities in the workplace, Japanese in many sectors of society continue to struggle with the question of women’s place in society. Facing an uncertain future, many Christian schools are also struggling to define the meaning and direction of education for Japanese girls and women.

NOTES For example, the Roman Catholic Sisters of the Sacred Heart Higher Normal School (1916) and Seishin Joshi Gakuin; the Church of England founded Heian Jo Gakuin (1875); and the Woman’s Missionary Society of the Methodist Church of 1


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Canada (later absorbed into the United Church of Canada) founded Toyo Eiwa Jo Gakuin (1884) and Shizuoka Eiwa Jo Gakuin (1887). 2 The Methodists founded such schools as Aoyama Jo Gakuin, Kwassui Jo Gakuin and Fukuoka Jo Gakuin; Joshi Gakuin and Kobe Jo Gakuin were founded by Presbyterians and Congregationalists, respectively. 3 For example, Mori Arinori and Fukuzawa Yukichi were important Meiji Era advocates of women’s education. 4 Such women were bitterly disappointed by the 1899 Civil Code, which legally reinforced women’s inferior social position, as it gave full legal powers to male household heads and prohibited women from direct political participation. Women did not get basic political rights, such as suffrage, until 1946. 5 For example, the first missionary to Japan from the Woman’s Foreign Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Dora Schoonmaker, wrote: “if [girls and young women] can be gathered into schools, where the influence of a Christian home shall be constantly about them, they will gradually be won to love a religion which offers them such blessed relief from the bondage of the past and such bright hopes for the future. Feeling the necessity of gaining a stronger hold upon my pupils has been the great incentive that has urged me forward to make preparations for beginning a boarding-school” (Fifty-seventh Annual Report of the Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church for the Year 1875, 134). 6 This is evident in annual mission meeting minutes and in missionary reports to their supporting mission societies. In the late 1800s, missionaries often reported that nearly all of their boarding students were professing Christians. 7 See the January 1913 edition of The Japan Evangelist, an issue devoted entirely to women’s issues in Japan. 8 Both Hiroshima Jo GakkØ and Kwassui Jo GakkØ were rebuilt after the war, and have continued to operate successfully as Christian-affiliated women’s educational institutions to this day. 9 In 1989, for example, 90 percent of all junior college students were women (Marshall 1994, 252). 10 Of the women surveyed, 24.3 percent entered four-year universities, while 23.7 percent entered junior colleges (Fujimura-Fanselow, 1995, 132). 11 The birthrate dropped from 1.91 in 1975 to 1.46 in 1993. As of 1998, the average age of women’s first marriage had risen to a high of nearly twenty-seven (Fujimura Fanselow 1995, 141, 142). 12 Fifty-six percent in 1992 (Fujimura-Fanselow, 143).

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Annual Report of the Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Annual Report of the Woman’s Foreign Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Life and Light for Heathen Women. Woman’s Board of Missions. Minutes of the Woman’s Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Japan. The Heathen Woman’s Friend. Woman’s Foreign Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church. The Japan Evangelist. Woman’s Work for Woman. Women’s Foreign Missionary Societies of the Presbyterian Church.

Secondary Sources Bacon, Alice. Japanese Girls and Women. New York: Houghten, Mifflin and

Company, 1891, 1902. Bernstein, Gail Lee, ed. Recreating Japanese Women, 1600–1945. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. Burton, Margaret E. The Education of Women in Japan. New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1914. Burton-Lewis, Harry. “Christian Mission and Higher Education in Japan.” In Mark R. Mullins and Richard Fox Young, eds. Perspectives on Christianity in Korea and Japan: The Gospel and Culture in East Asia. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1995. Cary, Otis. The History of Christianity in Modern Japan. Volume II, Protestant Missions. Surrey. England: Curzon Press, 1993 [reprint of 1909 edition]. Clarke, Elizabeth. “Women’s Education in Japan: A Contemporary Assessment.” Japan Christian Quarterly 40/2 (Spring 1974), 79–87. Drummond, Richard H. A History of Christianity in Japan. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1971. Fujimura-Fanselow, Kumiko. “College Women Today: Options and Dilemmas.” In Kumiko Fujimura-Fanselow and Kameda Atsuko, eds. Japanese Women: New Feminist Perspectives on the Past, Present and Future. New York: The Feminist Press at CUNY, 1995. Gagan, Rosemary R. A Sensitive Independence: Canadian Methodist Women Missionaries in Canada and the Orient, 1881–1925. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1992. Gendai ni okeru kirisutokyØ kyØiku no tenbØ [The prospect for Christian eduction in the present-day]. Tokyo: Yorudansha, 1996. Gluck, Carol. Japan’s Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985.


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Gordon, Andrew, ed. Postwar Japan as History. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. Hara Kimi. “Challenges to Education for Girls and Women in Modern Japan: Past and Present.” In Kumiko Fujimura-Fanselow and Kameda Atsuko, eds. Japanese Women: New Feminist Perspectives on the Past, Present and Future. New York: The Feminist Press at CUNY, 1995. Hill, Patricia R. The World Their Household: The American Woman’s Foreign Mission Movement and Cultural Transformation, 1870–1920. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1984. Ishii Noriko. “American Women Missionaries at Kobe College, 1873–1909.” Ph.D. dissertation. George Washington University, 1998. Kawashima Yoko. “Female Workers: An Overview of Past and Current Trends.” In Kumiko Fujimura-Fanselow and Kameda Atsuko, eds. Japanese Women: New Feminist Perspectives on the Past, Present and Future. New York: The Feminist Press at CUNY, 1995.. Kohiyama Rui. Amerika fujin senkyØshi: rainichi no haikei to sono eikyØ [As our God alone will lead us: The nineteenth century American women’s mission enterprise and its encounter with Meiji Japan]. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1992. Marshall, Byron. Learning to be Modern: Japanese Political Discourse on Education. Boulder: Westview Press, 1994. Minutes of the June 2000 Conference of Christian Educational Institutions in Japan. Montgomery, Helen Barrett. Western Women in Eastern Lands. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1910. Nolte, Sharon H. and Sally Ann Hastings. “The Meiji State’s Policy toward Women, 1890–1910.” In Gail Lee Bernstein, ed. Recreating Japanese Women, 1600–1945. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. Okuma, Shigenobu, ed. Fifty Years of New Japan. Vol. 2. London: Smith, Elder, and Co., 1909. Parker, F. Calvin. The Southern Baptist Mission in Japan, 1889–1989. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1991. Reischauer, Edwin O. Japan: The Story of a Nation. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974. Rose, Barbara. Tsuda Umeko and Women’s Education in Japan. New Haven, and London: Yale University Press, 1992. Scheiner, Irwin. Christian Converts and Social Protest in Meiji Japan. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1970. Seat, Karen K. “The ‘Woman Question’ as a Site of Conflict: Mission Schools for Women in Modern Japan, 1872–1899.” Ph.D. dissertation. Temple University, 2000. ShØji Rutsuko, “Education and Christianity in Japan: A Personal Account of Four Generations.” Japan Christian Review 60 (1994), 7–28.

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Sievers, Sharon. Flowers in Salt: The Beginnings of Feminist Consciousness in Modern Japan. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1983. “The Present Status of Gender Equality and Measures: Third Report on the Plan for Gender Equality 2000.” Tokyo: Prime Minister’s Office: April 1999 (http://www.sorifu.go.jp). Tocco, Martha Caroline. “School Bound: Women’s Higher Education in Nineteenth Century Japan.” Ph.D. Thesis. Stanford University, 1995. Tokyo Women’s Christian University Webpage: http://www.twcu.ac.jp/. Uno, Kathleen. “The Origins of ‘Good Wife, Wise Mother in Early TwentiethCentury Japan.” In Erich Pauer, ed. Japanische Frauengeschichte(n). Marburg, Germany: Forderverein Marburger Japan-Reihe, 1994.

CHRISTIAN SOCIAL WELFARE AND THE MODERNIZATION OF JAPAN ENDØ KØichi

Introduction The contribution of Christians to the development of social welfare in Japan is widely recognized. Early efforts in social reform, medical care, and social work were understood to be a natural part of the Roman Catholic and Protestant mission to Japan. Japanese Christians also became important pioneers and leaders in this field. This is hardly surprising, since the relationship between religion and social welfare has been a close one in the history of Christianity. “Caritas,” or “divine love,” has usually been understood to involve both faith, which centers on belief in God, and practice, which is manifested in love of one’s neighbor. As a natural consequence of faith, therefore, relief work and social welfare have been regarded as the concrete expressions of the love required by the Gospel. This chapter presents case studies of three Japanese Christian leaders to illustrate how the ideal of “caritas” has been interpreted by Protestants in Japan since the Meiji period, particularly in relation to the development of social welfare.1 Modernization and Charity Work: The Case of Ishii J¨ji In order to understand the significant role of Protestant Christians in charity work during the Meiji period, we must give some consideration to the nature of the traditional Japanese family (ie). The ie usually consisted of the householder couple, some relatives, and sometimes apprentices who lived with the family. The family was essentially a life-community (seikatsu kyØdØtai), and each member was expected to cooperate with the family business and contribute to its long-term prosperity. It was upon this traditional household system that charity work was developed. This traditional household system did not allow a family member to function as an “individual” independent from the ie. Each individual was

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subsumed by the family and expected to be a supportive member of the household enterprise. The character and social equilibrium of the family system was shaped by conformity and obedience to the inner circle and a remoteness from those outside the ie. The family system, in other words, had its own “solid order” and authority by which it constantly reigned over people and enforced communal restrictions and the practice of reciprocity and mutual care in human relationships (Kawashima 1966, 7). In this case, the obedience demanded by the authority of the family system resulted in behavior that conformed to certain expected patterns or ritual duties that were understood as familial obligations (gimu). This family authority was usually not perceived as a coercive force; rather, it usually functioned under the auspices of the community consciousness in an atmosphere of warm humanity and compassion. This type of communal family cultivated relationships of mutual kindness and reciprocity in local communities. Charity work in the Meiji period grew in the context of this traditional family system. To the traditional ie, however, Protestant Christians took the lead in adding the new meaning of “home” (katei), focusing in particular on the development of a new type of “home” through the creation of new facilities or institutions (shisetsu). It is in this context that we need to consider the life and work of Ishii J¨ji (1865–1914). Ishii was born in Takanabe, a castle town in Miyazaki prefecture. While working as an elementary teacher in his hometown, he married Uchino Shinako when he was sixteen years old and then entered Okayama Prefecture Medical School to study medicine. Around this time Ishii was moved and inspired upon hearing about the work of George Mueller, a Christian who was wellknown for orphan relief. It was shortly after this that he adopted an orphan and provided care for him in a room rented from Sany¨ Temple. In order to devote himself completely to orphan relief services, Ishii withdrew from medical school, burned all of his books related to medicine, and established the Okayama Orphanage in 1889. In 1890 he received a number of children who had been orphaned by the NØbi earthquake in the Nagoya area, which brought the number of children in his care to 169. As the need for orphan relief grew, Ishii declared that he would receive any orphans who needed care and began receiving children from all over the country. As a result, the number of children cared for by the Okayama Orphanage grew to twelve hundred. During the time he was developing these exemplary social services, Ishii was not content at all with his personal life and experienced considerable distress. One issue that caused him agony was related to his decision to abandon

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a promising medical career in mid–1890. He also struggled as a Christian with a personal consciousness of original sin and improper desires as he sought to discover what the focus of his life should be. Engaging in charity work brought with it another set of problems and concerns. The questions with which he particularly agonized had to do with why charity services should be offered in the first place and how desirable social services could actually be provided. Ishii struggled with these issues from various angles, including theory and philosophy, as well as through addressing the practical problems of administration and financial difficulties. In the end, he sought to address these questions and concerns from the perspective of his faith. For him, charity work meant to strive for fruitful results in the most secular and contradictory environment while at the same time negating secular values.2 His approach to the administration or management of the Okayama Orphanage was based on twelve principles, which included “familyism” (kazokushugi), the foster-parent system (sato-oya seido), and non-corporal punishment (hi-taibatsushugi). In order to create a home and family atmosphere, for example, Ishii used a small dormitory system that allowed some freedom and flexibility within each dormitory. For very young children and those with infirmities, he adopted the foster-parent system and entrusted children to farm families and provided a monthly allowance to take care of their health. Ishii believed that children’s delinquency and bad habits came from hunger, so he provided as much food as they needed. Other areas stressed at the Okayama Orphanage were elementary education, business education, and counseling. In spite of all of his efforts in establishing this institution for children, he eventually decided it did not represent the best solution. Doing away with the residence facility, he began to think that the ideal environment was one where “children without parents are fostered by parents without children.” In addition, he expanded his work to include education for the poor and poverty relief services in the city slums where many orphans appeared, starting with settlement services in the Osaka slums. Ishii’s activities as a whole can be seen to illustrate Christian characteristics. He carried out these various works because he believed he was obeying God’s command. He established the Okayama Orphanage not just to care for the physical needs of children but also for their spiritual needs through evangelistic work. The administration of the orphanage was basically a way for him to save orphans and proclaim Christ to the Japanese people who did not know the God of the Bible. Ishii started to think about moving his operations when he felt the limitation of institutional administration in Okayama. In January 1904, he started

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land reclamation work at Chausubara in his home prefecture of Miyazaki and transferred fifty boys in July of that year. There he established an agricultural elementary school and developed a curriculum centered around agriculture. In March 1911, he transferred girls there as well, intending to create an idealistic environment for orphans through farm life based on Rousseau’s Emile. He hoped that life in the natural environment would bring the children both educational and psychological benefits. To gain financial independence, he also became active in the sericulture business, but this did not go well. In addition to these involvements, he participated in business revitalization in his hometown and even tried to enter the world of politics with dreams of social reformation (something he shared with the socialist movement that had emerged at the time). In 1911, during the last stage of his life, Ishii reflected on his experiences at the Okayama Orphanage and his approach to placing children with families, as follows: For girls, we investigate families in advance to find one with a good wife and then make a request to leave a girl with them. Our intention is for the girls to apprentice and learn while they are in the home. We are investigating what kinds of people are appropriate to serve as model housewives or as orphanage mothers. Speaking in terms of ideals, it is a person who has grown up with both a father and a mother, and siblings, in a peaceful and amicable family, and who has not experienced the hardships of this world (Ishii 1911, 23–5).

The criteria for selecting families for a home internship was the “good home” standard. He believed that the ideal caretaker of small children should be a woman who had been raised in a middle-class family with a solid family tradition. It is apparent that Ishii regarded the middle-class conservative family as the ideal base for home formation and he tried to have children adjust to that kind of environment. Futhermore, the ideal model was understood to be a Christian home. Ishii’s concerns were not restricted to the cultivation of the ideal Christian home, however. He had learned from administrative work at the Tokyo City Foster Care Center of the necessity of both “leisure and labor” and the importance of education in the care of children. Ishii began his work by defining the aim of the Okayama Orphanage in terms of “saving orphans who have no place in this world and raise them as their parents” (Okayama Orphanage Rules, Article Two), and understood the work of the staff to include everything that parents would normally do to raise their own children. He especially emphasized the importance of education in the administration of the facility.


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There are two viewpoints regarding Isshi’s emphasis on education in childcare. One standard interpretation is that it emerged naturally from Ishii’s focus on the “home.” Another is that it came from a holistic evaluation of the administration of the entire facility. The former view is discussed by Takenaka Katsuo (1940, 140), who explains that “He applied pedagogical methodology in relief guardian services and for institutional relief used a decentralized educational methodology by applying the cottage system. In addition, he was influenced by the theory and practice of natural education advanced in Rousseau’s Emile.” In his biography of Ishii, Shibata Yoshimori (1978, 100) also recognizes the influence of Rousseau. On the other hand, in view of the special characteristics of facility management, Sakamoto Yoshio (1907, 94) states that “the Bernard-style home system and child-placement system is beneficial for orphanage administration for it eliminates the harm that can result from caring for numerous children, enables one to provide a more complete education, and helps to cut costs.” When Ishii began his administrative work he initially planned to adopt policies similar to a boardinghouse in the military system. Upon learning about the Bernard Home in London, however, he decided to apply the family system, which involved an effort to create a family relationship by placing the nursery caretaker called the shufu in the center.3 In this arrangement independent homes were formed and just as in regular homes the children attended schools, ate meals that the shufu cooked, and when at home helped the shufu with various chores. In sum, by adapting the Barnard Home model to his conception of the home (katei), Ishii was able to develop a systematic and rational praxis, which focused on character development and protection of children in relationships that were detached from the community of mutual care and concern represented by the traditional family (ie). Character, Dignity and Social Reform: The Case of Kagawa Toyohiko As social policy became a political problem in the middle of the TaishØ period (around 1910) , the term “charity work” (jizen jigyØ) was replaced by the term “social work” (shakai jigyØ). During this time, there was an identifiable tendency among leaders of democratic thought on how “society” should be understood.4 In Japan, the place where people are connected to each other has long been referred to as seken (“the world”), but with the introduction of the new philosophical concept of “social solidarity,” people started to focus on “society” rather than seken.

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The establishment of social work in Japan was related to this new way of thinking. In April 1921, a magazine changed its title to “Social Work” and explained its reasoning as follows: “Times have changed and we have reached the point of seeing the objective reality of social poverty. We need to rouse the sense of common social responsibility among people regarding this poverty” (Shakai jigyØ 5/1, 1921, 1–2). The “changing times” promoted a new awareness of social issues and the philosophy of social solidarity had a significant impact on the establishment of social work. The notion of social solidarity was based on the “dependency that is characteristic of all life forms. An organism cannot survive without solidarity among each of its various body parts. The concept of life is consistent with the concept of organic cooperation or dependency. Life is in fact the harmonization of the force of the individual parts” (Chö KØron, August 1919, 17). This organic view of life was understood as the foundation of human society. In the 1920s, the implications of the new understanding of society was explored in relation to a number of issues and cultural spheres. As we saw in the case of Ishii J¨ji, social welfare in the Meiji period was centered around institutions. In the TaishØ period, however, social welfare was expanded more widely into the community and society and expanded its concerns from poverty relief services to poverty prevention. It is in this context that the life and work of Kagawa Toyohiko (1888–1960) deserves consideration. Kagawa was born as a child of a mistress in 1888 into a family with a shipping business in Kobe. When the family business went bankrupt, he was moved to the home of his uncle in Tokushima prefecture. It was there that he attended a Christian church and eventually was baptized by H.W. Myers. Regarding Kagawa’s early years, Sumiya Mikio writes: “He was a child in distress from birth. From his childhood, he tasted the sorrow of being the child of a mistress. In addition, because of his brother’s wasteful extravagance, the family finances dwindled, and when he was fifteen years old, finally went bankrupt. Since then, he was under agony of sickness and poverty”(1966, 11). In 1906, at the age of eighteen, he moved to Tokyo and enrolled in Meiji Gakuin Seminary, but transferred to Kobe Seminary the following year. Two years later he moved out of the seminary dormitory to settle in one of Japan’s major slums in the Kobe Fukiai Shinkawa district. It was there that he began his ministry of living in solidarity with the people of the slums. Aggravated by the recession following the Russo-Japanese war, the condition of life in the slums was worse than he anticipated. Kagawa encountered numerous human tragedies in the midst of these harsh conditions. For example, a num-


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ber of adopted children were murdered in the slums. Families would receive children and accept payment to care for them, but then starve them to death. Kagawa could not bear to see children in such circumstances and on occasion took them in and cared for them. Following his marriage to Shiba Haru, a person who was a strong supporter of his work, he traveled to the United States in 1916 in order to study at Princeton University. While in the United States he had an opportunity to observe the slums in New York City and encountered the labor movement. When he saw a demonstration by tens of thousands of people—many carrying placards reading “provide bread,” “provide work”—he was inspired by the orderliness and discipline of the movement. Reflecting on these experiences in his diary, he wrote: “It’s useless just to talk about salvation and such things. It’s the labor union! It’s the labor union! There’s no way but for the workers to save themselves on their own.” This did not mean that he abandoned social work, but that as a Christian social worker he undertook other more wideranging activities. The philosophy of mutual support that was the foundation for his life-long work was learned through service and came from his experiences in the slums. He personally experienced the hardship of poverty from morning to night in the slums and seriously examined the influence that poverty has on the mental life of people. His findings were published in a volume entitled Heimin shinri no kenky¨ [A Study of the Psychology of the Poor]. Kagawa was particularly impressed by the way in which the poor cared for each other in so many ways. In spite of their expressions of mutual care and concern, he became convinced that they would be unable to escape their povery without a fundamental change in working conditions. In this way, he came to understand that relief work and involvement in the labor movement needed to be combined. After returning to Japan, he became a leader of the Fraternal Association of the Japan Labor Union (Nihon RØdØ SØdØmei Yäikai) and played a major role in the labor dispute against the Kawasaki-Mitsubishi Shipping Company. Kagawa’s concern for human liberation and improved working conditions for the laborers is express in the following labor union declaration: Capitalistic culture, under pressure of the principle of earnings and machines, treats laborers as a product and puts them in the lowest class of society. Therefore, we insist upon the freedom to organize a labor union, the rights of life, labor, group contract, and the union strike based on justice. Futhermore, we also demand the abolishment of Article Seventeen of the Public Peace Police Law (Chian keisatsu hØ) and the revision of the current Factories Act (KØjØhØ).

