Gender, Equality and Education from International and Comparative Perspectives (International Perspectives on Education and Society, Vol. 10)

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Sonya Anderson First Five Years Fund, Chicago, IL, USA Rima Aranha Department of Educational Lea...

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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Sonya Anderson

First Five Years Fund, Chicago, IL, USA

Rima Aranha

Department of Educational Leadership and Policy, State University of New York, Buffalo, NY, USA

Monisha Bajaj

Department of International and Transcultural Studies, Teachers College, Columbia University, NY, USA

David P. Baker

Educational Theory and Policy Department, Pennsylvania State University, PA, USA

Carolyn Barber

Division of Counseling and Educational Psychology, University of Missouri, Kansas City, MO, USA

Elizabeth A. Constantine College of Education, The University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA, USA Joan DeJaeghere

Department of Educational Policy and Administration, University of Minnesota, MN, USA

Alan J. DeYoung

College of Education, University of Kentucky, KY, USA

Rachel Fix Dominguez


Parfait M. Eloundou-Enyegue

Development Sociology Department, Cornell University, NY, USA ix

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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Sarah C. Giroux

Development Sociology Department, Cornell University, NY, USA

Lihong Huang

NOVA – Norwegian Social Research, Oslo, Norway

Alice Kagoda

School of Education, Makerere University, Uganda

Julia Kaufman

School of Education, University of Pittsburgh, PA, USA

Daniel Kirk

American University of Sharjah, United Arab Emirates

Fouad Makki

Development Sociology Department, Cornell University, NY, USA

Shirley J. Miske

Miske Witt & Associates, Inc., MN, USA

Yuri Nakajima


Diane Napier

College of Education, University of Georgia, GA, USA

Yoshiko Nozaki


Francisco O. Ramirez

School of Education, Stanford University, CA, USA

Catherine Riegle-Crumb

The University of Texas, Population Research Center, TX, USA

Jill Sperandio

College of Education, Lehigh University, PA, USA

Judith Torney-Purta

Department of Human Development, University of Maryland, MD, USA

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List of Contributors

Alexander W. Wiseman

College of Education, Lehigh University, PA, USA

Liqun Yin

School of Education, University of Pittsburgh, PA, USA

INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES ON EDUCATION AND SOCIETY Series Editor: Abraham Yogev Volume 1:

International Perspectives on Education and Society

Volume 2:

Schooling and Status Attainment: Social Origins and Institutional Determinants

Volume 3:

Education and Social Change

Volume 4:

Educational Reform in International Perspective

Series Editor from Volume 5: David P. Baker Volume 5:

New Paradigms and Recurring Paradoxes in Education for Citizenship: An International Comparison

Volume 6:

Global Trends in Educational Policy

Volume 7:

The Impact of Comparative Education Research on Institutional Theory

Volume 8:

Education for All: Global Promises, National Challenges

Volume 9:

The Worldwide Transformation of Higher Education

INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES ON EDUCATION AND SOCIETY VOLUME 10

GENDER, EQUALITY AND EDUCATION FROM INTERNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES EDITED BY

DAVID P. BAKER Pennsylvania State University

ALEXANDER W. WISEMAN Lehigh University

United Kingdom – North America – Japan India – Malaysia – China

JAI Press is an imprint of Emerald Group Publishing Limited Howard House, Wagon Lane, Bingley BD16 1WA, UK First edition 2009 Copyright r 2009 Emerald Group Publishing Limited Reprints and permission service Contact: [email protected] No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without either the prior written permission of the publisher or a licence permitting restricted copying issued in the UK by The Copyright Licensing Agency and in the USA by The Copyright Clearance Center. No responsibility is accepted for the accuracy of information contained in the text, illustrations or advertisements. The opinions expressed in these chapters are not necessarily those of the Editor or the publisher. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-1-84855-094-0 ISSN: 1479-3679 (Series)

Awarded in recognition of Emerald’s production department’s adherence to quality systems and processes when preparing scholarly journals for print

PREFACE Much has been written about the global progress made toward gender parity in enrollment and curriculum in nations around the world. And there is much to tout in these areas. Although gender parity is not yet the global norm, the expectation of gender equality increasingly is. Some have gone so far as to say that the global expansion of modern mass schooling has created a world culture of gender equality in education. Yet, while there have been many positive advances regarding girls’ and women’s education around the world, there are still significant differences that are institutionalized in the policies and administrative structures of national education systems. For example, some of the strongest evidence of gendered inequality in schooling is the fact that in many developing countries there are large proportions of school-age children who are not in school – many if not most of whom are girls. So, the question remains whether gender equality in education is really being achieved in schools around the world. This volume of International Perspectives on Education and Society investigates the often controversial relationship among gender, equality and education from international and comparative perspectives. Some of the most interesting recent comparative work on gender inequality in schools focuses on how gender intersects with ‘real world’ influences on equality like race, ethnicity, and class. Although the differences in schooling between boys and girls exist worldwide, evidence also suggests that girls’ and women’s education is strongly contextualized by the political, social, and economic environments of both local schools and national educational systems. Since the World Conference on Education for All (EFA) in Jomtien, Thailand in 1990, the push for participation in modern mass schooling has become a primary focus of national education policymakers and researchers around the world. This push has made the international community painfully aware of widespread and specific gendered inequality in schooling around the world as well as the benefits to individuals and communities that result from educating girls and women that many nations and communities were missing because of these gendered inequalities. Awareness of this is evident in the fact that half of the EFA goals specifically mention the global importance of improving and equalizing education between boys and girls. In fact, in several xiii

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countries, the lingering gender differences in academic course participation and achievement in secondary school is tied more to community attitudes and labor market potential than to actual opportunities to learn in schools. At the same time, there has been significant progress in eliminating gender inequality in education. In many nations, formal differentiation in schools by gender has largely shifted to differentiation by academic achievement rather than by gender in modern mass schooling systems. For example, the official criterion for promotion into advanced academic courses is not a student’s gender anymore in most schools around the world. Instead, in most cases, the official criterion for advanced academic course enrollment is now either demonstrated or anticipated academic ability instead of gender and other human or social characteristics. Mass schooling has played a large part in making this happen. Once the entire school-age population was both given the opportunity to enroll in and (in many nations) compelled to attend school, traditional gendered differentiation was no longer a legitimate or effective formal educational policy. There is substantial evidence that the global expansion and legitimization of modern mass schooling has hastened a shift in world cultural norms and values from one of differentiation to one of egalitarianism. As a result, the institutional structure of schools shapes and is shaped by world culture. In the 21st century, the concept of gender equality pervades world culture in every nation around the world – even in nations where gender equality has not been and may never be fully achieved. This is the international environment in which the contributors to this volume of the International Perspectives on Education and Society series address issues of gender and both inequality and efforts to achieve equality in education. The chapters in this volume address a variety of national contexts ranging from the small African country of Benin to Uganda, Zambia, Vietnam, China, Japan, Mongolia, India, United Arab Emirates, and Norway. Two chapters address regional issues related to gender and education in SubSaharan Africa and Central Asia. And, two other chapters specifically use cross-national data from the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) studies on civics as well as math and science achievement (CivEd and TIMSS, respectively). These two chapters address global trends in gender differences or gender effects in education. Although some of these chapters deal specifically with issues of gender and educational achievement, others address the significance of gender in development aid and policymaking in specific countries or regions of the world. Still others address the importance of gender as it overlaps with ethnicity, political ideology, labor market participation, and societal trends.

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Some of the chapters also deal with the impact that specific reforms or adjustments to the structure and opportunity of schooling have on students by gender, specifically the impact of single-sex schooling, participation in higher education, and universal access to education. The overall findings of the chapters in this volume suggest that the phenomenon of the spread of gender egalitarianism as a world cultural norm in education and society is supported with empirical evidence, but that this ‘‘advance’’ in favor of gender equality is still strongly tempered by very real and difficult to overcome divisions by gender in schools and educational systems around the world.

NOTE FROM SERIES SENIOR EDITOR With this Volume 10, I end my tenure as senior editor of the series International Perspectives on Education and Society. When I was asked in 2001 to revive the moribund series there had been only four volumes published over the preceding decade. The vision proposed then was to create and maintain a series that would represent an annual review of examples of the best scholarship on selected topics on education from an international perspective. With the intellectual support of the expanding and dynamic community of scholars of comparative education throughout the world this vision has become a reality in the six annual volumes published since 2002. To the publishers and contributing authors, as well as to the scores of reviewers of proposed papers who generously donated their time and expertise in selecting and strengthening the final chapters, I want to extend my appreciation – it has been an honor to work with all of you. It is a great pleasure to announce that the series’ current publishing house, the Emerald Group Publishing Limited (U.K.) has selected Professor Alexander Wiseman of Lehigh University (U.S.) to serve as the next senior editor of the series. Since Volume 5, Alexander Wiseman has been the collaborating editor of the series and was instrumental in its revival. His considerable editorial experience and broad scholarly interests in the comparative study of education make him an excellent choice to steward the series into the near future. David P. Baker Alexander W. Wiseman Editors

SEX VERSUS SES: A DECLINING SIGNIFICANCE OF GENDER FOR SCHOOLING IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA?$ Parfait M. Eloundou-Enyegue, Fouad Makki and Sarah C. Giroux ABSTRACT Recent worldwide gains in girls’ schooling are raising new questions about the continued relevance of gender for educational inequality. At issue is whether the time has come to shift the policy focus away from gender to socioeconomic status. Answers to this question, we suggest, depend on how gender gaps close, i.e., do they close irreversibly, evenly, and faster than socio-economic (SES)-related inequality? Against this background and building on contrasted sociological perspectives on inequality, our chapter examines the recent convergence trajectories of several sub-Saharan countries, asking if these trajectories warrant a policy shift away from gender. Our findings are mixed. Although, the magnitude of sex-related inequality in schooling is consistently smaller than SES-related $

The analyses in this chapter are based on data from Demographic and Health Surveys.

Gender, Equality and Education from International and Comparative Perspectives International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 10, 1–37 Copyright r 2009 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2009)0000010004

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inequality, the process of gender convergence remains reversible and it unfolds in top-down fashion. Such findings warrant continued attention to gender in sub-Saharan Africa, but with particular focus on poor girls and on synergies that address both female and poor children. This conclusion supports theoretical advances that transcend the Manichean divide between focus on cultural recognition and socioeconomic redistribution.

1. INTRODUCTION There is much consensus that developing countries are achieving some gender convergence in schooling. In the last two decades, the female-to-male ratio in secondary enrollment rose from 0.86 to 0.92 for the developing world and despite considerable variation across regions, this global convergence is widely acknowledged (UNICEF, 2004; UNFPA, 2005).1 In contrast, the implications of this convergence are in dispute. One issue is over socioeconomic dividends, i.e., whether gains in women’s schooling translate into parallel gains in employment or social status (Malhotra, Pande, & Grown, 2003). A second, more fundamental, issue is the continued relevance of gender itself in global education policy: Given the worldwide gains in women’s schooling, is a gender focus in education policy still warranted or has the time come to declare victory in the battle for gender equity in schooling? To some, the continued promotion of girls’ schooling is increasingly anachronistic and ‘‘missing the mark,’’ at a time when gender gaps are narrowing but socioeconomic gaps are growing. Perhaps, as Knodel and Jones (1996, p. 684) suggested ‘‘a strong policy emphasis on closing the [gender] gap is no longer needed’’ and emphasis should shift to the socioeconomic gap. Yet, gains in women’s schooling remain in some instances modest, reversible or selective (DeRose & Kravdal, 2007; Hewett & Lloyd, 2003; Kim, Alderman, & Orazem, 1999; Subrahmanian, 2002) and it may therefore be premature to shift attention away from gender. In principle, therefore, two distinct positions have emerged with regard to the continued relevance of gender for schooling. The first – which we label ‘‘pro-shift’’ – not only recognizes the recent gains in closing gender gaps but is optimistic about future ones, whereas the second, ‘‘anti-shift,’’ position remains wary of the depth of past gains in women’s schooling or the inevitability and pace of future ones. Stated differently, from an ‘‘anti-shift’’ perspective, the glass of past progress is half empty and must beg for more. From a ‘‘pro-shift’’ position, however, the glass is half full and likely to fill

