God's Caliph: Religious Authority in the First Centuries of Islam

PATRICIA CRONE & MA RTIN HINDS

Religious authority in the rust centuries of Islam

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University of Cambridge Oriental Publicato i ns

God'$ caliph

C;.pvrlghted material

God's Caliph Religious authority in the first centuries of Islam

P A T R I C I A CRONE Univenity L..ecturer in blamk HiSiory and Fellow or Jesul Colleac. Quoro

and MARTIN HINDS Univcnity Fellow or Trinity Hall, Cambridsc

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Bihliogfllphy: p. loclllll..-s iJl\k.\. I . Caliphate. 2. Islamic Empire-Politics and gOI·mullen!. 3. IsI�rn Dnd stute I.Wnds. Mortin II, Titlo: Ill. Series IlI'l66.9.C76

1986

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CJPYnghied ma�nal

CONTENTS

I Introduction

I

2

The title

3

The Umayyad conception of the caliphate

24

4

Caliphallaw

43

�

From caliphal to Prophetic sunna

58

The Umayyads

59

The 'Abbiisids

80

Epilogue

97

6

khalifat Alliih

4

Appendix I On the date and origin of the caliphate

III

Appendix 2 The letters of ai-Wand II and Yazid I I I

116

Appendix 3 Abu l;Iarnza's comments on the caliphs

129

Appendix 4 al-Ma'miln's letter of designation of 'Ali al-Ri"a as his successor

133

Workscited

140

lnder

J53

v

alenal

Copyrighted material

1 Introduction

What was the nature of the early caliphate? Islamicists generally believe it to have been a purely political institution. According to Nallino, no caliph ever enjoyed religious authority;l according to other IslamicislS, some caliphs did lay claim to such authority, but only by way of secondary development and only with limited success'. In what follows we shall challenge this belief. It is of course true that religious authority was the prerogative of scholan rather than of caliphs in classical Islam, but we shall argue that this is not how things began. The early caliphate was concei� along lines very different authority being concentrated in it; it was the caliph who was charged with the definition of Islamic law, the very core of the religion, and without allegiance to a caliph no Muslim could achieve salvation. In short, we shall argue that the early caliphate was conceived along the lines familiar from Shi'ite Islam. The conventional Islamicist view of the caliphate is that enshrined in the bulk of our sources. Practically all the literature informs us that though the Prophet was God's representative on earth in both political and religious matters, there ceased to be a single represen· tative in religious matters on the Prophet's death. Political power passed to the new head of state, the caliph: but religious authority f rently remained with the Prophet himself or, dife 1 C. A. Nallino, Appunti lutla natufa dcl "Caliratto" in JCnCre c Jul praunto "Califattoottomano"', in hil Rocco/tadi Krilli f'ditit i",.ditl, "01. III. Rome 1941; compare also T. W, Arnold, TM Caliphate', London 1965, p. 14. 2 Thus T. Nagel, R«lIlf,.i/Wlg WId XaJi/at, Bonn 1975; D. Sourdcl, 'L'aUlorile cati6t-nnc dans Ie monde lunnitc' in G, Makdisi, D. Sourdcland J. Sourdct· Thomine (cds.), Latlotiort d'mlt(Nil�au lftO)'f'tI figf',' hfam, BYZDII('f', O«iIk"" P.ris 1982, pp. 105f; G. Rotter, Dif' Umayyodnr wuIdrr zM'f'ilf' 8iirrf'rkr� (680-692), Wiesbadcn 1982. pp. 3-4, 52, 248ft'. •

I

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2

God's Caliph

those men who remembered what he had said. These men, the Companions, transmitted their recollection of his words and deeds to the next generation, who passed it on to the ne)tt, and so forth, and whoever learnt what the Prophet had said and done acquired religious authority thereby. In short, while political power continued to be concentrated in one man, religious authority was now dispersed among those people who, owing their authority entirely to their learning, came to be known as simply the 'ulama', the scholars. As it happened. however, the first three caliphs (Abu Bakr, 'Umar, 'Uthman) were themselves Companions, so that in practice religious and political authority continued to be united, ir no longer concen­ trated, in the head of state, and during this period the caliphs could and did issue authoritative rulings on law. But though the fourth caliph ('Ali) was also a Companion and moreover a kinsman of the Prophet, he failed to be generally accepted, and on his death the caliphate passed to men who had converted late and unwillingly (the Umayyads), so that the happy union of religion and politics now came to an end. Caliphs and 'ulamii' went their separate ways, to be briefly reunited only under the pious 'Umar II. Most Shrites disagree with this view. According to the Imimis and related-sects. the legitimate head of state ('Ali) inherited not only the political, but also the religious authority of the Prophet. In practice, of course, the legitimate head of state after 'Ali was deprived of his political power by his Sunni rivals, so that he could only function as a purely religious leader of his Shrite following; but in principle he was both head of state and ultimate authority on questions of law and doctrine in Islam. Modem Islamicists however generally regard the Shi'ites as deviant. Some take them to have started off as adherents of a political leader who was not, at first, very dife f rent who was gradually transfonned into a religious figurehead.' Others believe them to have elevated their leader into a religious figurehead from the start, but to have done so under the influence of foreign ideas, their model being the supposedly charismatic leadership or pre-Islamic south Arabia.t Either way, it is the Shi'ites, not the Sunnls. who are seen as having diverged from the common pattern. It certainly makes sense to assume that Sunnls and Shi'ites started J Thus ror«.mple 8. Lewis. 1M Arabs jn His/ory. London 1966. p. 71. 4 Thus W. M. Wilt. IJ/QIPI tw1 t� hllt"o/IOII 0/ Sodtty. London 1961. pp. 105r.; �ted by Witt in numerous otherpubliC:ltons: aoc:epled by Natel. Rtf'htltl/llftg, pp. 45r.

CJPYnghted malenal

Introduction

J

with a common conception of the caliphal office; and given that we owe practically all our sources to those who were in due course to become the Sunni majority, it is not surprising that we automatically assume this conception to have been of the Sunni rather than the Shi'ite type. There is, however, much evidence to suggest that this is a mistake.

CJPYnghted malenal

2 The title

khalifat Alliih

We take as our starting point the well known fact that the Umayyads made use of the title khalifat Allah,! an expression which we along with many others understand to mean 'deputy of Goo', This translation is scarcely in need of much defence. A

khalifa is

somebody who stands in the place of another, that is a deputy or a successor depending on whether the other is absent or dead; since the Muslims assumed God to be alive, khalifal AJliih cannot mean 'God's successor'. However, in order to accomodate the conventional view that the caliphate is succession to Mul:lammad rather than deputyship on behalf of God, Goldziher construed it as meaning successor(ofthe prophet approved) by God',I and this interpretation has found favour with some. It might now be defended with reference to Paret's conclusion that Qur'anically kholifo means successor.' Two Qur'inic verses were customarily invoked by those who called themselves khofijo( Alliih, that is 2 : 28, in which God announces that •

'( am placing a khofijo on earth' with reference to Adam, and

38:2S,

I a. 1 . Ooldziher. M/4flm Slwirs, London 1967-71, vol. II, p. 61of the oriJinal palinllion : /d., 'Du sens propre des expressions Ombn: de Dieu, Kh,life de Dieu pour dCsiper In chefs dans J'lslam', hf:w. , Hi"oirt.s hl/6/ON l5 (1897); D. S. Mu,oliouth, 'The Smse of lhe Tille KllanfDll' in A VoIumt of Orwntal Slll(/i" PrtunlHlo E. G. 8ro..·,." Cambridge 1922; E. TYln,/nslllullomtN droll publlcmllSlll_, 'lot t (Lt fuJi/at). Plris 19S4, pp. 202, 4l9ft": H. Rinuren, 'Some RdiJious Aspects of the Caliphate'. Sludits In Iitt History of RtI/6iOlls (suppitn'lfmuto N_n). IV: � '(if,al Jc.irqJllip,lo ",alitd SQtTa, Lridm 1959; W. M. Witt• • God's Clliph: Qur'inic Interpretations and Umlyyad alims' in /rQlf aM IJ/QIf1, ed. C. E. Boswonh, Edinbursh 1971; R. Paret. 'ijlfifll Allih­ Vicari us Dei: tin difl"ertnzitrender thri/I A. AbrI). Lcidm 1974. II is with somt surprise thlt one nota; Hitti'sdaim that 'such e.travapnt lillts IS /cllaRjal AlfiJil . . . weee evidently first bestowed on II·Mullwaldr.iI' (P. K. Hitti, History of Iitt A,abJ'. London 1961. p. lI7). 2 Goldziher, 'Ou sens proprt', p. ll1. 1 R. Partl, 'Sipilkation coranique de lJolrfa et d'lu\rtl derives de I, radne IJQ/afo', Studio IIIQIf1leo II (1970). '