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Kagawa insisted on an eight-hour workday, minimum wage, the establishment of the welfare state, the right to gender equality, and freedom from discrimination. He eventually withdrew from the labor movement because of disagreements with other leaders regarding the direction it should take. However, he went on to establish the Japan Farmers’ Union and led the movement to revise the tenant farmer system in April 1922. He felt that this did not fully address the problems of the day and proceeded to invest his energy in the Consumer Cooperative Union Movement. When the Great KantØ Earthquake (KantØ Daishinsai) occurred in September 1923, Kagawa was asked by the government to lead the relief activities for victims in Tokyo, which he did with the support and relief work conducted by members of this union. Although Kagawa was opposed to the socialist revolution because of his Christian faith, he nevertheless continued to advance movements of social reform and dreamed of a communal society in the future that could be achieved through these activities. After World War II, he continued his efforts by promoting the World Federation Movement and made significant contributions to peace issues. In order to understand Kagawa’s wide-ranging social activities, we need to give some consideration to the source of his vision and practical philosophy. In his early years, Kagawa was not blessed with good health and suffered in particular from tuberculosis. His serious health problems, in fact, influenced his decision to focus on social work as his field of practice. “If I am going to die anyway,” he reflected, “I would rather die in the slums.” Kagawa had read John Wesley’s biography and was moved by the fact that he had gone into the London slums despite his delicate health. With thoughts of Charles Dicken’s Christmas Carol on his mind, Kagawa followed a similar path on the afternoon of Christmas Eve in 1909, leaving the Kobe Seminary dormitory for the Fukiai Shinkawa slums “carrying a bed roll, four or five articles of clothing, and a bag of books. It was a five-tatami house, but he did not have the money to buy five tatami, so he bought three used tatami to put in the front of the room” (Sumiya 1966, 9).4 Along with his wide-ranging activities and work in the slums, Kagawa published many books and articles related to social work. He did not, however, actually develop a theory of social work. His perspective on social work must be gleaned from his lectures and various writings, which were characterized by concrete examples and an appeal to peoples’ hearts rather than systematic argument and reasoning. People felt a powerful attraction to Kagawa because of his love and warm affection for the poor, and a seemingly unlimited understanding of their situation. In a speech on “The Rights of


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Children” at the Sarueura Children Protection Lecture Meeting in Fukagawa, Tokyo, for example, he stated that children have a right to eat and to play. Society and the national government have an obligation to meet these rights. Cities must provide appropriate places for children to play and parents should utilize such places for the good of their children. Kagawa explained his view of social work as follows: Social policy is a method to reform and improve society through the mutual cooperation of people without violence or revolutionary methods. Social work is the action to improve the bad parts of individuals or society through the mutual help of people. Of course, it is not restricted to dealing with the bad parts of individuals or society, but also includes the services and programs that are aimed at creating more complete individuals and society (Kagawa 1966, 9).

In sum, Kagawa thought that in order to make the world a better place one should work primarily through voluntary associations of individuals to improve society rather than through revolutionary political movements or social policies. However, it is undeniable that Kagawa continued to regard the settlement and labor movements as valuable methods to improve society as a whole and advance social reform. Poverty prevention was the foundation of these movements, which involves much more than the relief activities of social work. Kagawa advocated the development of cooperative unions as systems of mutual support and was successful in organizing unions for the people living in the slums and then for factory workers and laborers living around the slums. Through these cooperative associations Kagawa’s perspective overcame the narrow understanding of social work and included plans for wide-ranging socio-structural reforms in the social, economic, and cultural spheres. After working with the Farmer’s Union Movement, he was also involved in the universal suffrage movement and the women’s movement. He was always a forerunner and pioneer in these various areas, but many of his projects failed because of lack of human resources and financial difficulties. Although some projects may have ended in failure, Kagawa could never be satisfied with philosophical reflection that was unrelated to the realities of everyday life. As Fujita ShØzØ (1967, 101) points out, Kagawa had no use for a philosohy that was separate from practical life and even stated that he would only “move on to metaphysics if human pain remained after social reforms” (KaihØ, January 1920). The essence of Kagawa’s thought, therefore, was this practical vision that sought to redeem the lives of individuals through whom the larger social issues could also be solved. In sum, he always

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rooted himself in daily life and looked upon “society” both as a collection of individual lives as well as a powerful structure that constrained the lives of individuals. In spite of these social realities, Kagawa never lost sight of his goal of securing the happiness of individuals. Postwar Japan and Civil Social Welfare: The Case of Abe ShirØ The figure I would like to introduce as representive of Christian social welfare in the postwar period is Abe ShirØ. In comparison with Kagawa’s background and early history, Abe must be seen as an elite in the world of Japanese Christianity. His father, Abe Yoshimune, was the chancellor of Aoyama Gakuin (a Methodist mission school) and many of his other relatives were also prominent people. He himself was a gifted young man and studied at Tokyo ShØka University and its graduate school (presently, Hitotsubashi University). Although the focus of his graduate work was on the history of Western economics, he became interested in social welfare through studying the work of Arnold Toynbee. “The homeland of my heart,” Abe in fact stated, “is Arnold Toynbee” (Abe 1989, 96). Toynbee was born in London in 1852, studied at Oxford University where he later became professor of economics. His posthumously published work, Lectures on the Industrial Revolution in England (1884), provided the first historical framework of the industrial revolution and became a highly regarded classic in the field. He was not only an intellectual, however. On S. Barnett’s recommendation, Toynbee became involved in the settlement movement, working for the education of laborers and social reform. The world’s first Settlement Hall, which was built by the university faculty, was named after him and influenced numerous people. This pioneering social settlement was built in 1884 and was a social welfare facility for educating the poor and laborers in London. Barnett wanted students previously unconnected with the life of the lower class to come to the slums and see the actual situation there. He appealed to them to come and help in his work. Toynbee joined with other students who were moved by this appeal. He was not physically strong and could not bear the heavy burden of service and research, however, and died following a breakdown in his health at the early age of thirty-one. It was the work of Toynbee, in any case, that inspired Abe to pursue advanced studies in social work, which he did following World War II at Union Theological Seminary and Columbia University in New York. During his time as a student in the United States, Abe devoted


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himself to volunteer activities in the slums of New York City. It was there that he met E.W. Tompson, the person who would establish the Yokosuka Christian Social Center where Abe would eventually serve as director. At the time of their initial meeting, however, Abe was a dedicated student and absorbed in Reinhold Niebuhr’s lectures. While at this time he seemed destined for an academic life, he was still attracted by the basic humanity and example of individuals such as Jane Adams, John T. Bernard, Ishii J¨ji, and Ruoka Kosuke, who were pioneers in the field of social welfare (Abe 1998, 129). Although Abe had been promised a position as associate professor at Meiji Gakuin University and could have had an academic career, another meeting with E.W. Tompson after his return to Japan changed the direction of his life. In 1961 he accepted Tompson’s invitation to become the head of the Yokosuka Christian Social Center and went directly into the practice of social welfare. Almost everyone was against this move; but his wife, Ritsu, who had been raised in a family that managed a child nursing facility since the Meiji period, and agreed with his decision.Why did he choose praxis over academia? Abe explains that during his student days he met a nurse by the name of Ibuka Yae at a hospital for Hansen’s disease and had been touched by her dedication and the way she cared for the patients. He also indicates that he was influenced by the example of Iwashita SØichi, a Catholic priest and author of such books as Ch¨sei tetsugaku shisØshi kenky¨ [Research into the History of Medieval Philosophy and Thought] and ShinkØ no isan [Inheritance of Faith], who sacrificed his scholarly talents to dedicate his life to the hospital patients. These early encounters and examples at a hospital located at the foot of Mt. Fuji clearly shaped the future course of his life. In adddition to these early influences, Tompson was also an important figure in Abe’s decision to pursue a career in social work. Shortly after World War II, Tompson came to Japan and introduced American social work techniques and the philosophy behind the development of community centers, which were both new areas in Japan at the time. He established the Yokosuka Christian Social Center, where a program based on group work was created and techniques for community organization were employed. This was the first such community center and contributed to the fading of the conventional characteristics of a settlement. In November 1956, at the Tenth Anniversary of its founding, Tompson reported as follows: 1. One of the issues that the Social Center faces is the need to erect a facility separate from the Taura Church building. In doing so, Taura’s citizens will understand that this community center is open to everyone, whether Christian or not.

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2. Concerns of the Social Center include forging a close relationship with the community though cooperation and understanding, and making Taura a happier place. 3. The time has come to invite a Japanese person to be head of the center. For this position, I would like to request a Christian who has studied social work and who can contribute to the life of the surrounding community.6

It was several years after this that Abe became the director of the Social Center and began to address the various issues and problems that emerged in the shadow of Japan’s rapid economic growth in the postwar period. According to Abe, the new activities and concerns of the Social Center included the following: 1) to make the programs more consistent with social work practice; 2) to expand the scope and area of activities; 3) to change the content of the services, cultivate new areas of work, and clarify public responsibility; 4) to stress community organization as a methodology; 5) to conduct survey research on the actual social conditions in the surrounding community; 6) to establish financial independence; 7) to cooperate with evangelical activities, but with the understanding that the work of the center is a testimony rather than direct evangelism; and 8) to improve the administrative structure and labor conditions. Although it has been difficult for the Social Center to achieve financial independence, the unique activities and programs of the facility have prospered and served as a model for others. Many services provided at the center became a forerunner of programs nationwide, such as childcare for the handicapped, daycare for school-age children, food programs for the elderly in the community, and the establishment of community-care networks. It was the idea of “the church as diakonia” that linked Christianity and social welfare for Abe. The concerns of Christianity are not to be understood narrowly in terms of proselytization, but in terms of “diakonia,” which encompasses a wider meaning of ministry. The term “diakonia,” according to Abe, means a community that serves the surrounding society. Although the Social Center is connected in faith with the Taura Church, which it gave birth to, Abe explains that the Social Center is a ministry that is organizationally separate from the church. Although private social welfare programs were permitted in an earlier period, under the established welfare state today all programs are under the umbrella of public responsibility. Private social welfare, therefore, has been transformed into civil social welfare. As Christian social welfare became one form of civil social welfare, it has had the responsibility to demonstrate the necessity of civil social welfare under the national welfare system and the provision of these civil services.


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According to Abe, the needs that must be addressed today are changing significantly. In the past, social welfare focused on tangible assistance to relieve economic poverty, but today we face serious social problems related to poverty of the “soul.” While efforts have been made to establish a social system and social welfare whereby every individual can acquire bread as a right, Abe recognizes that “we do not live by bread alone.” The needs related to this aspect of human existence—poverty of the heart—are creating new welfare issues that must be addressed. Regarding the ongoing challenge of Christian social welfare today, Abe concludes: The work of the church in relation to society can be divided into two major categories. One is the priestly role of the practice of love for neighbors. In order to serve our neighbors in love we should provide for their needs with pathos and it is the church’s responsibility to produce it. It is also the church’s work to send workers and offer financial support. The other is the prophetic role of constructively critiquing society. Based on their own responsibility, the church needs to make judgments regarding the nation and social system, articulating constructive opinions for correct policies and social development. Society without these evaluative functions eventually falls into self-absorption. The church must assume the role of a sentry, particularly to save social welfare from its routine work. Therefore, Christian social welfare must walk “with society,” keeping pace “a step ahead of society” as a pioneer and forerunner, and serving “a step behind the society” to gather up and care for those left behind (Abe 1989, 137).

Conclusion The three men discussed in this chapter were all representative of Christian social workers in the Meiji, TaishØ, and ShØwa eras, respectively. Each of them directly addressed the social welfare needs of their particular time and place and produced fruitful results. While they had to deal with different issues and the evaluation of their work varies considerably, each of them had the Christian faith as the foundation of their activities and worked for solutions to pressing social problems according to their deepest convictions. Their pioneering work was made possible through their faith and inspired the development of many other social welfare programs and institutions over the course of Japan’s modernization.

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NOTES *Translated by Paul Tsuchido Shew, Seigakuin University, Tokyo. 1 For a broader historical treatment of Roman Catholic, Anglican, and Protestant contributions to social work in Japan, see Tashiro (1989), Namae (1952), Thomas (1959, chapt. 6), and Gendai shakai fukushi no genry¨ (1988). Another important resource for the study of Christian social work in Japan is the KirisutokyØ shakai fukushigaku kenky¨ [Research in Christian social work], published annually since 1960 by the Japan Christian Social Work Association. Information on contemporary social work and various Christian welfare institutions may be found in denominational yearbooks and the Christian Yearbook. 2 Later he became very concerned about the difficulties of providing appropriate after-care for orphans who faced considerable problems as adults when they entered society (particularly those who sought employment in metropolitan areas such as Osaka and Kobe). 3 This title is a common term for housewife or homemaker, composed of two characters, shu which means “head” or “master” and fu which means “woman” or “wife.” 4 Yoshino Sakuzo (1878–1933), for example, conceived of the government and people on two opposite ends of the spectrum and considered the individual to be the subject that fulfills the political rights of the people. In response to this, Hasegawa Nyozekan (1875–1969) located the national government in opposition to society and thought that the individual should aim towards self-actualization through communal social relationships. 5 The word tatami refers to a woven mat used as a floor covering, traditionally measuring about 180cm by 90cm, and is a standard used for determining floor sizes in Japan. 6 Thompson’s report is summarized in Yokosuka KirisutokyØ Shakaikan Yonj¨nen no Ayumi [The forty-year course of the Yokosuka Christian Social Center], Yokosuka KirisutokyØ Shakaikan, 1986, 25–6.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Abe ShirØ. Fukushi jissen e no kakyØ [Bridge-building for welfare practice]. Tokyo: Kaiseisha, 1989. Gendai shakai fukushi no genry¨: Nippon SeikØkai shakai jigyØ shi [The origins of modern social welfare: The history of social work in the Japan AnglicanEpiscopal Church]. Tokyo: Nippon SeikØkai Shakai JigyØ Renmei, 1988. Fujita ShØzØ. Ishin no seishin [The spirit of restoration]. Tokyo: Misuzu ShobØ, 1967. Ishii J¨ji. “Okayama kojiin keieidan” [Conversations on the management of the Okayama Orphanage]. Jizen 3/1 (1911).


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Kagawa Toyohiko. “NØson shakai jigyØ” [Social enterprises in a farm village]. In Kagawa Toyohiko zensh¨ [Collected works of Toyohiko Kagawa]. Vol. 12. Tokyo: Kirisuto Shinbunsha, 1966. Kawashima Takeyoshi. Nihon shakai no kazokuteki kØsei [The familial structure of Japanese society]. Tokyo: HyØronsha, 1966. KudØ Eiichi. Shakai undØ to KirisutokyØ [Christianity and the Social Movements]. Tokyo: YMCA Press, 1972. Kumazawa Yoshinobu. “Disabled Persons and the Churches.” in Kumazawa Yoshinobu and David L. Swain, eds. Christianity in Japan, 1971–90. Tokyo: Kyo Bun Kwan, 1991. Maruyama Masao. Maruyama Masao sh¨ [Collected works of Maruyama Masao]. Vol. 8. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1996. Namae Takayuki. “Development of Social Work in Japan,” Japan Christian Quarterly 18/4, 1952. Ninomiya Akiie, “Christianity and the Postwar Changes in the Welfare System,” The Japan Christian Review 64, 1998. Sakamoto Yoshio. Okayama kojiin [Okayama orphanage]. Okayama: Okayama Kojiin, 1907. Shibata Yoshimori. Ishii J¨ji no shisØ to shØgai [The thought and life of Ishii J¨ji]. Tokyo: Shunj¨sha, 1978. Sumiya Michio. Kagawa Toyohiko [Toyohiko Kagawa]. Tokyo: Nihon Kirisuto KyØdan Shuppan Kyoku, 1966. Tashiro Kikuo. Nihon Katorikku shakai jigyØshi kenky¨ [Studies in the history of Japanese Catholic social work]. Kyoto: HØritsu Bunkasha, 1989. Takenaka Katsuo. Nihon KirisutokyØ shakai jigyØshi [A history of Japanese Christian social work]. Tokyo: Ch¨Ø Shakai JigyØ KyØkai, 1940. Tashiro Kikuo. Nihon Katorikku shakai jigyØshi kenky¨ [Studies in the history of social work by the Catholic church in Japan]. Tokyo: HØritsu Bunkasha, 1989. Thomas, Winburn T. Protestant Beginnings in Japan: The First Three Decades, 1859–1998. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1959.


CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS IN JAPAN M. William STEELE

Beginning with Fukuzawa Yukichi in late nineteenth century Japan, there has been a sustained, although often muted, call for responsible individualism. Pre-1868 Japan was dominated by ideologies of sacrifice. In the pursuit of the greater good, private initiative was discouraged. The individual was expected to comply with the wishes of the family, the village, and the state—with no questions asked. Fukuzawa rejected this Confucian legacy and, through education, sought to create a citizenry that “would be a stimulus to the government, and not its plaything” (Fukuzawa 1969, 26). Later, in the immediate postwar period, thinkers such as Maruyama Masao and Otsuka Hisao renewed attempts to re-structure Japanese society (Maruyama 1986). Their watchword was “subjectivity” (shutaisei), a quality they felt essential in the functioning of a democratic society (Koschmann 1996). At the outset of the twenty-first century, the extent to which Japan has been able to transcend groupism and values attached to subservience and dependence is open to question. Since post-Reformation Christianity has played a strong role in the development of political democracy and responsible individualism in Europe and the Americas, one might expect Christianity, once introduced into Japan, to be similarly involved in modern Japanese political development. Indeed there were thinkers such as Kozaki Hiromichi who sought to replace Confucianism with Christianity as the foundation of Japanese culture (Kozaki 1892; 1889). The case of Uchimura KanzØ is often held up as an example of Christian resistance to the imperial ideology of the Meiji state. In 1891 he refused to bow low before the Imperial Rescript on Education; later, during the RussoJapanese War, he was one of the few people who dared to speak against the war.1 Other Christians paved the way for the introduction of socialism and communism in Japan (Scheiner 1970; Copeland 1954). However, Japanese Christians who advocated individualism, pacifism, and humanism, and who resisted the family state ideology and imperial mythmaking, were few and far between. As Basil Hall Chamberlain noted in his 1912 essay “Shinto, the

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Invention of a New Religion,” even prominent Christians were able to reconcile their Christianity with emperor worship. According to Ebina DanjØ, for example, “Christians, . . . without doing violence to their creed, may acknowledge that the Japanese nation has a divine origin.” Chamberlain concluded that if “so-called Christians can think thus, the non-Christian majority must indeed be devoted Emperor-worshippers and Japan-worshippers” (Chamberlian 1971, 538). Perhaps because of the many years in the Edo Period in which Christianity was regard as a “evil religion” (jakyØ) and danger to the state, Japanese Christians in the Meiji Period and well into the twentieth century have been reluctant to criticize authority or diminish the political and social importance of “loyalty and filial piety.” As Alan Suggate (1996, 72) has noted, in prewar Japan the indigenization of Christianity released Japanese Christianity from subservience to the West, but by the same token, it meant assimilation of Christianity to Japanese ideology. The theological biases of Japanese Christianity also kept it out of the political sphere. Individual redemption and piety were key elements in a private faith that saw no need to challenge public authority; and insofar as Christianity did have a public role, it was confined to educational and moral spheres. During the war years (1931–1945), the Japanese government, under the control of the military, systematically suppressed what it regarded as “dangerous thought” (kiken shisØ) and promoted national unity in support of the war and Japan’s national mission in Asia (Kaneda 1996; Ion 1990; 1993). In Kyoto, at DØshisha University, President Yuasa HachirØ was forced to step down for his insistence on removing a miniature Shinto shrine (kamidana) from the building of the school’s archery club. Yuasa was one of the few Japanese who, as a pacifist and a Christian, went into exile. He spent the war years in the United States, but returned to Japan in 1946 with plans to set up a new university that would teach internationalism, Christianity, and anti-militarism. Another prime example of Christian resistance to war was Yanaihara Tadao. He was disciple of Uchimura KanzØ, a scholar of Japanese colonial policy, a professor at the University of Tokyo, and a critic of Japan’s self-serving imperialist or colonial policy. As a Christian pacifist, he condemned Japanese expansion on the Asian mainland. In 1937 he was forced to resign his teaching position, but he emerged as an evangelist, and published a pamphlet throughout the war years criticizing the military.2 Christians such as Yuasa, the founder of International Christian University, and Yanaihara Tadao, who became President of the University of Tokyo in the 1950s, were exceptions. By and large, the Christian establishment gave in to

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the pressure of the militarists. In 1936 Japanese Catholics were allowed by the church to worship at State Shinto shrines, as religious leaders accepted the government’s explanation that such ritual behavior was a civil duty and should not be regarded as a religious act. In 1937 a group of Protestants offered a Christian norito (prayer) at the Grand Shrine of Ise, asking the Shinto kami to “bring it to pass that the subjects of the empire may quicken and elevate the Japanese spirit as in the Age of the Gods. . . . that they may make the sacred power of the Emperor to shine ever higher.” The 1939 Religious Organizations Law allowed Christians and other religious minorities to confess their faith, but only insofar as they remained loyal to the emperor. In 1941 the Protestant sects and denominations were forced by the government to merge and form the United Church of Christ in Japan (Nihon Kirisuto KyØdan). The themes and content of weekly sermons were subsequently determined by government directives.3 Roman Catholics were similarly organized and controlled. Some groups, such as the Holiness churches, attempted to resist cooperation with the military, but were ruthlessly suppressed.4 The postwar Church has not found it easy to transcend this legacy of submission to the Japanese state. In From the Rising of the Sun: Christians and Society in Contemporary Japan (1981), James Phillips has surveyed the range of Christian involvement in Japanese society between 1945 and 1980. He notes the continuing influence of conservative interpretations of Karl Barth’s theology by Japanese leaders, who stress that the mission of the church is not to change the world, but to be obedient to the Word of God as expressed through the Bible. This has meant that even in the absence of coercion and discrimination, Christians in postwar Japan have been slow to find their social and political voice. What then has been the experience of Christians in politics during the long postwar era? Have Christians been able to speak out against social injustice and political demagoguery? Has the Christian ideal of responsible individualism left its mark, or is the “swamp” of Japanese political society as strong as ever? In seeking answers to these questions, this essay will briefly examine five “events” taking place at roughly ten year intervals since 1950. First, in response to the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, emerged the beginning of Christian peace activism. The second is the Christian response to the Renewal of the US-Japan Security Treaty in 1960. A third series of events, clustering around 1970, surround the debate over Christian participation in Expo 70. This controversy polarized the Japanese Christian community between a mainstream, which sought to make compromises with the Japanese

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political and economic elite, and a vocal minority, which demanded a more active and critical role in Japanese political life. The fourth series of events took place at the end of the 1970s and early 1980s and revolved around fears of a revival of militarism and attempts by conservative politicians to enhance the status of the emperor. Christian responses to the death of Emperor Hirohito make up the fifth cluster of events, centering on the DaijØsai rites of 1990. Finally I will note reactions to Prime Minister Mori’s “slips of the tongue” regarding the “divinity” of Japan and the special character of Japan (i.e., kokutai), derived from connections with the imperial family. Pacifism (1950) Scholars have recently shown areas of continuity between prewar and postwar Japan and have questioned the nature of Japanese democracy (see Dower 1999, for example). Nonetheless, occupation reformers, allied with anti-military groups within Japan, sought to create a nation dedicated to peace and justice both within Japan and throughout the world. These were the ideals underlying the composition of Japan’s new constitution, which went into effect in 1947. The emperor was to be denied a political role; “land, sea and air forces and other means of war” were outlawed; and strict divisions were to be placed between religion and the state. The new constitution received widespread support, especially among the more liberal elements in society, including Christians. The results of the May 1947 election, the first held under the new constitution, allowed a leading Christian socialist, Katayama Tetsu, to become Prime Minister (Phillips 1981, 21). While only briefly in office, Katayama made it clear that rearmament was out of the question. He emerged as a major spokesman for pacifism in postwar Japan. The early idealism of occupation reforms was replaced by more conservative policies following the onset of the Cold War in 1947. After the fall of Chang Kai-shek, Americans began to look at Japan as a potential ally in the fight against communism in Asia. The outbreak of the Korean War in 1950 strengthened the “reverse course” in American thinking about Japan. General MacArthur not only sought to restore Japanese economic strength, but its military power as well. On New Year’s Day of 1951, he simultaneously called for Japan’s rearmament and for an end to the occupation. Later, on September 8 in San Francisco, a peace treaty was concluded with Japan, followed five hours later by the signing of the US-Japan Security Treaty. In 1950, moreover, a seventy-five thousand-man “National Policy Reserve” was established