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up steadily. Which of these two positions is correct is clearly a matter of great significance for education policy and accordingly, the issue requires empirical evaluation. Fortunately, a tentative evaluation is now possible. Despite clear differences in prescriptions, the ‘‘pro-shift’’ and ‘‘anti-shift’’ positions share common assumptions about the pre-conditions needed before a policy shift away from gender. Three pre-conditions stand out: First, gender gaps must have closed enough to become smaller than socioeconomic gaps. Second, progress in gender equity must be expected to continue irreversibly, with limited policy intervention. Third, the process of gender convergence must pervade all socioeconomic groups. Overall, whether it is time to move away from gender depends on the relative magnitude, reversibility, and socioeconomic ubiquity of gender convergence. These three criteria can thus serve as empirical benchmarks for debating the wisdom of continued focus on gender in global education policy. Evidence on these benchmarks remains scattered so far. Although studies have monitored how much gender gaps in schooling have closed, few have tracked convergence trajectories, i.e., how gender gaps close: Do they close at the expense of (or alongside with) SES-based inequality? Do they close irreversibly? Do they close uniformly across all socioeconomic groups or, instead, is convergence initially confined to top SES groups before tricking down? Answers to these questions are critical for research and policy. In policy, they can help adjust the focus of global education policy, at a time when the development community seeks to extend education to all, but when limited resources often force hard choices between various vulnerable constituencies – including female and poor children – vying for policy attention.2 Beyond policy, these answers would inform long-standing debates in academia about the roots of social inequality, notably the relative importance of cultural and ascriptive categories (e.g., sex, race) versus ostensibly universal class and socioeconomic ones. Although this debate has been recently revisited in theory (Wilson, 1980; Fraser, 1995; Young, 1997; Butler, 1998; Fraser & Honneth, 2003), empirical discussions grounded in sub-Saharan contexts are rare. Against this background, our chapter explores the changing significance of gender for educational inequality, focusing on sub-Saharan Africa. This chapter is organized as follows. Section 2 describes the theoretical background. Section 3 reviews the criteria and Section 4 the methods. This approach is then applied (Section 5) to African countries. The results are reviewed in Section 6 and the final section summarizes the implications for

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relevant policy and academic debates, including some of the debate examined in this volume. Two early caveats can mitigate potential misunderstandings. First, our three criteria for a policy shift are narrowly statistical, as they overlook economic and political considerations, and sociological differences in the nature of the disadvantages suffered by girls as a group.3 Equally narrow is our empirical test itself, as it covers few (8) countries and a relatively brief time span (only a decade or slightly more). For these reasons, our study is more illustrative and exploratory than probative. Its main contribution is to develop and illustrate an approach for studying gender convergence trajectories.

2. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND The debate on the changing significance of gender for education is a subset of broader theoretical debates on equity, which are themselves variants of the paradigmatic debate between ‘‘conflict’’/‘‘consensus’’ perspectives. These are of course ideal types and they are used here simply for heuristic purposes. The most relevant variants for our purposes are debates over ‘‘meritocracy versus social reproduction’’ in education, ‘‘modernization versus dependency’’ in economic development, and ‘‘women in development versus women and development’’ in understanding gender and development. Whereas a full review of these variants is beyond the scope of this chapter, we offer a compressed account to extract implications for the likely course of gender convergence trajectories.

2.1. Meritocracy versus Social Reproduction In explaining group differences in education and socioeconomic attainment, these two perspectives place different emphasis on levels of human capital versus various mechanisms of ascription and discrimination. Meritocracy stresses differences in ability in educational attainment and, in turn, differences in educational attainment explain occupational achievement (Blau & Duncan, 1967; Brint, 1998; Grusky, 1994). Social reproduction, however, emphasizes discrimination and bias based on ascribed characteristics of individuals. In this perspective, powerful groups maintain a social structure that systematically discriminates against less powerful groups. Embedded in this perspective is a distinction between open and closed societies, with the first permitting mobility across classes and the latter restricting

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movement and reproducing inequality across generations. A common expectation, however, is that in the course of modernization, societies open and gradually converge toward meritocracy. Within this perspective, gender inequality in schooling is rooted in either the preferences/predispositions of children or, conversely, in systematic restrictions placed on girls and women. These restrictions may be in the home (domestic sexual division of labor, parental restrictions, or resource control), the school system (curricula, infrastructure, and instruction), and the labor market (hiring and promotion practices). Clearly, Manichean opposition between meritocracy and social reproduction is simplistic, and analysts can use decomposition methods to apportion between merit and discrimination in occupational attainment. Nonetheless, this opposition has didactic value, as it contrasts two distinct viewpoints that closely mirror the distinctions between the ‘‘pro-shift’’ and ‘‘anti-shift’’ positions enunciated earlier. The ‘‘pro-shift’’ position clearly shares some of the benign assumptions embedded in the meritocratic perspective, whereas the ‘‘anti-shift’’ position shares the politically contentious assumptions of the social reproduction perspective.

2.2. Modernization versus Dependency Modernization, an early formulation of development theory, makes a central distinction between ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’ societies. In its classic articulation, modernization involves a transition from the former to the latter and entails a series of co-varying changes: from subsistence to market economies, from subject to participant political cultures, from ascribed to meritocratic status systems and from religious to secular ideologies. Development was conceived as a linear process whereby the adoption of Western technology, institutions, and values would, through a series of stages, lead to global societal convergence. The challenge was therefore to identify the obstacles to a self-sustaining dynamic of growth, whether institutional, technological, educational, or cultural. Relevant to our analysis here is modernization theorists’ assumption of a linear and politically benign rise in meritocratic values and a concomitant decline in both class and gender inequality, regardless of specific efforts to address these inequities. In contrast to modernization approaches, dependency theorists view underdevelopment not as some original or residual condition but an outcome of the colonial incorporation of Third World regions into the capitalist world economy. This incorporation distorts the colonized economies, leading to

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what Gunder Frank (1967) described as ‘‘the development of underdevelopment.’’ Dependency theory inverts many of the assumptions of the modernization approach: the transfer of Western institutions, technology, and finance is viewed as perpetuating dependency and underdevelopment rather than self-sustaining development. The solution to this structural dependence, they argued, was a strategy of import-substitution industrialization based on the domestic market and secured through various monetary policies and tariff protections. The dependency critique proved appealing to many scholars and some policy makers in the global south, and it led to calls for a New International Economic Order (NIEO) and the recognition by the World Bank and other multilateral agencies for a basic needs approach that emphasized the necessity to tackle poverty directly.

2.3. Women in Development versus Women and Development The issues of women in development were originally framed within the modernization approach, with inclusion in existing development projects as a focal point of women’s activism. Both development specialists and political authorities assumed that macroeconomic policies were gender neutral and that the benefits of modernization policies would spread to all classes and gender groups. In other words, they assumed a scenario of horizontal convergence similar to the scenario in Fig. 1. This assumption

Fig. 1.

Illustration of Two Hypothetical Gender Convergence Trajectories.

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was closely related to the modernization paradigm’s presuppositions and simplified conceptual apparatus that abstracted from the complex historical process (Tipps, 1973). Feminists involved with development issues challenged the assumption that modernization would automatically enhance gender equality, and began to use the term women in development (WID) in their efforts to influence development policies. To improve women’s access to development, they called for more accurate information and data on women’s work and for women’s better access to education, job training, property, and credit. Women had to be consciously integrated into development projects and given a voice in policy design and implementation. This WID approach was informed by an established liberal feminism that mostly eschewed structural analyses of women’s subordination. Liberal feminists called for the legal removal of existing obstacles to various social and institutional resources such as education and employment. Women’s inequality was viewed as a consequence of discrimination that could be removed by the enactment of new laws and codes to end sex-based prejudices (Wollstonecraft, 1972).4 In her landmark study, Ester Boserup (1970) found gender inequality to be exacerbated by modernization projects that often marginalized or displaced women through the provisioning of technological training to men. Policies promoting the cash economy and integration into the market likewise moved male labor from kinship and family to the wage form, giving men access to economic and other social resources in ways that profoundly changed gender dynamics. Boserup questioned the assumption that benefits from the development projects would automatically trickle-down to women and concluded that if the aggregate effects of these policies were to be redressed, it was essential to integrate women more fully into the planning and implementation of development projects (Reiter, 1975). Given its exclusive focus on inclusion, the WID approach was selflimiting and incapable of questioning the modernization framework itself. Its horizon of demands for reducing inequalities between the sexes was too often restricted to calls for improved access to educational establishments and the paid labor force (Kelly, 1994). It rarely addressed fundamental questions about women’s subordination or the impact of global processes on the lives of women. It also failed to connect inequities in the realm of development to women’s inequality across various domains of social life, and to draw the distinction between gender and sex. Feminists have argued that gender relations are expressed in almost all spheres of social life even if they take different forms in different places and historical periods. From the division of labor to the organizing of the state

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and the structuring of everyday life, feminist theory examined the various ways in which ‘development’ itself was constituted as a gendered process. One upshot of all this was a new focus on the relational history and dynamics between men and women that displaced the earlier focus on the subjected sex, a conception that increasingly came to be viewed as no more legitimate than the exclusive focus on workers or peasants by sociologists of class. Radical feminists involved in the development process argued that women needed autonomous development projects and social institutions that were designed to meet their specific needs. This contention found resonance among social activists and intellectuals who argued for a development approach to women that was cognizant of the limits imposed by patriarchal institutions and recognized the need for women-only projects. This perspective has sometimes been referred to as the women and development (WAD) approach (Parpart, 1989; Rathgeber, 1990). Although, the WAD (later referred to as GAD or Gender and Development) approach offered an important corrective to the WID assumption that male-dominated states can be used to alter gender inequities, it also exhibited important weaknesses of its own.5 In the first instance, the WAD approach often viewed women as a distinct and homogenous collectivity, downplaying differences among women along class, racial, and ethnic lines. In other words, by evading differences within women, radical feminists did not acknowledge the kinds of interactivity examined later in this chapter.

3. TO SHIFT OR NOT TO SHIFT? THE PRE-CONDITIONS Since at least the 1970s, gender has become a focal point of global educational policy. As a historically disadvantaged constituency, girls provide a critical marker in efforts to promote educational equity, a position that has been reaffirmed at key international conferences since the 1980s (Diaw, 2002; Whitehead & Lockwood, 1999). Yet there is increasing controversy as to whether this focus obscures other forms of inequalities, notably social disparities among girls themselves as well as more general forms of socioeconomic inequalities (Knodel & Jones, 1996). These questions can be understood against the backdrop of recent debates concerning the importance of social and cultural ascription in shaping life outcomes (Wilson, 1980; Fraser, 1997); and the more practical efforts to expand schooling opportunity in developing countries.

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The United Nations’ commitment to reduce both gender and socioeconomic inequalities in schooling under the aegis of the Millennium Development Project presents in this respect a particularly formidable challenge for many African countries. Given the disparity between subSaharan Africa’s large school-age population and budgetary allocations for education that on average amount to no more than 4–5% of Africa’s gross domestic product (GDP), levels of expenditure per student are very small and make resource allocation a critical challenge for post-colonial states. How to adjudicate between competing constituencies such as girls, children from rural areas, those from low-income families, and children from ethnic minorities? How much emphasis to place on gender in relation to other considerations, and how to modulate this emphasis in response to changing conditions? Shifting away from a a` priori emphasis on sex might seem most justified where the gender-equity gap has closed. But this clearly does not fit much of Africa’s situation where the female-to-male ratio in secondary enrollment remains below 0.80 in more than half the countries (UNESCO, 2008). Although the gender gap in education has progressively narrowed through the 1990s, the pace of this narrowing has been too slow to expect a convergence by 2015 (World Bank, 2001). Indeed, the convergence process seems to have stalled or slightly reversed, as secondary enrollments declined from 82 in 1999 to 79 in 2004 (UNESCO, 2008). For most African countries therefore, the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) of closing gender gaps within the projected time frame remains elusive. Even in such contexts, however, is a continued focus on gender justified, especially in light of other forms of inequality? The implications of this reconsideration will be examined both theoretically and empirically in what follows. The review in Section 2 has contrasted two sets of perspectives. The ‘‘consensus’’ perspective and its variants (meritocracy, modernization, women in development) assume politically benign processes of linear development with inclusion, whereas variants of the ‘‘conflict’’ perspective (social reproduction, dependency, women and development) assume greater political contestation and conflict. Again, this contrast is closely reflected in the ‘‘pro’’ and ‘‘anti’’ shift positions in the gender convergence debate. Like consensus, the pro-shift position envisions a politically benign view where convergence is achieved steadily, consensually, and automatically as a byproduct of linear development. Like conflict, the anti-shift position sees convergence as a more belabored and politically contingent process requiring continuous advocacy. Despite their clear opposition in prescriptions, pro- and anti-shift positions in fact agree on pre-conditions that have

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to be met before a policy shift away from gender is warranted. Boiled down to essentials, these pre-conditions center on the relative magnitude, reversibility, and socioeconomic ubiquity of progress in closing gender gaps. As we show below, each of these three criteria takes on a slightly different configuration depending on whether it is evaluated in static versus historical perspective. Thus, when evaluated historically, the first criterion (‘‘relative magnitude’’) becomes the ‘‘changing significance of gender’’; the second criterion (‘‘reversibility’’) becomes ‘‘momentum’’; the third criterion (‘‘ubiquity’’) becomes ‘‘directionality’’ of change. All three criteria are discussed in turn.