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The title Khalifat Allah

5

in which He tells David that 'we have made you a khalifa on earth ';4 ifParet is right that khalifa invariably means successor in the Qur'an, and if the title

khalifat Allah was actually coined with reference to

these verses, then the title ought indeed to mean 'God's suocessor' in the sense of ' successor appointed by Him' as Goldziher suggested. But plainly it did not. Leaving aside the fact that there were exegetes who disagreed with Paret& and that the provenance of the title is unknown, the texts leave no doubt that khalifat Allah as applied to the head of state was understood to mean 'deputy of God'. As Watt notes, there are passages in both poetry and prose which militate against Goldziher's interpretation;' paraphrastic titles such as am,n

Allah, 'trustee of God', ra', Allah, 'shepherd of God', sultan Allah, 'the authority of God ' or na'ib Allah, 'lieutenant of God ' also make it unlikely that khalifat Allah meant anything but 'deputy of God';1 and so does the general tenor of the sources, as will be seen. Moreover, since 'Uthmiin, the first caliph for whom the title khalifat Alliih is securely attested, was also known as amin Allah, there is no reason to assume that kharifat Allah only acquired its exalted meaning in the course of its evolution;' we may take it that it meant 'deputy of God' from the start. Now 'deputy of God' is a title which implies a strong claim to religious authority. This is why we are interested in it, and we wish to begin by establishing three basic points, First, it is attested not 4 IrkJuUifa means suca:ssor here, Adlm was I sua:csso r to angels orjilin Ind David to lOme previous king, S cr, Watt, 'God's Caliph', p. S66, where some uegetic:al views Ire cited. AI-Bay�iwi allO accepts thlt khalr/a means deputy, adding that evny prophet was I depUly or God (An ..·.Jr o/-tantR wa-Q.Srdr o/-ta'It,n, Istanbul n.d., vol. I, p. 64, ad2: 28), and the same inte-rpretation is implied in the Slories in which 'Umn I and 'Umlr II .eject the title or kha/ifar Allifh on the ground thlt it men exclusively to prophets such as David (cr. the exegetes exercised great ingenuity to I'loid the interpretltion of kMrifa IS 'oepuly' tor political fUsons, optin, ror far-fetched inte-rpretations such IS that or' posterity' or'suo.nor' instead (W. M . Wilt, 1M FormDt� Ptriadoflslamit. Thought, Edinburgh 1973, p. 84; the rar-retched interpretation is that adopted by Paret). But what bothered Inuep:te sudt IS Il-Tabari wlS clearly not politics. but rather the incompatibility or 2:21 with the doctrine or prophetk '4fM: how could I deputy orGod, viz. I prophet, be said to ' act corruptly and shed blood'1 (cr. id. 'God's CaJiph', p. 566). 6 Wall, 'God's Caliph', p. S71; Id. FarfMtipt P"iod, p. 84. In what roiloWi we shall transllte klIoITfat Allifh as 'deputy of God' or leave the expression untranslated; the reader mayjudge ror himselrhow mlny times '51)((8ISm of the Prophet approved by God' would be a felicitous rendition. 7 cr. the index. 8 cr. Walt, Farmotipt Period, p. 84, where this possibility is left open. For 'Uthmin IS ami" Allifh see below, note as. .

.

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6

God's

Caliph

just for some Umayyad caliphs, but for all of them, or more precisely for all of those who lived to rule for more than a year; secondly, it was an official designation of the Umayyad head of state, not just a term ofnattery; and thirdly, it was well known to be what the title of khali/a stood for when used on its own. t

Atttstations per caliph

Note: tn order not to clutter the text we give only short references

here; full bibliographical details are given in the list of works cited. We should like to acknowledge our debt to Tyan, whose Cali/at provided us with many of our attestations.

(I) 'Ulhmon (a) 'I am the servant of God and His deputy' (Aghani, vol. xvi, p. 326: '/qd, vol. iv. p. 301'). (b) I beseech you by God and remind you of His right and the right of His khali/a' (Aghan;, vol. xvi, p. 325). (c) Perhaps you will see the kholifa of God among you as he was, one day in a place of joy' (l;Iassin b. Thiibit. no. 20: 10; cr. 'Arafat. 'Background', pp. 276ff.). (d) 'The deputy of God, he gave them and granted them what there was of gold, vessels and silver' (Layla al·Akhyaliyya. no. 27: 2). (e) 'They were brought something which cancels the duty to avenge a deputy of God's (khalifalill 1;'lIoh, Na�r b. Muzil)im, Waq'ar Silfin, p. 229). '

•

(2) Mu'iiwiya (a) 'The earth belongs to God and I am the deputy orGod' (Bal., Ans., vol. iv/a, p. 17 vol. iv/I, p. 20, §63; Mas Muriij, vol. iii. § 1861 v, pp. 1041). (b) 'Your brother, Ibn l;Iarb, is the deputy of God and you are his vizier' (l;Iiiritha b. Badr to Ziyid b. AbThi in Tab., ser. ii. p. 78). (e) 'You have lost the khalifal Alliih and been given the khilofal Allah' ('A�.i' or 'A.$im b. Abi Sayti to Yazid 1 on Mu'iiwiya's death in Jii\lii. Boyan, vol. ii, p. 191; Mas., Muriij, vol. iii, §1912 v, p. 152; 'Jqd, vol. iii, p, 309"). (d) . Mu'iwiya b. Abi Sufyin was a servant whom God deputed =

.•

=

=

CJPYnghted malenal

The rille Khalifat Alldh

7

(;jrakhlafahu Allah) over the servants . . . and God . . . has now invested us with what he had' (Yazid I in Ibn Qutayba, [mama, p. 190). (e) Mu'iwiya preferred his son Yazjd for khiliJfat Allah 'ala 'ibadihi (al·Mu'taQid in Ibn Abi 'I·l;ladid, SharJ" vol. xv, p. 178, citing Tabari; but Tab., ser. iii, p. 2173 11, gives a different version). (3) YaZld [ (a) Cf. above, 2. c,d,e. (b) Imtim al-mlLflimin wa-khalifat rabba/·'tilamin (Muslim b. 'Uqba in Ibn Qutayba, [mama, p. 203. cf. p. 202: 'I hope that God, exalted and mighty is He, will inspire His khalifa and 'abd with knowledge of what should be done'). (c) 'Woe to you who have separated from the sunna and jamaa and who have disobeyed the deputy of God' (Syrians to Hishimites in l;Iamza al-I$fahini. p. 217). (5) The Sufyanids in general (a) '0 people of Jordan, you know that Ibn al·Zubayr isin a state of dissension, hypocrisy and disobedience against the caliphs of God' (l:Iassin b. Milik b. 8abdal in 'Iqd, vol. IV, p. 395'). (b) The Umayyads in the presence of Mu'iwiya are addressed as banI khulafo' Allah (Aghtinl, vol. xx, p. 212; al-Tilbani, Miskin al-Dirimi', p. 185). •

(5) Marwan [ No direct attestation. (6) 'Abd a/-Malik (a) For the coinage of 'Abd ai-Malik's reign which refers to kha/ifat Allah, see Walker, Catalogue, vol. ii, pp. 28, 30f(bronze coins. undated (but see below, chapter 3, note I»; vol. i. p. 24; Miles, 'MiiJrib and 'Anazah', p. 171; and id 'Some Arab­ Sasanian and Related Coins'. p. 192 (miJ,rab and 'anoza dirhams, undated); Walker, Cala/ogue, vol. i. p. 25 and Salmin, ' Dirham nadir', pp. 163ft'. (Khusraw II plus standing caliph dirham, dated 75). .•

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8

God's Caliph

(b) For the stories in which al·Hajjij deems God's kharifa superior to His rasu/with reference to 'Abel al·Malik, see below, chapter 3, pp. 28f. (c) 'To the servant of God, the Commander of the Faithful and khalifat raM al·'alamfn' (letter from al-l;Iajjaj to 'Abel al·Malik in 'Jqd, vol. v, p. 2SI2). (d) 'God, exalted is He, has said, "fear God as much as you can" (64: 16). This is [due] to God . . .Then He said, "hear and obey" (also 64: 16). This [obedience is due) to the servant of God, thekhalfjaofGod and the noble one/belo...ed (najib/Ilabib) of God, 'Abel ai-Malik' (speech by al·l;lajjij in Mas Muru j, vol. iii, §2088 .... p. 330; '/qd, vol. iv, p. 117; cf. Abu Diwiid, Sunan, vol. ii, p. SI4, and the mangled version in Ibn 'Asikir, Tahdhib, "'01. iv, p. 72, in which the caliphal epithets are reduced to amir a/-mu'minin). (e) 'You thought that God would betray His religion and His khiliifa' (al-J;lajjaj after Dayr al-Jamajim in '/qd, vol. iv, p. 1161; Mas., Muruj, vol. iii, §2066 vol. v, p. 30S). (I) 'God, mighty and exalted is He, has deputed the Commander of the Faithful 'Abd al·Malik over His lands (utakhlafahu Allah) and been satisfied with him as imam over His servants' (speech by al-l;Iajjij in Ibn Qutayba, /mama, p. 233). (8) 'The earth belongs to God who has appointed His khalifa to it' (Farazdaq, vol. i. p. 2S'). (h) 'Ibn Marwin is on your hump, the khalifa of God who has mounted you' (camel-driver's song in Aghani, vol. xvi, p. 183; a variant version refers to al-Walid I, cr. below). (i) 'God has garlanded you with khilafa and huda' (Janr, p. 4741). (j) 'The caliph of God through whom rain is sought' (al·Akhtal. Dfwan, p. 101'; also cited in Aghanf, vol. xi, p. 66). (k) Khalifiit Allah al-murajja (al-'Abbas b. Mul)ammad in Aghanf, vol. xxiv, p. 217, probably with reference to 'Abel al·Malik). , (I) 'The deputy of God on his minbar (Ibn Qays al-Ruqayyat, no. I : 17 (p. 70». (m) Khalifar al-RalJman (Ri'i, pp. 228�1, 229", variants; the text has .•