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despite protests that its existence violated the Constitution. This group was reorganized in 1952 as the “National Security Force” and two years later into the Self-Defense Force. Japan’s postwar peace movement emerged in the wake of these developments.5 Japanese Christians, in particular, interpreted these as a betrayal of the “peace” constitution and of the aspirations of the Japanese people who had suffered under military rule. In February 1951 Protestant leaders gathered in Tokyo to protest movements toward rearmament. In April they formed the Christian Peace Association (KirisutokyØsha no heiwa no kai) and began immediately to voice their opposition to any hint of Japan’s remilitarization. ShØji Tsutomu has noted that the association differed from other citizen peace groups in its frank confession of personal wartime guilt, especially toward other peoples in Asia (ShØji, 1991). He quotes the its inaugural statement: “During World War II we Christians not only sinned against the gospel of peace but also failed to commit ourselves wholly to working for peace, and we deeply repent these sins” (1991, 78). The Christian Peace Association thus promised a peace movement, and an engagement with politics, which would stand in stark contrast to the compromising policies of the prewar Christian establishment. Ampo (1960) A second series of “events” is clustered around 1960 at the time of the renewal of the US-Japan Security Treaty, commonly known as Ampo (Packard 1966). The Japanese government, led by the Liberal Democratic Party, was not only determined to renew the treaty, but also enhance Japanese military capabilities as a “full partner” of the United States. Many people saw otherwise. In Tokyo between April 1959 and July 1960 there were a total of some 223 demonstrations against the revision of the treaty, involving more than a million people. The demonstrations reached a peak on 19 May 1960 when the Kishi Cabinet rammed approval of the new treaty through the Diet, resorting to tactics that were anything but democratic. Maruyama Masao and other intellectuals called upon the people to voice their opposition to the government: “At this moment in history let us transcend our differences and join hands so that the security of our nation may be ensured, not against any foreign country but first of all against the authorities” (Packard 1966, 273). Christians, too, came to the fore.6 For example, the Evangelism Study Center of the United Church of Christ in Japan, the YMCA, and other Christian

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groups issued statements in opposition to the proposed treaty.7 On 19 January 1960, some months earlier, students and faculty of International Christian University approved a statement which they made available to the press: Alerted by the determination of the Kishi government to push through the renewal Security Pact revision (from a temporary to a semipermanent basis), we have decided that we cannot view this with indifference. The signing of this new pact which amounts to a Japan-American alliance promoting strong militarization and increased enmity toward China will greatly enlarge the crises in Asia, and indeed in all the world. . . . The vastly increasing national budget for rearmament will impoverish the living conditions of all our citizens. We, therefore, determined to realize the principles of our well-known peace Constitution, announce our total repudiation of this measure, so fraught with the peril of being sucked into another war, and we shall do our utmost to give effect to this resolution.8

James M. Phillips (1981, 28) lists four anti-treaty groups among Japanese Christians: 1) politically minded groups such as the Christian Peace Association; 2) pacifist groups such as the Society of Friends and other historical peace churches; 3) social action groups, backed by “progressive intellectuals” who wanted Christians to join with non-Christian groups opposing the treaty; and 4) church groups which feared a revival of the sort of militarism which had earlier oppressed Christianity. He noted, however, that only a small minority of Christians voiced strong opposition to the revised Security Treaty. The 1960 Ampo crisis, in fact, marked a downturn in active Christian involvement in political issues, revealing a strong conservative streak in Japanese Christianity. Phillips explained that many conservative Protestant groups refrained from criticizing the treaty as they saw it as a barrier to the spread of Communism. The so-called “German captivity” of Japanese theology was also at work: individual piety was regarded as more important than political involvement. Finally, the violence associated with the anti-treaty demonstrations (one student was crushed to death during a mass demonstration on 16 June 1960) forced Christian peace activists to have second thoughts about joining hands with more militant Marxist student groups. As a result, Christian political activism retreated during the 1960s. Expo 70 (1970) Commitment to political activism by the mainstream Japanese Christian church was dealt a further blow in the late 1960s. The incident involved an unlikely dispute over Christian participation in Expo 70 (1970).9 On Easter


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Sunday, 26 March 1967, Suzuki Masahisa, the Moderator of the United Church of Christ in Japan issued a confession regarding its failures during the Pacific War and support of military aggression. Suzuki asked for forgiveness and expressed concern over the Japanese government’s support of the war in Viet Nam, which was regarded as another war of aggression in Asia. He concluded by urging the Church to play the role of political and social watchdog. Debate over the confession exacerbated a split within the United Church of Christ in Japan between conservatives (who saw no need for such a confession) and liberals (who saw the confession as the starting point for a more activist agenda). The 1968 General Assembly of the United Church produced much heated debate over a motion to support the erection of a Christian Pavilion as part of the upcoming Expo 70. In an initial vote the liberals won ground. The Expo, they argued, was a symbol of Japanese economic aggression in Asia. Money could be spent more usefully in building a home for elderly A-bomb victims. The United Church mainstream countered that promises had already been made; they urged reconsideration and in the end proved successful in securing United Church of Christ in Japan participation in the Expo project (MacLeod 1969). Like the forced passage of the 1960 Security Treaty, the victory of the conservatives proved hollow. Young “problem posers” compared Christian participation in Expo 70 with earlier cooperation with the war effort. The social-activist faction resorted to unruly tactics and violence as it deemed necessary. During one extraordinary meeting in 1969, Kitamori Kazoh, a leading theologian and strong supporter of the Christian Pavilion, was slapped twice. The controversy quickly spread into the halls of the Tokyo Union Theological Seminary. Students challenged the faculty to adopt a more activist position and backed their arguments with strikes and an occupation of seminary buildings. In the end riot police were called in to restore order. Some seventy students left the seminary at that point, leaving the school under a faculty concerned primarily with preaching the gospel and church formation. Since then, efforts to restore dialogue between the two factions, both within the seminary and more broadly within the United Church of Christ in Japan, have proven difficult. Although some Christians have continued to demand active engagement in socio-political concerns, they remain a decided minority. Yasukuni (1980) The late 1970s saw a series of attempts to enhance the image of the emperor and literally re-write the history of Japan’s military past. In 1977 the Ministry

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of Education issued new guidelines regarding the Kimigayo anthem and the Hinomaru flag, urging principals in elementary and middle schools to use these patriotic devices in school ceremonies. In 1979 laws were passed mandating the use of imperial era names (nengo) in all official documents. The authorization of pro-imperial history textbooks, the downplaying of Japan’s wartime “aggression” (use of the word was taboo), the deification of war criminals in Yasukuni Shrine, and visits to this nationalistic site by prime ministers, cabinet members, and the emperor were all important developments during this period. The Yasukuni Shrine problem, as it was known to Christian activists, is especially interesting.10 In 1969, conservative Liberal Democratic politicians introduced a bill which sought to provide state support for Yasukuni Shrine. Protest was immediate. Opposition parties were joined with Christian and Buddhist groups in staging demonstrations, hunger strikes, protest rallies, and marches. A nation-wide campaign by religious groups managed to gather nearly four million signatures in opposition to the bill.11 Here was clear evidence that religious bodies carried political clout. The United Church of Christ issued a statement which condemned the bill as in violation of Article 20 (which guarantees religious freedom) and Article 89 (which prohibits disbursement of public funds to religious organizations) of the constitution. Claims that the shrine was not a religious institution were criticized as an attempt to return to the prewar “State Shinto.” The bill was said to violate basic democratic freedoms of religious, thought, conscience, assembly, and association. Ultimately the bill was tabled; the LDP tried to pass the bill four more times in the early 1970s, but failed each time. In face of the scale of popular opposition, the ruling party decided to adopt another tact. On 15 August 1975, the thirtieth anniversary of Japan’s defeat in World War II, Miki Takeo became the first Prime Minister to pay his respects to “the spirits of the fallen heroes” at Yasukuni. The “custom” of visits to Yasukuni by the prime minister, cabinet ministers, and other public officials quickly took root. On 15 August 1978, Prime Minister Fukuda Takeo signed the shrine registry as “Prime Minister of the Cabinet.” He was accompanied by the Chief Secretary and Vice-Secretary of the Cabinet. Escalation of the practice reached a peak on 15 August 1985, the fortieth anniversary of the end of the war, when Prime Minister Nakasone Yasuhiro led his entire cabinet on an “official visit to the shrine.”12 Controversy over Yasukuni persists as can be seen with Koizumi JunichirØ’s campaign pledge in the spring of 2001 to visit the shrine in an official capacity if elected Prime Minister. In the end, Koizumi was elected and went ahead with the visit, but domestic and international criticism forced


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him to pay his respects to the war dead on August 13, two days ahead of the official schedule. The events surrounding Prime Minister ÷hira Masayoshi’s visits to the shrine in 1979 are worth noting, especially since ÷hira was one of the few Christians to serve in that office. After an encounter with the charismatic leader of the Servants of Jesus (Iesu no Shimobekai), ÷hira was baptized in 1929 (Sato, et.al. 1990). After the war he entered politics but never highlighted his identity as a Christian. Nonetheless, when he was elected Prime Minister on 1 December 1978, in the midst of the anti-Yasukuni movement, the Japanese Christian community held great expectations. Soon after ÷hira assumed office on December 27, the Special Committee on the Yasukuni Problem of the National Council of Churches (NCC) sent him a letter urging an end to the practice of cabinet visits to Ise Shrine and to Yasukuni Shrine, citing fears by people throughout Asia, as well as within Japan, of a rebirth of emperor-centered militarism.13 ÷hira chose to ignore these pleas. On 4 January 1980, he and his cabinet members made a ceremonial visit to Ise Shrine. At a press conference, ÷hira defended his decision to worship at the imperial shrine, saying that it was in conformity with “common Japanese customs.” Later, in April, again ignoring Christian pleas not to attend the Spring Ceremonies at Yasukuni Shrine, ÷hira stressed that it was his duty, “as a Japanese,” to worship at the shrine. Perhaps as a politician he had no other choice, but ÷hira clearly choose to stress his identity as “a Japanese” (Nihonjin no hitori) over any claims his religion might hold. The April 21 visit was the subject of much controversy. Earlier, on 17 October 1978, the souls of fourteen war criminals, including TØjØ Hideki, had been enshrined at Yasukuni and given a special designation as “Martyrs of the ShØwa Era.” The induction of these spirits, however, was made public only on 19 April 1979, two days before the Prime Minister’s scheduled visit. Despite the outcry, ÷hira went ahead, again much to the anger of Christians and others opposed to the high political profile given the shrine. For example, one member of the Association of Korean-Japanese Bereaved Families reacted to the Prime Minister’s decision to worship at Yasukuni with anger. My brother is venerated here at Yasukuni. But if Prime Minister ÷hira wants to bow his head here, he should first come to us, the living descendents, and offer his apologies. To visit knowing full well that war criminals are venerated here is not to recognize the many grave sins of the past as sins. If Japan goes forward with no reflections on its past whatsoever, may well mean heading down the path of militarism again. Even though ÷hira says his visit is private, the fact that he used an official car and signed the registry giving his title as Prime

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Minister has given his visit a strong public coloring. We can no longer permit one thing after another to be accepted as fait accompli; we can no longer permit this defiance of the voice of the people (KirisutokyØ nenkan 1979, 60).

DaijØsai (1990) Emperor Hirohito died on 7 January 1989. His 64 year reign, beginning in 1926, straddled World War II.14 In the prewar years—appearing in military uniform and mounted on a white horse—the emperor was declared divine and his blessings were bestowed on Japan’s efforts to carve out an Asian empire. In the postwar years, Hirohito was “humanized” and transformed into a symbol of a new peace-loving country. Indeed at the time of his death, nearly forty-five years after the end of the war, many people understood little of his prewar identity. Hirohito was known for ending the war, not for starting it. His death, however, revived memories and re-opened old wounds. As the old emperor lie dying, some demanded “self restraint” (jishuku), but others called for debate on the emperor’s war responsibility.15 The Yasukuni problem and the nature of Japan’s emperor system acquired a new immediacy. In 1989 and the early 1990s a number of studies were published relating to the emperor system and Christian responsibility.16 Christians were particularly concerned over government involvement in religious rites and rituals relating to Hirohito’s funeral and the enthronement of the new emperor Akihito. In question once again was the interpretation of the constitution’s ban of government support for any particular religion (Article 20) and of the ban on public funds being spent for “the use, benefit, or maintenance of any religious institution” (Article 89). Members of the Liberal Democratic Party, supported by the Japan Association of War Bereaved Families, argued that the Imperial funeral and enthronement ceremonies, despite their strong Shinto connections, should be led by and paid for by the state. Christians, socialists, and liberal thinkers disagreed. They feared a revival of the sort of state-supported Shinto that had dominated prewar Japan.17 David M. O’Brien and Yasuo Ohkoshi used this controversy as one example of a contest between religious freedom and constitutional politics in postwar Japan (O’Brien and Ohkoshi 1996, 203–209). They noted that an estimated eighty million dollars was paid by the Japanese government for Hirohito’s funeral services in 1989 and one year later an additional ninetyseven million dollars was used to finance the enthronement ceremonies. Both ceremonies included a series of Shinto rituals, including the DaijØsai in


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which the new emperor “communed” with his spiritual ancestor, the Sun Goddess Amaterasu. The Liberal Democratic Party justifyed the spending of public monies on these “religious” performances, saying that it was part of a long imperial tradition; it was a “public function” and not a private rite. O’Brien and Ohkoshi note several attempts to criticize this position and highlight the partial victory of a lawsuit which challenged the constitutionality of government funding of the DaijØsai. In March 1995 the Osaka High Court declared: “There is reason to suspect that the enthronement rituals violated the separation of religion and the state.”18 Several Christian universities (including Meiji Gakuin University and the International Christian University) decided not to call off classes during the funeral. Mori Makoto, the President of Meiji Gakuin University, publicly protested the way the media had paid homage to the emperor during the last year of his life. Mori received some support from the public at large, but also many reactionary letters and threatening telephone calls (O’Brian and Ohkoshi 1996, 204; Mori 1989, 30). Christians and other liberal groups in Japanese society objected to the government’s use of taxpayer money for the DaijØsai. According to O’Brien, Japan’s largest Christian organization, the National Christian Council, collected more than 180,000 signatures of Christians who were opposed to the public support of DaijØsai. On 12 April 1990 presidents of four major Christian universities (International Christian University, Meiji Gakuin University, Japan Women’s Christian University, and Ferris Women’s University) issued a pubic statement of protest and called on the government to rethink its sponsorship of the imperial rites of enthronement. The statement began with a reflection on the prewar emperor system, which suppressed freedom of thought and expression on university campuses and resulted in the exploitation of neighboring countries in Asia. The presidents warned that the planned imperial rites could lead to a reversion to prewar practices. In particular they were concerned about government support of the DaijØsai. They declared that this was a clear violation of the constitutional principle of the separation of religion and state. “Not only will such practices ruin Japan’s democratic system, but it will also implant serious doubts about Japan in the minds of neighboring countries that experienced exploitation in the name of the ‘divine’ emperor.”19 In a separate interview, Toru Yuge, rector of Ferris Women’s University, concluded that government sponsorship for the DaijØsai rites gave the impression that it wanted people to believe that “the emperor was reborn with divine qualities” (O’Brien and Ohkoshi 1996, 207; Nickerson 1990). Christians

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who led protests against the government were threatened, and the outspoken rector of Ferris Women’s Christian University, Toru Yuge, was shot at in his study at home by a right-winger claiming that it was “heaven’s punishment” (O’Brien and Ohkoshi 1996, 208; Oshima 1990, 223). Nonetheless, Christians in 1990 took a clear stand against what they perceived to be a resurgence of the emperor system. On 25 April 1990, Tsuji Nobumichi, the Moderator of the United Church of Christ in Japan, issued a statement which noted: The “Kyodan’s statement opposing the new trend toward reinstatement of imperial sovereignty at the time of imperial succession” was issued by the twenty-fifth General Assembly in 1988. It stems from our painful experience during World War II when, under the powerful emperor-centered state, we blindly and silently obeyed an incorrect national policy. We hope that such a dark period will never recur. Then it was taboo to refer to the emperor system. The attack on the mayor of Nagasaki late last year and now this incident (shots fired into the house of Dr. Yuge) show that, again, any reference to the emperor system will be violently suppressed. We call it “the chrysanthemum taboo” under which silence is enforced. We are determined, however, that the mistakes of the past not be repeated. We openly declare with others that making DaijØsai a state affair is wrong. The government should not be involved in it.20

The advocacy by Christians and other liberal groups for religious freedom did not win widespread acceptance in late twentieth-century Japan. Hunger strikes were held, symposia sponsored, and signatures collected, but most people were indifferent to both sides of the various constitutional controversies over which Christian and other liberal groups clashed with the right-wing ultranationalists—and sometimes with the ruling Liberal Democrats.21 In December 1995, when the government sought to revise the Religious Corporations Law and thereby curtail religious freedom (less than a year after the Aum ShinrikyØ subway gas attack), opposition was soft spoken and easily overlooked.22 Kami no Kuni (2000) The late 1990s have once again see a resurgence of a nostalgic form of nationalism. In 1999 the conservative Liberal Democratic Party won passage of a law to legalize the Hinomaru and the Kimigayo as Japan’s national flag and anthem. There has also been a clampdown on foreigners, an attempt to provide moral indoctrination for youth, and talk of revising the Constitution to scrap the “no war” clause. Some also seek to give added dignity, if not power, to the Japanese emperor. According to a New York Times article, at the heart


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of the conservatives’ project is “a dream of reversion to a mythical state that is strong and unsullied by undue foreign influences.”23 In the spring of 2000 there was a failed attempt to transform April 29—currently celebrated as Green Day—into a day of remembrance of the ShØwa era. The date was the birthday of the late Emperor Hirohito. What foiled this conservative re-invention of the past was a series of mis-statements made in May and June 2000 by the new Prime Minister Mori Yoshiro. On May 15, speaking before a gathering of conservative lawmakers belonging to the Shinto Seiji Renmei, a political group of the Association of Shinto Shrines, the prime minister declared that “We have made efforts to make the people realize that Japan is a divine country (kami no kuni) centered around the emperor.” The remark drew immediate criticism from both inside and outside Japan. At issue again were constitutional guarantees of the freedom of religion, the separation of religion from the state, and the absolute sovereignty of the people. Mori apologized for his remarks, but refused to retract them. He said he was not referring to a specific religion when he spoke of a “divine country.” He said he was referring to the traditional Japanese belief that gods exist in nature. His critics charged that he was seeking an enhanced position for Shinto akin to its prewar status. As the New York Times noted, “The problem with the denials is that the pronouncement was a perfect summation of State Shinto, the racist official religion that that drove Japan’s expansionism in Asia and its war with the United States.”24 Christian groups were highly visible and vocal in protesting the remark and questioning Mori’s fitness for office. The mainstream Japanese press took note of the role of Christian protest. ÷tsu Kenichi, a senior officer of the National Christian Council in Japan, representing the major Christian denominations, was quoted as saying that the divine country remark “could knock the bottom out” of the Japanese constitution. The Christian press in Japan also highlighted the issue and linked it with the “legalization” of the national flag and national anthem and the proposal, then under debate, to re-name the national holiday celebrated as Green Day (April 29) as ShØwa Day. April 29 was the birthday of Emperor Hirohito. The KirisutokyØ Shinbun declared Mori’s desire to have people believe in “a divine country centered on the emperor” as unconstitutional and reported news of several protest assemblies sponsored by Christian groups. It quoted Ejiri Minako, chair of the YMCA, as saying: Religion is something important which touches on individually-held spiritual beliefs, but the prime minister’s statement shows that he does not have a deep

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respect for an existence that transcends our human lives. I can only hear stubborn echoes of the prewar idea of Japan as a divine country. Allied with people throughout the world, we, who seek to realize a peace based on justice, must resolutely protest against this statement.25

In the 1990s the National Christian Council increased its activities in support of pacifism and democracy. It organized yearly protest movements against official visits to Yasukuni Shrine; it opposed legislation to make the Hinomaru and Kimigayo Japan’s official national flag and anthem. And after these bills were passed, it organized a support network of educators who continued to resist what they perceived to be nationalistic symbols. On 29 April 1998 the NCC issued a declaration opposing the new “guidelines” governing U.S.–Japan Defense Cooperation, calling it a “war manual” that involved Japan in U.S. military strategy in the Asian Pacific area. “In our past, when Japan forcefully invaded Asia, the Christian churches willingly cooperated. As persons who believe in Jesus who preached a Gospel of Peace, we repent our part in this history and are determined Japan will not once again commit this evil on our Asian brothers and sisters.”26 In the spring of 2000 NCC denounced the plan to make 29 April into ShØwa Day, fearing that this was a move by the government to glorify the emperor. In a statement issued on 20 March 2000, it warned that the new holiday represented a trend toward nationalism and a continuing desire to shun war responsibility. It would restrict freedoms of thought and belief; moreover, by celebrating the ShØwa era, Japan would in fact celebrate the years of its aggression in Asia and exploitation of Asian peoples. Its opposition to Prime Minister Mori’s “divine country” remark followed along similar lines. On 18 May, NCC Moderator Suzuki Reiko issued a statement urging the prime minister to respect the three great principles of the Japanese constitution: popular sovereignty, pacifism, and respect for basic human rights. His remarks, she proclaimed, were in fact counter to the constitution and were intended to promote nationalism, totalitarianism, and a revival of ideologies of Japanese racial superiority.27 On June 4, Prime Minister Mori made another “blunder” when he referred to the special nature of Japan’s kokutai, a prewar term often translated as “national polity.” Mori was giving a speech in Nara criticizing the Japanese Communist Party for its failure to recognize the imperial system. “The Japanese Communist Party says it will not change its principles. It does not recognize the Imperial system. . . . The party called for dissolving the SelfDefense Forces and does not approve of the Japan-U.S. security arrangement.