3.1. Relative Magnitude/Declining Significance A strong policy focus on gender is justified if much of the national inequality in schooling unfolds along gender lines. In other words, gender-based inequality should account for a large share of overall inequality in schooling. A gender focus becomes less defensible if (1) gender gaps are very small relative to socioeconomic gaps, for instance or (2), in a dynamic perspective, gender gaps are steadily declining relative to socioeconomic gaps. Although comparison between sex versus SES-based inequality in schooling has often been made in static perspective (Bloom, 2006; Stromquist, 1990), it is rarely explored historically. Knodel and Jones (1996) are one exception but their analysis focused on two countries only, Vietnam and Thailand. Furthermore, even when studies compare sex and SES-based inequality, they use statistical differentials rather than fuller measures of inequality (Giroux, Eloundou-Enyegue, & Lichter, 2008). We advance analysis in this area by using fuller measures of inequality such as the education Gini or Theil, which combine information on both statistical difference in education between groups and information on group size.

3.2. Irreversibility/Momentum Even before gender gaps fully close, policy makers can contemplate an early shift away from gender if they expect girls’ schooling to continue to improve irreversibly on its own, under the momentum of past gains or broad social change. Such momentum can stem from intergenerational processes within families, as each generation surpasses the achievements of the parental generation. Girls’ education especially benefits from parental education and

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the presence of older sisters (Filmer, 1999; Marteleto, 1996; Parish & Willis, 1993). Gains in one generation thus spill over to the next generation through emulation, role modeling,6 and women’s increased control of domestic resources. If female-headed households invest more than male-headed ones in children’s human capital (Lloyd, 2006; Lloyd & Blanc, 1996), women’s current gains in the household, labor market, and political arena will support future gender convergence in schooling. In the demographic arena, fertility transitions (and the resulting smaller size of families) boost schooling, if resource-strapped households discriminate against girls (Bloom, 2006; Lloyd & Gage-Brandon, 1994; World Bank, 2001). In the economic arena, women’s entry into the labor force augments the household resources, whereas also improving women’s control of domestic resources (Herz & Sperling, 2004). Finally, in the policy arena, women’s increasing representation improves opportunities for the next generation of girls. Momentum can also stem from macroeconomic change. As formal employment opportunities for women improve, gender discrimination in educational investment is likely to wane (Buchmann, 2000; Csapo, 1981). Momentum can also arise externally from cultural globalization (Ilon, 1998). Sub-Saharan Africa has seen a jump in various indicators of global connectivity,7 and a surge in NGOs since the mid-1980s, including externally funded NGOs that directly or indirectly promote cultural change (Sakabe, Kandiwa, & Eloundou-Enyegue, 2006). These cultural vectors have the potential to transform household production and reproduction, as well as gender dynamics within households in ways that affect the distribution of resources between boys and girls. In summary, several intergenerational, cultural, and economic influences can sustain the momentum of gender convergence in countries where this process has begun.

3.3. Socioeconomic Ubiquity/Directionality In monitoring gender equity, analysts have often focused on differences between boys and girls, to the exclusion of possible differences among girls, and how these internal differences may evolve as the aggregate gender gap narrows down. The implicit assumption is thus that gender convergence occurs ubiquitously/evenly among girls in all socioeconomic groups. Whether this assumption holds is important. First, it affects the relative importance of gender vis-a`-vis socioeconomic gaps, and how this importance changes historically. Second, it determines whether efforts to narrow gender gaps will also reduce socioeconomic inequality.

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To illustrate this, consider Fig. 1, which sketches two opposite convergence trajectories. The bottom rows on the figure show how aggregate gender gaps change in each of two countries, with darker colors indicating a narrowing of the gender gap. On the aggregate, the two countries appear to have experienced the same extent of convergence. Yet their detailed trajectories are distinct. Society 1 experienced a ‘‘vertical’’ convergence, with gains beginning among high SES groups and gradually trickling down, whereas gains in society 2 occurred uniformly across all SES groups. Clearly, these two patterns have distinct implications for the socioeconomic ubiquity of convergence, and for internal inequality among girls. As these societies move through their process of convergence, the internal inequality among girls increases (during the intermediary stages) in society 1, but it remains the same in society 2. In terms of relative importance, society 2 shows little intrinsic inequality among girls. Any inequality among girls derives entirely from class differences, suggesting that gender has greater salience in terms of group identification than does class in this society: A poor girl living in society 2 can relate to girls in higher SES groups insofar as they share a common experience of disadvantage. She may not relate to boys in the same SES group, despite their common class affiliation. In that context, broad gender reforms (e.g., generic expansion of gender-equity norms) can effectively address the gender gap in schooling. This is less true of society 1 where class is more salient. At all but the very first and final stages of this country’s educational transition, girls in the lower SES group do not share a common fate with girls in higher SES groups. However, children in the same socioeconomic class have identical outcomes, regardless of gender. Class, not gender, is the important dimension of stratification. Efforts to address schooling inequality are thus best oriented towards addressing class differences. The two distinct convergence scenarios also have different implications for the likely roots of gender convergence and the continued importance of policy. In terms of roots, the uniform convergence in society 2 is consistent with a generic process of cultural globalization that can sustain convergence even in the absence of favorable economic conditions or policies. However, the vertical convergence in society 1 requires specific targeting of girls, mostly in low SES groups. Even as convergence occurs, the targeting of girls remains warranted so as long as efforts focus on lower income girls. Looking at the fourth time point in society 1’s transitions, one can see at least three reasons why such targeting is warranted. First, it would suffice to close the national gender gap, whereas it

13

Sex versus SES

would not be similarly effective in society 2. Second, it need only to cover a limited number of girls, whereas while broader – albeit thinner – coverage would be required in society 2. Third, it would reduce both gender and SES gaps. In summary, continued focus on girls with an emphasis on boosting enrollment among poor girls in particular is warranted in society 1, but not in society 2. A society experiencing the horizontal convergence seen in society 2 will likely suffer less from an early policy shift away from gender. Its horizontal convergence implies greater potential for momentum, lower salience of gender, and less potential for interactivity. Also, efforts to reduce gender inequality in such a setting are less likely to benefit the poor. In contrast, the ‘‘top-down’’ convergence in society 1 implies less momentum, and targeted policy efforts to reach poor girls can address both the gender and SES gaps. In this second scenario, it is less defensible to shift away from gender until convergence is nearly complete. Overall, whether or not an early policy shift away from gender is warranted depends on convergence trajectories, making the documentation of these trajectories necessary.

4. METHODS AND DATA 4.1. Measures The three criteria described earlier (relative importance, reversibility, and ubiquity) can help evaluate the continued salience of gender for educational inequality. As indicated previously, each takes on a slightly different configuration, depending on whether it is evaluated in static or historical perspective. The indices used to evaluate these three criteria are described in turn. 4.1.1. Relative Importance/Changing Significance (R) The index of relative importance (R) is the first criterion. The idea here is to compare the extent of sex- to SES-related inequality. Contrary to previous studies that focus on differentials, we use full-information measures of inequality (here the Theil8) that integrate information about both effect size and group size. Key to our analysis is the distinction between inequality across SES (BSES) or across the sexes (Bsex). These two components are computed as: BSES ¼ ðsmale T male Þ þ ðsfemale T female Þ

(1)

14


Bsex ¼ ðspoor T poor Þ þ þ ðsrich T rich Þ

(2)

where si is the share of the sum of the education of each sex (SES group, respectively) relative to the national sum and Ti is the Theil inequality index across SES (sex) for the corresponding sex (SES group, respectively). Ultimately, R is measured as the ratio of Bsex over BSES. It indicates whether inequality among the sexes supersedes inequality among the socioeconomic groups. Again, the comparison based on this fuller information measure is better than one derived from standard regression analysis because it combines information about both groups differences and group size. As indicated earlier, it is useful to monitor how R changes over time, i.e., whether the relative importance of gender declines or increases historically. These historical changes were captured by plotting R values against historical time or against stages of educational development. 4.1.2. Irreversibility/Momentum Irreversibility and momentum are the second criterion. Both concepts capture the same idea, except the second is evaluated in historical context. Irreversibility is the likelihood that gender convergence will continue (and not reverse) once initiated. ‘‘Momentum’’ additionally suggests that irreversibility should become more entrenched (i.e., reversals become less likely) as countries advance in their educational transitions. The basic indicator of irreversibility (I ) is therefore measured as the infrequency of reversals in gender gaps, i.e., how infrequently female-to-male enrollment ratios (FMER) among 10–19-year-olds (F) turn out to be lower than values observed during an earlier time period. In other words, I indicates the percentage of instances when reversals are not observed. It ranges from 0 to 1, with higher values indicating greater irreversibility. When irreversibility is considered in historical perspective, it serves to evaluate the extent of momentum. Momentum is said to exist, if reversals become less and less frequent as countries advance in their educational transition. By recording information on countries’ stage in educational transition and plotting it against the corresponding I values, one thus has an indication of the extent of momentum. 4.1.3. Socioeconomic Ubiquity/Directionality (U) Like the two previous concepts, the notions of ubiquity/evenness and directionality of gender convergence capture the same idea, except one (direction of convergence) is framed in more historical context. In its basic sense here, socioeconomic ubiquity refers to whether the extent of gender inequality is the same across all socioeconomic groups. The minimum test of

15

Sex versus SES

ubiquity involves cross-sectional comparison of FMER values across SES groups, to see if values are lower among low SES groups. To facilitate synthesis, comparison can focus on extreme groups, here the bottom two SES groups versus the top two SES groups.9 In this simple case, ubiquity is simply the ratio of FMER within bottom versus top SES categories (U ¼ Fbot =Ftop ). U is close to 1 if no interaction exists between gender and SES. It is significantly lower (or higher) than 1, depending upon whether gender inequality is more severe at the bottom (top, respectively).10 Beyond cross-sectional comparison (that mostly documents ubiquity), a fuller test to look at directionality of convergence requires a historical perspective that shows how U changes as countries advance in their educational transition. If convergence occurs ‘‘horizontally,’’ U values should remain close to 1 throughout the educational transition. However, if convergence occurs ‘‘vertically’’ (from the top-down) then U values should be small in early stages, before gradually converging towards one (1). By plotting U values (y-axis) against countries’ stage in educational transition (x-axis), one can visually infer the direction of convergence. These visual insights can be complemented with more formal analyses of the statistical relationship between countries’ transition stage and U values. This statistical analysis should yield a large R2 value and a significant regression coefficient in the case of vertical convergence. A small R2 and a flat line are expected in the case of horizontal convergence. To evaluate ubiquity across various socioeconomic groups, we focused on eight (8), SES groups defined by housing characteristics and ownership of various consumer durables.11 Overall, when used in combination, the values and the changes in R, U, and I indice fully describe national convergence trajectories. In a ‘‘horizontal’’ convergence scenario (case 2 of Fig. 1) I and U values (irreversibility/ ubiquity) should be close to unity (1) whereas they would be substantially different from unity (generally less than one) in the case of a vertical convergence. Similarly, in the case of horizontal convergence, the value of R (relative magnitude) tends to remain stable over time, whereas it is expected to decline historically in the case of vertical convergence. One can thus refer to these values to evaluate the extent which a convergence trajectory approximates a vertical or a horizontal mode.

4.2. Data Analyses use data from the Demographic Health Survey (DHS). Over the last two decades, the DHS have conducted nationally representative and

16


large surveys on a wide range of issues, including health, education, and nutritional status in over 75 countries mostly in sub-Saharan Africa, South and South East Asia, and Latin America. Interestingly for our purposes, the surveys have been repeated every few years (5 or so) in some countries, including the eight sub-Saharan countries – Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Ghana, Kenya, Madagascar, Niger, Tanzania, and Zambia – included in our sample. Although this subset of countries does not represent the region in a statistical sense, it does cover a wide range of circumstances. Gender gaps in this subset of countries range from small (Madagascar, Zimbabwe) to very large (Burkina Faso), and the overall schooling levels vary similarly from a low of 23% in Niger in 1998 to a high of 78% in Uganda in 2005. Adding to this cross-sectional variability, the surveys span a period (the 1990s and early 2000s) when many African countries underwent dramatic socioeconomic changes that arguably affected schooling opportunities. Noteworthy among these are economic downturns and structural adjustment programs that raised the costs of secondary and university education, as well as reduced employment opportunities with the public sector while also reducing household incomes in real terms (Courade, 1994). In addition, incipient declines in fertility, delays in marriage, and a surge in AIDS-related mortality changed the family environments under which decisions about schooling were being made. Our focus on this eventful time period and on a diverse set of countries permits both geographic and historical contrast.