=

=

walf amr Allah). (7) aJ·Walfd J (a) For the stories in which Khiilid al-Qasri deems God's khalifa superior to His rasiii with reference to al-Walid I. see below, chapter 3, p. 29. CJPYnghted matanal

9

The lille Khalifat Allah

(b) Fa-anta Ii-rabb af-'iilamin khalifa (JaTiT, p. 3848). (e) 'Vou are the shepherd of God on earth' (Farazdaq, vol. i, p. 3121). (d) 'The caliph of God through whom clouds of rain are sought' (Nabighat B. Shayban, p. 284). (e) 'The khalifa of God through whose slInna rain is sought' (Akh\al, p. 18S·). (0 'The khalifa of God who has mounted you' (AI-Walid to his camel in '/qd, vol. iv, p. 424, a variant of 6 (h); ef. Ibn 'Asikir, Tahdhib, vol. iii, p. 398, where it is JamTI who says it ofal-Walid I). (8) Siliaymiin (a) 'The kharifa ofGod through whom rain is sought' (Farazdaq, vol. i, p. 361'. Note also Janr, p. 35', where Ayyiib, the son of Sulayman is prematurely described as khalfJa U'I-Rai}miin). (b) 'My heir apparent amorrg you and my successor among all of those over whom God has deputed me (islakhlafani Alliih) is . . . 'Umar' (Sulaymin's testament in Ibn Qutayba, Imiima, p. 308; in this document Sulayman styles himself khalifat al-mwlimin, cf. p. 307). (9) 'Umar II (a) 'The khalifa ofGod, and God will preserve him' (Janr, p. 2741; the title is mentioned again at p. 275'). (b) 'The one who sent the Prophet has placed the khiliifa in the just imam' (Janr, p. 415'). (10) Yazid II (a) 'Vazid b. 'Abd ai-Malik is the deputy of God; God had deputed him over His servants . . . and he was appointed me to what you see (Ibn Hubayra inMas., MUrUj, vol. iv, §2210 v, p. 458; Ibn Khallikiin, vol. ii, p. 71). (b) Kharifal Alliih (Janr, p. 256'). '

=

(I I) Hishiim (a) For stories in which the deputy and the messenger of God are compared with reference to Hisham, see below,chapter 3, p.29.

10

God's Caliph

.

(b) 'and Hisham, the deputy of God '(al··Abaliin Aghiini, vol. xi, p. 305). (c) 'You are using abusive words for all that you are God's deputy on earth' (visitor to Hisham in Ibn Kathir, Bidaya, vol. ix. p. 351). (d) 'You have lied to khalifat al·Ra�man concerning it' (al­ Farazdaq or al·Mufarrigh b. al-Muraqqa'in Aghanf, vol. uii, p. 21). (e) ai-imam khalifal Allah al·riqa 'I-humam (l;Iaf� al-Umawi in Ibn 'Asakir, Tahdhib, vol. iv. p. 392). (f) Note also khalifat ahl a/·ar4, khalifat af-anam (Farazdaq, vol. i, p. 165', vol. ii, p. 830.1); compare Sulayman's kha/i/at af­ muslimfn (above, 8,b). (12) al-Walid II (a) Cf. the letter translated below, appendix 2, pp. 116ft'., in which the caliphal institution is identified as deputyship on behalf of God and the caliphs are referred to as khulafli' Allah. (13) Yaz id III (a) Cf. the letter translated below, appendix 2, pp. I 26ft'., in which Yazid III identifies all Umayyad caliphs up to and including Hisham as khulafo' Alliih; by implication he brackets himself with them. (14) Marwiin II (a) Cf. the letter in which Marwan (not yet caliph) states that 'this caliphate is from God' (Tab ser. ii, p. 1850). (b) 'God's religion and His khilafa' (Marwan in a letter (penned by 'Abd al-l;Iamid b. Yal)ya) in Safwat, Rasii'iI, vol. ii, p. 474, citing Ibn TayfUr, lkhtiyar al·maniiim wa'/-manthiir and other sources). (c) And in disobedience to the deputy of God a Muslim continually strikes with the sword in his hand that of his brother' ('Abd al-l:Iamid b. Yal)ya with reference, probably, to Marwan II, in his 'Risala fi'J·fitna' in al· Tadhkhira af-lJamdiiniyya, bab 31). cr. below, chapter 3, note 14, where 'Abd al-l;Iamid speaks of God's rasu! and khalifa. .•

•

righted matmal

The title Khaliof l (d) Cf. also the refiection of

IJ

khalifal

khaliaf l (Ya'qUbi, vol. ii, p. 420, has �Ialif al-shay(an, obviously a whel'.! Oawiid b. 'Ali denounces Marwan as

corruption.)

The Marwiinids in general

(15)

(a) Thiibit Qutna refers to (a'at aJ·Ral}man aw khulafiJ'ihi (Aghilnl, vol. xiv, p. 271). Cf. also above, 12 and 13.

The Umayyads in general

(16)

(a) According to al-Mada'ini, the Syrians called all their children Mu'awiya, Yazid and al·Walid 'after the caliphs of God' (Pellal, 'Culle de Mu'awiya', p. 54).

2 The ofllci.1 nature of the title That

khalifal Allah was an official title of the Umayyad head of state

is clear from the attestations given already. It was not of course the title commonly used for purposes of address and reference to individual Umayyad caliphs. For such purposes amlr aJ-mu'minitl, 'commander of the faithful', was adopted, and this title is far more densely attested in the sources than khalifa; indeed, in the non-Muslim sources khalifa the official designation of the caliph's function,'D and what the attestations just given show is that it stood for khalia f t

khaliaf t khaliaf t it did not stay on the coinage for long, II the Umayyads continued 9 According to Brock, it is only atl�Ied 0f\C:Jr in 5yriac lile�lu�. and Ihat in a lale 5Oume: 'Uthmin i5 addrtS5ed as 'caliph or Ihe prophet or God ' in lhe Cllronirlr

ad 12J4 (5. P. Brock, 'Syriac Views or Emergml lslam' in O. H. A . Juynboll

(td.), StwditSOft11«l Fiw Crnlur),o/iJl_ic welrt)'. Carbondale and Edwardsville 1982, p. I" and nole 33 thereto). The only Syriac autslation thus renders Ihe

claMical khalifat rasiil Alldh. 10 Similarly, the official designalion ortbc function ofa Frmc:h parish priest is nln. but his pari5hionen will .aually address him as �rt and refer to him as/r prrr. In his\ctter regardinglhe sUCCts$ion al·Walid II rden to Ihe caliph5 as kllu/aft · when he describes their history. function and importance, bUl switches 10 amir al·mw'minfn when he addTC$SM. his subjects dirtttly (cr. below. appendix 2). II The fact Ihat it disappeared rrom the coinage does not mean Ihal 'Abd al·Malik repen led of having called himself khali/at regarding the kind or propaganda he wished the coina� to make.