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How can we possibly secure Japan’s kokutai and ensure public safety with such a party?”28 Again Christian forces were at the forefront of political opposition to the prime minister’s repeated “slips of the tongue.” Indeed, thanks to the vigor of Christian and other religious opposition movements, the “Chrysanthemum curtain” is no longer an obstacle to free political expression. As Moriyama Tsutomu, Chair of the NCC Yasukuni Shrine Problem Committee, noted: The “Showa era” was an age of aggression and exploitation of the various countries in Asia. We Christians also bear the history of having participated in this aggression and exploitation. When we look squarely at this history, our conscience cannot allow us to look forward to the future while issues of war responsibility, beginning with the war responsibility of the Showa emperor, remain unresolved, let alone issues of postwar responsibility (NCC Networking News, No. 34, 2000).

Conclusion Earlier in this essay the question was posed about the role Christianity has played in challenging groupism and values attached to subservience and dependence. The record is unclear, but if recent events are any indication, many Christians are speaking with a louder and more positive voice. A brief look at the National Christian Council website (www.jca.apc.org/ncc-j), for example, reveals activities across the political, economic, and social spectrum. In 2000, it had issued demands that Tokyo Governor Ishihara ShintarØ retract his racial slurs directed at “foreigners” in Japan (the so-called sankokujin incident); argued against the establishment of a day to celebrate the ShØwa era; protested Prime Minister Mori’s “divine country” statements; sponsored the Peace Campaign 2000 with the aim of encouraging nuclear disarmament; protested the repeated incidents of sexual violence against Japanese women by American servicemen and issued demands for the removal of American military bases from Japanese soil, especially on Okinawa; issued a prayer for the peaceful unification of the north and south Koreas; and reported vigorously on the Women’s International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan’s Sexual Slavery, which found former Emperor Hirohito “criminally responsible for crimes against humanity.”30 In 2001 the NCC and other Christian organizations, notably the newly-founded Christian Network for Peace, set their sights on the reform-minded and highly popular Prime Minister Koizumi JunichirØ for his insistence on visiting Yasukuni Shirne and his government’s acceptance of the textbook screening process which

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approved the controversial text prepared by the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform (Atarashii Rekishi KyØkasho o Tsukuru Kai).31 As can be seen, Christians in Japan not only protest abuses to the freedom of religion; nor are they simply worried about the calls to enhance the political role of the emperor or re-arm Japan. These continue to be prime concerns, but global issues—issues in Asia and other parts of the world—have increasingly come to the fore. In addition to the Yasukuni Shrine Problem Committee founded in 1967, the NCC now has special committees which deal with foreign relations, youth issues, women’s issues and sexual violence, peace and anti-nuclear movements, the burakumin and other disadvantaged minorities in Japan, including the physically handicapped, and a committee to fight for human rights of non-Japanese residents of Japan. The Christian Peace Network, founded in 1999, seeks broad and ecumenical cooperation of all Christian organizations in Japan to struggle on behalf of peace issues.32 Moreover, Christians are now more likely to join with other religious and non-government organizations in seeking redress. The role of the Christian Peace Center on Okinawa in coordinating an anti-base movement is a good example (Francis 1998, 5–19). Finally, there is a new sense of confidence that Christian words and deeds are no longer alien to Japanese society. Japan, like it or not, is subject to the forces of globalization. Christians have found new allies in their struggle against ethnocentrism and continuing attempts by conservative politicians to narrow the role of responsible individual choice. The internet is one of them. NCC’s home page is part of the JCA-net established in 1998 to “empower citizen’s activities through the internet for peace, social and environmental justice and human dignity” (www.jca.apc.org). A culture of openness, championed by advocates of free choice, is one of the hallmarks of the post-Cold War global system. There will always and rightfully be people in Japan who seek to preserve the uniqueness of Japanese culture, tradition, and community. But these people are increasingly on the defensive. The attempt by Prime Minister Mori to make people aware of Japan as a “divine country” and of its special debt to the imperial system, was not only contested but ridiculed. The legacy of Christian involvement in politics in Japan is mixed. While there are more and more Christians who are politically outspoken, some prefer to remain silent. Increasingly, many accept the “foreignness” of their Christianity, but still some seek to deny it. And, of course, there are those in the middle and those who select their issues: some Christians, for example, will send money overseas to help flood victims, but turn a blind eye to the plight of minorities within Japan. In this regard, Christians in Japan are no


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different from Christians in other cultures. Indeed the experience of Christians in Japan may well reflect the sorts of tensions that exist between religion and politics everywhere. H. R. Niehbuhr has noted a number of different ways in which a believing community may relate to the established political order: they can seek to remain “above” it; they can be “in tension” with it; or they can seek to “transform” it. Of course, the reality of Christian involvement in political life is considerably more complicated than this typology suggests. The relationship of religion and politics in Japan over the past fifty years is manylayered and multifaceted. The issues of Christian war responsibility further complicates the issue. Indeed, the increasing willingness of Christians to examine this messy past and accept responsibility for it has been one factor which now, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, encourages a more positive relationship between religious faith and active involvement in political life.

NOTES The collected English writings of Uchimura KanzØ consists of seven volumes published as The Complete Works of KanzØ Uchimura (Tokyo: KyØbunkwan, 1971–1973). vols. For further information on Uchimura, see Miura Hiroshi, The Life and Thought of Kanzo Uchimura, 1861–1930, (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1996). See also Ray A. Moore, ed., Culture and Religion in Japanese-American Relations: Essays on Uchimura KanzØ, 1861–1930 (Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 1981). On questions of ideology and civil morality during the Meiji period, see Carol Gluck, Japan’s Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986). 2 In Japanese, see Yanaihara’s autobiography: Yanaihara Tadao, Watakushi no ayunde kita michi (Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1958). In English, see Wakao Fujita, “Yanaihara Tadao: Disciple of Uchimura KanzØ and Nitobe InazØ,” in Nobuya Bamba and John F. Howes, eds., Pacifism in Japan: The Christian and Socialist Tradition (Kyoto: Minerva Press, 1978). Yanaihara’s essay in English is also important reading: Yanaihara Tadao, Religion and Democracy in Modern Japan (Tokyo: Japan Institute of Pacific Studies, 1948). On another Christian activist, see George B. Bikle, The New Jerusalem: Aspects of Utopianism in the Thought of Kagawa Toyohiko (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1976). 3 For information in Japanese, see Kaneda Ryïchi, ShØwa Nihon Kirisuto kyØkaishi—TennØsei to j¨gonen sensØ no motode (Tokyo: ShinkyØsha Publishers, 1996). For some details on compromises made by Christians during the war years, see Daniel Holtom, Modern Japan and Shinto Nationalism (New York: Paragon, 1963; reprint of 1947 edition). See also chapter 2, “Religion and State in Japan, 1965–1990,” in David Reid’s New Wine: The Cultural Shaping of Japanese Christianity (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1991). 1

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On the Holiness church and suppression of other Christian sects, see Lee Kun Sam, The Christian Confrontation with Shinto Nationalism (Amsterdam: Soest, 1962). It should be noted that the United Church of Christ in Japan swore their absolute allegiance to the emperor and interpreted Japan’s military expansion as historical progress and God’s will. See also Mark R. Mullins, “Ideology and Utopianism in Wartime Japan: An Essay on the Subversiveness of Christian Eschatology,” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 1/2–3 (1994), 261–280. 5 Sources on the immediate postwar peace movement include: Alan Suggate, Japanese Christians and Society (Bern, Switzerland: Peter Lang, 1966); see especially chapter 8 “The Struggle for Peace with Justice,” 215–248; David L. Swain, “Japan Peace/War Puzzle,” Japan Christian Quarterly 57/4 (1991), 195–208; Matsuki Suguru and David L. Swain, eds., Called to be Peacemakers (Tokyo: Japan Ecumenical Books, 1989); Shishido Yutaka, “The Peace Movement of Postwar Japanese Christians,” Japan Christian Quarterly 51/4 (1985); Shoji Tsutomi, “Christians and Peacemaking,” in Kumazawa Yoshinobu and David L. Swain, Christianity in Japan 1971–90 (Tokyo: Kyobunkwan, 75–88; Shoji Tsutomu, “From Power Idolatry to Full Humanity—The Pilgrimage of Japanese Christians,” Oppressor and Victim: Japan and the Militarization of Asia—A Christian Response (Singapore: CCA Youth, 1983). 6 On the Christian response to the Security Treaty crisis, see chapter 2 of Phillips (1981), “Christians and Politics in Japan: Dealing with the Nation’s Experiment with ‘Peace and Democracy’,” 17–49. See also Phillips, “The 1960 Security Treaty Crisis and the Christians of Japan,” Studies on Japanese Culture II (Tokyo:The Japan P.E.N. Club, 1971). 7 Japan Christian Activity News 1960, nos. 160, 166, and168. 8 Japan Times, 20 January 1960. 9 On this dispute, see David Reid (1991), especially chapter 4, “Secularization Theory and Japanese Christianity.” See also Nakajima John Masaaki, (1991), “The Church in Dispute over Expo 70: Controversy in the United Church of Christ in Japan,” in Kumazawa and Swain, eds., Christianity in Japan, 1971–1990, 100–113, and the Special Issue of the Japan Christian Quarterly, “A Decade of Dispute in the United Church of Christ,” 45/3, 1979. Shishido Yutaka, “The Peace Movement of Postwar Japanese Christians,” Japan Christian Quarterly 51/4, 1985. Also see special reports on the incident in the Japan Christian Activity News, nos. 354 (October 31, 1969) and 356 (November 28, 1969). 10 On the relationship of Shinto and the State, see Helen Hardacre (1989) and Tomura Masahiro (1976). 11 Tsukada Osamu (1991), “Yasukuni Shrine and the Emperor System,” in Kumazawa and Swain, eds., Christianity in Japan, 1971–90, 63–74. Other sources on the Yasukuni Shrine “problem” include: Toge Fujihara, “Japanese Christians Oppose the Shrine,” New World Outlook 34/4 (December 1973), pp. 29-31; William P. Woodard, “Yasukuni Shrine,” Japan Times, April 16, 1974; Masahira Tomura, et. al., Yasukuni mondai (Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1974); Alan Suggate (1996, 4


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102–117). In Helen Hardacre (1989), see especially chapter ten, “The Attempt to Reestablish State Support for the Yasukuni Shrine,” 145–148. In Japanese, see Part II “Yasukuni jinja o meguru kenpØ mondai,” in Sasagawa Norikatsu, TennØ no sØgi (ShinkyØsha Shuppansha, 1988), 169–207. Also see series of reports on the “Yasukuni Problem” in Japan Christian Activity News, various issues from the 1970s to the present; for example, see the special issue “Yasukuni Shrine: The Protest and What’s Behind it,” no. 452, May 3 (1974), 1–3. 12 On Nakasone, see the political biography by Kenji Hayao, The Japanese Prime Minister and Public Policy (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Press, 1993), and a behind-the-scenes account of Japanese politics in the 1980s, Jacob M. Schlesinger, Shadow Shoguns: The Rise and Fall of Japan’s Postwar Political Machine (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997). See also Fukatsu Masumi, “A State Visit to Yasukuni Shrine,” Japan Quarterly 33/1 (1986), 19–24. 13

KirisutokyØ Nenkan (1979, 60).

Biographical information on Hirohito may be found in: Herbert Bix, Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan (New York: Harper Collins, 2000). See also Steven Large, Emperor Hirohito and Showa Japan: A Political Biography (London: Routledge, 1992); Irokawa Daikichi, The Age of Hirohito (New York: Free Press, 1995); Ewin P. Hoyt, Hirohito: The Emperor and the Man (New York: Praeger, 1992). For more critical accounts, see Edward Behr, Hirohito: Behind the Myth (New York: Villard Books, 1992). Insight into Hirohiro’s involvment with the Japanese war machine can be found in Peter Wetzler, Hirohito and War: Imperial Tradition and Military Decision Making in Prewar Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998). For a general history of the ShØwa period, see Nakamura Takafusa, A History of ShØwa Japan, 1926–1989 (Tokyo: Tokyo University Press, 1998). 15 Norma Field, In the Realm of a Dying Emperor: A Portrait of Japan at Century’s End (1991), explores the role of dissent in Japanese society. She presents short biographies of three “resisters”: a supermarket owner in Okinawa (Chibana ShØichi) who burned the Hinomaru at an athletic meet, a Christian woman (Nakaya Yasuko) who attempted (and failed) to prevent the Self-Defense Forces from enshrining the spirit of her dead husband, and the Mayor of Nagasaki (Motoshima Hitoshi) who openly questioned the war responsibility of the emperor, even as he lay dying. 16 Tomura Masahiro, “The Emperor System and Christian Responsibility,” Japan Christian Quarterly 55/1 (1989). Peter Nosco, guest editor of the special issue on “The Emperor System and Religion in Japan,” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 17/2–3 (1990). In Japanese, see Sasagawa Norikatsu, TennØ no sØgi (Tokyo: ShinkyØsha Shuppansha, 1988). 17 See the “1989 Statement” in Japan Christian Activity News, No. 664 (1989), 2–5. 18 O’Brien and Ohkoshi, 208. Other studies of the DaijØsai controversy include Noge Kazuki, “Imperial Rites: the Enemy of Democracy,” in a special issue on the Japanese Emperor system in the Japan Christian Quarterly 56/2 (1990). Nishikawa Shigenori, “The DaijØsai, the Constitution, and Christian Faith,” Japan Christian 14

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Quarterly 56/3 (1990); Koichi Oshima, “Problems of the DaijØsai: Grounds for Christian Opposition,” Japan Christian Quarterly 56/4 (1990), 221–226. 19 NCC Bulletin, no. 245 (1990); for a full translation, see “Christian University Statements,” Japan Christian Activity News, no. 677 (1990). 20 NCC Bulletin, no. 245 (1990). 21 On the “100 Hour Hunger Strike and other activities,” see Japan Christian Activity News, no. 684 (1990), 1–5. 22 Mark R. Mullins, “The Political and Legal Response to Aum-Related Violence in Japan: A Review Article,” Japan Christian Review 63 (1997), 37–46; see also the special issue on “Revising the Religious Corporations Law” in Japanese Religions 22/1 (1997). For general information on the Aum incident, especially as it relates to religious and social issues, see Robert J. Kisala and Mark R. Mullins, eds., Religion and Social Crisis in Japan: Understanding Japanese Society through the Aum Affair (Hampshire: Palgrave, 2001). 23 New York Times 31 May 2000, A-12. 24 New York Times 31 May 2000, A-12; see also the Japan Times, 17 May 2000, 1 and 27 May 2000, 1. 25 KirisutokyØ Shinbun, 3 June 2000, 3. The Kirisuchan Shinbun also gave the remark front-page treatment (4 June 2000. 1). 26 Japan Christian Activity News, no. 720 (1998), 10. 27 Japan Christian Activity News, no. 727 (2000). 28 Japan Times, 5 June 2000, .1 30 On the Tokyo International Tribunal, see Japan Christian Activity News, 2000, No. 728 (2000), 6–11. 31 Japan Christian Activity News, no. 729, (2001), 2–4. 32 Japan Christian Activity News, no. 726 (2000), 17.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bikle, George B. The New Jerusalem: Aspects of Utopianism in the Though of Kagawa Toyohiko. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1976. Behr, Edward. Hirohito: Behind the Myth. New York: Villard Books, 1992. Bix, Herbert. Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan. New York: Harper Collins, 2000. Chamberlain, Basil Hall. “The Invention of a New Religion,” included as an appedix in Basil Hall Chamberlian, Japanese Things. Tokyo: Tuttle Publishers, 1971 (reprint of the 1904 edition). Copeland, E. Luther. The Japanese Government and Protestant Christians, 1889–1900. Tokyo: Foreign Affairs Association of Japan, 1954. Dower, John. Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II. New York: The New Press, 1999.


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Drummond, Richard. A History of Christianity in Japan. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1971. Field, Norma. In the Realm of a Dying Emperor: A Portrait of Japan at Century’s End. New York: Pantheon, 1991. Francis, Carolyn B. “Where is the Church to Stand? Christian Response in Okinawa to the Issue of Military Bases,” Japan Christian Review 64 (1998), 5-19. Fujihara Toge. “Japanese Christians Oppose the Shrine,” New World Outlook 34/4 (1973), 29–31. Fukatsu Masumi. “A State Visit to Yasukuni Shrine,” Japan Quarterly 33/1 (1986), 19–24. Fukuzawa Yukichi. Encouragement of Learning. Tokyo: Sophia University Press, 1966. Fujita Wakao. “Yanaihara Tadao: Disciple of Uchimura KanzØ and Nitobe InazØ,” in Nobuya Bamba and John F. Howes, eds. Pacifism in Japan: The Christian and Socialist Tradition. Kyoto: Minerva Press, 1978. Gluck, Carol. Japan’s Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986. Irokawa Daikichi. The Age of Hirohito. New York: Free Press, 1995. Hardacre, Helen. Shinto and the State, 1868–1988. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989. Hayao Kenji. The Japanese Prime Minister and Public Policy. Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Press, 1993. Holtom, Daniel. Modern Japan and Shinto Nationalism. New York Paragon, 1963 (reprint of 1947 edition). Hoyt, Ewin P. Hirohito: The Emperor and the Man. New York: Praeger, 1992. Ion, A. Hamish. The Cross and the Rising Sun. Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1990–1993 (2 vols). Ion, A. Hamish. The Cross in the Dark Valley: Thee Canadian Protestant Missionary Movement in the Japanese Empire, 1931–1945. Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1999. Kaneda Ryïchi. ShØwa Nihon kirisuto kyØkaishi—Tennosei to j¨gonen sensØ no motode. Tokyo: ShinkyØsha Publishers, 1996. KirisutokyØ nenkan henshubu, ed. KirisutokyØ nenkan. KirisutokyØ Shinbunsha, 1979. KirisutokyØ nenkan henshubu, ed. KirisutokyØ nenkan: Tokush¨—kiryoku, seimeibun. Kirisutokyo Shinbunsha, 2000. Kisala, Robert J. and Mark R. Mullins, eds. Religion and Social Crisis in Japan: Understanding Japanese Society through the Aum Affair. Hampshire: Palgrave, 2001. Kisala, Robert J. “Reactions to Aum: The Revision of the Religious Corporations Law.” Japanese Religions 22/1 (1997), 60–74.

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Koschmann, J. Victor. Revolution and Subjectivity in Postwar Japan. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. Kozaki Hiromichi. SeikyØ shinron. Tokyo: Keiseisha, 1892. ______. KirisutokyØ to kokka. Tokyo: Keiseisha, 1889. Kumazawa Yoshinobu and David L. Swain, eds. Christianity in Japan, 1971–90. Tokyo: KyØbun kwan, 1991. Large, Steven. Emperor Hirohito and Showa Japan: A Political Biography. London: Routledge, 1992. Lee, Kun Sam. The Christian Confrontation with Shinto Nationalism. Amersterdam: Soest, 1962. Lobreglio, John. “The Revisions to the Religious Corporations Law: An Introduction and Annotated Translation.” Japan Religions 22/1 (1997), 38–59. MacLeod, Ian. “What is it that the Students are Really Saying to the KyØdan?” Japan Christian Activity News, no. 357 (October 31, 1969), 7–9. Maruyama Masao. Bunmeiron no gairaku o yomu. Tokyo: Iwanami Publishers, 1986 (3 vols). ______. Fukuzawa Yukichi no tetsugaku. Tokyo: Iwanami Publishers, 2001. Miura Hiroshi. The Life and Thought of KanzØ Uchimura, 1861–1930. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1996. Moore, Ray A., ed. Culture and Religion in Japanese-American Relations: Essays on Uchimura Kanzo, 1861–1930. Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 1981. Mori Makoto. “A Crisis of Democracy.” In Yoshikazu Sakamoto, ed. The Emperor System as a Japan Problem. Tokyo: International Peace Research Institute, Meiji Gakuin Univesity, 1989. Mullins, Mark R. “Ideology and Utopianism in Wartime Japan: An Essay on the Subversiveness of Christian Eschatology.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 1/2–3 (1994), 261–280. ______. “The Political and Legal Response to Aum-Related Violence in Japan: A Review Article.” Japan Christian Review 63 (1997), 37–46. Nakajima, John Masaaki. “The Church in Dispute over Expo 70: Controversy in the United Church of Christ in Japan.” In Kumazawa and Swain, eds. Christianity in Japan, 1971–1990. Tokyo: Kyobun kwan, 1991. Nakamura Takafusa. A History of ShØwa Japan, 1926–1989. Tokyo: Tokyo University Press, 1998. Nickerson, Colin. “Japan’s New Emperor Performs Sacred Rite, and Debate Ensues.” Boston Globe, 26 November 1990, 46. Nishikawa Shigenori. “The DaijØsai, the Constitution, and Christian Faith.”Japan Christian Quarterly 56/3 (1990). Noge Kazuki. “Imperial Rites: The Enemy of Democracy.” Japan Christian Quarterly 56/2 (1990).


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Nosco, Peter (guest editor). Special Issue on “The Emperor System and Religion in Japan.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 17/2–3 (1990). O’Brien, David M. and Yasuo Ohkoshi. To Dream of Dreams: Religious Freedom and Constitutional Politics in Postwar Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1996. Oshima Koichi. “Problems of the DaijØsai: Grounds for Christian Opposition.” Japan Christian Quarterly 56/4 (1990), 221–226. Ota Yuzo. Basil Hall Chamberlain: Portrait of a Japanologist. Richmond, Surrey: Japan Library, 1998. Packard, George R. Protest in Tokyo: The Security Threaty Crisis of 1960. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966. Phillips, James. “The 1960 Security Treaty Crisis and the Christians of Japan,” Studies on Japanese Culture II. The Japan P.E.N. Club, 1971. ______. From the Rising of the Sun: Christians and Society in Contemporary Japan. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1981. Reid, David. New Wine: The Cultural Shaping of Japanese Christianity. Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1991. ______. “Separation of Religion and State: How Japanese Religious Line Up.” Japan Christian Quarterly 56/4 (1990), 212–220. Sasagawa Norikatsu. TennØ no sØgi. Tokyo: ShinkyØsha Shuppansha, 1988. Sato SeisaburØ, Keiichi Koyama, and Shunpei Kumon. Postwar Politician: The Life of Former Prime Minister Masayoshi ÷hira. Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1990. Scheiner, Irwin. Christian Converts and Social Protest in Meiji Japan. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970. Schlesinger, Jacob M. Shadow Shoguns, The Rise and Fall of Japanís Postwar Political Machine. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997. Shishido Yutaka. “The Peace Movement of Postwar Japanese Christians.” Japan Christian Quarterly 51/4 (1985). Shishido Yutaka. “Christian Peace Activities in Postwar Japan.” In Matsuki Suguru and David L. Swain, ed. Called to be Peacemakers. Tokyo: Japan Ecumenical Books, 1989. ShØji Tsutomu. “Christians and Peacemaking.” In Kumazawa Yoshinobu and David L. Swain, eds. Christianity in Japan 1971–1990. Tokyo: KyØbun kwan, 1991. ______. “From Power Idolatry to Full Humanity—The Pilgrimage of Japanese Christians.” Oppressor and Victim: Japan and the Militarisation of Asia—A Christian Response. Singapore: CCA Youth, 1983. ______. “The Kyodan’s Decade of Agony: Learning to Live Confessionally,” Japan Christian Quarterly 45/3 (1979), 132–140. Suggate, Alan. Japanese Christians and Society. Bern, Switzerland: Peter Lang, 1996.