5. FINDINGS Table A1 shows the raw data on national enrollment and gender gaps in enrollment. These raw data underscore the variability in national conditions and outcomes. National enrollment levels in study countries range from 0.24 in Burkina Faso (1998) to around 0.75 in Cameroon, Zimbabwe, and Uganda for their last survey years. The national FMER range from near parity in Zimbabwe and Madagascar to 0.64 in Niger (1996). Even greater inequality is found when one compares gender gaps across various SES groups. Sub 0.50 values (including 0.16 in Burkina Faso and 0.42 in Niger) are found among the lowest SES group, whereas values above 1 are found in the higher or even in middle SES groups. The detailed data in this table also reveals whether gender gaps close as a result of negative convergence (male enrollments declining, as was the case of Zambia between 1992 and 1996) or positive convergence (as was the case of Burkina Faso between 1998 and 2003). Based on the information in Table A1, summary indices were

17

Sex versus SES

computed for the relative importance of gender and SES (R), the ubiquity (U ), and irreversibility (I ). These various indices are summarized in Table A2. The table shows data for each country period, where appropriate, as well as the unweighted average value for all the country periods. For ease of presentation, much of the discussion of these findings is based on graphical summaries of the information contained in Tables A1 and A2.

5.1. Relative Importance/Declining Significance Table A2 shows the estimates of sex- and SES-related inequality for all country periods. They show substantial inequality along both gender and class lines, but with larger values for SES-related inequality. Whereas the average value for SES-related is approximately 0.21, it is only 0.08 for inequality between the sexes. On average, sex-related inequality is only half (0.48) the value of SES-related inequality. However, this ratio (R) varies markedly across country periods, from a low of 0.10 in Madagascar to a high of 0.95 in Zimbabwe where both SES- and sex-related inequality are low. It is important to monitor how the relative importance of sex-related inequality evolves historically. Fig. 2 thus plots R values against the country’s advance in educational transition, i.e., how does the relative importance of sex-related inequality change as countries expand their total enrollments? The findings show that the country’s advance in the educational transition does to matter. For the subset of countries and the time period investigated here, the relative importance of sex does in fact increase as countries advance in their educational transition. A good third of all the variation observed in the relative importance of sex inequality is associated with countries’ stage in educational transition. It is important to note that the relative importance of sex increases, rather than decrease as theoretically expected. Although these findings run against our theoretical expectation of a historical decline, they are understandable. For countries in the early stages of their transitions, school enrollment, and physical access to schools are low, especially in rural areas. Boys and girls, regardless of parental inclinations, will experience similar (poor) schooling outcomes. Because much of the education is confined to urban settings, class rather than gender will be the prime factor. As school infrastructure and schooling opportunities become available, there is greater room for differentiation between boys and girls. There remains of course the possibility that the relative importance of gender may still decline after some later threshold but

18

Fig. 2.


Relative Magnitude of Sex-Related Inequality (R)* across Stages of Educational Transition.

for now, the importance of gender is rising during the range of transition stages observed in this sample. The evidence on the relative importance of gender thus leads us to two opposite conclusions. On the one hand, the magnitude of sex-related inequality is consistently smaller than that of SESrelated inequality, a finding that warrants reduced attention to gender as a focal point of educational equity policy. However, the relative magnitude of this sex-related inequality is expected to increase during the early transition stages where many African countries currently find themselves. 5.2. Irreversibility/Momentum The purpose in this analysis was to estimate the likelihood of historical reversals/stalling in gender convergence, especially after countries reach some threshold in school participation. The raw data in Table A2 show a high incidence of reversals. I values range from lows of 0.25 (a high

Sex versus SES

19

incidence of reversals/stalling) in Madagascar 1997 and Cameroon 1998 to high values of 1 (no incidence of reversals) in Ghana (1998) and Uganda (2000), with an average of 0.64: In nearly 1 out of 3 cases, the FMER values registered within a socioeconomic group turn out to be equal or smaller than values registered during an earlier survey. The reversals noted in some of the study countries have been documented elsewhere and reflect in part the influence of adverse economic conditions (Courade, 1994; Hewett & Lloyd, 2003; DeRose & Kravdal, 2007). Nonetheless, the sheer frequency of such stalling/reversals deserves note. A fuller understanding of momentum requires, however, exploring whether reversals become less likely as countries advance in their educational transition. Fig. 3 thus plots I values against the country’s advance in educational transition, as indicated by rising national enrollment rates. This analysis shows no significant historical variation: I values remain similar through the educational transition. Formal statistical analysis

Fig. 3. Relationship between Irreversibility Index (I ) and Stage in Educational Transition. Note: I Indicates as Probability that Later values for Gender Gaps are Smaller that Equal the Gaps Observed during Period. A Value of I Indicates Irreversibility.

20


confirms this lack of historical trend (see Fig. 3), as does a more detailed line chart showing the relationship between momentum and national enrollment levels, within individual countries (data not shown). It is well to note, however, that even as the relationship is not statistically significant at the 0.05 level, the direction of the change in the irreversibility/momentum index is in the right direction. With every 10 percentage points increase in national enrollment rates, the probability that gains in women’s schooling will stall or reverse declines by roughly 0.02 units. A more extensive test involving a larger number of countries is warranted. So far however, the data show little evidence of momentum, and gains in gender gaps appear to stall or reverse even at relatively advanced transition stages. Such evidence clearly cautions against shifting emphasis away from gender, on grounds that future gains will continue automatically.

5.3. Ubiquity/Direction A third criterion in deciding policy emphasis involves examining whether the process of gender convergence is widely shared among all socioeconomic groups. We examine this in both static and historical perspectives. In the static perspective, we examine the similarity of FMER across all SES groups, i.e., whether gender inequality (or equality) is ubiquitously found among all socioeconomic groups. This similarity is captured by U values, which measure the ratio of FMER values among bottom SES groups to FMER values among top SES groups. Ubiquity or similarity in gender gaps across all groups will result in U values close to 1, whereas large dissimilarity will yield small U values, less than 1 and closer to 0. The summary results, shown in Table A2, show an average U value of 0.91, suggesting substantial similarity across SES groups. However, the results also indicate substantial variation, from a minimum of 0.45 to a maximum of 1.13. In essence, there are many cases when gender gaps are substantially larger at the bottom of the SES distribution but also cases when the class differences in gender gaps are small or, in fact, when gaps appear to be a little larger among top SES groups. Given this variability, it is interesting to explore how U values change as countries advance in their educational transition (Fig. 4). The relationship is strong and curvilinear. As countries advance in their educational transition, the initially large gender gaps among lower SES groups begin to close and match those found in high SES groups as well. Nearly 2/3 of all variation in U values is associated with the country’s stage in educational transition. By the time countries reach a 70% enrollment threshold,12 the magnitude of

21

Sex versus SES

Fig. 4. Relationship between the Socioeconomic Ubility Index (U) and Stage in Educational Transition. Note: U Indicates Socioeconomic Ubiquity. It is Specifically Measured as the Ratio of Female-to-Male Enrollment among the Bottom-Two SES Groups against the FMER Ratio among the Top-Two SES Groups. A Value of 1 Indicates that Gender Gaps are Identical across the SES Groups. Values below 1 Indicate that Gender Gaps are Larger among the Lower SES Groups.

gender gaps should be roughly the same among bottom SES groups than among top SES groups. In sum, convergence appears to follow a vertical, rather than horizontal pattern. For countries still below a 70% threshold in enrollment, continued investments in girls in low SES groups is warranted and it will likely yield gains for both girls and the poor. The curvilinearity in the predictive equation suggests however that beyond this 70% threshold, the trend toward ubiquity tends to slow down or even reverse. This suggests that, at a minimum, one cannot take for granted the expectation of a steady uniformization of girls’ experiences across all socioeconomic groups.

6. CONCLUSION As gender gaps close worldwide, there are increasing questions about the relative importance of gender as a focal point for addressing schooling

22


inequality in developing countries. How policy and research adjust to these new trends is important. One issue in sub-Saharan Africa is whether the time has come to gradually shift emphasis from sex-related inequality to socioeconomic inequalities that may be growing in the wake of economic and demographic changes, as well as a possible weakening of informal solidarity networks that had historically equalized schooling outcomes. Arbitrage on this shift can be made on several grounds, a subset of which is explored in this chapter. This subset focuses on aspects of convergence trajectories that include changes in the relative importance of sex-based inequality, the reversibility of gains in closing gender gaps, and the socioeconomic ubiquity of gender convergence. We postulate that early shifts away from gender may be more warranted if national convergence appears to unfold along a ‘‘horizontal pattern’’ that implies strong momentum and little interactivity with class, and in which gender becomes a comparatively less salient dimension of inequality. Based on this premise, the empirical task is then to document recent convergence trajectories in various sub-Saharan countries and how these transitions depend on a host of contextual variables. Our findings are mixed. On the one hand and consistent with Knodel and Jones (1996), schooling inequality between the sexes is consistently smaller than SES-related inequality. On the other hand, there is little evidence of a momentum: the process of gender convergence is found to stall or reverse regardless of the fertility transition stage. Furthermore, it unfolds in topdown, rather than horizontal fashion: gains in gender equality typically begin among the top SES groups before trickling down. On the whole however, the findings for this limited subset of countries are more consistent with a ‘‘vertical’’ rather than ‘‘horizontal’’ convergence pattern, and would lead us to caution against dramatic shift away from gender at this point. More plausible perhaps is a recommendation to increasingly focus on poor and rural girls, and on win–win strategies that address both female and poor children. Again, our small sample and narrow historical coverage preclude strong conclusions, and therefore our analysis is more illustrative than probative. Nonetheless it can advance future research and theoretical debate on these issues. In terms of research, the tentative inference from our findings is that progress in narrowing gender gaps is neither irreversible and linear, nor horizontal. Rather, the advance in the schooling of African girls is prone to stalling and socioeconomic differentiation. More importantly, our research draws attention to the importance of convergence trajectories and outlines a method for describing these trajectories and discussing their implications.

Sex versus SES

23

Empirical investigations can thus be advanced in two directions. One is to focus on individual experiences. For countries where detailed historical data on schooling by gender and class is available, convergence trajectories can be studied in greater detail than was possible here. Countries can further draw from qualitative evidence and deep understanding of history to refine description of the individual convergence trajectories of a given nation, and implications for its future prospects. A second line of inquiry is to build on multi-country studies that shed light on the contextual influences and policies that promote stalling, provided that appropriate data is available for multiple settings. In terms of theoretical debates, our conclusions dovetail with calls to treat misrecognition as a question of social status. Fraser, in particular suggests reconceptualizing gender inequalities in education as a form of institutionalized subordination, it is possible to integrate it with questions of socioeconomic inequalities. Misrecognition and maldistribution can therefore be understood as mutually irreducible impediments to parity of opportunity and participation. This does not mean, as some of Fraser’s critics have argued, that misrecognition is in some sense derivative or secondary to those of material and economic subordination. Fraser’s normative distinction between misrecognition and maldistribution does not imply some necessary hierarchy, but is rather intended to emphasize the intersections of the two forms of injustices. There is obviously great diversity in the living conditions of rich and poor, and between those belonging to different ethnic, racial, caste, and other similar distinctions, and this diversity necessarily makes the social construction of gender highly contradictory and complex. Although we can celebrate cultural diversity as a vital expression of human societies, perceived cultural difference has also often been foundational to social inequality and exclusion. As Lewis and Lockheed point out in a valuable study of the neglect of girls’ schooling, almost two-thirds of the 60 million girls not in school belong to culturally or religiously defined minority groups that are subjected to discriminatory exclusion. The politics of difference in fact accounts for the more pronounced ‘‘inexcusable absence’’ of girls from educational institutions in culturally diverse societies: ‘‘In homogeneous countries, higher shares of girls complete primary school, enroll in secondary school, and see higher achievement than those in heterogeneous countries’’ (Lewis & Lockheed, 2006, p. 4). It consequently makes little sense to talk about ‘‘African’’ or ‘‘third world’’ women as if they were a monolithic category. At the same time, while questions of gender equity cannot be relegated to a separate sphere, it is crucial to emphasize that all social processes have gendered

24


dimensions which demand continued scholarly and political recognition. Women’s participation in the paid labor force has for instance risen significantly over the past decades, but it has been accompanied by a concomitant rise in the feminization of poverty, making the sharp conceptual polarity between gender and poverty untenable (Beneria, 2003). Informed by the implications of this rethinking, the analysis above has sought to outline one approach to the policy conundrum in developing countries over targeting of educationally vulnerable groups, and to broader academic debates on the changing salience of sex and SES in the course of development and educational transitions.