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to spell out khalifa as khalifat AI/iih in their public statements until the very end of the period: for all their political differences, ai-Walid II, Vazid III and Marwan II were at one on this point. The appearance of khalifat Allah and variations on this title in court poetry thus reflects official usage. not poetic inventiveness. Leaving aside a reference to 'Uthman in a thirteenth-century Syriac source,

khalifar rasul Allah is not attested for the Umayyads at all." 3

KNlIf. - kNlIf., AUiII

It was not just the Umayyads and their poets who took khar,Ja to stand for khalifat Allah when applied to the head of state; apparently everybody did so, Thus Yazid b. al-MuhaJlab, in a letter to thecaliph Sulaymiin, refers to 'Umar h.

al-KhaUiih wa-'Uthman h, 'Ajfiin )',.'a-man bddahuma min khulafii' Allah, "Umar, 'Uthmiin and the deputies of God after them', in a completely matter-of-fact way implying that all caliphs were ipso facto deputies of God, U This agrees with the fact that even an anti-caliph such as Ibn al-Zubayr was referred to in poetry as khalifat al-RaIJmiin.14 On the Kharijite side we have the ferocious speech delivered by Abu J;lamza in the 7405 in which the iniquitous behaviour of Vazid II (and other Umayyad caliphs) is described with the sarcastic comment. 'is such supposed to be the distinguishing characteristic of khulafo' Alliih?'U It is not clear whether Abu I;famza held even righteous rulers 10 be deputies of God, but one would certainly infer from this that, like others. he held the litle of khalifa to siand for khalifal Alliih.11 On the Shi'ile side 12 cr. lbove. note 9. 13 Tlb ser. iii. p. 1334. 14 Wlkr, AkhbiJr a/.qut/ilh, ed. A A M. II,Mlrighi, Cliro 1947-SO, vol. I, p, 263: A,lultIr, vol. IV, p. 400. 15 cr. below. appendix 3. section 9. 16 'Deputy orood' il nOlln appropriate litle for a Khirijite ruler, and at some stalC the Khirijilcs duly rejc' on God', behalf call. not only 10 1M book of God Ind IM ,f\IPl/I/J of the Prophet,

but also 10 the IVI'IINI orlhe belic�ti. ann- him (Banidi, 1(ttI·6hIT. p. 164; prbled in Inawi, Ktu/lf. p. 304). 66 Tab.. ser. ii, p. 1804.

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69

When then do we first come across the concept of a Prophetic sunna endowed with a content of its own ? Allegedly, it is attested as early as the first civil war in the arbitration document drawn up after the battle ofSiftin. (Incidentally. the non-Muslim contention that it was the Syrians who won this battle is corroborated by Umayyad court poetry).IT But the more plausible version of this document states that the arbiters should seek guidance in the book of God and, failing that, in al-sunna al-'Qdila al-jiimi'a ghayr al-mufarriqa, ' the just sunna which unites people and does not set them apart', not the sunna of the Prophet.II To later Muslims this was unintelligible. 'Where is that

sunna, where should one seek it. what is its fonn, what is its fonnulation, what is the basis of its meaning?', as al-Jil).iJ asked in outrage. concluding that the original reference must have been to the sunna of the Prophet;1t and another version of the document (8) duly replaces the offensive expression with a hybrid SWlnal rasUl Alliih al-jiimi'a. But what the document referred to was clearly a SWlna conceived in purely pre-Islamic tenns.,. The arbitration document illustrates a problem familiar to all students orearly Islamic bistory, viz. that the historical tradition was updated in the course of its transmission.l1 As it happens, document A survives. Had it been lost, we should still have argued against the 67 Faratd.q. vol. I, p. 101','; Akblal, pp. 174r; cr. P. Crone, SltIt'ts on Houes, C.mbridse 1980. notes 30, 103. 68 Hinds, 'Arbilration Aileement', pp. 102ft'. 69 Hinds, • Arbilration Agt :.!II mt·. p. 109. 70 cr. the pre-Islamic pmte./.lU/j4mI·,Aayr naifarrlqadd .. c e dby Hinds, , Arbitration Ailee...e ..t', p. 101. The Sbi'ites also undentood the s- in question as a Prophetic one, cr. Ibn Abi '1-I;1101d, Shm./.l, vol. XVII, p. !I2, whert 'AIr. n i structions 10 aJ·Aahtar on the laUer's applinlment to EI)'pI include tbe .tateIl K ..t tbat a/·radd/14 '/·nuVJ(Qur. 4: 62) equals a/-uk.1wJIt bl·SllNtQliJri'l.jiJmi'tJ ,Aayr aI-mufrurlqa. 71 Comp"rt'lqd, vol. IV, p. 4!17; hereal-Warld II ttlisShuri'a lbat be did not summon him to uk him about killb AII4II WtJ-$YtIItJ/ MblyyiJrl, but ratber to dilCUlS wine (similarly. vol. Vl. p. 336); but in A,h4nT, vol. VlI, p. 49. be says tbat he did not summon him to uk him about 'lim, ad a/tJ/� (rom him onfiqh. or '-r him tell l;ladith or recite the Our'in. In tbe fint p""'ae he is presumably sayina lb.t he is not inlertSted in borina talk about pio\ll practice iIIultrated witb melthte : � oDd �sllae to tbe Our'in ortbe type round in the lheolopcal epistles; in the I he spells Ollt what a c1assieal lCholar IInderstood by the collocation. Comptart also Dhahabi, Siyar, vol. v, p. 372; Afltilttr, vol. VD, p. 83. Here al·Mabdi says that al·Warld II was not a :indIq. Jiven that God wOllki not place His caliphate with somebody who did not believe in Him; bIlt in the I«Ond version oftbis story, it is al-Mahdi who u)'5 that he was a IiNIlIt and a/,.,", who objectJ on the JfOuod that God would not appoint IOmeOht who did not btJieve in Him to klUi4/tJ/ af-nubuwwa (as opposed to khU4/tJ/ A1I4II) and amr a/._.

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authenticity of document B's rendition on the ground that so early an occurrence of Prophetic sunna as a source in its own right is implausible in the light of other evidence. This is a less conclusive argument, but documents like A do not always survive, and there are passages in the tradition to which it must be applied. We take it that poetry and documents were more resistant to updating than the rest of the tradition (though evidently not impervious to it. given that they were preserved within it, and evidently not always authentic in the first place either) ; and we treat with special respect un-classical sounding statements in the SOUlceS on the ground that they are likely to be survivals. Where such evidence adds up to a consistent picture, we dismiss classical-sounding statements contradicting it, as for example 'Umar's long suspect instructions to the qiir/f and similar material." But inevitably much of our evidence is of a somewhat indeterminate status : it might be authentic (or at least early) or it might not be. Where this is the case, we have chosen to err (for the sake of the argument) on the side of credulity. Turning now to the theological epistles extant from the Umayyad and/or early 'Abbisid periods, we find that prophetic SWllfQ is here usually mentioned in collocation with the book of God, usually with the same insubstantial meaning of' right practice' as in the parlance of the Umayyads, their poets and their opponents. Thus the letter ascribed to al-l;Iasan al-Bqri declares that 'every doctrine which has no proof from God is an error', all while referring with approval to the fact that its author has learned from • the ancestors who acted in accordance with God's command, transmitted His wisdom and followed the .runno of the Prophet' (urannii bi-sunnot rami Alfdh),fI suuestin, that the author was a Qur'snic fundamentalist for whom the sole source of sunno was the Qur'in as interpreted by people of whom he approved. The Qur'sn is also the sale concrete source of in the letter of Jsbir to a certain 'Abd al_Malik,14 while the traditions cited in the epistle attributed to 'Umar II can be dismissed .nmna

72 O. D. Marloliouth, 'Omar's Instructions to the Kadi', JOllnuJI of lilt RoytJ/ AIlDtlc Socitt! 1910; compare 'Umar on k/,Qb and SIWNI' in Wald', QII OrkftIDl"( pp. 89ft". OlWlid b, 'Ali interceded ror him 103 'Abd 11·'Aziz b. 'Umu WIS spired (A,ft41If, vol. IV, p. 346) 100 wu later to be found Imonl the flll16baof Abu l.'fu (Abu lur'l, Ta'rrklt, ed, Sh, II-Qujini, Olm.scu$ 1980, p. 569. no. 15679). A.d.m

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75

Shi'ite sources e�tol his virtues;IOt Christian sources deplore his zeal for Islam;l" and Sunn'i sources describe him as the mahdi, an epithet which numerous Umayyad caliphs have in court poetry, but which only he has retained outside it.IOI We take it that his unusual role was at least in part forced upon him by his name and date. I.? How· ever this may be, the fact that posterity accepted him as a rightly guided caliph also means that it fathered a greal many later views on him. It is by no means implausible that he undertook to rule in accordance with the book ofGod and the sunna oflhe prophet in the same sense as Yaz'id III was to do SO,I01 that is by renouncing the most unpopular aspects of Umayyad policy. Thus we are told of the scrupulous attention he paid to proper use of public funds,ulI of his rejection of conventional fripperies associated with calipha! ceremonial,l1O of his obsession with justice and equality, III of his