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Suguru Matsuki and David L. Swain, eds. Called to be Peacemakers. Tokyo: Japan Ecumenical Books, 1989. Swain, David L. “Japan Peace/War Puzzle.” Japan Christian Quarterly 57/4 (1991), 195–208. Tomura Masahiro. Yasukuni toso. Tokyo: ShinkyØsha Shuppansha, 1970. ______. Yasukuni mondai to sensØ sekinin. Tokyo: ShinkyØsha Shuppansha, 1973. ______. “The Emperor System and Christian Responsibility.” Japan Christian Quarterly 55/1 (1989). Tomura Masahiro, et. al. Yasukuni mondai. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1974. Tomura Masahiro, ed. Jinja mondai to kirisutokyØ. Tokyo: ShinkyØsha Shuppansha, 1976. Tomura Masahiro. Sokuirei to daijØsai o yomu: Gendai to oken. Tokyo: Nihon KirisutokyØ Shuppankyoku, 1990. Tsukada Osamu. “Yasukuni Shrine and the Emperor System.” In Kumazawa and Swain, eds. Christianity in Japan, 1971–1990. Tokyo: KyØbun kwan,1991. Wetzler, Peter. Hirohito and War: Imperial Tradition and Military Decision Making in Prewar Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1998. Yanaihara Tadao. Religion and Democracy in Modern Japan. Tokyo: Japan Institute of Pacific Studies, 1948. ______. Watakushi no ayunda kita michi. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1958. Yuki Hideo. “Problems with the Revisions to the Religious Corporations Law.” Japanese Religions 22/1 (1997), 75–85. Internet Resources: National Christian Council website: www.jca.apc.org/ncc-j

ARCHIVAL COLLECTIONS IN JAPANESE INSTITUTIONS YOSHIDA RyØ

This guide to resources for the study of Christianity in Japan focuses on denominational materials and special collections that are located in a number of Japanese universities, theological seminaries, research institutes, and libraries. The information below has been organized alphabetically and presented in tables as follows: 1) materials related to mission in Japan for each of the major denominational foreign missionary societies and their location; 2) materials for Japanese Christian denominations and their location; 3) special collections related to Christianity in Japan; and 4) an institutional directory that provides the address and telephone number for the universities, libraries, and research institutes with significant collections. An asterisk (*) is used to indicate a catalogue or inventory of the materials in a given collection.1 TABLE 1. Japan Mission Materials for Foreign Mission Societies according to Denomination.

DENOMINATIONS American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions

INSTITUTIONS DØshisha

KØbe College Baptist Church

KantØ Gakuin

Episcopal Church

St. Andrew’s

PRIMARY MATERIALS Microfilm collection of the materials of the Japan Mission of the American Board of Commisioners for Foreign Missions, including correspondence with mission headquarters. Publications of ABCFM missionaries are also in this collection. Materials from the Japan Mission office of the ABCFM. Historical materials of the American Baptist Foreign Mission Society and the American Baptist Missionary Union. Microfilm collection of historical materials of the Church Missionary Society.

384

DENOMINATIONS

YOSHIDA RY÷


PRIMARY MATERIALS Microfilm collection of historical materials of the Church Missionary Society. A card list of correspondence by Channing M. Williams, the first Bishop of the Nippon SeikØkai. RikkyØ A card list of correspondence by Channing M. Williams. Methodist Church Aoyama Gakuin Historical materials of Japan mission work of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Methodist Church of Canada, Methodist Protestant Church, Evangelical Church, and the Church of United Brethren in Christ. Kwansei Gakuin Japan Mission Reports of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, and the Mission of the Methodist Church of Canada. Lutheran Church Luther Gakuin Minutes of the Missionary Conference meetings, copies of Japan-related articles, Lutheran Church Visitor, United Synod of the South. Presbyterian Church Meiji Gakuin Microfilm collection of the Japan mission materials of the Board of Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church USA. Tokyo Women’s same Reformed Church Meiji Gakuin Microfilm collection of the Japan Mission materials of the Reformed Church in America. Ferris Jogakuin Microfilm collection of the Japan Mission materials of the Reformed Church in America. TØhoku Gakuin Materials related to the Reformed Church and the Board of Foreign Missions of the Reformed Church in the United States. Roman Catholic Sophia Correspondence and various records of the Society of Jesus missionaries. Nanzan Materials of the Societas Verbi Divini. Baputesuto KyØkai KantØ Gakuin NenpyØ 1860–1965 of the Nihon (Baptist Church) Baputesuto DØmei, Nihon Baputesuto DØmei shi, 1889–1959 [A history of the Japan Baptist Union].

ARCHIVAL COLLECTIONS IN JAPANESE INSTITUTIONS

DENOMINATIONS Baputesuto KyØkai (Baptist Church) Itchi KyØkai (United Church) Kirisuto KyØkai (Church of Christ)

INSTITUTIONS KantØ Gakuin

385

PRIMARY MATERIALS *KantØ Gakuin Daigaku toshokan Nihon KirisutokyØshi bunken mokuroku [KantØ Gakuin University Library bibliography of the history of Christianity in Japan], 1976. Meiji Gakuin Minutes and proceedings of the General Assembly and Presbytery meetings of the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai. Tokyo Women’s Materials related to the Nihon Kirisuto KØkai, FujimichØ Church, and Yokohama Kaigan KyØkai (see Table 3). Tokyo Union Records of the Nihon Kirisuto Itchi KyØkai, Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai, and Nihon Kirisuto KyØdan. Nihon Kirisuto Itchi KyØkai taikai kiroku [Proceedings of the Nihon Kirisuto Itchi KyØkai General Assembly] (1881–1890); Nihon Kirisuto Itchi KyØkai Ch¨kai kiroku [Nihon Kirisuto Itchi KyØkai Presbytery Proceedings] (1878–1881); Nihon Kirisuto Itchi KyØkai TØbu Ch¨kai kiroku [Proceedings of the Nihon Kirisuto Itchi KyØkai Eastern District Presbytery ] (1882–1885); Nihon Kirisuto Itchi KyØkai TØkyØ Daiichi Ch¨kai kiroku [Proceedings of the Nihon Kirisuto Itchi KyØkai TØkyØ First Presbytery] (1886– 1896); Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai Taikai kiroku [Proceedings of the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai General Assembly] (1891–1941); Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai TØkyØ Ch¨kai kiroku [Proceedings of the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai Tokyo Presbytery] (1911–1942); Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai Naniwa Ch¨kai kiroku [Proceedings of the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai Naniwa Presbytery] (1885–1942); Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai TØhoku Ch¨kai kiroku [Proceedings of the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai TØhoku Presbytery] (1929–1942); Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai Miyagi Ch¨kai kiroku [Proceedings of the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai Miyagi Presbytery] (1909); Nihon

386

YOSHIDA RY÷

DENOMINATIONS Kirisuto KyØkai

INSTITUTIONS Tokyo Union

Roman Catholic

Nanzan

Junshin

Congregational

DØshisha

PRIMARY MATERIALS Kirisuto KyØkai Chinzei Ch¨kai kiroku [Proceedings of the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai Chinzei Presbytery] (1881–1943); Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai HokkaidØ Ch¨kai kiroku [Proceedings of the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai HokkaidØ Presbytery] (1903–1961); Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai SanyØ Ch¨kai kiroku [Proceedings of the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai SanyØ Presbytery] (1891–1942). Historical records and histories of individual churches in Toyama, Suita, KyØto, Niigata, Kawaramachi, Setagaya, Okayama); histories of various dioceses (Chiba, Fukuoka, Ehime, TØkyØ, KyØto, and Nagasaki); and histories of theological seminaries (Nagasaki KØkyØ ShingakkØ, TØkyØ Katorikku Shingakuin). Histories of Religious Orders, including Dominicans, Franciscans, and the Society of Jesus; various materials related to the Society of the Divine Word. Collection of books, newspapers, and magazines related to the Roman Catholic Church. *Nihon Katorikku kankei tosho, shinbun, zasshi mokuroku—Meiji, TaishØ, ShØwa senzenki [A catalogue of books, newspapers, and magazines related to the Japan Catholic Church—Meiji, TaishØ, and ShØwa period (prewar)] (1977). Nihon KirisutokyØ DendØ Kaisha kiji [An account of the Nihon KirisutokyØ DendØ Kaisha] (1886); Nihon Kumiai KyØkai sØkai kiji [A record of the Japan Congregational Church General Meetings] (1888–1890); Nihon Kumiai KyØkai sØkai kiroku fu: Nihon KirisutokyØ DendØ Kaishanenkai kiji [A supplement to the record of the Japan Congregational Church General Meeting: Annual records of the Nihon Kirisuto KyØ DendØkai] (1892–1900);


DENOMINATIONS Congregational


Lutheran

Luther Gakuin

Methodist

Aoyama Gakuin

387

PRIMARY MATERIALS Nihon Kumiai KyØkai benran [A Handbook of the Japan Congregational Church] (1901–1941); Nihon Kumiai KyØkai sØkai kiroku [Proceedings of the Japan Congregational Church General Meetings] (1923–1937); SØkai gian [Overtures to the General Meeting] for the Japan Congregational Church (1939–1942); Nihon Kumiai Kirisuto KyØkai kiyaku [Regulations of the Japan Congregational Church] (1928–1938); Nihon Kirisuto KyØdan sØkai hokoku [Report of the General Meeting of the United Church of Christ in Japan] (1942); Monthly Newsletters of the Japan Congregational Church in KØbe (1899–1938). *KirisutokyØ shakai mondai kenky¨kai shozai bunken mokuroku [An inventory of published reports by the KirisutokyØ shakai mondai kenky¨kai] (1967); KirisutokyØ shakai mondai kenky¨kai zasshi shinbun mokuroku [An Inventory of KirisutokyØ shakai mondai kenky¨kai magazines and newspapers] (1970). Records and minutes of the Japan Evangelical Lutheran Church General Meetings as well as statistical tables. Minutes of the General Conference of the Japan Methodist Church (1907–1921), records of the Japan Methodist Church Eastern District Annual Conference (1908–1931), records of the Japan Methodist Church Annual Conference (1881– 1907); records of the Japan Methodist Church Western District Annual Conference (1911–1927); Records of the Japan Methodist Church Eastern and Western Districts (1932–1940). *Meijiki KirisutokyØ bunken: Honyaku bungaku so no ta tokubetsu shiryØ [Christian literature of the Meiji period: Translated literature and special materials]

388

DENOMINATIONS Methodist

Nonchurch

YOSHIDA RY÷

INSTITUTIONS Aoyama Gakuin

PRIMARY MATERIALS (Aoyama Gakuin ShiryØ Center, 1971). Nihon ni okeru shoki Mesojisuto kaku kyØha no shiryØ sh¨sh¨ [Collection of materials on early Methodist denominations in Japan] (Aoyama Gakuin University Christian Culture Research Center, Research Series Vol. 7, 1996). Kwansei Gakuin Southern Methodist Church Japan Annual Conference Records (1892–1906); records, diaries, and newletters for individual churches in the Southern Methodist Church, including HyØgo KyØkai, KØbe EikØ KyØkai, KyØto Ch¨Ø KyØkai, Oita KyØkai, Toyonaka KyØkai, Yamaguchi KyØkai, and Hachimanhama KyØkai. Imai Kan Collection of books and various publications by Nonchurch leaders and members. Regularly published magazine collections by Nonchurch leaders include Kurosaki KØkichi, Eien no inochi [Eternal Life] (1926–1966), Kanazawa Tsuneo, Shin bØ ai [Faith, hope, love] (1928–1958), Tsukamoto Toraji, Seisho chishiki [Biblical knowledge] (1930–1973), Ishihara HyØji, Seisho no kotoba [The word of God] (1932–1984), Fujisawa Takeyoshi, Ky¨dØ [Seeking the path] (1932–1986), Yamamoto TaijirØ, Seisho kØgi [Bible lectures] (1934–1968), Masaike Jin, Seisho no Nihon [The Japan of the Bible] (1938–1982), Tsutsumi Michio, Shinri [Truth] (1951–1989), Takahashi SaburØ, J¨jika no kotoba [Words of the cross] (1965–1988). Newsletters of well-known Nonchurch groups (Yanaihara sh¨kai, Takahashi sh¨kai, Imai Kan Seisho GakkØ). Publications by Nonchurch groups, such as Onkei to shinri [Grace and truth] (Fukuoka Seisho Kenky¨kai), Otozure [Tidings] (Chiyoda MukyØkai Sh¨kai), No no hana [Flowers of the field] (Nagano MukyØkai Sh¨kai), Maranata [Maranatha]


DENOMINATIONS Nonchurch

INSTITUTIONS Imai Kan

Seventh-Day Adventist Saniku Gakuin

Anglican-Episcopal

RikkyØ

389

PRIMARY MATERIALS (Shizuoka Seisho Kenky¨kai), Enishida [The common broom] (Takamatsu Seisho Sh¨kai). Materials related to the historical development of the Nonchurch movement beginning with Uchimura KanzØ, including books, magazines, posthumous works, memorial volumes, unpublished writings, correspondence, and handouts. Materials related to KyØy¨kai. *Imai Kan tosho shiryØ senta-zØsho mokuroku [An inventory of Imai Hall Resource Center holdings] (Tokyo: Imai Kan Seisho KØdo KyØy¨kai, 1990. Japanese and English literature related to the Seventh-Day Adventist. Seventh-Day Adventist publications, including Adobenchisuto raifu [Adventist life], Sainzu obu za taimuzu [Signs of the times], Ansoku nichi gakkØ kyØka [Sabbath Day School Curriculum], Masse no fukuin [Gospel for the latter days], Toki no shirushi [Signs of the time], and Shimei [Mission]. Prayer Books of the Nippon SeikØkai (1895–1934); the Constitution and Canons of the Nippon SeikØkai (1887–1983); the resolutions proposed to the General Synod (1926–1931); the record of the resolutions of the General Convention (1888–1983, some years missing); Nippon SeikØkai Yearbooks (1910–1986); Memorandum Books (1955–1979); brief histories (1981–1909); reports on the Sunday school, Youth Association, and Womens’ Association; Collection of Old and New Hymns (1902– 1961); reports, resolutions, yearbooks, and histories for each Nippon SeikØkai Diocese. Publications on the history of individual SeikØkai churches; the SeikØkai Shinbun [SeikØkai newspaper] (1952–1988); and

390

YOSHIDA RY÷

DENOMINATIONS Anglican-Episcopal

INSTITUTIONS RikkyØ

St. Andrew

PRIMARY MATERIALS church-related publications, such as KyØkai hyØron (1894–1900) and KyØkai jihØ (1916–1940). *SeikØkai kankei shiryØ mokuroku (kØhon) [Hand-written inventory of SeikØkai related materials] (Niiza hozon shoko shozØ mokuroku, No. 4, 1988). Materials related to the Nippon SeikØkai Bishops Conference, the Constitution and Canons, theological seminaries, and churchrelated institutions, including Pool Gakuin, Momoyama Gakuin, TØkØ Gakuen, Hakuaien, St. Barnabas Hospital, and on individual churches in the Osaka Diocese.

TABLE 2. Archival Collections for Japanese Christian Denominations.

INSTITUTIONS Aoyama Gakuin DØshisha

PRIMARY MATERIALS AndØ TarØ (1846–1924) materials: Correspondence of AndØ, a diplomat and leader in the temperance movement whofounded the AndØ Memorial Church in memory of his wife. Ebina DanjØ (1856–1937) materials: diaries, memorandums, handwritten manuscripts and letters, and photographs of Ebina, a leader of the Congregational Church in Japan and Chancellor of DØshisha. Tomeoka KØsuke (1864–1934) materials: diaries and notebooks of Tomeoka, a Congregational pastor, founder of Sugamo Katei GakkØ, and leader of various social programs. Yamamuro Gunpei (1872–1940) materials: manuscripts, sermons, diaries, memorandums, published books, and scrapbooks of Yamamuro, a leader of the Salvation Army in Japan. Records and materials of individual Congregational churches in Kurashiki, KØryØ, DØshisha, Annaka, Haraichi, Amagi, and Shimonoseki Maruyama. Yuasa YØzo (1902–1977) Archive: materials related to the Congregational Church in Japan collected by Yuasa, a pastor in the Congregational Church and author of Kirisuto ni aru jiy¨ o motomete [Seeking the freedom in Christ] (1958). Includes materials on various churches, individuals, institutions and correspondence. Matsumoto Daira Collection: contains the diaries and memorandums of Iguchi Kigenji (1879–1938), founder of the



391

PRIMARY MATERIALS Kinsei Gijuku; the records of the Higashi Hodaka Kinsh¨kai (Temperance Association); a copy of the volume Kirisutosha, edited by Tezuka NuizØ (1879–1954), a pastor in the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai and chairperson of the Higashi Chikuma Education Association; and the diaries of Ogiwara Ronzan (1879–1910), also known as Morie and regarded as a leading figure in the establishment of modern sculpture. Murai Tomoyoshi (1861–1944) materials: the books, manuscripts, diaries, and correspondence of Murai, a Christian socialist, English educator, and pastor in the Congregational Church. Kashiwagi Gen (1860–1938) materials: includes the JØmØ KyØkai GeppØ, a monthly paper authored by Kashiwagi, pastor of the Annaka Congregational Church; *Provisional inventory of the materials. Takahashi Masamichi (1870–1942) materials: the diaries, sermons, and memorandums of Takahashi, a pastor in the Congregational Church, along with various materials of the Takahashi family. Yoshida SeitarØ (1863–1950) materials: the diaries, handwritten memorandums, and correspondence of Yoshida, pastor of Sendagi Church; *Provisional inventory of the materials. Osada Tokiyuki (1860–1939) materials: the diaries, sermons, memorandums, church records, received correspondence, and funeral-related records of Osada, Congregational pastor and Principal of Baika JogakkØ. Niijima JØ (1843–1890) materials: personal belongings, diaries, travel journals, sermon manuscripts, and correspondence of Niijima, the founder of DØshisha. *Niijima ky¨tei bunko shozØ mokuroku [An inventory of the old Niijima home library collection] (1958). *Niijima Sensei ihin ko shozØ mokuroku joge [An inventory of the collection of Niijima Sensei’s personal articles, Vols. 1 and 2] (1977). Otis Cary (1851–1932) Collection: the personal collection of Cary, an American Board missionary, professor at DØshisha Theological Seminary, and first Chairman of the Board for KØbe Jogakuin, which includes books and various materials. *Ke-ri bunko mokuroku [An inventory of the Cary library] (1878). Ozawa SaburØ (1909-1969) Memorial Papers: the books, bibliographies, and manuscripts on Japanese Protestant history

392


ICU

Imai Hall Junshin

Kwansei Gakuin

Matsuzawa

Meiji Gakuin

YOSHIDA RY÷

PRIMARY MATERIALS collected by Ozawa, a pioneer in this field of research. Japanese Immigrant Church materials: annual reports, magazines, diaries of first generation Christian leaders, and books related to Japanese churches in Canada and Hawaii. Uchimura KanzØ Memorial Collection: includes books from Uchimura’s library, his hand-written materials and books, photographs, as well as biographies and critical studies of Uchimura; the collection also contains magazines published by some of Uchimura’s disciples. *Uchimura KanzØ kinen bunko mokuroku [An inventory of the Uchimura KanzØ memorial collection]. Tokyo: International Christian University, 1997 (third edition). The published works of Uchimura KanzØ. Kirishitan Collection: materials related to the period when Christianity was a proscribed religion, including a fumie chØ and the Shimabara rebellion; also included are church publications, anti-Christian works, materials on the underground period, annual reports of the Society of Jesus, and books imported from China. Walter Russell Lambuth materials: a collection on the founder of Kwansei Gakuin, which includes a biography, manuscripts, books, correspondence, and eulogy. John Caldwell Calhoun Newton materials: manuscripts, letters of appreciation, and miscellaneous materials related to Newton, the third chancellor of Kwansei Gakuin. Samuel Haymen Wainwright materials: the correspondence, manuscripts, books, and eulogy of Wainwright. Cornelius John Lighthall Bart materials: the correspondence and manuscripts of Bart, the fourth chancellor of Kwansei Gakuin. Yoshioka Yoshikuni materials: books, notes, personal articles, and biography of Yoshioka, the second chancellor of Kwansei Gakuin. Kagawa Toyohiko materials: includes the hand-written manuscripts of Kagawa’s books, manuscripts of public addresses and lectures, correpondence, diaries, tape-recordings, films, photographs, and portraits; the collection also contains studies and monographs on Kagawa. Kagawa Toyohiko Collection: approximately 11,000 items (books, journals, and magazines) related to Kagawa, currently on loan to the Kagawa Toyohiko Memorial Matsuzawa Resource Hall.


INSTITUTIONS Meiji Gakuin

Nagasaki

RikkyØ

Saniku Gakuin Shoko Hall

393

PRIMARY MATERIALS *Provisional inventory of the Kagawa Toyohiko collection. Ky¨ka Collection: Japanese Bible translations, including Goble’s translation of the Gospel of Matthew, as well as Bible commentaries (179 items). *Provisional inventory of the Ky¨ka Collection. Yamamoto Hideteru materials: the diaries and church history notes of Yamamoto, a pastor in the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai and church historian. Ibuka Kajinosuke materials: includes unpublished manuscripts and a book on the life and times of Ibuka, a pastor in the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai and one time chancellor of Meiji Gakuin. Materials on early Presbyterian and Reformed church missionaries to Japan, including lecture notes of James Lansing Amerman (1843–1928). Additional holdings: libraries of Hata Shokichi, Nakayama Masaki, and Murata ShirØ. A collection that includes materials on the Kirishitan in Urakami Village, documents from the early Meiji period, such as Ish¨ chØsho [A record of other religions] and Jash¨ kai chØ [A register of conversions from the evil religion], and SeikyØ chokkai (1790) and SeikyØ yØgi and SeikyØ nikka (1854). *An inventory of the holdings. Bishop Williams Collection: An inventory of books in the KyØto Diocese Bishop Williams Collection. *Uiriamuzu shukyØ bunko ichiran [A summary of the Bishop Williams collection]. Maeda GorØ Collection: the library of GorØ, a Nonchurch evangelist and New Testament scholar, which contains books in biblical studies and Western classics. *Maeda GorØ bunko mokuroku [An inventory of the Maeda GorØ library]. Odagiri Nobuo Collection: the library of Odagiri, a Nonchurch Christian and medical doctor, which includes books on Christianity, Uchimura KanzØ, and the Nonchurch movement. Ebizawa Arimichi Collection: the library of Ebizawa, a scholar and historian of Japanese Christianity and Kirishitan, which contains Bibles, hymnbooks, and books related to the history of Christianity and Kirishitan. *Ebizawa Arimichi bunko mokuroku [An inventory of the Ebizawa Arimichi library]. Ellen Gould White: books and materials related to White. Holdings include Kirishitan kokoroesho [A Kirishitan manual] and Kirishitan kyØkunsho [A book of Kirishitan teaching].