NOTES 1. Much of Latin America has now achieved parity, whereas gender gaps remain substantial in sub-Saharan Africa and South East Asia. Further variation is found within regions, especially in sub-Saharan Africa where female-to-male enrollment ratios at the secondary level range from parity in South Africa, Swaziland, Botswana, Kenya to below 0.60 in lagging countries such as Chad, Benin, Guinea, or Togo. 2. The stated Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in the schooling arena to ‘‘ensure that all boys and girls [regardless of poverty status] complete a full course of primary schooling’’ and ‘‘eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and at levels by 2015.’’ As these formulations make clear, the gender mandate is more explicit and ambitious than the goal in the socioeconomic arena. Yet a simultaneous commitment to girls and the poor pervades this agenda. 3. Even our list of statistical criteria is not exhaustive. One important criterion, not considered here is ‘‘non-zero sumness,’’ i.e., the extent to which policies and programs to address gender inequality have spillover benefits in reducing SES-based inequality. Spillovers can result from emulation, substitution, or free riding. Financial incentives targeting girls can indirectly motivate boys who are intent on keeping up with girls’ performance (Kremer, Miguel, & Thornton, 2004; Kim et al., 1999). Spillovers can also stem from substitution in family budgets. Monetary assistance to girls eases the financial constraints of poor families who can then allocate the freed resources to boys. Finally, spillovers arise when policies address dropout reasons that simultaneously affect girls and the poor. Reducing distance to schools will likely boost girls’ enrollments in communities where parents are concerned for their daughters’ safety (Subrahmanian, 2002) but also help poor families avoid the extra costs associated with distant schools. Spillovers can also result from free riding if advocacy for girls ends up indirectly benefiting the poor because both groups drop out of school for similar reasons. Conversely, little spillover will result if major dropout reasons are sex-specific, as may be the case for teenage pregnancy or early marriage (Eloundou-Enyegue, 2004; Mensch & Lloyd,

Sex versus SES

25

1998). If no interaction exists, zero-sum policy must be envisioned in which investments in one group come at the expense of the other, and in which each constituency requires individualized attention. 4. The tradition of liberal feminism has a long lineage. As early as 1792, Mary Wollstonecraft had argued in A Vindication of the Rights of Woman with Strictures on Political and Moral Subjects, that women’s capacity to reason was equal to that of men and the primary reason women appeared to be intellectually inferior was due to their inferior education, which was a consequence of inequality that was premised on a denial of women’s political rights. 5. Radical feminists and dependency theorists had focused their critique not just at modernization approaches, but at what they considered to be economically reductionist Marxist accounts as well. Marxist feminists were subsequently criticized for failing to acknowledge the sphere of reproduction as a source of value-creation and exploitation, and thus traced the roots of gender inequality to women’s exclusion from capitalist development, reverting once again to cultural explanations to account for gender hierarchies within capitalism. Marxist accounts were also subjected to criticism for presuming that only with the abolition of the social–property relations of capitalism will women’s subordination be overcome. 6. At the aggregate, however, intergenerational transmission can be slowed by differential reproductive behavior: If less educated women marry earlier and bear more children, they will disproportionately influence the composition of the next generation of children, in ways that slow the potential gain from intergenerational transmission (Maralani & Mare, 2005). 7. The prevalence of fixed and mobile phone users in the region has jumped from 8 per 1,000 persons in 1980 to 140 per 1,000 persons in 2005 (WDI, 2008). A similar rise in television ownership is observed, from 7 per 1,000 persons in 1993 to 14 per 1,000 persons in 2002, and in internet subscribers, from 0 per 1,000 persons in 1990 to 29 per 1,000 P persons in 2005 (WDI, 2008). 8. T ¼ j pj rj log rj , where p is the proportion of children in group j and r the ratio of enrollment in this group to average enrollment. 9. Using two groups (instead of a single group) at each extreme helps reduce bias associated with small sample size. We also ran a variant of the same measure using all SES groups (rather than the two extreme groups). This more comprehensive index measured the average difference between adjacent SES categories U2 ¼ P ðFi Fi1 Þ wi and it should be close to zero when little systematic interaction exists; it will be positive where gender disadvantage is greater among low SES groups and negative in the opposite circumstances. In computing U2, we considered both unweighted and weighted averages, with the weight being defined by the number of children in the two adjacent SES categories being compared. The results presented here are based on the simpler index described in the main text. 10. One could also extend comparison to all SES groups and estimate the average difference in F values between adjacent groups. This more detailed analysis is not included here. 11. Specifically, we used characteristics of the floor, source of drinking water, toilet facilities, radio, electricity, TV, and ownership of a private car. Individuals were assigned to various categories as follows: 1 ¼ poor floor, poor drinking water, and poor toilet; 2 ¼ 2 of the following: (poor floor, poor drinking water, and poor toilet);

26


3 ¼ 1 of the following: (poor floor, poor drinking water, and poor toilet) and no radio; 4 ¼ 1 of the following: (poor floor, poor drinking water, and poor toilet) and a radio; 5 ¼ 1 of the following: (poor floor, poor drinking water, and poor toilet) and electricity; 6 ¼ 1 of the following: (poor floor, poor drinking water and poor toilet) and a television; 7 ¼ 1 of the following: (poor floor, poor drinking water and poor toilet) and a fridge; and 8 ¼ 1 of the following: (poor floor, poor drinking water, and poor toilet) and a car. 12. This threshold value is obtained visually or from the predictive equation in Fig. 4. Taking the first order derivative (Yu ¼ 2.443.62X) and solving for 0, the threshold value is approximately 2.44/3.62 or roughly 0.67.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors thank Macro-DHS for making the data available. Earlier drafts or ideas in this chapter were presented at Cornell, at the 2008 annual meeting of the Comparative International Education Society (CIES) in New York City, and at a joint seminar organized by the department of Sociology and Institute for International Education (IIE) at Korea University. The authors are responsible for any remaining inaccuracies in this chapter.

REFERENCES Beneria, L. (2003). Gender, development, and globalization: Economics as if people mattered. New York: Routledge. Blau, P. M., & Duncan, O. D. (1967). The American occupational structure. New York: Wiley. Bloom, D. (2006). Measuring global educational progress. In: J. Cohen, D. Bloom & M. Malin (Eds), Educating all children: A global agenda. Cambridge, MA: American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Boserup, E. (1970). Women’s role in economic development. New York: St. Martins. Brint, S. (1998). Schools and societies. Thousands Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press. Buchmann, C. (2000). Family structure, parental perceptions, and child labor in Kenya: What factors determine who is enrolled in school? Social Forces, 78, 1349–1378. Butler, J. (1998). Merely cultural. New Left Review, 227, 33–44. Courade, G. (Ed.) (1994). Le Village Camerounais a` l’Heure de l’Ajustement. Paris: Karthala. Csapo, M. (1981). Religious, social and economic factors hindering the education of girls in Northern Nigeria. Comparative Education, 17, 311–319. DeRose, L. F., & Kravdal, O. (2007). The effects of educational reversals on first births in subSaharan Africa: A dynamic multi-level perspective. Demography, 44, 59–77. Diaw, C. (2002). Gender and education in sub-Saharan Africa: The women in development approach (WID) and its discontents. LLC Review, 1, 54–66. Eloundou-Enyegue, P. M. (2004). Pregnancy-related dropouts and gender inequality in education: A life-table approach and application to cameroon. Demography, 41, 509–528.

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Filmer, D. (1999). Educational attainment and enrollment profiles: A resource book based on an analysis of demographic and health survey data. Policy Research Working Paper No. 2268. World Bank, Washington, DC. Frank, A. G. (1967). Capitalism and underdevelopment in Latin America. New York: Monthly Review Press. Fraser, N. (1995). From redistribution to recognition? Dilemmas of justice in a ‘Post-Socialist’ age. New Left Review, 212, 68–93. Fraser, N. (1997). A rejoinder to iris young. New Left Review, 223, 126–129. Fraser, N., & Honneth, A. (2003). Redistribution or recognition: A political-philosophical exchange. London: Verso. Giroux, S., Eloundou-Enyegue, P. M., & Lichter, D. (2008). Recent trends in fertility inequality in sub-Saharan Africa: Differentials versus overall inequality. Studies in Family Planning, 39(3), 187–198. Grusky, D. B. (Ed.) (1994). Social stratification: Class, race, and gender in sociological perspective. Boulder, CO: Westview. Herz, B., & Sperling, G. B. (2004). What works in girls’ education: Evidence and policies from the developing world. Council on Foreign Relations. Hewett, P. C., and Lloyd, C. B. (2003). Progress toward education for all: Trends and current challenges for sub-Saharan Africa. Population Council Working Paper No. 196. Population Council, New York. Ilon, L. (1998). The effects of international economic trends on gender inequality in schooling. International Review of Education, 44, 335–356. Kelly, M. (1994). Broadening the scope: Gender and the Study of International Relations. In: A. Douglas Kincaid & A. Portes (Eds), Comparative national development: Society and economy in the new global order. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Kim, J., Alderman, H., & Orazem, P. (1999). Can private school subsidies increase enrollment for the poor? The Quetta Urban Fellowship Program. World Bank Economic Review, 13, 443–465. Knodel, J., & Jones, G. W. (1996). Post-cairo population policy: Does promoting girls’ schooling miss the mark? Population and Development Review, 22. Kremer, M., Miguel, E., & Thornton, R. (2004). Incentives to learn. NBER Working Paper No. W10971. National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA. Lewis, M., & Lockheed, M. (2006). Inexcusable absence: Why 60 million girls aren’t in school and what to do about it. Washington, DC: Center for Global Development. Lloyd, C. B. (2006). Schooling and adolescent reproductive behavior in developing countries. Public choices, private decisions: Sexual and reproductive health and the Millennium Development Goals. New York: UN Millennium Project. Lloyd, C. B., & Blanc, A. K. (1996). Children’s schooling in sub-Saharan Africa: The role of fathers, mothers and, others. Population and Development Review, 22(2), 265–298. Lloyd, C. B., & Gage-Brandon, A. J. (1994). High fertility and children’s schooling in Ghana: Sex differences in parental contributions and educational outcomes. Population Studies, 48, 293–306. Malhotra, A., Pande, R., & Grown, C. (2003). Impact of investments in female education on gender equality. Washington, DC: International Center for Research on Women. Maralani, V., & Mare, R. (2005). Demographic pathways of intergenerational effects: Fertility, mortality, marriage and women’s schooling in Indonesia. California Center for Population

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School Enrollment Rates by Country, Sex, and SES, among 10–19-Year-Olds. Socioeconomic Groups

All SES

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

Cameroon 1992 Male enrollment N males Female enrollment N females Both sexes Total N FMER

0.48 112 0.42 90 0.46 202 0.88

0.57 458 0.47 508 0.52 966 0.81

0.62 366 0.50 341 0.56 707 0.81

0.70 411 0.56 404 0.63 815 0.81

0.84 294 0.68 330 0.76 624 0.81

0.83 196 0.76 208 0.79 404 0.91

0.93 292 0.87 321 0.90 613 0.93

0.89 240 0.85 286 0.87 526 0.95

0.73 2370 0.63 2489 0.68 4859 0.87


0.55 71 0.36 102 0.44 173 0.66

0.65 732 0.52 684 0.59 1416 0.79

0.58 380 0.40 389 0.49 769 0.69

0.68 304 0.53 298 0.60 602 0.78

0.71 572 0.68 584 0.69 1156 0.96

0.83 371 0.72 372 0.77 743 0.87

0.86 413 0.81 419 0.83 832 0.95

0.82 240 0.78 252 0.80 492 0.95

0.72 3101 0.62 3115 0.66 6216 0.86


0.62 123 0.53 107 0.58 230 0.86

0.79 1322 0.64 1341 0.71 2663 0.81

0.73 826 0.56 802 0.65 1628 0.77

0.76 1081 0.59 1021 0.68 2102 0.78

0.78 1046 0.76 1013 0.77 2059 0.97

0.85 753 0.79 825 0.82 1578 0.93

0.91 683 0.86 685 0.88 1368 0.95

0.92 467 0.78 478 0.85 945 0.85

0.80 6322 0.69 6290 0.75 12612 0.86

29

1

Sex versus SES

APPENDIX Table A1.

30

Table A1.