104 10j

106

101 108 109

110 III

b. 'Abd al·'Aziz b. 'Umar wu spared by 'Abdallah b. 'Ali (Ibn ·Asikir. Tulldhib. vol. II, p. 364) and went on to find favour wilh Abu'I··Abbas and al·Mahd'i (AShmrf, vol. xv, pp. 2861r.). E. Kohlber" 'Some Imimi Shi'i Interprelation5 or Umayyad History' in O. H. A. JuynboIJ (ed.), Slwd�sOtl IMFint ernt"" of/slamic Sodrly, Carbondale and Edwardsville 1982, pp. Ij3f. In; a. Theophanes, CIt'0#W8,aplria, p. 399; Scverus, Slya, al-abd', p. 144 Michael lhe Syrian, CMOtIi,,�, ed. and Ir. J.-8. Chabot, Paris 1899-1910. \'01. II, pp. 488f. cr. below, a"PI"",n"dix I, p. 11
'i1m, jiqh and sunan as the

scholars could trace back to his own ancestors: thus the Meccan j scholar Ibn Juray, who was short of cash, was lucky to have in his possession an unrivalled collection of I,adith Ibn 'Abb4J;17l and the nuuhddyikh of Banii Hashim self-
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including the Prophet, that is the Kitabal-kharaj.U7 And JuqahQ now seem to have formed a regular cadre ofthe state apparatus, in which capacity their duties included accompanying the caliph on pilgrima� and witnessing the signing of important documents,'" as well as answering such queries from qa41s as the caliph continued to receive;UI apparently, they even had their own unirorm.:tfIO In his letter of appointment to Harthama b. A'yan, governor of Khuriisan, Harun stated that Harthama should make the book of God his guide in everything he did ;10' if in doubt, he should consult the local experts in God's book and thefiqh of God's religion. or alternatively refer the matter to his imam, that is Harlin himself, so that God might show the latter His opinion.lol In other words, legal experts who had made their appearance outside the state apparatus now took precedence over the God-inspired state itself. In the last year of his reign Haliin corresponded with l;Iarnza al-Khariji, a colourful rebel in Sistin whom he called to the book of God and the SWlnQ of the Prophet in the traditional fashion.101 l:Iamza responded by pointing to the book of God and His (sc. God's) SUno/VI: l;Iamza was a Qur'iinic fundamentalist,lO. to whom guidance was incarnate partly in the frozen fonn of a book and partly in the ongoing form of the 'way or those guided by God in their hearts'.'" l;Iamza thus subscribed to the old doctrine that guidance was available here and now (except that it was not available rrom caliphs in his view). Hiriin, by contrast, made it plain that sunan hadiya which the Prophet had '

197 AbU Viisurs attitude 10 l;lad1th as a IOUrce of law in this work is diseuued by A. Ben Slw:mcsh, TaxtJtilHf in /Jlam, vol. Ill, Ldden and London 1969, pp. Iff

.•

who does however exaaerate the number oftradition5 in question (sec: the indelt in the edition by I. ·Abbis). 198 They witnessed the document or amdn rOf tbe I;lasanid Vabyi b. 'Abdallih in 176 together with judges and Hishimitcs (Tab., sef, iii. p. 614; cr. allO Kildb al·'uyiin. p. 293). They took part in the drawinl up and witnessin, or the 50lemn documentsohl'C""sion durin, the pilJrimage or 186, apin 10aether withjudtts and otbers (Tab ser. m. pp. 6S4; Kitdb QPIIJW!, p. 304). Eycry time: al·Rashid went on pil!rimaF he was aocompanied by I hundred fuqaM' and their IOns (Tab ser. iii, p. 741). 199 cr. WatT, QIIf/dIr, vol. II, p. 142I l·tJ IOIl·ntJ 200 a. A,"""f. vol. VI, p. 291 (kdMyc(lammu bJ.'jmQma SOli''''' 'tJld qtJitIIUIWl .•

.•

__ytJibtuu /ibM

al.JuqtJhd' 201 Tab.. ser. iii, p. 717.

.

•

•

tJqbtJ/tJ Abii Yiisu[tJI.qd41blo(Jf1}dbl1rJ aliitJi.qtJIanu.

202 U-yllriJ'tJhll AlJdIt 'tJ:ztJ lI'o-jalJa rtiy•. 203 Scarcia. 'Scambio". p. 6)4. 204 Scarcia, 'Scambio', p. 636: cr. above, note )4. lOS Sabfl _ IItJd6 '11M qtJibahvm (Scarcia, ' Scambio', p. 636: we arc indebted to Zimmermann. 'Koran and Tradition', note 140, for our undetsllndinl of l;Ianwfs posilion).

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made clear were to be found in l;Iadith from him and other figures of the past.IOI In this interchange 'Abbasid history has come full �..de: an 'Abbisid is here calling to the book of God and the sunna of the Prophet in the sense of something authenticated by l;Iadith, whereas the rebel speaks the language which the 'Abblisids themselves had spoken in the past. From Harim onwards, references to the sunna of the Prophet in its classical sense become commonplace in 'Abbasid statements, and this is scarcely surprising. By 767 the classical account of the Prophet's life, Ibn Isl;taq's MaghOzi. had been written,"' while at the same time the classical schools of law were under fonnation: Abu l;Ianifa died in 150/767, Malik in 179/795, and by the reign of al·Ma'mun. al·Shifi'j had fonnulated his jurisprudential doctrine. Given that the 'Abbisids had failed to control all this, they had to toe the line. h might be argued that they could toe the line with impunity until al·Shifi'i's doctrines had won acceptance. It is plain that pre·Shifi'ite sunna was what Schacht called ' living sunna' rather than a dead one, that is to say it was the putative practice of the Prophet as continued by later generations rather than one sealed in the lifetime of the Prophet himself. Sunna was defined by the Prophet and later a'immat al·hudlJ/qawm.rlJlil}un, as Ibn al-Muqaffa' and Abu Yusufsaid,l08 and a great deal of it was still sunno in the sense of being ra'y rashid. In principle the imams of guidance/righteous people could well have continued to include 'Abbisid caliphs on a par with scholars, and the 'Abbisids could thus have continued to be seen as following the srmna of their pious forebears all while establishing their own very 206 cr. Zimmc'IIIAnn, 'Koran and Tradition', nott 140. In his commenuon lhe pAper

by Hinds al lhe colloquium for lhe 'tudy of Ijadith, O�.rord 1912, Zi mmc . ... ann pointed out thai since I;famza's letter is • line-by·line riPOSlt to Hiliin', his rejection or _ as authenticated by l;Iadith sugesU thai Hiriin lubtcribed to ii, and thai l;firUn in fact meres to a ljadilh in thi. lelter, however implicilly. Hirun invokes the Qur'lnic statement thai obedience 10 the Prophet equals obedience 10 God (Qur. •: 81). conlinues by rererrinl to God', book and the SUItGIt WIIO which MutJammad had made clear, and concludes by invitinl l;famza to obey lhe book of God and lhe .fMIUJQ of Hi, mennJrf by obeyinl the caliph. Thi. prauppotel that obedie,," 10 the caliph equalled obedimu 10 the Prophel, and thus 11$0 to God, .U<Slinl thai Hirun had in milK! lhe I...dilion died by AbU Yiisuflo lhe Cff«l lhll he who obeys the imam obeys the Prophet (KIuu4j, p. 80). 201 a. M. Hinds, "'Maahizi" and "Si..." in Elrly Islamic Scholanhip' in lA ,,� dII propltitt MoItotfvt, CoIJoqw • SlrtUbourr (octobrt 1980), Pari. 1983, on the aripnll title of Ibn bl;iiq', work. 208 cr. above, noles 161, 181.

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much as the Umayyads had done: it was only with al-Shafi'j that sunna ceased to be something which could be made here and now. In practice, however, this argument is not correct. On the one hand; living sunna was not very alive, or rather it was only alive to scholars. Whoever Ibn al-MuqaJra"s a'immat al-huda may have been,"' Abu Yusurs qawm �iililJiin included no caliph later than 'Umar II, while the last caliph to be cited as an authority on law in the Mu�annaf of Abd al-Razzaq (d. 2 1 1 /826) is Hishiim.1IO No 'Abbisid caliph is invoked as an authority in legal l;Iadith, the incomparable nature of al-Mahdfs sWlan notwithstanding. III The fact that the Umayyads had to be expunged from the record (with the exception of 'Uthman and 'Umar II) was bad for such sense of caliphal law as survived: in principle the 'Abbasids could have made living sunna, but in practice theCa'noo -ofcaliphal law had been closed, It was only scholars such as Abu l;Ianifa or the aptly named Rabi'at al-Ra'y who wert still in a position to institute sunan, and for such scholars al-Shifi 'j's theories were indeed a threat. Eut for the caliphs, they did not make much difference. On the other hand, even living sunna was very detailed. It was easy enough for the Umayyads to follow the sunna of David, Solomon, the Prophet or past caliphs, given that the sunan in question rarely had much concrete existence; it was an altogether different matter to follow or restore the sunna of the Prophet and the early caliphs once l;Iadith had got underway. Having been deprived of the authority to institute new SWlan, the 'Abbasid caliphs also found that the past which they wert supposed to imitate consisted of narrowly defined rules, nol of vague ancestral practice compatible with any interpretation which they might wish to put on it. In practice, their hands had thus been tied. To this must be added the point mentioned already, viz, that since Prophetic sunna was defined in the main by private scholars rather than by public servants, its rules were frequently and indeed inten­ tionally unhelpful to the state. This is not to say that the scholars '

as legitimatt by the 'Abbisidsat this stage was 'Ali, SU&F$ling Ihal tht Q'imtnQ includtd pnwnsothtr than caliphs, t.,. worthy forebears of the dynasty such as Ibn ·Abbis, But bert 1$ dsewhere in the Risjj/Q, Ibn al-Muqaffa· is prudt'lltly vagut. 210 ·Abd al·Razziq, M�af, vol, x, no, 18298. 211 The nta�t W't tel to it is Kindi, G�"'Q'1, p. 370, whcrt Ibn Lahi'a, an ElYPtian judge sa)'1 thit a\-ManJiir wrott to him sayin, an"C/hu Iii y(Jjil!Il/,.llj(J.. ..·I�1l 1tf.lJiimii pu/l!qQr-- .Q/jj ...iUitil (1ie). However thi, is to be undtrstood. it cltarly represents tht Commander of the Faithful as an authority of law; but no IJadith collection saw fit to includt it. 2Q9 Presumably the only non··Abbisid caliph