394

INSTITUTIONS Sophia

St. Andrew

Tenri

Tokyo Union

Tokyo Women’s

YOSHIDA RY÷

PRIMARY MATERIALS The Kirishitan Collection: documents, books, and manuscripts related to Kirishitan history, literature, linguistics, and art; also preserved are anti-Kirishitan writings and propagation materials from the early period of Catholic mission to Japan. Historical materials related to Bishop Yanagihara TeijirØ, including manuscripts from the Osaka Diocese, letters, sermon notes, materials related to the Yanagihara family, and the Nippon SeikØkai. *Yanagihara TeijirØ ShukyØ shiryØ mokuroku [An inventory of the historical of Bishop Yanagihara TerijirØ]. Historical materials related to Yanagihara Kichibei, a businessman and the father of Yanagihara TeijirØ, which includes materials from Osaka and Sakai, Korea and Manch¨, and correspondence with a Korean student. *Yanagihara Kichibei shiryØ mokuroku [An inventory of the historical materials of Yanagihara Kichibei]. Holdings include annual reports and correspondence of the Society of Jesus and publications related to the Kirishitan. *Catalogue of Special Books on Christian Mission, Vol. 1–2 (1932, 1955); Shinch¨ Tenri toshokan tosho burui mokuroku, dai ni hen [A catologue of books in Shinch¨ Tenri library], No. 2, 1969, deals with holdings on philosophy and religion; Tenri toshokan zØchikuji kankØsho mokuroku [An inventory of serial publications in the Tenri library] (1968, third edition); and Tenri toshokan zØka tosho mokuroku, 1983–1987 [An updated inventory of Tenri library holdings] (1988). Tomita Mitsuru Collection: Materials related to Tomita, the first superintendent of the Nihon Kirisuto KyØdan (United Church of Christ in Japan), and the process of the establishment of the KyØdan. Tominaga Tokuma (1875–1930) Collection: the diaries, sermons, manuscripts, and correspondence of Tominaga, a pastor who initially served in the Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai after being trained by Uemura Masahisa, but subsequently began an independent ministry and organized the Komagome Church. Materials on the union of the Itchi KyØkai and Kumiai KyØkai. Uemura Memorial Sawa Library: a library of books and materials related to Christianity in the Meiji period donated by Sawa Wataru. The materials collected by Uemura Masahisa’s son-in-law for use in preparation of the edited volume, Uemura Masahisa to sono jidai (Tokyo: Kyobunkwan, 1937).


INSTITUTIONS Tokyo Women’s

TØyØ BunkØ Tsuyama

395

PRIMARY MATERIALS Materials on Nihon Kirisuto KØkai, the first Protestant church in Japan. Manuscripts, scholarly writings, and correspondence of Uemura Masahisa. Materials on FujimichØ Church and Yokohama Kaigan Church. *Uemura Masahisa kinen Sawa bunko mokuroku [An inventory of the Uemura Masahisa Memorial Sawa Library] (1965). Kimura Kumaji (1845–1927) and Kimura TØko Collection: materials donated by the family of Kimura Kumaji, founder of Meiji JogakkØ and Komogi juku, which includes the diaries, correspondence, and various manuscripts of his wife, TØko. *Kimura bunsho bunrui mokuroku [An inventory of the Kimura archives] (1968). Sumiya Mikio Collection: materials related to Christianity in the Meiji period donated by Sumiya, the former president of Tokyo Women’s University; the collection includes a copy of Goble’s Matai fukuin sho [The Gospel of Matthew], which is regarded as the first Japanese translation of the Bible. *Sumiya bunko mokuroku [An inventory of the Sumiya library] (1992). Aoyama Nao Collection: materials donated by the family of Aoyama Nao, a former professor of Tokyo Women’s University, which includes Aoyama’s personal notes, hand-written manuscripts, correpondence, and research materials. *Aoyama Nao shiryØ mokuroku [An inventory of the Aoyama Nao materials] (1991). Noguchi Yuka (1866–1950) Collection: materials donated by various individuals related to Noguchi Yuka, the founder of Futaba Yochien and Futaba Independent Church, which includes diaries, correspondence, and various other materials. *Noguchi Yuka bunsho mokuroku [An inventory of the Noguchi Yuka manuscripts] (1969). Nitobe InazØ Memorial Collection: the collection contains a portion of Nitobe’s personal library of Western books, including volumes related to Christianity, history, biographies, and literature (5,700 volumes). Holdings include annual reports and correspondence of Jesuits in Japan, historical accounts of the Society of Jesus, biographies of Jesuit missionaries, and Kirishitan materials. Holdings include letters of Uchimura KanzØ, various books, and historical materials related to Christianity in Tsuyama and Okayama.

396

YOSHIDA RY÷

TABLE 4. Institutional Directory.

INSTITUTION ADDRESS Aoyama Gakuin University 4-4-25 Shibuya, Shibuya-Ku, Tokyo 150-8366 Library Tel. 03-3400-3429 Christianity and Culture Tel. 03-3409-8111 Research Center DØshisha University Higashi Iri Karasuma, Imadegawa, Kami KyØ-Ku, KyØto 602-8580 Library Tel. 075-252-3960 Institute for the Study of Tel. 075-251-3940 Humanities and Social Sciences School of Theology Tel. 075-251-3327 University Archives Tel. 075-251-3048 Ferris Woman’s College 37 Yamate ChØ, Naka-ku, Yokohama Shi, Kanagawa-Ken 2318660 Yamate Library Tel. 045-681-5149 Imai Hall Resource Center 14-9, 1-chome, Nakane, Naka Meguro, Tokyo 152 Sophia University 7-1 Kioi ChØ, Chiyoda-Ku, Tokyo 102-8854 Library Tel. 03-3238-3510 Junshin Woman’s School 235 Mitsuyama ChØ, Nagasaki 852 Tel. 0958-46-0084 Kagawa Toyohiko 3-8-19 Kamikitazawa, SetagayaMemorial Matsuzawa Ku, Tokyo 156 Resource Center Tel. 03-3302-2855 Kwansei Gakuin 1-155 Ichiban ChØ, Uegahara, University Nishinomiya Shi 622-8501 Library Tel. 0798-54-6123 University Archives Tel. 0798-54-6022 KantØ Gakuin University 4834 Mutsuura ChØ, KanazawaKu, Yokohama 236-8501 Tel. 045-786-7023 KØbe College Library 4-1 Okadayama, Nishinomiya Shi 622-8505 Tel. 0798-51-8563

PRIMARY MATERIALS Methodist Church

Congregational Church

Reformed Church

Nonchurch Kirishitan Catholic Kirishitan Kagawa Toyohiko Methodist Church Baptist Church American Board


INSTITUTION International Christian University Meiji Gakuin University Library Research Institute for Christian Studies University Archives St. Andrew (Momoyama Gakuin) University Nagasaki Prefectural Library Nanzan University Library RikkyØ University Musashino Niiza Library Luther Gakuin University Institute for Luther Studies Saniku Gakuin Junior College Library Shoko Kan Tokugawa Museum Tenri University Library TØhoku Gakuin University Library

ADDRESS 3-102 ÷zawa, Mitaka Shi 1818585 Tel. 0422-33-3307 1-2-37 Shirokanedai, Minato-Ku, Tokyo 108-8636 Tel. 03-5421-5177 Tel. 03-5421-5201 Tel. 03-5421-5170 1-1 Manabino, Izumi-Shi, ÷saka 594-1198 Tel. 0725-54-3131 1-51, 1-chØme, Tateyama, Nagasaki 850-0007 Tel. 095-826-5257 18 Yamasato ChØ, ShØwa-Ku, Nagoya 466-8673 Tel. 052-832-3707 1-2-26 Kitano, Niiza Shi, Saitama Ken 048-471-7132 Tel. 048-471-7132 10-20, 3-chome, ÷zawa, Mitaka Shi, Tokyo 181 Tel. 0422-31-4814 1500 Kegahara, Takimachi, Isumi, Chiba Ken 298-0297 Tel. 0470-84-0111 1-1215-1 Mikawa, Mitoshi, Ibaraki Ken 310-0912 1050 Somanouchi, Tenri Shi 632-8577 Tel. 0743-63-15515 3-1, 1-chome, Tsuchitoi, Aoba-Ku, Sendai Shi 980-8511 Tel. 022-264-6491 2-6-1 Zenpukuji, Suginami-Ku, Tokyo 167-8585 Tel. 03-3395-1211 Tel. 03-5382-6413

397

PRIMARY MATERIALS Uchimura KanzØ Collection Itchi KyØkai Kirisuto KyØkai

Nippon SeikØkai Kirishitan Catholic Nippon SeikØkai Lutheran Church Seventh-Day Adventist Kirishitan Kirishitan Reformed Church

Tokyo Woman’s Christian Itchi KyØkai University Kirisuto KyØkai Library Institute for Comparative Studies of Culture Tokyo Union Theological 10-30, 3-chome, ÷zawa, Mitaka Itchi KyØkai Seminary Shi, Tokyo 181 Kirisuto KyØkai Tel. 0422-32-4185

398

YOSHIDA RY÷

INSTITUTION Toyo Collection

ADDRESS PRIMARY MATERIALS 2-28-21 Honkomagome, BunkyØ Kirishitan Ku, Tokyo 113 Tel. 03-3942-0121 Tsuyama Christian Library 98 Yamashita, Tsuyama Shi, Nonchurch Okayama Ken 708 Tel. 0868-22-3518

NOTES *Translated by Mark R. Mullins, Sophia University, Tokyo. 1 For another guide to archival collections in Japan, see Nihon KirisutokyØ sØran [A General Handbook on Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: Shinjinbutsu ÷raisha, 1996.

RESEARCH INSTITUTES AND ACADEMIC SOCIETIES KUYAMA Michihiko

In addition to archival collections (chapter 18), research institutes and academic societies represent another important resource for the study of Christianity in Japan. This chapter briefly introduces some of the main research institutes and societies, representative publications, and contact information. Research Institutes There are at least fifty scholarly research institutes and centers related to the study of Christianity in Japan. Some are independent institutes with denominational connections and support, but most are attached to Catholic and Protestant universities. These centers and institutes sponsor a variety of research projects and activities that promote the understanding of Christianity in relation to Japanese culture. Although Christianity is often associated with Western culture, these institutes provide opportunities for universitiy students and local communities to better understand Christianity in relation to Japanse society and spirituality. In addition to hosting lecture series and courses, these institutes publish research findings in the form of annual reviews, occasional papers, and monograph series. The information below is organized into three categories: independent research institutes, institutes affiliated with Catholic universities, and institutes affiliated with Protestant universities.1 Independent Research Institutes International Institute for the Study of Religions 14-13, Shirasagi 2-chome, Nakano-Ku, Tokyo 165-0035 Tel. 03-5373-5855 e-mail: [email protected] http://www.iisr.jp/ The IISR was established in 1954 to promote research and mutual understanding in the field of religious studies. It was the publisher of the English language journal, Contemporary Religions in Japan (which was renamed

400

KUYAMA MICHIHIKO

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, now published by the Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture). The Institute sponsors workshops and symposia, publishes a newsletter, Gendai sh¨kyØ (an annual volume), and numerous books. It also sponsors the Religious Information Research Center: http://www.rirc.or.jp/. Japanese Biblical Institute Tomisaka Christian Center Building 2, Room 1 2-17-41 Koishikawa, Bunkyo, Tokyo 112-0002 Japan Tel. 03-5800-4557 http://ajbi.org/ENG_index.html The JBI was established in 1950 to encourage scholarly research on the Christian scriptures from an ecumenical perspective. The institute sponsors annual public lectures and academic discussions by the leading scholars in the field of biblical studies and early Christianity, as well as monthly study meetings. Research results are published in the Annual of the Japanese Biblical Institute and other publications. NCC Center for the Study of Japanese Religions Shimodateuri-agaru, Karasuma-dØri, Kamigyo-ku, Kyoto 602-8011 Japan Tel. 075-432-1945 Fax. 075-432-1945 http://www.japanese-religions.org The NCC Center for the Study of Japanese Religions is a place of interreligious encounter and a research institute related to the National Christian Council of Japan (NCCJ). It was established in 1959 and is open to anyone pursuing the study of Japanese religion and culture. Center publications include Japanese Religions and Deai: KirisutokyØ to sho sh¨kyØ. Oriens Institute for Religious Research 2-28-5 Matsubara, Setagaya-Ku, Tokyo 156-0043 Tel. 03-3322-7601 Fax. 03-3325-5322 http://www.oriens.or.jp/ e-mail: [email protected] Oriens Institute for Religious Research was established in 1965 by the CICM (Congregatio Immaculati Cordis Mariae, the Congregation of the Immaculate Heart of Mary) to encourage study and research on Christian mission in relation to Japanese culture and religion. It publishes the Japan Mission Journal and Fukuin senkyØ (Gospel Mission).

RESEARCH INSTITUTES

401

Tomisaka Christian Center 2-4-9 Koishikawa, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo 112-0002 Tel. 03-3812-3852 Fax: 03-2812-3892 http://www2u.biglobe.ne.jp/~Tomisaka/P11_english.htm TCC is a research group that developed from the work of the German East Asia Mission (Deutsche Ostasien Mission). In collaboration with other churches and research groups in East Asia, it undertakes interdisciplinary research into contemporary social-ethical issues and seeks to provide a Christian witness through public statements in response to discrimination and injustice in Japanese society. Institutes Attached to Catholic Universities Sophia University: Institute of Christian Culture and Oriental Religions Sophia University Central Library Room 811 7-1 Kioi-cho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 102-8554 Tel. 03-3238-3540 Fax. 03-3238-4145 e-mail: [email protected] http://www.sophia.ac.jp/J/research.nsf/Content/kiribun Established as the Institute of Christian Culture in 1969, this institute was reorganized and combined with the Institute of Oriental Religions in 1997. In addition to sponsoring research into many aspects of Christianity and its cultural heritage, the institute promotes dialogue with East Asian religious traditions and pursues the understanding of Christianity in relation to Japanese culture and modern society. Sophia University: Institute of Medieval Thought Sophia University Central Library Room 813 7-1 Kioi-cho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 102-8554 Tel. 03-3238-3822 Fax: 03-3238-3885 http://www.sophia.ac.jp/J/research.nsf/Content/chusei Established in 1976, this institute has promoted the study of European Medieval philosophy, theology and spirituality. It has made great contributions to the Japanese intellectual community by providing many translations of the Church Fathers and classic texts of Western spiritual traditions. Nanzan University: Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture 18 Yamazato-cho, Showa-ku, Nagoya 466-8673 Tel. 052-832-3111 Fax. 052-833-6157 e-mail: [email protected] http://www.ic.nanzan-u.ac.jp/SHUBUNKEN

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KUYAMA MICHIHIKO

The Nanzan Institute has been a pioneer in the development of the interdisciplinary study of religion and culture in East Asia, particularly in Japan. It has promoted interreligious dialogue with Japanese religious traditions, such as Zen Buddhism and Shintoism, and trained researchers in these areas. It publishes the Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, Inter-Religio, an annual bulletin, as well as several monograph series in Japanese and English. Institutes Affiliated with Protestant Universities DØshisha Institute for the Study of Humanities and Social Sciences Higashi Iri Karasuma, Imade-gawa, Kami KyØ-Ku, KyØto 602-8580 Tel. 075-251-3940

http://www.doshisha.ac.jp/english/educate/research/ International Christian University: Institute for the Study of Christianity and Culture Address: 3-10-2 Osawa, Mitaka, Tokyo 181-8585 Japan Tel. 0422-33-3100 http://subsite.icu.ac.jp/icc/index-e.html Joint Research Institute of Tokyo Union Theological Seminary 3-10-30 Osawa, Mitaka-shi, Tokyo 181-0015 In 1986, the former Japan Missiology Institute and Asian Missiology Institute were joined together for the purpose of supporting academic research on topics related to Christianity in Japan and Asia. Kanto Gakuin University: Institute for the Study of Christianity and Culture 1-50-1 Mutsuura Higashi, Kanazawa-ku, Yokohama 236-8501 Japan Tel. 045-786-7873 Fax. 045-786-7806 e-mail: [email protected] http://kgujesus.kanto-gakuin.ac.jp Meiji Gakuin University: Institute for Christian Studies 1-2-37 Shirokanedai, Minato-ku, Tokyo 108-8636 Japan Tel. 03-5421-5210 Fax. 03-5421-5214 e-mail: [email protected] http://www.meijigakuin.ac.jp

RESEARCH INSTITUTES

403

Academic Societies and Journals The Japan Society of Christian Studies Aoyama Gakuin Christian Activities Center 4-4-25 Shibuya, Shibuya,-ku, Tokyo, 150-0002 Tel. 03-3400-3098 Fax. 03-3409-8865 e-mail: [email protected] Established in 1952, the JSCS is largest Christian academic society in Japan. It holds annual conferences and regional meetings, and publishes an annual journal of theological studies. This society promotes all of the research fields related to Christianity and provides a forum for scholarly cooperation The Society of Historical Studies of Christianity Kanto Gakuin, 4 Miharudai, Minami-ku, Yokohama, 232-0002 Tel. 045-231-1001 Fax. 045-231-6628 The SHSC was established in 1949 for the purpose of promoting historical and ecumenical research on Christianity and publishes an annual journal. It emphasizes cooperation with Asian scholars and seeks to strengthen international relationships throught its annual meeting of the North East Asian Council of Studies of the History of Christianity. Japan Society for Pentecostal Studies 1-19-35 Ikegami, ÷ta-Ku, Tokyo 146-0082 Fax. 03-5748-3931 e-mail: [email protected] http://jsps.kirisutokyo.com The JSPS was organized in 2002 for the study of Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity in Japan. It sponsors annual conferences and an online journal and mailing-list. Japanese Association for Eastern Christian Studies Omori’s Study Room, Faculty of Humanities of Nanzan University 18 Yamazato-cho, Showa-ku, Nagoya 466-8673 Japan Tel. 052-832-3111 Fax. 052-832-3925 http://c-faculty.chuo-u.ac.jp/~tsuchi/JAECS.e-index.html JAECS is a young association established in 2001 for the purpose of promoting research on Eastern Christianity and Oriental spirituality. It publishes Eikon, an annual journal that deals with the theology, philosophy, literature, history and arts of Eastern Christianity derived from the early Greek Church Fathers.

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Japanese Association for Religious Studies 205 Le Mans Hongo 205 1-29-7 Hongo, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo 113-0033 Japan Tel. 03-5684-5473 Fax. 03-5684-5474 e-mail: [email protected] http://wwwsoc.nii.ac.jp/jars/ The JARS is the largest and most comprehensive academic association in the field of religious studies. Established in 1930 for the purpose of promoting individual and group research, it has a membership of over 2000. It holds annual conferences and publishes the quarterly Journal of Religious Studies. Japanese Association for the Study of Religion and Society 14-13, Shirasagi 2 chome, Nakano-Ku, Tokyo 165-0035 Tel. 03-5373-5855 e-mail: [email protected] Established in 1993, the JASRS is a interdisciplinary association of approximately 500 scholars interested in the study of various issues related to religion and society. The association holds and annual meeting, sponsors collaborative research projects and workshops, and publishes Sh¨kyØ to shakai (see the volumes published in 1998 and 2000 for articles and workshop reports dealing with Christianity in East Asia and Japan).

NOTES Additional information on Christian Institutes in Japan may be found at the following internet sites: http://www.bun.kyoto-u.ac.jp/christ/en/index.html [Faculty of Letters, Kyoto University, Department of Christian Studies]; http://theology. doshisha.ac.jp/en/index.html [Faculty of Theology, DØshisha University] 1

BURTON-LEWIS: CHRISTIAN MISSION AND HIGHER EDUCATION IN JAPAN 405

CONTRIBUTORS Helen B ALLHATCHET is a professor in the Economics Department of Keio University. She has worked on Meiji Christianity, with particular reference to the controversy over the theory of evolution and Christian interpretations of Japanese religion, and on Baba Tatsui, a people’s rights activist. She is currently working with Dr. Gary Tiedemann of London University on the East Asia volume of the multi-volume History of Christianity being published by Oxford University Press. John BREEN is Senior Lecturer and Chair of the Centre for the Study of Japanese Religions, Department of East Asia, SOAS, University of London. He is co-editor of Shinto in History: Ways of the Kami (2000) and Japan and Christianity: Impacts and Responses (1996), and is presently writing a history of the imperial court in the mid-nineteenth century ENDØ KØichi is Professor of Social Welfare in the Faculty of Sociology at Meiji Gakuin University, Tokyo, where his teaching and research focuses on the history of social welfare. He is also an active member of the Research Institute for Christian Studies and author of Rekishi de tsuzuru shakai fukushi no ayumi (1991) and Tagawa DaikichirØ ni kansuru kiso kenky¨ (1999). Thomas John HASTINGS is Professor of Practical Theology (Christian Education) at Tokyo Union Theological Seminary. His recent publications include “A Tale of Two Selves in Japan and the United States,” International Journal of Practical Theology (2003), and “George Lindbeck and T. F. Torrance on Christian Language and the Knowledge of God,” in Redemptive Transformation in Practical Theology (2003). His current research is on the contribution of Tamura Naomi to the field of practical theology in Japan. IKEGAMI Yoshimasa is a Professor at Komazawa University, Tokyo, and teaches anthropology of religion and religious studies. He has published widely on shamanism, religion in Okinawa, and Holiness and Charismatic Christianity in Japan, and is author of Akurei to seirei no butai: Okinawa no minsh¨ KirisutokyØ ni miru ky¨sai sekai (1991). A. Hamish ION recieved his Ph.D. in Japanese Studies from Sheffield University, U. K., and is Professor of History at Royal Military College of Canada. He has written extensively on the British and Canadian Protestant missionary

406

CONTRIBUTORS

movements in the pre–1945 Japanese Empire as a significant aspect of the history of Japan’s international relations, including The Cross and the Rising Sun (3 volumes). He is currently writing a study of the American Protestant missionary movement in Bakumatsu and early Meiji Japan. J. Nelson JENNINGS completed doctoral studies at the University of Edinburgh with a dissertation on “Theology in Japan: Takakura TokutarØ (1885–1934).” He was Assistant Professor of International Christian Studies at Tokyo Christian University before joining the faculty of Covenant Seminary, St. Louis, as the director of the program in world mission. He is the co-author of Philosophical Theology and East-West Dialogue (2000) with Inagaki Hisakazu. KUYAMA Michihiko is Professor of Christian Studies in the Faculty of Literature at Meiji Gakuin University, Tokyo. He completed his doctoral studies at Kyoto University and has published a number of studies in the field of Patristics, particularly dealing with Origen. He is also the co-author of Kangaenara manabu KirisutokyØ (2000), a textbook on Christianity for university students. MIYAZAKI KentarØ is Professor at Nagasaki Junshin University where he teaches in the fields of comparative culture and Japanese studies. He has published numerous works in the field of Kirishitan, including Kakure Kirishitan no shinkØ sekai (1996) and Kakure Kirishitan (2002). Mark R. M ULLINS is Professor of Religion in the Faculty of Comparative Culture, Sophia University, Tokyo, where his teaching and research focuses on religion in modern societies. He is the co-editor of several volumes, including Religion and Society in Modern Japan (1993) and Perspectives on Christianity in Korea and Japan (1995), and author of Christianity Made in Japan (1998). Bernardin SCHNEIDER is a Franciscan who was assigned to Japan in 1952, following doctoral studies in Rome. He was a Professor in St. Anthony Seminary (1954–1994) and has been director of the Franciscan Biblical Institute in Tokyo since 1956. He was a co-chairperson of the editorial committee of the Interconfessional Japanese Translation and is currently chairperson of its ongoing committee. Karen K. SEAT is Assistant Professor in the Religious Studies Program at the University of Arizona, Tucson. She completed her Ph.D. at Temple University with a dissertation on “The ‘Woman Question’ as a Site of Conflict: Mission Schools for Women in Modern Japan, 1872–1899.”