(Continued)

Socioeconomic Groups

All SES

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

Burkina Faso 1993 Male enrollment N males Female enrollment N females Both sexes Total N FMER

0.11 90 0.05 83 0.08 173 0.43

0.16 1759 0.08 1650 0.12 3409 0.48

0.38 495 0.24 451 0.31 946 0.64

0.49 1065 0.35 979 0.42 2044 0.72

0.64 133 0.42 143 0.53 276 0.66

0.73 199 0.56 237 0.64 436 0.76

0.74 117 0.55 187 0.62 304 0.75

0.74 253 0.58 323 0.65 576 0.78

0.37 4134 0.27 4077 0.32 8211 0.72


0.10 123 0.02 125 0.06 248 0.16

0.16 2113 0.08 2124 0.12 4237 0.51

0.26 290 0.22 284 0.24 574 0.86

0.38 802 0.28 812 0.33 1614 0.74

0.67 52 0.42 67 0.53 119 0.62

0.72 147 0.57 197 0.64 344 0.80

0.71 133 0.51 164 0.60 297 0.72

0.70 135 0.48 216 0.56 351 0.68

0.28 3805 0.20 4004 0.24 7809 0.71


0.12 825 0.06 674 0.09 1499 0.53

0.19 3240 0.13 2828 0.16 6068 0.67

0.31 625 0.26 595 0.28 1220 0.82

0.33 1951 0.26 1715 0.30 3666 0.78

0.51 170 0.51 165 0.51 335 0.99

0.61 482 0.53 561 0.57 1043 0.87

0.76 205 0.57 313 0.65 518 0.75

0.62 277 0.52 347 0.57 624 0.84

0.29 7779 0.24 7205 0.27 14984 0.83


1

0.61 1050 0.48 1055 0.54 2105 0.78

0.64 801 0.54 937 0.58 1738 0.83

0.76 760 0.66 802 0.71 1562 0.86

0.81 502 0.69 516 0.75 1018 0.86

0.86 131 0.70 159 0.78 290 0.82

0.87 277 0.76 297 0.81 574 0.87

0.79 265 0.74 281 0.76 546 0.93

0.70 4341 0.58 4656 0.63 8997 0.83

0.54 359 0.43 313 0.49 672 0.78

0.54 1382 0.46 1402 0.50 2784 0.85

0.59 1126 0.48 1169 0.53 2295 0.81

0.71 884 0.62 819 0.67 1703 0.87

0.80 157 0.68 180 0.73 337 0.85

0.83 508 0.73 562 0.78 1070 0.87

0.90 244 0.81 313 0.85 557 0.90

0.84 148 0.77 180 0.80 328 0.92

0.65 4832 0.56 4959 0.60 9791 0.86

Zambia 2001 Male enrollment N males Female enrollment N females Both sexes Total N FMER

0.56 304 0.42 303 0.49 607 0.75

0.63 1382 0.48 1337 0.55 2719 0.76

0.69 1119 0.57 1116 0.63 2235 0.83

0.71 822 0.63 754 0.67 1576 0.88

0.80 94 0.70 123 0.74 217 0.88

0.83 468 0.74 445 0.78 913 0.89

0.84 394 0.76 449 0.80 843 0.91

0.84 157 0.85 161 0.85 318 1.01

0.70 4762 0.59 4706 0.65 9468 0.85

Tanzania 1992 Male enrollment N males Female enrollment N females Both sexes Total N FMER

0.38 292 0.36 280 0.37 572 0.93

0.54 1935 0.46 1887 0.50 3822 0.85

0.54 1805 0.49 1780 0.51 3585 0.92

0.61 1151 0.57 1169 0.59 2320 0.95

0.62 210 0.56 223 0.59 433 0.89

0.75 8 0.59 17 0.64 25 0.78

0.66 82 0.57 82 0.62 164 0.87

0.76 96 0.52 110 0.63 206 0.68

0.55 5635 0.50 5609 0.52 11244 0.89

31

0.56 535 0.4 582 0.48 1117 0.72

Sex versus SES

Zambia 1992 Male enrollment N males Female enrollment N females Both sexes Total N FMER Zambia 1996 Male enrollment N males Female enrollment N females Both sexes Total N FMER

32

Table A1.

(Continued)


All SES

2

3

4

5

6

7

8


0.47 233 0.33 218 0.40 451 0.71

0.61 1371 0.55 1332 0.58 2703 0.89

0.57 1248 0.56 1171 0.57 2419 0.98

0.62 1169 0.62 1163 0.62 2332 1.00

0.74 231 0.58 284 0.65 515 0.79

1.00 20 0.62 26 0.78 46 0.62

0.69 84 0.64 104 0.66 188 0.92

0.79 76 0.60 88 0.69 164 0.76

0.61 4470 0.57 4427 0.59 8897 0.93


0.56 142 0.44 172 0.49 314 0.77

0.66 1680 0.58 1618 0.62 3298 0.88

0.66 1193 0.63 1130 0.64 2323 0.95

0.73 2209 0.66 2126 0.69 4335 0.91

0.72 195 0.69 220 0.70 415 0.95

0.78 167 0.71 213 0.74 380 0.92

0.74 176 0.65 261 0.68 437 0.88

0.71 96 0.61 147 0.65 243 0.86

0.69 5883 0.63 5920 0.66 11803 0.91

Zimbabwe 1994 Male enrollment N males Female enrollment N females Both sexes Total N FMER

0.70 293 0.58 260 0.64 553 0.82

0.74 1224 0.68 1122 0.71 2346 0.91

0.78 1080 0.74 1020 0.76 2100 0.94

0.75 673 0.73 591 0.74 1264 0.96

0.71 241 0.60 284 0.65 525 0.84

0.79 198 0.69 239 0.73 437 0.87

0.86 158 0.68 219 0.76 377 0.79

0.75 179 0.68 190 0.72 369 0.91

0.76 4057 0.69 3932 0.72 7989 0.91


1

0.73 940 0.69 874 0.71 1814 0.94

0.76 1100 0.73 976 0.74 2076 0.97

0.78 678 0.75 660 0.76 1338 0.96

0.64 243 0.59 229 0.61 472 0.92

0.73 330 0.71 337 0.72 667 0.97

0.81 287 0.70 333 0.75 620 0.86

0.82 202 0.69 219 0.76 421 0.84

0.75 3965 0.71 3807 0.73 7772 0.95


0.69 54 0.60 48 0.65 102 0.88

0.69 1407 0.66 1391 0.68 2798 0.95

0.76 1489 0.76 1370 0.76 2859 1.00

0.72 705 0.73 648 0.72 1353 1.02

0.72 229 0.60 249 0.65 478 0.84

0.75 636 0.73 630 0.74 1266 0.97

0.82 603 0.71 783 0.76 1386 0.86

0.78 365 0.73 413 0.75 778 0.93

0.74 5498 0.71 5544 0.72 11042 0.95

Uganda 1995 Male enrollment N males Female enrollment N females Both sexes Total N FMER

0.52 277 0.37 247 0.45 524 0.72

0.68 1601 0.51 1606 0.60 3207 0.75

0.64 728 0.44 762 0.54 1490 0.69

0.75 780 0.62 836 0.69 1616 0.83

0.73 255 0.59 364 0.65 619 0.81

0.83 144 0.60 228 0.69 372 0.73

0.75 40 0.69 55 0.72 95 0.92

0.81 149 0.64 192 0.71 341 0.80

0.69 3985 0.53 4305 0.61 8290 0.77


0.79 105 0.57 120 0.67 225 0.72

0.79 1008 0.70 1019 0.75 2027 0.88

0.80 980 0.69 1018 0.74 1998 0.86

0.83 1578 0.77 1699 0.80 3277 0.93

0.80 190 0.65 241 0.71 431 0.81

0.86 285 0.76 358 0.80 643 0.89

0.86 135 0.79 198 0.82 333 0.92

0.89 209 0.77 267 0.82 476 0.87

0.82 4517 0.73 4947 0.77 9464 0.89

33

0.66 166 0.69 156 0.68 322 1.04

Sex versus SES


34

Table A1.

(Continued)


All SES

2

3

4

5

6

7

8


0.33 168 0.35 180 0.34 348 1.05

0.71 917 0.67 984 0.69 1901 0.94

0.84 1466 0.76 1417 0.80 2883 0.90

0.85 2539 0.81 2522 0.83 5061 0.96

0.84 130 0.75 124 0.80 254 0.89

0.88 195 0.84 228 0.86 423 0.95

0.81 120 0.70 159 0.75 279 0.87

0.96 132 0.79 192 0.86 324 0.82

0.81 5704 0.76 5843 0.78 11547 0.93

Madagascar 1992 Male enrollment N males Female enrollment N females Both sexes Total N FMER

0.33 919 0.31 810 0.32 1729 0.95

0.34 1321 0.31 1234 0.32 2555 0.91

0.54 462 0.44 484 0.49 946 0.83

0.63 629 0.65 616 0.64 1245 1.02

0.80 268 0.73 319 0.77 587 0.92

0.86 165 0.78 178 0.82 343 0.91

0.80 46 0.76 66 0.78 112 0.94

0.77 112 0.79 119 0.78 231 1.03

0.48 3922 0.46 3826 0.47 7748 0.97


0.26 94 0.22 87 0.24 181 0.85

0.32 1579 0.26 1510 0.29 3089 0.83

0.37 921 0.34 925 0.35 1846 0.94

0.52 771 0.52 688 0.52 1459 1.00

0.69 220 0.72 214 0.70 434 1.04

0.83 303 0.70 342 0.76 645 0.84

0.85 59 0.74 53 0.79 112 0.87

0.78 69 0.74 69 0.76 138 0.94

0.44 4022 0.41 3893 0.42 7915 0.92


1

0.47 1057 0.46 942 0.47 1999 0.97

0.48 560 0.50 534 0.49 1094 1.06

0.65 1036 0.64 941 0.65 1977 0.99

0.79 270 0.69 273 0.74 543 0.86

0.83 1053 0.78 1091 0.81 2144 0.94

0.84 189 0.70 195 0.77 384 0.83

0.83 207 0.74 217 0.78 424 0.89

0.64 4570 0.62 4396 0.63 8966 0.96

Ghana 1993 Male enrollment N males Female enrollment N females Both sexes Total N FMER

0.52 56 0.40 38 0.47 94 0.76

0.56 452 0.40 380 0.48 832 0.71

0.69 873 0.57 731 0.64 1604 0.83

0.74 461 0.65 367 0.70 828 0.88

0.76 310 0.63 344 0.69 654 0.83

0.84 141 0.68 167 0.75 308 0.82

0.80 188 0.67 245 0.73 433 0.84

0.81 95 0.59 106 0.69 201 0.72

0.70 2576 0.58 2378 0.64 4954 0.83


0.34 94 0.29 58 0.32 152 0.86

0.45 560 0.39 453 0.42 1013 0.87

0.68 632 0.58 552 0.63 1184 0.85

0.68 410 0.69 355 0.69 765 1.01

0.69 370 0.64 365 0.66 735 0.93

0.78 221 0.73 219 0.75 440 0.94

0.83 300 0.71 356 0.76 656 0.85

0.82 78 0.74 107 0.77 185 0.90

0.65 2670 0.60 2466 0.63 5136 0.92


0.43 110 0.34 61 0.40 171 0.81

0.50 519 0.46 427 0.48 946 0.92

0.68 382 0.60 375 0.64 757 0.88

0.67 941 0.64 752 0.66 1693 0.95

0.77 515 0.69 458 0.73 973 0.91

0.81 285 0.75 257 0.78 542 0.93

0.82 364 0.72 469 0.76 833 0.87

0.77 168 0.72 229 0.74 397 0.93

0.69 3294 0.64 3030 0.66 6324 0.93

35

0.38 192 0.37 197 0.37 389 0.96

Sex versus SES


36

Table A1.

(Continued)


All SES

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

Niger 1992 Male enrollment N males Female enrollment N females Both sexes Total N FMER

0.24 90 0.27 81 0.26 171 1.11

0.16 2136 0.06 2263 0.11 4399 0.40

0.36 317 0.20 329 0.28 646 0.57

0.44 486 0.29 511 0.36 997 0.65

0.55 119 0.34 113 0.44 232 0.62

0.62 183 0.48 185 0.55 368 0.77

0.66 172 0.66 181 0.66 353 1.00

0.60 245 0.55 232 0.58 477 0.91

0.30 3755 0.19 3906 0.25 7661 0.64


0.16 73 0.07 101 0.11 174 0.42

0.16 2596 0.07 2685 0.11 5281 0.43

0.31 370 0.23 396 0.27 766 0.75

0.44 369 0.28 432 0.35 801 0.64

0.54 121 0.42 156 0.47 277 0.79

0.74 172 0.60 183 0.66 355 0.81

0.78 131 0.70 148 0.74 279 0.90

0.65 214 0.62 203 0.64 417 0.96

0.28 4061 0.19 4320 0.23 8381 0.67


0.27 70 0.21 72 0.24 142 0.77

0.30 3293 0.17 3456 0.23 6749 0.58

0.43 226 0.33 234 0.38 460 0.78

0.51 485 0.33 477 0.42 962 0.64

0.54 230 0.46 228 0.50 458 0.85

0.63 335 0.58 347 0.60 682 0.91

0.79 291 0.77 300 0.78 591 0.98

0.79 358 0.70 344 0.74 702 0.88

0.41 5300 0.30 5474 0.35 10774 0.71

Note: FMER: Female-to-male enrollment ratio.