,

I

recognised

·

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God's Caliph

advocated disobedience to the caliph ; on the contrary, l;Iadith is quietist, But though the subjects had to obey the caliph, the caliph in his turn had to abide by rules which in matters such as taxation, penal law, the fixing of prices and the like comiued him to a policy very different from what he might otherwise have had in mind: humane though it is, Abu Yusufs Kiliib al-khariij could scarcely be recommended as a rational approach to the problem of taxation. Naturally the caliph could ignore the sunna and he frequently did: but what is a deputy of God who is forced to contravene God's law? The scholarly conception of Prophetic sunna was thus a threat to caliphal authority from the moment of its appearance. The only way in which the caliphs could have survived with such a law would have been by reserving the right to act as its ultimate arbiters, or in other words by selecting from the works of the scholars such rules as they wished to recognise, depriving the rest of validity, very much as Ibn al-Muqaffa' had suggested. Though al-Man�ur did not apparently respond to his proposal, there are suggestions that both he and other caliphs saw themselves as arbiters of this kind not so much as caliphs, but rather as kinsmen of the Prophet (a quality which the Umayyad caliphs had conveniently lacked). As has been seen, al-Man�ur displayed a special interest in l;Iadith transmitted to and from Hiishimites. AI-Mahdi explained that in his capacity as kinsman of the Prophet he had restored the sunna ignored by Mu'awiyall1; on another occasion he settled a question concerning the sunna of moustaches with reference to a tradition going back, via his father and grandfather, to Ibn 'Abbas.1II Similarly al-Ma'miin explained that of all people who followed the sunna of the Prophet he was the best equipped to act in accordance with it, partly because of his position in God's religion (.fc. his being khalifat Allah], partly because of his succession to Mul)ammad [.fC, his being khalifal rasUl Allah) and partly because of his kinship with the Prophet.1I4 But though the 'Abbasids would assert their special position vs-a-vis i the sunna in connection with this or that policy of theirs. they never claimed to have ultimate control of the law as such, nor could they have done so without rec:laiming the entirety of spiritual authority once vested in the caliphate. The law was the sum total of God's guidance, not merely matters of relevance to courts, for all that Ibn al-Muqaffa' only considered it as such in his

Risiila: it dealt with every aspect of

212 cr. llbove. note 193. 213 W.tT. Qu4d/I. vol. II, p. 130. 214 Bat., FUIUIJ. p. 32. cited by $arwat. Ra.fd·iI. vol.

lit,

p. 509.

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On the face orit al-Ma'mun sought his resouJ'¢ts for a restoration ofcaliphal authority in Shrism, first by designating the eighth imam of the Imimi Shrites as his successor, and next by assuming for himself the prerogatives of this imam. displaying the religious authority which he had won thereby in the institution of the m;�na,1II But though the erosion of the original concept of the caliphate within mainstream Islam on the one hand and the Hishimite descent of the 'Abbisids on the other both predisposed al-Ma'mun to seek a Shrite aegis for his ventures, it was in fact an Umayyad caliphate which he tried to restore (just as it was an Umayyad Dome of the Rock which he tried to claim for himself in Jerusalem), It may admittedly be argued that his designation of 'Ali al-Ri4i had little or nothing to do with his concept of calipha! authority: a recently uncovered document claims that he nominated the 'Alid in the belief that the end of the world was at hand,tl' If this is accepted. there is no question of regarding his choice ofai-Ri4i and his institution of the m;�na as two different strategies towards the same objective of regaining religious authority for the caliphate, In return his choice of al-Ril;lii would highlight the threadbare nature of 'Abbisid legitimacy after the fourth civil war: for if the caliph thought that he could only avert wholesale massacre ofhis kinsmen on the day ofjudgement by handing over to an 'Alid. then the caliph himself had evidently stopped believing that the 'Abbiisids had a right to rule, Loss of legitimacy and loss of religious authority went hand in hand under the Umayyads and the 'Abbisids alike : the designation of al-Ric;ti might be a reaction primarily to the fonner. the institution of the mi�na primarily to the latter, But there is reason to be sceptical about this claim, forit was precisely in connection with the designation of al-Ric;li that Umayyad concepts of the caliphate resurfaced, Thus the title ofkhalifat A/liih returned to the coinage. its first reappearance there being on coins issued in al·Rieji's name : and the message behind this come-back can hardly have been other than that the title was now meant to be taken as seriously as it had been in the days of'Abd ai-Malik: MuIJammad rasiU A/Nih. a/·Ma'miin khalifat Alliih, as the inscriptions proclaim, neatly restoring the old parity between 2 1 8 cr, F, Olbrieti, al·Mo'rnWt t ,Ii 'Alidl, I...eipvg 1929; D, Sourdel, ' La. potilique retipeuse du Cllire 'Ibbuide II-MI'mun" Rt�'IIt drs tludrs 1!larniqw! JO (1962): Pitton, A,,_d Ibn IIC/tIbo/ ami 1M MjMa; W, Madeluna. 'New Documents conceminS II-MI'mun, al-FII,tI b, Slhl Ind 'Ali II-RK,Ia' in Sludio Arahica tl I!//JI/'Iieo: Ft!/n:ltrij'l/or IIJs6n 'Abb43, ed, W, It-Qi4i, Beirut 1981. 219 Mldelun" 'New Documenu', pp, }431f,

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From caUphal to Prophetic sunna: lhe 'AbMsids

95

messenger and deputy.lto And at the same time al-Ma'mun made heavy use of Umayyad epistolary style in the letter he sent out from Khurisan announcing his choice of al-Ric;li as his successor. This letter, of which we offer a translation in appendix 4, is so close to that ofal-Walid II in terms of both structure and terminology that one suspects that it was directly modelled thereon (and al-Walid II is in fact known to have sent a copy of his to Khurisan).1tI Like al-Walid II, al-Ma'mUn begins with a review of sacred history divided into an era of prophets and another of caliphs. The era of prophets began when God chose Islam as His own religion and sent messengers with it until in due course the prophethood reached Mul)ammad, who here as in al-Walid's letter preaches the same as all the previous prophets and completes God's message to mankind. The era of the caliphs began when, on Mubammad's death, God set up the caliphate for the maintenance ofHisJaro'i4and "udUdand the shard'''' and sunan ofIslam, as well as for the conduct ofjihlid. As in ai-Walid's letter this is followed by a section stressing the importance of obedience to God's kharifa, though al-Ma'mUn has less to say about this than does al-Walid and, unlike him, also refers to the caliph's responsibilities in respect of his subjects. Here as there the caliphate is something which brings together the disunited, while the covenant of succession is a refuge and part of the completion of Islam. Both caliphs stress that they have had no greater preocc:upation than the succession since their accession, and both conclude with a paragraph on the benefits which will arise from giving allegiance. Leaving aside Qur'inic citations not used by al-Walid and the circumstantial detail regarding al-Ric;li and the 'Abbisid retinue. al-Ma'mUn's letter differs significantly from that of al-Walid only in that it refers to the kiliib/kitiib Alliih and sunna/sunnat nabiyyihi, as well as to the sunan of Islam, where al-Walid speaks only of the sunna ofGod, and further in that it cites a tradition, more precisely a Companion tradition (from 'Umar I) on the responsibility of caliphs for their subjects. The message is otherwise precisely the same as that of al-Walid : it is through the caliphs that God's ordinances are maintained. The letter 220

Cf, above, ehapler 2, nole 26, According 10 Shahan, Islamic HUlor,. vol. II, p, 47, al·Ma'miln ga� Ihe caliphal title 'a twisl to sianify thaI the ruler was God's deputy on eanh, instead of lhe simple earlier meaning of SU.).