CONTRIBUTORS

407

Michael J. SHERRILL is Associate Professor at Hokusei Gakuen University, Sapporo, where he teaches Intercultural Communication. He completed a Ph.D. at Fuller Theological Seminary, Pasedena, California, with a disseratation on “Church Vitality in Japan” (2002), and has also conducted research on the history of the Mennonite Mission in Japan. SHIMAZONO Susumu is Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Tokyo. He has published widely on new religious movements in modern Japan, including Gendai Ky¨sai Sh¨kyØron (1992) and Gendai Sh¨kyØ no kanØsei (1997). Currently he is serving as president of the Japanese Association for Religious Studies. M. William STEELE is Professor of Japanese History at International Christian University, Tokyo, and has published widely on the social and political history of nineteenth-century Japan. His is the author of Localism and Nationalism in Modern Japanese History (1998) and co-editor of Kagami no naka no Nihon to Kankoku (2000). Notto R. THELLE is Professor in the Faculty of Theology, University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway. He was a missionary in Japan from 1969–1985, where he served for a number of years as Associate Director of the NCC Center for the Study of Japanese Religions, Kyoto. He is the author of Buddhism and Christianity in Japan (1987), several textbooks on Asian religions for university and high school students, as well as several volumes on interfaith issues in Norwegian. Mark WILLIAMS is Senior Lecturer in the Department of East Asian Studies, University of Leeds, England. He is the author of EndØ Sh¨saku: A Literature of Reconciliation (1999) and numerous articles on postwar Japanese literature. He is also co-editor of Japan and Christianity: Impacts and Responses (1996), and translator of two novels by EndØ Sh¨saku, The Girl I Left Behind and Foreign Studies. His is currently Head of the Department of East Asian Studies at the University of Leeds. YOSHIDA RyØ is a Professor in the Department of Humanities, DØshisha University, Kyoto. He completed his Ph.D. at the Graduate Theological

Union in Berkeley, California, and has published widely on Japanese immigrants in America and American missionaries and Protestant Christianity in Japan. He is the author of America Nihonjin imin to Kirisuto KyØkai (1995) and contributed to Nihon no Purotesutanto sho kyØkai no kenky¨ (1997).


GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY

This bibliography is divided into several sections: dictionaries and bibliographies, handbooks and yearbooks, internet resources, journals, and selected books. For more detailed bibliographic information, consult the notes and bibliographies at the end of each chapter. Dictionaries and Bibliographies Ajia Bunka Kenkyu Iinkai, ed. Nihon kirisutokyØ bunken mokuroku meiji-ki [A bibliography of Christianity in Japan—Meiji era]. Tokyo: Kokusai KirisutokyØ Daigaku, 1965. Ebisawa Arimichi, ed. Christianity in Japan: A Bibliography of Japanese and Chinese Sources. Part I (1543-1858). Tokyo: ICU and Tuttle, 1960. England, John, et al eds. Asian Christian Theologies: A Research Guide to Authors, Movements, Sources. Vol. 3. Delhi: ISPCK, 2003. Fujio Ikado and James R. McGovern. A Bibliography of Christianity in Japan: Protestantism in English sources (1859–1959). Tokyo: The Committee on Asian Cultural Studies International Christian University, 1966. Junshin Joshi Tanki Daigaku Hayasaka Kinen Toshokan Katorikku BunkØ ed. Nihon katorikku kankei shiryØ sØgØ mokuroku [A comprehensive catalog of materials related to Catholicism in Japan]. Nagasaki: Junshin Joshi Tanki Daigaku, 1985. Laures, Johannes, S.J. Kirishitan Bunko: A Manual of Books and Documents on the Early Christian Mission in Japan. Monumenta Nipponica Monographs, No. 5. Tokyo: Sophia University, 1957. Nihon KirisutokyØ Rekishi Daijiten Hensh¨ Iinkai, ed. Nihon kirisutokyØ rekishi daijiten [A dictionary of the history of Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1988. “Nihon shakai to kirisutokyØ” ni kansuru shakaigakuteki kenky¨ no bunken mokuroku [Bibliography of sociological studies on Christianity and Japanese society], web-site run by Kawamata Toshinori: http://toshi-k.net/booklist/ JC.htm. ÷hama Tetsuya et al., eds. Nihon sh¨kyØshi kenky¨ bunken mokuroku. 2 vols. Tokyo: Iwata Shoin, 1985, 2000.

410


Sunquist, Scott ed. Dictionary of the Asian Church. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2001. [Japan-related articles selected and translated from Nihon kirisutokyØ rekishi daijiten (1988)]. Terao Kazuyoshi. Nihon KirisutokyØ kankei bunken sh¨sei [An annotated bibliography of materials related to Japanese Christianity]. Nanzan sh¨kyØ bunka kenky¨jo kenky¨ shohØ. No. 11, 2001 [also available at http://www.ic.nanzan-u.ac.jp/SHUBUNKEN/]

Handbooks and Yearbooks Katorikku KyØkai jØhØ handobukku [Catholic Church Information Handbook]. Tokyo: Katorikku Ch¨Ø KyØgikai Shuppanbu, 2003. KirisutokyØ nenkan [Christian Yearbook]. Tokyo: Kirisuto Shinbunsha. Published annually. Kumazawa Yoshinobu and David L. Swain, eds. Christianity in Japan, 1971–1990. Tokyo: KyØ Bun Kwan, 1991. Nihon KirisutokyØ sØran [A General Handbook on Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: Shinjinbutsu ÷raisha, 1996.

Internet Resources Baputesuto DØmei (Baptist Federation): http://www.jbu.or.jp/chs/index.html. Baputesuto Renmei (Baptist Union): http://www.mitakabaptist-c.net/baplink. html. Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Japan: http://www.cbcj.catholic.jp/ [provides statistics, documents, history, and news of Catholic Church in Japan, with links to religious orders in Japan and the16 Dioceses]. Catholic Schools in Japan: http://www.catholic-teachers.com/link1.html. Genshi Fukuin (Makuya): http://www.makuya.or.jp/. Japan Evangelical Lutheran Church: http://www.jelc.or.jp/e-index.html. Japan Society of Pentecostal Studies: http://www.kirisutokyo.com/~jsps/. Kirisuto Shinbun: http://www.kirishin.com/ [publisher of the KirisutokyØ nenkan, provides links to denominations, theological schools, and Christian publishers in Japan]. Kirishitan BunkØ (Sophia University Kirishitan Collection): http://www.sophia. ac.jp/J/research.nsf/Content/kirisitan (with a link to the electronic data base and updated version of the J. Laures, S.J. Kirishitan Bunko: http://malkyn. hum.dmu.ac.uk/laures/laures.html). Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture: http://www.ic.nanzan-u.ac.jp/ SHUBUNKEN/ [Japanese Journal of Religious Studies and other institute publications available online]. NCC Center for the Study of Japanese Religions: http://www.japanese-religions.org/frame.html.


411

National Christian Council of Japan (NCCJ): http://www.jca.apc.org/ncc-j/. Nihon Kirisuto KyØdan (United Church of Christ in Japan): http://member. nifty.ne.jp/kohara/kyodan/kyodan.html [site maintained by Professor Kohara, DØshisha University]. Nippon SeikØkai (Anglican-Episcopal Church): http://Nippon.anglican.org/ index.html. Oriens Institute of Religious Research: http://www.oriens.or.jp/index.html. Religious Information Research Center: http://www.rirc.or.jp/ [source for religious news in contemporary Japan and data base on religious groups and organizations; see http://www.rirc.or.jp/schools.php, for example, for links to Protestant and Catholic schools in Japan]. Sophia University, Department of Theology: http://www.info.sophia.ac.jp/theol/.

Journals Deai: KirisutokyØ to sho sh¨kyØ [Encounter: Christianity and Other Faiths, NCC Center for the Study of Japanese Religions, KyØto]. Fukuin senkyØ [The Gospel and Mission, Oriens Institute for Religious Research, Tokyo]. Fukuin to sekai [The Gospel and the World, ShinkyØ Shuppan Sha, Tokyo]. Japan Christian Quarterly [published by KyØbunwan]. Japan Christian Review [the successor journal to the Japan Christian Quarterly published annually 1992–1998 by KyØbunkwan]. Japanese Journal of Religious Studies [Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture, Nanzan University, Nagoya]. Japanese Religions [NCC Center for Japanese Religions, KyØto]. Katorikku kenky¨ [Catholic Studies, edited by the Theological Society of Sophia University, Tokyo]. KirisutokyØ Kenky¨jo NenpØ [Bulletin of Research of Christian Culture, Institute for Research of Christian Culture, Notre Dame Seishin University, Okayama]. KirisutokyØgaku [Christian Studies, edited by the Association of Christian Studies, RikkyØ (St. Paul’s) University, Tokyo]. Kirisuto to sekai [Christ and the World, Tokyo Christian University, www.tci.ac.jp]. KirisutokyØ shakai mondai kenky¨ [The Study of Christianity and Social Problems, Doshisha University, KyØto]. KiyØ [The Bulletin of the Institute for Christian Studies, Meiji Gakuin University, Tokyo]. KiyØ [The Bulletin of the Institute of Christian Culture/Oriental Religions, Sophia University, Tokyo]. Nanzan shingaku [Nanzan Journal of Theological Studies, Ecclesiastical Faculty of Theology, Nanzan University, Nagoya].

412


Shingaku [Journal of Theology, published by Kyobunkwan for the Society for Theological Study, Tokyo Union Theological Seminary]. Sh¨kyØ to bunka [Religion and Civilization, Bulletin of the Institute for Research of Christian Culture, University of the Sacred Heart, Tokyo]. Sh¨kyØ kenky¨ [Journal of Religious Studies, Japanese Association for Religious Studies]. Sh¨kyØ to shakai [The Japanese Association for the Study of Religion and Society]. The Japan Mission Journal [Oriens Institute for Religious Research, Tokyo].

Selected Books Breen, John and Mark Williams, eds. Japan and Christianity: Impacts and Responses. London: Macmillan Press, 1995 Caldarola, Carlo. Christianity: The Japanese Way. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979. Cary, Otis. A History of Christianity in Japan. 2 vols (a) Protestant Missions; (b) Roman Catholic and Greek Orthodox Missions. New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1909; republished Michigan: Scholarly Press, 1970. Cieslik, Hubert. Kirishitan no kokoro [The essence of the faith of the early Japanese Catholics]. Nagasaki: Seibo no Kishisha, 1996. Dohi Akio. Nihon purotesutanto kirisutokyØshi [A History of Protestant Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ sh¨ppansha, 1980. ______. Nihon purotesutanto shokyØhashi no kenky¨ [Studies in the history of various Japanese Protestant denominations]. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1997. DØshisha Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku Kenky¨jo, ed. Senjika no KirisutokyØ undØ: TokkØ shriyØ ni yoru [The Christian movement during wartime: The Special Higher Police materials], 3 vols. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1972. ______. Senjika teikØ no kenky¨: Kirisutosha, Jiy¨sha no baai Research on resistance during wartime: The case of Christians and Liberals], 2 vols. Tokyo: Misuzu ShobØ, 1978. ______. Nihon no Purotesutanto sho kyØkai no kenky¨ [Research on Japan’s Protestant churches]. Tokyo: KyØbunkan, 1997. Drummond, Richard E. A History of Christianity in Japan. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans, 1971. Fujita, Neil S. Japan’s Encounter with Christianity: The Catholic Mission in PreModern Japan. New York: Paulist Press, 1991. Gonoi Takashi. Nihon KirisutokyØ shi [A history of Christianity in Japan]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa KyØbunkan, 1990. Hanzawa Takamaro. Kindai Nihon no Katorishizumu: ShisØshiteki kØsatsu [Catholicism in Japan from the viewpoint of intellectual history]. Tokyo: Misuzu ShobØ, 1993.


413

Harrington, Ann M. Japan’s Hidden Christians. Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1993. Higashibaba Ikuo. Christianity in Early Modern Japan: Kirishitan Belief and Practice. Leiden: Brill, 2001. Ion, Hamish A. The Cross and the Rising Sun: Volume 1: The Canadian Protestant Missionary Movement in the Japanese Empire, 1872–1931. Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfred Laurie University Press, 1990. ______. The Cross and the Rising Sun: Volume 2: The British Protestant Missionary Movement in Japan, Korea, and Taiwan, 1865–1945. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1993. Kumazawa Yoshinobu and David L. Swain, eds. Christian in Japan, 1971–1990. Tokyo: KyØ Bun Kwan, 1991. Lande, Aasulv. Meiji Protestantism in History and Historiography. Uppsala: Uppsala University, 1988. Laures, Johannes, S.J. The Catholic Church in Japan: A Short History. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. 1970. Miyazaki KentarØ. Kakure Kirishitan no shinkØ sekai [The faith-world of Kakure Kirishitan]. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1996. ______. Kakure Kirishitan [Folk Christianity in Japan]. Nagasaki: Nagasaki Shinbunsha, 2002. Moore, Ray A. ed. Culture and Religion in Japanese-American Relations: Essays on Uchimura KanzØ, 1861–1930. Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 1981. Moran, J. F. The Japanese and the Jesuits: Alessandro Valignano in Sixteenthcentury Japan. New York: Routledge, 1993. Morioka Kiyomi. Nihon no kindaika to KirisutokyØ [Japan’s modernization and Christianity]. Tokyo: HyØronsha, 1976. Mullins, Mark R. Christianity Made in Japan: A Study of Indigenous Movements. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1998. Mullins, Mark R. and Richard Fox Young, eds. Perspectives on Christianity in Korea and Japan: The Gospel and Culture in East Asia. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press. 1995. Naganawa Mitsuo. NikoraidØ no hitobito: Nihon no kindaishi no naka no Roshia SeikyØkai [The people connected with Nikolai’s cathedral: The Russia Orthodox Church in Japan’s Modern History]. Tokyo: Gendai Kikakushitsu, 1989. ÷hama Tetsuya. Meiji KirisutokyØ kyØkaishi no kenky¨ [Studies in the church history of Meiji Christianity]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa KØbunkan, 1979. Ozawa Saburo. Nihon Purotesutantoshi kenky¨ [Studies in the history of Protestantism in Japan]. Tokyo: Tokai daigaku shuppankai, 1964. ______. Bakumatsu Meiji YasokyØshi kenky¨ [Studies in the history of Christianity in the Bakumatsu and Meiji periods]. Tokyo: Nihon KirisutokyØdan Shuppankyoku, 1973.

414


Phillips, James M. From the Rising of the Sun: Christians and Society in Contemporary Japan. New York: Orbis. 1981. Powles, Cyril Hamilton. Victorian Missionaries in Meiji Japan: The Shiba Sect 1873–1900. Toronto: University of Toronto/York University Joint Center on Modern East Asia. 1987. ______. “Foreign Missionaries and Japanese Culture in the Late Nineteenth Century: Four Patterns of Approach.” The Northeast Journal of Theology (September) 1969. Reid, David. New Wine: The Cultural Shaping of Japanese Christianity. Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1991. Ross, Andrew C. A Vision Betrayed: The Jesuits in Japan and China, 1542–1742. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1994. SatØ Ken’ichi. “Girisha SeikyØ no juyØ to chi’iki no kessha: Sanuma Ken’eikai to KØts¨sha” [Local associations and the acceptance of Orthodox Christianity: The Sanuma Ken’eikai and the KØts¨sha]. In Watanabe Nobuo ed. Kinsei Nihon no minsh¨ bunka to seiji [Politics and popular culture in early modern Japan]. Tokyo: Kawade ShobØ Shinsha 1992. Scheiner, Irwin. Christian Converts and Social Protest in Japan. Berkeley University of California Press, 1970 Suggate, Alan. Japanese Christians and Society. Bern, Switzerland: Peter Lang, 1996. Sumiya Mikio. Kindai Nihon no keisei to KirisutokyØ [Christianity and the formation of modern Japan]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1950 ______. Nihon shakai to KirisutokyØ [Christianity and Japanese society]. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1954. Takeda Kiyoko. Dochaku to haikyØ [Indigenization and apostasy]. Tokyo: ShinkyØ Shuppansha, 1967. Thelle, Notto R. Buddhism and Christianity in Japan: From Conflict to Dialogue, 1854–1899. University of Hawai‘i Press, 1987. Turnbull, Stephen. The Kakure Kirishitan of Japan: A Study of their Development, Beliefs and Rituals to the Present Day. Richmond, Surrey: Japan Library, 1998. Yamamori Tetsunao. Church Growth in Japan: A Study in the Development of Eight Denominations, 1859–1939. South Pasadena, California: William Carey Library, 1971. Whelan, Christal. The Beginning of Heaven and Earth: The Sacred Book of Japan’s Hidden Christians. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1996.

INDEX

Abe Isoo, 46, 50 Abe ShirØ, 352, 353 Aizawa Seishisai, 252–53 Akaiwa Sakae, 198 Akutagawa Ry¨nosuke, 306–09 Allied Occupation of Japan, 163, 267 Amaterasu, 250, 252, 258, 263, 265 American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, 60, 383 American Board of Commisioners for Foreign Missions, 44–46, 49, 58– 59, 60, 383 American Episcopal mission, 42 American women’s missionary movement, 325 Amida Buddha, 183 Ampo, 363–66 ancestors, 22, 26, 28, 30, 72, 135, 150, 164, 264, 281–82, 290 AndØ TarØ, 390 Anesaki Masaharu, 240 Anglican–Episcopal, 38, 49, 71, 79, 92, 163–64, 390, 389, 393 anti-Christian edicts (prohibitions and notice boards), 5, 12, 17, 19, 21, 31, 35–36, 67, 186, 256 anti-Christian propaganda, 36, 40, 234 anti-Christian tracts, 230 Aoyama Gakuin, 91, 106, 118, 170, 384, 387–88, 390 Archival Collections, 385–400 Arishima Takeo, 306, 310 Assemblies of God, 125, 178 Augustinians, 4 bakufu government, 12, 15, 19, 20

Ballagh, James H., 43, 102, 148, 188 baptism of the Holy Spirit, 129–30, 133, baptism for the dead, 135 Baptist, 42, 60, 81, 90, 146, 163–64, 178, 383–85 Batchelor, John, 44 Bettelheim, Bernard J., 42, 208 Bible translation in Japan, 48, 223 Anglican-Episcopal translations, 217 Interconfessional translations, 220– 22 Kirishitan translations, 205 Orthodox translations, 217 Protestant translations, 206 Roman Catholic translations, 217 Brown, Samuel Rollins, 43, 208–09 Bungakkai 302–06 burakumin, 73, 199 bushidØ, 51, 73–95, 94–100, 185, 187 Buxton, Barclay, 42, 64, 128-29, 133, 142 Caldarola, Carlo, 49, 64, 161, 163 Cary, Otis, 45, 48, 58–60, 111, 115, 120, 194, 202, 330, 342, 393 Central Gospel Mission, 129 charismatic Christianity, 125–28 charismatic leaders, 145, 152 Charismatic Renewal, 125, 139 Cho, Paul Yongi, 138–42 Christ Heart Church, 144, 148, 291 Christian Canaan Church, 144, 155 Christian Conference of Asia, 172 Christian New Religions, 291 Christian Peace Association, 363 Christian Peace Network, 373–74

416

INDEX

church growth, 101, 106, 118, 142, 167, 176, see also membership statistics Church Missionary Society, 44, 60–63, 129, 383–84 Church of God, 125 Church of the Nazarene, 139 church union, 76, 88, 90–93 chØkata, 23–24, 26 Clark, William S., 44,103, 186 Confession Concerning War Responsibility, 140, 170 conflict, 40, 48, 112, 132, 134, 147, 150–51, 233, 237, 240, 248, 251, 265, 267, 270, 280, 298, 302, 306–07, 330 Confraria, 15–17, 20 Confucianism, 45, 51, 113, 150, 183, 190, 233, 251 Congregational Church, 42, 45, 47–49, 71, 76, 79–80, 186, 386–87, 390 –91 in Manchuria, 80 Congrégation des Soeurs de l’Instruction charitable du Saint Enfant Jésus (Saint Maur), 41 converts, 7–9, 17, 37–38, 40, 42, 45 –46, 48, 52, 54, 66, 72, 78, 94, 103, 116, 143, 147, 166, 257, 283, 301, 307 Counter-Reformation, 3, 229 Cowman, Charles, 129–30 DaijØsai, 269, 368–69, 377 Dainichi, 6, 229 Dazai Osamu, 310–11 DeForest, J.H., 233 Deguchi OnisaburØ, 290 denominations/denominational, 37, 42, 47–49, 56–57, 69, 71, 75–76, 80, 84, 90–92, 94, 101, 104–05, 107, 125–27, 129, 130, 132–39,145, 148–50, 153, 156–57, 161, 165–66,