1

37

Sex versus SES

Table A2. Country

Summary Indices for the Momentum, Ubiquity, and Relative Importance of Gender and SES Convergence. Year Ubiquity Irreversibility Index (U) Index (I )

Index of Relative Importance Theil values (T )

R

Between SES(1) Between Sex(2) (2)/(1) Burkina Faso Burkina Faso Burkina Faso Cameroon Cameroon Cameroon Ghana Ghana Ghana Madagascar Madagascar Madagascar Niger Niger Niger Tanzania Tanzania Tanzania Uganda Uganda Uganda Zambia Zambia Zambia Zimbabwe Zimbabwe Zimbabwe

1993 1998 2003 1992 1998 2004 1993 1998 2003 1992 1997 2003 1992 1998 2006 1992 1996 2004 1995 2000 2005 1992 1996 2001 1994 1999 2006

0.62 0.71 0.82 0.88 0.81 0.90 0.89 1.01 1.03 0.93 0.91 1.11 0.45 0.46 0.62 1.13 1.04 0.99 0.91 0.97 1.12 0.84 0.92 0.81 1.05 1.12 1.08 0.91

– 0.5 0.88 – 0.25 0.63 – 1.00 0.50 – 0.25 0.50 – 0.63 0.88 – 0.63 0.50 – 1.00 0.75 – 0.63 0.75 – 0.75 0.50 0.64

0.31 0.29 0.28 0.21 0.11 0.14 0.13 0.10 0.07 0.70 0.31 0.18 0.56 0.68 0.60 0.09 0.04 0.04 0.12 0.05 0.04 0.18 0.28 0.15 0.09 0.07 0.08 0.21

0.05 0.04 0.04 0.07 0.06 0.10 0.10 0.02 0.01 0.20 0.03 0.02 0.20 0.22 0.30 0.05 0.03 0.03 0.10 0.05 0.01 0.11 0.11 0.09 0.08 0.05 0.05 0.08

0.15 0.12 0.14 0.32 0.50 0.68 0.77 0.17 0.19 0.28 0.10 0.13 0.36 0.32 0.51 0.53 0.69 0.68 0.83 0.92 0.32 0.61 0.40 0.59 0.95 0.70 0.61 0.48

Notes: – refers to cells where index could not be calculated due to lack of data from previous period groups to the FMER among the top two SES groups; irreversibility (I ) refers to percent of times when later FMER values are greater than earlier FMER values; and relative importance (R) refers to the ratio of sex-related inequality to SES-related inequality.

THE PEDAGOGY OF DIFFERENCE: UNDERSTANDING TEACHERS’ BELIEFS AND PRACTICE OF GENDER EQUITY IN BENIN Sonya Anderson MOVE TOWARD GENDER EQUALITY IN EDUCATION With women constituting more than two-thirds of the world’s approximately 800 million illiterate adults, the importance of gender and equality in education has never been clearer. The education of girls and women has long been associated with positive outcomes such as lower childbearing rates, improved health for women and their families, increased participation in household decision-making, and increased community participation (Wolf & Odonkor, 1997). Consequently, women’s literacy and numeracy are widely understood as critical to individual and national development (Floro & Wolf, 1990). With more than 60 million school-aged girls currently not enrolled in school, however, the status of gender equality in education remains troubling, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. Many post-colonial education reforms in Africa have focused on increasing the supply of schools and the number of students and qualified teachers to fill them (Moulton & Mundy, 2002). In addition, growing Gender, Equality and Education from International and Comparative Perspectives International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 10, 39–88 Copyright r 2009 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2009)0000010005

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SONYA ANDERSON

international attention to women’s development has resulted in concerted efforts by governments to increase educational equality for girls, particularly at the primary school level. Despite these efforts, attempts to improve educational equality for girls have been complicated by the recognition that increased access to education must be accompanied by improvements in the quality of girls’ experiences once they enter the classroom (Hyde, 1993). Accordingly, many African countries have designed activities to increase girls’ enrollment and retention by creating school environments that are ‘‘friendly’’ to girls (Tietjen, 1991). As a result, the push for girls’ education has expanded from a focus on increasing the quantity of girls in school to improving the quality of their educational experience. Girls’ education efforts in many African countries aim to foster greater levels of school retention and completion by supporting curricular, pedagogic, and infrastructural innovations that will lead to more gender-equitable learning environments (O’Gara & Kendall, 1996). Since independence from French colonial rule in 1960, the Republic of Benin has been plagued with an education system that has routinely underserved its school-aged population. In response, the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education (MEPS) has undertaken ambitious reforms to increase participation in primary and secondary education – especially for rural and girl students. MEPS has supported efforts to raise teachers’ awareness of gender bias in the curricula and in their own interactions with students. Notably, MEPS developed a series of ‘‘equity in the classroom’’ (EIC) training modules to equip teachers with pedagogical strategies to foster gender-equitable, ‘‘girl-friendly’’ classrooms. However, the impact of these efforts remains unclear.

Literature on Girls in Sub-Saharan African Schools The literature on the classroom experiences of boys and girls in sub-Saharan African schools suggests that their realities are far from equal. Girls are commonly perceived as less academically motivated and capable than boys, and this perception often serves as the backdrop for the instructional decisions that teachers make. In Biraimah’s (1980) study of a secondary school in Togo, teachers were given a list of characteristics to apply to male or female students. Although girls were assigned qualities such as ‘‘lacks interest in school,’’ and ‘‘quiet/submissive,’’ boys were described as ‘‘responsible’’ and possessing ‘‘leadership qualities’’ (p. 200). Similarly, Davison and Kanyuka (1992) found that teachers in Malawi characterize

Pedagogy of Difference

41

girls as ‘‘shy’’ (p. 463), and 60% of the teachers interviewed concluded that ‘‘girls lack the ambition to work hard because they are lazy’’ (p. 463). Anderson-Levitt, Bloch, and Soumare´ (1998) documented similar attitudes in their study of primary and junior high schools in Guinea where teachers reported familiar stereotypes: boys learn their lessons well, are ambitious, and give good responses. In addition to the lower expectations that some teachers hold for their girl students, teachers may also devalue the importance of education for girls. In Davison and Kanyuka’s (1992) Malawi study, several teachers expressed the belief that girls benefit less from education than boys since many will likely marry at the end of primary school and abandon their educational careers for a life of domesticity. Consequently, all but one of the 14 Malawian teachers surveyed advocated subjects such as home economics for girls, viewing them as ‘‘critical to girls’ education’’ (p. 456). Biraimah (1980) cites similar findings in her Togolese study saying, ‘‘When asked to list the most likely careers to be pursued by their female students, the . . . teachers relegated them to low-status jobs . . . office worker, hairdresser, seamstress . . . ’’ (p. 201). Finally, when asked about the knowledge and skills necessary to prepare boys and girls for adult life, Mensch and Lloyd (1998) found that teachers believed that mastering mathematics was more important for boys than for girls (p. 178). Similarly, Davison and Kanyuka (1992) found that teachers viewed home economics as important for girls to master. Hyde (1993) also reports teachers’ belief that girls should take home economics and needlecraft, while boys should study woodwork. The gendered dynamics that teachers create through their implementation of the formal curriculum may also become intertwined with subtexts from the ‘‘hidden’’ curricula. For example, in her Nigerian primary school study, Biraimah (1989) found that while boys received more of the teacher’s time and attention, girls ‘‘were often assigned ‘housekeeping’ chores or received messages that underscored perceived intellectual inadequacies . . . ’’ (p. 59). This tendency to delegate domestic tasks to girls – particularly when such tasks take away from instructional time – underscores the perception of girls as tangential to the learning enterprise and potentially limits their training to a narrow set of pre-determined, gender-prescribed goals. The formulation of these gender-prescribed goals is aptly described by Madeline Arnot (2002) and her concept of gender codes. These codes result from the structures found in schools that serve to reproduce gender relations. Gender codes are bolstered by systems of gender classification and gender framing that function to regulate the content of educational

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knowledge and its transmission from teacher to student. Specifically, gender classification maintains power relations between the sexes by prescribing different domains of knowledge to boys and girls, whereas gender framing governs the pedagogical relationship between the teacher and the student and instructs students on the different expectations associated with their gendered identities. Through gender classification and framing, the hierarchy between the two sexes is defined, and the boundaries between appropriate behavior, activities, etc. for boys and girls are delineated. Consequently, teachers’ ideas about ‘‘good pupils’’ are tailored to incorporate gender-based distinctions that correspond to their expectations of girls’ and boys’ ability, comportment, and potential for educational success. Finally, Arnot describes the process of gender recontextualization whereby knowledge is framed so that ‘‘notions of appropriate behavior for each sex are converted into appropriate academic disciplines’’ (p. 10). As a result, the different depictions of masculinity and femininity found in textbooks and in the curricula play an integral role in the complex process of gender identity development.

EDUCATIONAL LANDSCAPE IN BENIN Public Primary Education MEPS is responsible for primary and secondary education in Benin. The primary cycle is comprised of six levels: Cours d’Initiation (CI), Cours Preparatoire (CP), Cours Elementaire 1 (CE1), Cours Elementaire 2 (CE2), Cours Moyen 1 (CM1), and Cours Moyen 2 (CM2). The primary education sector has experienced considerable growth over the past 10–15 years. However, despite these gains, Table 1 shows that geographic disparities exist among Benin’s 12 departments (Fig. 1), particularly in their ability to keep up with increased student enrollment – either by building additional schools or hiring additional teachers.1 Primary education in Benin faces a number of major challenges. Overcrowding, particularly at the CI and CP levels (first and second grade), often results in classes with 50–100 students. To compound the situation, many schools do not offer the full 6 years of primary school, which limits students’ access to a complete primary education. In addition, access to quality education is limited by an inadequate supply of well-trained teachers. These challenges have created a system that is marred by low internal efficiency, with low promotion rates and high repetition and

Number of Public Primary Students, Teachers, and School During the 2001, 2002, and 2003 Academic Years, and the Percent Change in these Numbers between 2001 and 2003.

Department

Number of Students 2001

2002

2003

Atacora–Donga 136,114 151,626 156,273 Atlantique–Littoral 187,112 199,693 195,078 Borgou–Alibori 149,654 163,472 161,710 Mono–Couffo 199,174 218,579 225,227 Oue´me´–Plateau 194,474 208,274 192,251 Zou–Collines 83,461 223,357 217,863 Total 1,068,862 1,165,001 1,148,402

Number of Teachers Change (%) 14.8 4.3 8.1 13.1 1.1 161 7.4

2001

2002

2003

2,432 2,035 2,630 3,588 3,015 3,799 2,732 2,897 3,033 3,201 3,269 2,250 3,754 2,976 3,736 3,615 3,614 3,795 19,322 17,806 19,243


Table 1.

Number of Schools

Change (%) 2001 2002 2003 Change (%) 8.1 5.9 11 29.7 .48 4.9 .41

667 731 786 651 668 693 731 763 783 669 713 753 733 756 729 805 875 898 4,256 4,506 4,642

17.8 6.5 7.1 12.6 .55 11.6 9.1

Source: Ministe`re des Enseignements Primaire et Secondaire (2002, 2003, 2004). Annuaire Statistique, Anneé Scolaire -2001–2002, 2002–2003, and 2002–2004.

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Fig. 1.

Administrative Map of Benin.

dropout rates. However, as crippling as the barriers to educational quality are for all children, girls are especially disadvantaged since they are more often affected by the limited supply of schools, poorly trained teachers, and cultural or economic obstacles to their participation in schooling.