came

to be called

2 DIiv.'aI'-. d. Qur $9: 7. Note that al·l;bsan al-Ba,ri is credited with havins said .•

orlhe Umayyads /tltlkMdhIi '/Md AI14JJ Icltawa/"- WD-Icitlfb AII4JJ _hal-- ""Q.m4/ AI/lilt tiJlwaI"· (Ibn ·Asikir. TaluiJlib. vol. IY, p. 79). ] Readinl/a4F4 in place of11114 (ICC Lane uxlCOft, s. Y. ra4a4), .. O. the word. attributed to 'Umayr b. l}ibi': hlveJlMl1i "''D·I_ tJ/'a!wa-IcId/ll ",'a-Iaylallt. . . (Tab.. Kr. ii, p. 869; Ibn ·Asikir. TaMhlb. YOt. IV, p. $7 (where the words are wrongly ucribcd to his rather» . ,

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Abii Jfamza's comments on the caliphs

131

9. Then there took charge after him Yazid b. 'Abd ai-Malik, a sinner in whom right judgement was not perceived. God has said concerning orphans, 'Then, if you perceive in them rightjudgemenl, deliver their property to them ':' and the affair of Mul;1ammad's nation is of grealer moment than the property of the orphan. [Yazid) was suspected of wickedness in respect of his belly and his private parts. Two items of apparel were woven for him and he wore one as a ridii' and the other as an iziir.' Then he sat l;Iabiba on his right and Sallima on his left and said, 'Sing to me, l;Iababaj give me to drink, Salliima'.' Then, when he had become drunk and the wine had taken a hold on him, he rent his two gannents, which had been acquired for one thousand dinars - [dinars) on account of which skins had been flayed, hair shaved off, and veils torn away: he took what he spent on (those two gannentsj unlawfully and wrongfully. Then he turned to one of [the girls) and said Surely I shall fly!' Most ccnainly! Fly to hellfire! Is such supposed to be the distinguishing characteristic of the caliphs of God?!' • •

10. )Then the squint-eyed Hisham took charge. He scattered stipends about and appropriated thelay': he made all ofthclay' ofthe Muslims that was pleasant and salubrious into (something promoting] his (own] glory - may he enjoy no pleasure!).' I was present at (the reading out of] a letter which Hisham wrote to you concerning a droughtl• which had occurred. With it (i.e. the letter) he pleased you and angered his Lord, [for) in it he mentioned that he left (the matter of] the alms taxll to you. This made the rich among you richer and the poor poorer, 5 Qur., 4: 5. 6 Iz4r signifies 'waist-wrapper', while ,U/4' aignifies ' prment covennl the upper

half or the body' (une, uxlcOl'l, J.t'v.; d. El', I.V. 'Iibis'). 7 For the background of these two SllvegiriS, see AlhanT, vols. VIII, pp. 334-351 and xv, pp. 122-146, where, however, no rererence is made to this panicular incident. It 5:illS that it was II-Wlfid II who WIS lbove 111 Biven to telrinl off hil prments Ind plunBinl nlked into I pool of wine (ibid., vol. 111, p. 301). 8 A-fa-hdkadM .fifal khulaja' Alldh; Il·Azdi omits the initial a-, while the ·Iqd (vol. IV, pp. 146(., whose compilCT, hlvin, said thlt he will 'Plrt us whit Abu l;Iamza had to say about the cIIiphs. nonethcleu cannot resist the temptation to relly this piece of scandal lbout /uJdtf b. /N/dtf min '"dad a/·khuJaj'il' 'iMakum) relds /a.h4dhiJr/ .fifaf khN/tJja' Alldh laa/d. The versions Ippelrinl in II·Ji"i� AIIrilnF, Ibn Abi '1-l;Iaald and II-laawi flilto preserve any rererence to khulaja' Alldh It this point; but Ibn Abi '1-l;Ilald does record thlt elsewhere in his w:rmon AbU l;Iarnza said: a/d llUflWnQ i/ll khiM/al A.llilh _-;"'.dlllal aJ-rmulimItt k4y/" IM/r"'? (Sltar�, vol. v. p. 1 17). 9 This bracketed passage occurs only in II-Ia.wi. iO COlt ally IJatma in II-Ialwi: the copyist of BII. reads kh.(ma, while the editor or .I-Azdi reads ....ilfa. 1be whole section rrom the beginnins of this sentence to the end or the paragraph is missins rrom the venions given by II-Ji"i� Ind Ibn Abi '1-I;IId"td ; it is given in I ditferent contu.1 by the A,hanr(voI. XXIII, p. 237), where 'lllw fl thimdrikum stands in place of I.tarma (cr. Tlb., JeT. ii, p. 20(9). I I $adoqilt (Bal. Ind a1-Azdi)/.JQ4aqa (II-Ialwi); but the A,hilnr(see the PIec;e(iinS nole) reads kharilj (d. Tab., JeT. ii, p. 20(9).

righted makrKlI

Appendix 3

131

and you said, 'May God reward him with good.' Nay! May God reward him with evil! He was miserly with his wealth and niggardly in his religion. II. fThen the sinner al-Wafid b. Yazid took charge. He drank wine openly and he deliberately made manifest what is abominable. Then Yuid b. al-Wafidlt rose against him and killed him: God has said". 'So We make the evildoers friends of each other for what they have earned.' Then Marwin b. Mul;Jammad took charge and claimed the caliphate. He abraded faces, put out eyes, and cut off hands and feet. How amazing is your satisfaction with the sons of Umayya, the sons of the raliq,U the sons of the accursed one! Curse him (i.e. Marwin), may God curse him !1.1I 12. These BanD. Umayya are parties of waywardl1C5s. Their might is selr-magnification. They arrest on suspicion, make d e .... e e s capriciously. kill in anser. and judge by passing over crimes without punishment." 'They take the alms ta� from the incorrect source and make it over to the wrong people. God has made clear the eight categories (of recipient, of .Judaqat). U Then there came a ninth category which had no right to them. lit set itsdf in the midst of lthose who did have a right] and said, 'The land is our land. the property is our property, and the people are our slaves ').11 It took all. That is the party which dec.ees other than what God has sent down. land God has said, 'Who so decl'tt5 not according to what God has sent down, they are the unbelievers, the evildoers and the sinners'. It The(se) people have acted as unbelievers. by God, in the most barefaced manner." So cune them, may God curse them!!." 12 Readinl ·al·Warld ' in place or' Khllid·. 1 3 Qur.. 6: 129 (the kadhaJiks pie«dinJ

qlJla '1fIJh has

been

disreprded as

dilloJf8phy). 14 I.e. one broupt within the pale of Islam a.ainlt his will (Lane. LrxiCOfl. ,.11.). in this case presumably lhe Marwinki forbear al-l;Iakam b. Am '1-',.1" . IS The whole of this bracketed plralflph OIXun only in al·llkawi. 16 Raj . al·Ji�il- and al·lzkawT Jive the sinsular form ,hsjWtJ (Ihe edilor olal-A%di rtads ,haq4'). while the A61W1r and Ibn Abi '(·l;Iaald give lhe plural j/tsft'4t. For IOme enmp!esofUmayyad,httja'4, lee aJ·Jibi;, Rtu4'iI. vol. II, pp. I I , 14: Waki', Qu4dh, yo l ii, p. 36; AghiJnl, yol. XXI, p. )12. .

.

1 1 Qur., 9:60.

1 8 This bracketed passage occun only in al·llkawi. 19 Ste Qur. S:-48-SI. 20 Readinlk.l.h.m. $.1:4 as ka!ra/'" fO/'4' (we art indebled 10 Professor Ibsln 'Abbis ror Ihis sugeslion). 21 This bracketed passaae occun only in al·llkawi. .

righted rna nal

J34

Appendix 4 [God's Messengers)1

363 1, To continue: God, great and mighty is He, selected Islam as a religion and selected for it from [among] His servants messenaers to direct and lead (othenj to it, the first of (these messenaenl conveying the good news to the last of them, and those of them who came later confinning the veracity of those who had gone before. Ullimately the prophethood ofGod reached Mul;lammad,at a timeofinterval between messengers,' obliteration of knowledge, cessation of revelation, and proximityofthe Hour, Through him God sealed the prophets, making him their witness, (and

so) preserving them;1 and to him He revealed

His mighty book - falsehood comes not to it from before it nor from •

behind it, a revelation from One all-wise. all-laudable ',' in which there is what' He penniued and prohibited, promised and threatened. warned of and cautioned about, and enjoined and forbade, so that He might havt the conclusive argument' over His creation, and 'so that whosoever perishes may do so by a clear sign, and by a clear sign may he livewho lives; surely God isall-hearing, all-knowing'.' [Mul;1ammad] transmitted God's message' on His behalf, and caUed to His path,lfint of all] with the wisdom, good admonition and disputation 'in the better way'l' which He had enjoined upon him, and then with holy war and severity, until God look him back unto Himself, and chose for him what is with Him (i.e. in Paradise), may God bless him.