171–72, 190, 192, 200, 234, 327, 334, 363, 373, 385, 392 Denton, Mary Florence, 45 Deus, 6, 25, 28, 247, 253, 274 Dialectical theology, 182, 194–95 Dohi Akio, 38, 59–60, 75, 80, 86, 94, 96 Doi Tatsuo, 93 Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the USA, 60–63 Dominicans, 4, 11–14, 39 Dumoulin, Heinrich, 242 DØshisha University, 44–45, 85–86, 185, 265, 360, 383–84, 386–87, 390–91 Earhart, Byron, 150, 152, 160–63 Ebina DanjØ, 45, 48, 51, 72, 103, 182 –85, 188–189 Ebisawa Arimichi, 64, 96 ecumenical, 69, 153, 165, 168, 170–72, 174, 177–80, 223, 227, 246, 334, 376, 378 edicts banning Christianity, 12, 110, 251 Edinburgh World Missionary Conference, 47 Emperor Hirohito, 368 emperor system, 68, 82, 84, 97–98, 168, 170, 273, 370, 372, 378, 382, 384, EndØ Sh¨saku, 200, 296–97, 300, 308, 309, 313–14, 316, 318 Episcopal Church, 38, 42, 49, 59, 60, 71, 79, 92, 383, 389, 390, 393, see also Anglican-Episcopal, Nippon SeikØkai Esoteric Buddhism, 227–28 evangelicals, 125–29, 135–38, 163–64, 166, 169, 171, 176, 178 Evangelical Lutheran Church, 387 Evangelical Missionary Alliance, 166 evangelism, 69, 74–75, 88, 95, 102, 104, 110, 116, 165–169, 177

INDEX

exorcism, 26, 126, 137–38, 159 Expo 70, 170, 178, 364–65 family (ie), 14–15, 20, 27, 30, 37, 106, 113–14, 119, 131, 160, 169, 252, 280–83, 286, 323–34, 330–31, 345–48, 350, 354, 361, 364 Fellowship of Christian Missionaries, 164 feminist theologians, 199 feminist theology, 201 Ferreira, Cristovão, 13–15 Ferris Women’s University, 269, 327, 334, 369, 384 folk religion, 30, 132, 134, 140, 150, 278, 280–82 Forcade, Theodore-Auguste, 39 Foursquare Gospel, 130 Franciscans, 4, 11–14, 220 Free Methodist, 71 freedom of religion, 82, 110 Frois, Luis 8–10, 206 Fucan, Fabian, 229, 250–51 fukoku kyØhei, 110, 332 Fukuin ShinpØ, 59, 61, 63, 188–191 Fukuzawa Yukichi, 48, 359 fumie, 14–17, 20–21 funeral Buddhism, 287 Furuya Yasuo, 197 gender, 160, 323, 326–27, 331, 344 Genshi Fukuin, 135, see also Original Gospel Movement German Captivity, 194, 364 Girard, Prudence-Séraphin Barthélemy, 39–40 Gobel, Jonathan, 208–10 gonin gumi, 14–17 Gonoi Takashi, 17, 58, 64, 70, 84, 86, 92, 94, 253–54, 260, 274 Great Evangelistic Campaign, 47 Great KantØ Earthquake, 71, 75, 350

417

Greek Orthodox Church, 118 Green, Daniel Crosby, 44, 45, 210, 233 Gützlaff, Karl Friedrick August, 207 Hardacre, Helen, 83, 97, 113, 258, 262, 268, 270, 272, 376 Harris, Merriman Colbert, 44 Hatano Seiichi ,192 healing, 126–27, 129–33, 152, 157, 180, 279–80 Hepburn, James Curtis, 43, 105, 208, 209, 211 Hidden Christians, 19–24, 255, see also Kakure Kirishitan Hirata Atsutane, 252–53 Holiness Church, 71, 92–100, 129–33, 173, 267, 376 in Manchuria, 80 membership, 132 Holy Ecclesia of Jesus, 144, 155, 156, 157, 159-162, 291 Honda YØichi, 45, 49, 103, 116, 283, 301 HonØ no shita,129, 130, 134 HØgenha, 127, 134 Ibuka Kajinosuke, 103, 211–12, 3 01 Imahashi Atsushi, 144 Imai Hall, 388–89, 392 Imai JudØ, 73 Imperial Rescript on Education, 38, 112, 86, 191, 258, 328, 359 inculturation, 199, 203 Independent Research Institutes, 399 indigenization/indigenous movements, 126, 135–36, 142–46, 148–155, 157–159, 195, 291 Inoue TetsujirØ, 42, 114, 258–59, 328 International Christian University, 360, 369, 392 International Church of the Foursquare Gospel, 125

418

INDEX

International Institute for the Study of Religions, 399 Ishihara Ken, 182, 192 Ishii J¨ji, 50, 344, 345 Isson Nyorai Kino, 287 Itchi KyØkai, 49, 187, 385 jakyØ, 184, 360 Janes, Leroy Lansing, 43, 103 Japan Baptist Church, 90 Japan Cell Church Mission Network, 175 Japan Ecclesia of Christ, 144 Japan Evangelical Alliance, 48 Japan Evangelical Association, 127, 169 Japan Evangelical Lutheran Church, 164 Japan Evangelical Missionary Association, 164 Japan Evangelistic Band, 42, 129 Japan Holiness Church, 130 Japan Methodist Church, 387 Japan Society of Christian Studies, 403 Japan Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, 46, 75 Japan Women’s Christian University, 369 Japanese Association for Religious Studies, 404 Japanese Association for the Study of Religion and Society, 404 Jehovah’s Witnesses, 93, 249, 291–92 Jesuits, 3–9, 16, 20, 40–41, 182–83, 218, 228–29, 253, 386, 394, see also Society of Jesus Juergensen, Carl, 133–34 JØchi (Sophia) University, 71, 85, 264 –65, 270, 384, 394 JØtei, 208 Junshin University, 386, 392

Kagawa Toyohiko, 70, 75, 91, 93, 117, 182, 195, 213, 348–51 Kakure Kirishitan, 5–6, 19–24, 182, 184 and the Catholic Church, 31–34 beliefs, 27–33 ritual, 25–32 statistics, 22–23 kami, 23, 25–26, 31, 185, 198, 209, 254, 267, 274, 292, 295, 310 Kanamori Ts¨rin,103,191 KantØ Gakuin, 170, 383–85 Kashiwagi Gien, 53, 259 Katayama Sen, 46, 50, 94 Katayama Tetsu, 94, 362 Katayama Y¨kichi, 240, 245 Kawabe Teikichi, 129 Kawai Shinsui 144, 148–49, 153, 155 –56, 158, 160 Kidder, Mary E., 43, 324 KimigayØ, 173, 366, 370 Kingdom of God movement, 75 Kinoshita Naoe, 46–59, 50–60 Kinukawa Hisako, 199 Kirishitan daimyØ, 7–9, 12–14 Kishimoto Nobuta, 240 Kitamori Kazoh, 182, 196, 365 Kitamura TØkoku, 303, 304 Kiyomeha, 127 Kiyome no tomo, 130 Knapp, Arthur May, 48, 191 Kobe Jo Gakuin, 327 Koike Tatsuo, 144 Kokutai no Hongi, 263 KØmeito, 278 Korea, 69, 76, 79–80, 82, 86–87, 90, 92, 94, 103, 126, 138, 140, 142, 167, 174, 180 Kozaki Hiromichi, 45, 51, 260, 359 Kozaki Michio, 76, 96 Kumamoto Band, 43, 46, 48, 103 Kumamoto YØgakkØ, 43 Kumano Yoshitaka, 194

INDEX

Kumiai KyØkai, 45, 49, 50–52, 57, 59, 67, 71, 76, 79, 90, 95, 98 see also Congregational Church Kunikida Doppo, 305 Kuribayashi, Teruo, 199, 201 Kuwada Hidenobu, 194 kuzure, 15–17, 16–18, 20–26 kyØkaiha, 139, 169 Kwansei Gakuin, 118, 384, 388, 392 KyØdan, 91, 164, 168–69, 173, see also United Church of Christ Lassalle, E.M. Enomiya, 242, 245 lèse majesté, 51, 56, 113, 186, see also Uchimura liberal theology, 48, 60, 235 liberation theology, 199 Life Giving Christ, 144 Liggins, John, 42 Living Christ One Ear of Wheat Church, 144, 157 Lloyd, Arthur, 241, 245 Luther, Martin, 2–3, 229 Lutheran, 163–64, 178, 196, 384, 387, 397 Maeda ChØta, 259 Maeda GorØ, 215, 393 Manchurian incident, 70, 76, 263 mainline (denominations/churches), 126, 164, 178 Maria Kannon, 22, 26, 28 martyrs, 4, 12–15, 17 mass conversions, 7 mass evangelism, 125 Matsubara Kazuhito, 144 Matsue Band, 129 Matsumura Kaiseki, 144, 148, 155–56, 158, 160 Matsuno KikutarØ, 129 Meiji Constitution, 36, 83–84, 110, 188, 191, 257–58, 321, 328

419

Meiji Gakuin University 86, 115, 348, 369, 384–855, 392–933 Meiji government, 4, 43, 103, 110, 114 Meiji period, 13, 17, 22, 27, 30, 36, 39, 40, 42–43, 46, 50, 54, 57–58, 66, 71, 110, 149, 190, 251, 256, 262, 272, 281, 321–23, 326, 332, 336, 343–44, 348, 352, 360, 374 Meiji Restoration, 19, 41, 45, 81, 82, 185, 231, 249, 253, 279, 281–82 membership statistics, 45, 48, 55–57, 74, 104–05, 118, 127, 132, 143, 164–65, 170–74, 178 Methodist, 42, 45, 49, 60, 71, 79–90, 92, 186, 325–26, 333, 338, 384, 387–88 Methodist Church of Canada, 384 Methodist Episcopal Church, 384 Methodist Protestant Church, 384 Miki Takeo, 366 militarism, 70, 360, 362, 364, 367 Ministry of Education, 73, 83, 85–86, 90, 92, 101, 114–15, 365 minor founders, 152–53 Miura Ayako, 311 mizukata, 23–29 Mormons, 249, 291 Motoori Norinaga, 252 MukyØkai, 49, 58, 72, 80, 121, 181, 186, 214, 388–89, see also Nonchurch movement and Uchimura Murai Jun, 132, 134–35, 144, 156 MutØ Kazuo, 198 MyØtei MondØ, 229, 250 Nakada J¨ji, 129–30, 142 Nakahara Masao, 136–37, 144 Nakajima Shigeru, 195 Nakaya Yasuko, 268 Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture, 242, 384, 386, 401, Naruse JinzØ, 325

420

INDEX

National Christian Council in Japan, 75, 91, 139–42, 164, 369, 372 National Council of Churches, 70, 169 National Christian Education Association of Japan, 107 nationalism, 47, 86, 110, 112, 114, 116, 149, 173, 261–62, 372, 375–76 Natsume SØseki, 306 Nazarene churches, 71 NCC Center for the Study of Japanese Religions, 241, 400 Nestorian church in China, 227–28 new new religions, 171, 291 new religions, 36, 70, 90, 94, 145, 152, 166, 277, 281 new theology, 190–91 Nihon Kirisuto Itchi KyØkai, 49, 385 Nihon Kirisuto KyØkai, 45, 49, 51, 71,76, 385–86 Nihon Kirisuto KØkai, 128, 187, 385, 395 Niijima JØ, 44, 46, 53, 185–86, 188, 265, 391 Nikolai, Bishop I., 53–57, 60, 217, 257 Nippon Kirisuto KyØkai, 78, 80, 90 Nippon KirisutokyØdan, 91-99 Nippon Ribaibaru DØmei, 126 Nippon SeikØkai, 49, 71, 78–80, 84, 92–93, 98, 390 Nipponteki KirisutokyØ, 88–89, 98 Nishida KitarØ, 196, 241 Nishitani Keiji, 241 Nitobe InazØ, 45, 70, 94, 100, 103, 185–86, 332, 395 Nonchurch Movement, 45, 49, 58, 72, 81, 116, 154, 181, 291, 388-89 Nyorai–kyØ, 287–88 ÷hama Tetsuya, 59, 66 Ohki Hideo, 197 ojiyaku, 30–33 Okada Minoru, 198

Okayama Orphanage, 344–46 Okinawa, 39, 42 Okinawa Christ Evangelical Center, 136–37, 144, 291 ÷kuni Takamasa, 252–53 ÷moto–kyØ, 290 ÷mura Sumitada, 20 orashio, 24–30, 25–31, 26–32 ÷tsuki Takeji, 144,156, 159 ÷uchi SaburØ, 96 Oriens Institute for Religious Research 242, 400 Original Gospel Movement, 135–36, 142, 157, 291 Orthodox Church, 54–56, 71, 92 Orthodox missionaries, 42 Oshikawa Masayoshi,103 Ozawa SaburØ, 66, 391 pentecostal, 101, 125–28, 132, 134–39, 141–42, 154, 159, 161 People’s Rights Movement, 37, 49, 54 Perry, Commodore Matthew, 35, 109, 212, 323 persecution, 4, 12–14, 16, 20–21, 28, 35–36, 40, 70–71, 82, 87, 90, 93, 167, 186, 208, 236, 254, 257–58, 264, 267–69, 290 Petitjean, Bernard Thadée, 16–18, 40 postmodernism, 171–72 postwar peace movement, 376 Presbyterian, 35, 42–45, 47–49, 53, 59–60, 71, 73, 76, 77–80, 90–92, 95, 163, 172, 187, 188, 198, 384 Public Order Maintenance Law (Chian iji hØ), 132 Pure Land Buddhism, 37–38, 158, 183, 229, 288–89 Raguet, Emile, 218 Reformed Church, 42, 48, 60,163, 384 Reid, David, 171, 178–79, 375

INDEX

Reischauer, A.K., 103, 110, 242 Religious Bodies Law, 90, 163 Religious Organizations Bill, 82, 84–98 Religious Organizations Law, 82 Religious Society of Friends, 42 revivals, 46, 64, 71, 125–129, 132, 139, 140, 142 RikkyØ University, 86, 389–390, 393, 393 RikugØ zasshi, 49–50, 69, 237–38 RisshØ KØseikai, 238, 281 Roman Catholic, 38, 39–42, 47, 54, 57–58, 71, 74, 77, 85–87, 92, 94, 118, 139, 164, 165, 169, 171, 173, 178, 182, 205, 215, 217, 232, 235–36, 242–43, 249, 331, 384, 386 ruizoku aratame, 14–17 rural evangelism, 97 Russian Orthodox Mission, 52–57 Russo-Japanese War, 38, 50, 52, 55, 65–66, 72, 79, 91, 256, 263, 266, 361 ryØsai kenbo, 322, 329 saisei itchi, 254 Salvation Army, 42, 67, 80, 91, 93, 286, 390 samurai class, 45–46, 54, 103, 126, 150, 185, 282–83 San Felipe, 10 sanctification, 129, 130 Sanctifying Christ Church, 144, 157 Sapporo Agricultural College, 44 Sapporo Band, 45, 103 Sasaki Shinji, 93 Sasao TetsusaburØ, 129 Sato Shigehiko, 195 SatØ Toshio, 198 Sawabe Takuma, 53 Second Coming, 127, 129–30, 132–33, 156, 267 secularization, 167, 169, 170, 172, 378

421

Seireiha, 126–27 Sekine Masao, 214 Seventh–Day Adventists, 90, 93,135, 389, 391 shakaiha, 169 shamanism, 126, 137, 158, Shiina RinzØ, 300, 309, 313, 317 Shimabara, 13–16 Shimao Toshio, 314 Shimazaki TØson , 46, 304–05 Shimazono Susumu, 152, 160, 162, 279, 295 Shinto, 82–87, 90, 97, 261 religiosity, 183 state Shinto, 82, 168, 366 state Shinto rites and Christians, 82–87, 261 sects, 83–84, 257, see also Yasukuni Shirakaba-ha [White Birch] literary coterie, 309 ShØji Tsutomu, 179, 363 ShØwa Era Revival, 132 Sino-Japanese War, 69, 71, 72, 234, 237, 262, 326, 329 social Christianity, 195 social gospel, 106, 195 social welfare, 69, 71, 74, 345, 350, 354–58 social work, 67, 345, 349–56, 358–59 Socialist Party, 50 socialists, 52, 70, 74 Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 60–63 Society of Jesus, 3, 5–6, 10–13, 11–14, 384, see also Jesuits Société de Marie (Marians), 41 Soci¡t¡ des Missions Etrang™res de Paris, 4, 19, 39 SØka Gakkai, 278, 280, 284 see also KØmeito Sophia University, 384, 394, 401

422

INDEX

speaking in tongues, 126, 128, 132–37, 157 Spirit of Jesus Church, 135–42, 156 statistics, 40, 57, 94 St. Andrew University Archives, 390 student protests, 170 Sugita KØtarØ, 144 Sumiya Mikio, 59, 67, 73, 94, 99, 348, 395 Suzuki Masahisa, 365 TaishØ Era Revival, 132 TaishØ Period, 41, 262, 331, 347 Taiwan, 47, 69, 77–79, 103 Takahashi Takako, 314 Takakura TokutarØ, 192–93 Takayama Ukon, 7–8, 12–14 Takizawa Katsumi, 182, 196, 241 Taniguchi Toku, 144 tatari, 30 Tenchi Hajimari no Koto, 22 tennØsei, 70, 82, 85, 89 Tenri–kyØ, 38, 284, 285, 286, 289 terauke seido, 14 Teshima IkurØ, 136–42, 144, see also Original Gospel The Way, 144, 148, 291, see also Matsumura Kaiseki Theology of the Pain of God, 182, 196 Thompson, David, 211 Three Religions Conference, 52, 83 three selfs (self–support, self–control, self–propagation), 109, 116, 143, 147 TokkØ, 90–91 Tokugawa Iemitsu, 13–16, 19 Tokugawa Ieyasu, 11–14, 250 Tokyo Union Theological Seminary, 117, 194, 365, 385–86, 394 Tokyo Women’s Christian University, 332, 394–95 Tomita MitsurØ, 91, 93

torture of Kirishitan, 12–15 TØyØ Eiwa GakkØ, 113 Toyotomi Hideyoshi, 10–12, 250 treaty ports, 35–37, 46 Tsuda Umeko, 45, 325 Tsuge Fujito, 133 Tsukada Osamu, 84, 88, 99, 376 Tsukamoto Toraji, 214 Twenty–Six Saints, 28 Uchimura KanzØ, 38, 45, 49–50, 56,72, 103, 113, 116, 128, 146, 182, 185– 186, 197, 258, 301–02, 359, 360, 375, 392 lèse majesté, 51, 56, 113, 186 Two J’s, 51, 186, see also Nonchurch movement Uemura Masahisa, 45–58, 48–60, 50– 61, 59–63, 73–95, 103, 116, 185, 187–89, 193, 301, 395 ujiko, 32 Unification Church, 281, 291–92 Unitarian, 42, 191 United Church of Christ in Japan, 137– 42, 163, 361, 365, 370 see also church union University of the Sacred Heart, 334 Urakami Incident, 36, 40, 47, 59–63 Valignano, Alessandro, 1, 8–11 Vatican II, 192, 199, 236 Verbeck, Guido Fridolin, 43, 211, 232 VIP Club, 176 wakon yØsai, 110 Watch Tower Society, 95 Wesleyan-Armenian, 128 women, 43, 46, 137, 158, 321, 328 Williams, Channing M., 384 Williams, Samuel Wells, 207 Xavier, Francis, 1, 3–6, 20, 184, 205, 228–229

INDEX

Yagi Seiichi, 182, 196, 241 Yajima Kajiko, 46 YajirØ, 5–6, 205, 228 Yamaji Aizan, 45, 63, 118, 113,120, 301 Yamamuro Gunpei, 50, 286, 294, 390 Yamamuro Kieko, 46 Yanaihara Tadao, 81, 95, 360, 375 Yasukuni Bill, 168 Yasukuni Shrine, 173, 239, 260, 263–64, 268, 366, 372 anti–Yasukuni movement, 367 Yates, N.P., 78 YMCA, 47, 75 Yoido Full Gospel Church ,138–42 Yokohama Band, 43, 45, 48, 103, 116

423

Yokohama KØkai, 48 Yokoi Tokio, 191, 259 Yokosuka Christian Social Center, 353 yonaoshi, 280 Yoshida Shinto, 250, 251 Yoshino SakuzØ, 74 Yuasa HachirØ 86–98, 265, 360 Yuasa JirØ, 50 Yuasa YØzo, 390 Yuge TØru, 269 Yumiyama Kiyoma 133 Zen Buddhism 183, 196, 198, 228, 230, 240, 242 Zenkoku Suiheisha, 73

HANDBOOK OF ORIENTAL STUDIES Section V: JAPAN ISSN 0921-5239

Band 1. Allgemeines, Sprache und Schrift 1. Lewin, B. Sprache und Schrift Japans. In Zusammenarbeit mit K. Genenz, W. Müller-Yokota, J. Rickmeyer und R. Schneider. 1989. ISBN 90 04 08775 3 Band 2. Literatur, Theater, Musik 1. Ortolani, B. The Japanese Theatre. From Shamanistic Ritual to Contemporary Pluralism. 1990. ISBN 90 04 09314 1 Band 3. Geschichte 3. Müller, K. Wirtschafts- und Technikgeschichte Japans. 1988. ISBN 90 04 08650 1 5. Rosner, E. Medizingeschichte Japans. 1989. ISBN 90 04 088§15 6 Band 4. Religionen 1. Naumann, N. Die einheimische Religion Japans. Teil 1. Bis zum Ende der HeianZeit. 1988. ISBN 90 04 08591 2 Band 5 Hamada, J. Japanische Philosophie nach 1868. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09897 6 Band 6. Rechtsgeschichte 2/1. Steenstrup, C. A History of Law in Japan until 1868. 1991. ISBN 90 04 09405 9 Band 7 Kornicki, P.F. The Book in Japan. A Cultural History from the Beginnings to the Nineteenth Century. 1998. ISBN 90 04 10195 0 Band 8 Antoni, K. Shintô und die Konzeption des japanischen Nationalwesens (Kokutai). Der religiöse Traditionalismus in Neuzeit und Moderne Japans. 1998. ISBN 90 04 10316 3 Band 10 Mullins, M.R. Handbook of Christianity in Japan. 2003. ISBN 90 04 13156 6

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