{The Caliphatc]ll 1. Whenthe prophethoodcametoanend.andwith Mul;lammad - may God bless and preserve him - God sealed revelation and the message,

2 Cf.§f 1-20ral-Warld'.letter, and note in p8rticullrtheclolt limilarity orwordin, there: AII4It jaJltJ fkil,4nt (nllher than 41tJfiJ) '1·/J1;Jm �. . . '� 'uaja . . �• . . . �.t.!f 'II/lIMt kardmiJ, AIItV! fl tJNb.twwtJtlill I/.!f MIIiJ4mffIOd. . . 'olD ';lir duriu mill ai·'ibn . "'a-khtJ,_ biIIl wolJy., , 1 cr. Qur., 05: 22, 4 O. the end of the tint Plragraph of at·WarKl'I 1etter, where Ood preKr'l'eS what He has revealed with them. 05 Qur" 41 :42 6 Followin, Sib, b. al·JaWli'1 bi·mil tJJ,.oJltJ in prereltllCC to al-Qalquhandi'. /(l-oJ,ol/tJ and 10 accommodatin, the '.!f'1d pronouns in the rollowin, phrue wa-tJmtJt"tJ billi wtJ-rtaM 'mtJiu. 7 Af-/pI .Jj4 tJl-WliJluJ: cf. Qur., 6: 1.50. II Qur" 8:404. 9 Sibl b. al-Jawzi reads risil/6tilli in place or risil/tJt•. 10 BN/tJ.lltiyam,stllf. the whole sentence from 'called' up to thil point bein,calqued on Qur., 16: 126; note that the openin, puIIF or al·Walid'l ldler allO conta.ina the phraK 1111,,,, lllya tJJ,son <see note 4 thereto). I I cr. HH oral·Warld's letter, where the nc�uity orobeyin, the caliph il strated and his duties t'is-.d·�is his IUbjects are not. • . •

• . .

.

.

.

.

.

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•

al·Ma'mun's leiter of designation of'AIi al-Ri4a

135

He made the mainstay of the religion and the ordering of the government (amr) of the Muslims [reside) in the caliphate. (in all) its fullness and might, and [in) the implementation of that 10 which God is entitled in (respect of] it (i.e. the caliphate) through that obedience with which God's ordinances (farii'i4) and restrictive statutes (hudud), as well as the laws (shard'!") of Islam and its nonns (Sunan). art established and his enemy is rought.1I It is incumbent upon the caliphs ofGod to obey Him regarding such of His religion and of His servants as arc placed by Him in their keeping and care: and it is incumbent upon the Muslims to obey their caliphs and to help them to establish God's justice and His equity. to make the highways safe and prevent bloodshed, and to create a state of concord" and unity of fellowship. Remissness in that" (occasions) disturbance of the ropen of the Muslims, disorder among them, variance within their confessional entity," oppression of their religion, superiority of their enemy, diversity in what they profess, and the forfeiture of this world and the world to corneY

364

4. It is incumbent upon him whom God has deputed on His earth and has entrusted with authority" over His creation that he [exert himself for God and)lI prefer that in which God's pleasure and obedience to Him (are occasioned), act justly in thai with which God may acquaint him and about which He may question him, judge with what is right. and act with justice in that with which God has charged and invested him. God, great and mighty is He, says to His prophet David, may peace be upon him. II o David, we have made you a kha/ifa on earth : $0 judge between people justly, and follow not caprice, lest it lead you astray from the way of God. Surely those who go astray from the way of God there awaits them terrible chastisement, for that they have forgotten the day of reckoning." -

1 2 While al·Warld's leiter refers to the nmIIQ/JIIII(II1 ofGod, here the nman are those of Islam. 1 3 SaIDJ, Nl aI·bay,,: cr. al·Warld·s letter §7 and note 43 thereto. 14 Sibl b. al·lawzi reads ...·a-fllchild/d/liJ/iko when al-Qalqashandi reads "''a-/Tikhldl dM./iko. 1 5 SibJ b. al·Jawzi reads umr where al-Qalqashandi reads J,obI. In al·Warld', leiter, the caliphs sirenathcn the strands of God's rope (13); cr. Qur., 3:98, 108. 1 6 Ilchlilaj millolilrim. 1 7 11tere is fairlydosecorrespondencc between thissentenoe and the fourth lefllenoe of §5 of al-Warld's letter. 1 8 Reading WQ-'ltamDtUJlrll (deleting the hamlQt a/-qDf on the alif and reading a $/wddt. on the ld', in place of the typographical erron in the text as it appcan

in the Swbl,).

19 This addition is gi\-en by Sibt b. aJ-JaWli.

20 Qur., 38:25.

CJPYnghted malenal

137

al-Ma'miin's lelrer of designation oJ' AIf aJ-Ri4ii

untwisted the rope (mar,) of the people of schism and enmity, [those given to) striving for disunity and looking out for" sedition. [The exertions of al-Ma'miln himseJf]u 6, The Commander of the Faithful has not ceased [to exert himself in

this regard}" since the caliphate passed to him and he experienced its dry and bitter taste, the weight ofits load and the severity of its burden, and what is incumbent upon him who takes it upon himself by way ofcleaving to obedience to God and fearing His punishment in respect 365 of that with which He has charged him, He has wearied II his body. has caused his eye to be sleepless. and has given prolonged thought to that [matter) in which [there are at stake) the might of the religion, the subduing of polytheists. the well-being of the umma, the spreading ofjustice. and the maintaining of the book and the sunna; and [all of] that has denied him tranquillity and repose in a life of ease,H (He has done so) cognisant of that about which God will question him and desiring to meet God in a state of sincerity to Himll in respect of His religion and His servants, choosing for the succession by his covenant and for the care of the umma after him the most excellent person possible in terms of religion, piety and knowledge and the one from whom the most can be hoped forin implementing God'scommandment and right. [He has done so] communing with God in a desire for His blessing in that [regard] and asking Him day and night to inspire him with that in which His pleasure and obedience to Him [are to be found], employing his mind and insight in his quest and his search amon�' his ahf boY1 from the descendants of' Abdallah b, al-'Abbas and 'Ali b, Abi Tii.lib, satisfying himself with what he knew of those whose situation and persuasion (madhhab) he knew [already)" and exerting effort and energy in enquiring about those whose circumstances were not known to him, until he penetrated deeply into their affain with his perception, put information about them to the test before his own eyes, and discovered by interrogation what they were about , 27 Prererring Sib\ b, al·]awzi's al lartlblnq to II-Qalqll$handi" al·raftl, 28 cr. § 10 of al·Warld', leiter, where 'ever since God deputed him, the Commander '

of the Faithful has not had a greater prroecupation or coneern than this covenant. , , 29 Added by us: as Safwal poinu out. the sense is obvious (rom the context JO Sibl b, al·]awzi readJo al·/ # !; K'a'l-da'a M'a-maltn';;' al··ay$h where al·Qalqashandi reads Q/-khaf4K'a'l-dda bi-hOlli),}'al·'Q),Jh, The senlence u a whole 10 some utent reflects § I I of al·Wartd's leiter, 31 Sib, b, al lawzi reads mun�j.lt'� where al-Qalquhandi reads mU/l4fu,ohu, "

.

-

32 Preferring Sibl b. a]·]awzi',fl to al·Qalqashandi's min, 33 Sibl b, al-Jawzi'sreading mllqttqi"'�flman 'alimaljdlahll M'(J-madhhabahilminhilln 'aid ·1·J,oqq ·iI",.- is judged by Gabrieli to be 'assai piu confuso' Ihan al· Qalqashandfs mllqla,fi"'- fl·man 'alima J,iiIQhll M'Q·modhlmbahll minhum 'alii

'j/mihi,

CJPYnghted matanal

al-Ma'miin's letter of designation o/, Ali al-Rit/O

139

after him, in the name of God and His blessing and the goodness of His deCl" for His �ligion and His servants, an oath for which you (willingly) streich out your hands and to which your hearts are joyously disposed. (Do so) being cognisant of what the Commander ofthe Faithful has thereby desired, having preferred in it (i.e. the giving of allegiance) obedience to God and regard for himself as well as for you. (Do so) thanking God for Hiscounsel, with which He has inspired the Commander of the Faithful in (the matter of] taking care of you, and for His solicitude for your guidance (rwhd) and well-being (.fD/dIj), and hoping for the benefit of that,n by way of the uniting of your fellowship, the sparing of your blood, the bringing of you logether after dispersal, the defence of your frontier-ways of access, the strength of your religion, the subduing" of your enemy, and the good state of your affairs. Hasten to obedience to God and obedience to the Commander of the Faithful. It is a matter in which, i( you hasten 10 it and praise God (or it, you will know good fortune, God willing.44 42 PreferrinlSibt b. al·Jn'1:I�s '4"14*" dM/iJca to a1-QalqashaDdi's '4'iJDIwfl dM/iJca. 43 Preferrlnl Sib1 b, aJ·Jawzi's qam' to al.Qalqashandi's ,tlfNrr, 44 Sib\ b. al·Jawzi adds, 'Written by his (own) hand on 7 Ramaq.in. 201 1_ 29 March, 817)',

CJPYnghted matanal

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