Challenge of Girls’ Education In Benin, the focus on girls’ education became central to education reform shortly after the country’s transition from Marxism–Leninism to democracy in 1990. During the years that followed, a number of studies investigated the factors that negatively affect girls’ school participation. From an economic perspective, school and material fees pose a significant barrier to girls’ enrollment. Although MEPS waived school fees for rural girls in 1993, additional costs such as mandatory uniforms, school supplies, etc. continue


45

to constrain many families. Moreover, the loss in revenue that schools experienced from the elimination of these fees had the unexpected effect of lowering enrollment rates in some areas, as principals turned girls away because their enrollment would bring no income (Debourou, 1995). Culturally, among those girls who do enroll in school, their promotion rates often lag behind boys’, with greater household responsibilities and early marriage or pregnancy often impeding their completion of the primary cycle (World Bank, 1994). From a structural perspective, the long distances between schools and many villages, coupled with inadequate school infrastructure, constrain girls’ participation in education. Parents are often reluctant to send their daughters to schools that require them to walk long distances or that do not have appropriate hygiene facilities for girls, particularly once the girls reach puberty. Other factors that discourage girls’ schooling include gender-biased teachers, high failure rates, and school policies that expel pregnant girls but not the schoolboy fathers (Service de Promotion de la Scolarisation des Filles, 2004). Finally at the political level, the insufficient supply of schools, especially in rural parts of Benin; the relatively small number of female teachers and principals; and insufficient data about the factors that influence parents’ attitudes toward girls’ education all conspire to create a macro-policy environment that undermines efforts to increase girls’ primary school participation (Ministe`re des Enseignements Primaire et Secondaire, Ministe`re de l’Enseignement Technique et de la Formation Professionnelle, & Ministe`re de la Culture, de l’Artisanat et du Tourisme, 2003). Despite the strides that Benin has made, the persistence of these barriers ensures that a quality and equitable education for girls remains a challenge. Table 2 shows that despite a general increase between 1990 and 2002, primary school gross enrollment rates (GER) are consistently lower for girls than for boys. The effects of girls’ under-enrollment are intensified by geography, with the northern rural departments of Atacora–Donga and Borgou–Alibori reporting the lowest rates in 1996 and 2002. Although there has been significant progress over the past 10–15 years – for example, Mono–Couffo’s rise from the department with the lowest girls’ GER in 1990 (21%) to the department with the highest rate in 2002 (97%) – other departments have not fared as well. Atlantique–Littoral saw only a slight increase in girls’ enrollment between 1996 and 2002, and Borgou–Alibori fell from fourth to last place among the departments. These findings reflect the ongoing need to address the micro- and macro-level factors that negatively impact girls’ school participation.

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Table 2.

Evolution of Gross Enrollment Rates (%) by Department between 1990, 1996, and 2002.

Department

1990

Atacora–Donga Atlantique–Littoral Borgou–Alibori Mono–Couffo Oue´me´–Plateau Zou–Collines All departments

1996

2002

Boys

Girls

Total

Boys

Girls

Total

Boys

Girls

Total

47.41 72.48 42.41 50.90 84.62 68.10 62.13

21.30 51.43 24.16 21.07 46.28 37.38 35.72

35.36 62.14 33.76 37.45 66.58 53.66 49.68

61.72 110.68 50.34 95.69 101.01 87.22 84.58

33.3 80 31.93 47.55 59.95 53.44 51.97

48.28 95.51 41.52 72.28 81.38 70.86 68.84

103.77 107 76 147.24 119.58 119.51 110.46

65.55 85.69 58.04 96.95 80.4 82.57 78.10

84.87 96.47 67.15 121.71 100 100.85 94.33

Source: Ministe`re des Enseignements Primaire et Secondaire et al. (2003).

PEDAGOGY OF DIFFERENCE IN BENIN The research presented here seeks to explore some of the micro-level factors that shape girls’ experiences in the classroom in two ways: first, by examining teachers’ beliefs about the girls and boys that they teach, and second, by investigating the relationship between these beliefs and teachers’ use of EIC teaching methodologies with their girl students. Although data are available for a similar investigation of teachers’ pedagogy with their boy students, the substantive area of interest for this study focuses on girls’ experiences in the classroom. Sample In June 2005, 324 CM1 (fifth grade) teachers were surveyed from across all 12 of Benin’s departments. These teachers came from 36 (42%) of Benin’s 85 school districts (circonscriptions scolaires), and were selected using a random multi-site cluster sample, with sampling occurring at both the school and teacher levels. Normalized weights were applied to the data to counter the over- and under-sampling of teachers from circonscriptions scolaires of different sizes and to ensure that the characteristics of this sample more closely represented the true population of CM1 public school teachers. Table 3 reveals that the average teacher in this sample is approximately 34 years old, has approximately 8.6 years of teaching experience, and has received about 21 days of training in the current education reform, which includes training in gender equity. The sample also reflects a gender and

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Table 3. Variable AGE EXPER

Teacher and School Characteristics of the Sample. Description

Age of teacher Years of primary school teaching experience TRAIN Number of days of training in current education reform DIPLOMA Highest educational diploma or degree CERT Professional certification TEACHSIZE Total number of teachers at current school SCHSIZE Total number of students at current school NGIRLS Number of CM1 girls currently taught NBOYS Number of CM1 boys currently taught

Observation

Mean (SE)

Mode

Range

324 323

34.01 (.811) 8.64 (.691)

42 2

38 30

322

21.13 (.757)

20

75

316

2.18 (.040)

2a

5

315 323

.859 (.084) 5.51 (.129)

0b 6

2 13

305

298.25 (10.69)

285

665

323

18.49 (.761)

11

47

323

28.24 (.874)

20

63

a

The modal value of 2 represents the junior secondary school diploma, the Brevet d’Etudes du Premier Cycle (BEPC). b The modal value of 0 indicates that teachers with no professional certification are the single largest group of teachers in this sample.

geographic skew that is not uncommon among primary school teachers in Benin. The problem of under-qualified teachers highlighted earlier is also evident in the sample, with 265 (83.8%) of the 316 teachers who responded to this item holding only the Brevet d’Etudes du Premier Cycle (BEPC), a junior secondary school diploma. Additionally, approximately half of the sample (52.1%) holds no professional teaching certification. Finally, the sample illustrates the problem of incomplete primary cycles and overcrowding in primary schools. The average school has slightly fewer than 6 teachers and almost 300 students. This indicates that, in a primary system based on a 6-year cycle, the ‘‘average’’ school does not offer the full 6 years in any given academic year; that teachers may be responsible for teaching more than one grade during any given year; or that children are combined in multi-grade classrooms in order to offer the full cycle where there are insufficient teachers. Furthermore, the average 300 students per school yields 50–60 students per teacher, thus underscoring the problem of overcrowded classrooms.

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Survey Design Data were collected using a 218-item self-designed survey. To develop the instrument, an initial 25-item Likert-scale survey was piloted with 6 primary school teachers in Benin, followed by a focus group to generate feedback on the content, organization, and relevance of survey items. The literature on questionnaire design (Peterson, 2000; Rea & Parker, 1997; Sudman & Bradburn, 1982) was reviewed, as well as items from similar instruments used in other research on related topics. From there, a second survey was developed, with each item mapped to the relevant literature or research. Then, feedback on the content of the revised survey was solicited from individuals with experience working in West African schools, as well as from researchers with experience in survey design. The survey was revised again and translated into French. Finally, in Benin, a group of teachers provided detailed feedback on the content, organization, and length of the survey and offered contextual suggestions about terminology and interpretation, in order to ensure alignment with the Beninese dialect. The final survey contained 218 items organized along three different question constructs (academic capability/performance; importance/usefulness of education; and management of non-academic behavior); a single outcome construct (self-reported practice of ‘‘EIC’’); and a number of demographic/ background questions.2 The ‘‘EIC’’ construct specifically interrogated teacher behavior across five categories: (1) learning styles and instructional interaction, (2) instructional support, (3) language patterns, (4) roles in the classroom, and (5) management of students’ time and space. These categories included items that examined the way that teachers create cooperative learning and/or leadership opportunities for students; pose questions and give feedback; praise or scold students; provide male and female role models for students; engage students in other non-academic tasks in the classroom, etc. Teachers’ perceptions of their boy and girl students were measured on a 1–7 scale, indicating the extent to which they agreed or disagreed with the survey items, or more specifically, the degree of negative or positive perception that they held of boys or girls. Very Negative 1

Negative

2

Somewhat Negative 3

Neutral

Somewhat Positive

Positive

Very Positive

4

5

6

7

Similarly, the outcome construct was measured on a scale ranging from 0 to 30, with higher values representing teachers’ more frequent

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implementation of EIC strategies across the five different categories. Never 0-6

Rarely

Sometimes

Usually

Always

7-12

13-18

19-24

25-30

Although this survey was thoughtfully designed and tested, it relies entirely on teachers’ self-reported data. As such, it faces the same veracity challenges that attitude surveys typically face (Sudman & Bradburn, 1982), since self-reporting is generally less reliable than direct observation. For example, widespread attention to girls’ education may have raised teachers’ awareness of the importance of this issue and possibly their perception of what the ‘‘right’’ answer should be. Teachers may overestimate the frequency with which they practice EIC strategies, or conversely, they may be reluctant to admit that, despite hours of intensive training, they do not regularly incorporate EIC strategies into their practice. Despite these limitations, this study contributes importantly to the discourse about gender, equality, and education in Africa. As such, it is intended to provide a quantitative complement to the existing qualitative research, particularly since much of this research is limited by the very nongeneralizable nature of qualitative research itself. The current study, with its use of a nationally representative sample, allows for findings that are generalizable to a larger population. Moreover, these findings underscore the importance of qualitative and quantitative methodologies to untangle the complex relationship between beliefs and behavior and to provide the scope and depth necessary to understand teachers’ behavior.

Measures Because of the large number of survey items, composite variables were formed to parsimoniously represent the question and outcome constructs for this study. Principal Components Analysis was applied to the items within the survey to identify substantive dimensions. Eigenvectors from the first and second principal components were plotted to examine how items clustered together by dimension, and the specific items that comprised each dimension. Substantive relevance was then applied to determine which clusters and items would be included in the analyses. Finally, classical item analyses (Cronbach’s alpha-reliability estimation) were used to identify internally consistent groups of indicators that could be combined to reliably measure the relevant constructs.3

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This process yielded 10 composite variables – 8 predictors and 2 outcomes – that were used in subsequent analyses: Outcome B_EIC G_EIC Questions B_CAP B_PERFORM B_SUBJECTS B_NONAC G_CAP G_PERFORM G_SUBJECTS G_NONAC

Frequency of use of EIC strategies with boy students Frequency of use of EIC strategies with girl students Beliefs about boys’ academic capability Beliefs about boys’ academic performance Beliefs about the importance of particular subjects to boys’ education Beliefs about boys’ non-academic characteristics Beliefs about girls’ academic capability Beliefs about girls’ academic performance Beliefs about the importance of particular subjects to girls’ education Beliefs about girls’ non-academic characteristics

Since the survey solicited teachers’ beliefs about boys and girls on unipolar yet parallel sets of items, the composites of teachers’ perceptions were comparable, irrespective of the gender of the student. Three dummy variables were also used to represent the professional education certificates that teachers might have.4 NO_CERT CAP_CERT CEAP_CERT

Served as the reference category to indicate teachers with no certification Teachers with the Certificat d’Aptitude Pe´dagogique (CAP) Teachers with the Certificat Ele´mentaire d’Aptitude Pe´dagogique (CEAP) Analyses

To conduct the descriptive analysis of the data, the mean values of the question variables for boys and girls were examined and then compared to indicate teachers’ ‘‘preference’’ for girls or boys.5 Then, multiple regression was used to examine the main effects of teachers’ beliefs about their girl students on their self-reported use of EIC methodologies with those girls. Interaction effects among the question variables and also between the

51


question and control variables (e.g., gender and experience of the teacher) were tested to evaluate whether the question effects differed among subgroups of teachers. Though the substantive interest of this study focuses on teachers’ instructional relationship with their girl students, the relationship with boys was also examined. Despite statistically significant differences in teachers’ perceptions of boys and girls across the four predictor domains, reported differences in teachers’ use of EIC methodologies with boys versus with girls are small. Teachers, on average, reported that they ‘‘usually’’ incorporate EIC strategies into their pedagogy, with a mean value of 22.97 with boy students and 22.89 with girls. The difference between these values, however, is small and not statistically significant (t ¼ 1.16, p ¼ .253). Moreover, the differences in teachers’ use of the individual methodologies that comprise the EIC composite variable are quite small, with only the items measuring the frequency with which teachers call on boys or girls to answer questions (items 144 and 145) showing a statistically significant difference (.058) at the .05 level (t ¼ 2.27, p ¼ .03).

TEACHERS’ BELIEFS AND PRACTICE OF GENDER EQUITY What Do Teachers Believe? Table 4 lists the average value of the composite variables that summarize teachers’ perceptions of girls and boys in each of the question domains Table 4. Variable CAP PERFORM SUBJECTS

NONAC

Weighted Mean Comparison of Teachers’ Perceptions of Boys and Girls (N ¼ 324). Description Teachers’ perceptions of academic capability Teachers’ perceptions of academic performance Teachers’ perceptions of subjects important to education Teachers’ perceptions of non-academic behavior

Bp r .10, *pr .05, **pr .01, ***pr .001.

Boys’ Mean (SE) Girls’ Mean (SE) Difference 4.28 (.071) 5.03 (.055) 5.54 (.059)

3.73 (.071) 4.47 (.058) 5.71 (.050)

4.43 (.060)

4.82 (.049)

.552*** .555*** .170***

.392***

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measured in this survey. As previously noted, these perceptions represent teachers’ self-reported beliefs and were not substantiated by objective measures such as grades, test scores, etc. Academic Capability Teachers reported, on average, a statistically significant more favorable perception of boys’ academic capability than girls’. The difference in teachers’ opinions about boys and girls is most marked with respect to the frequency of their classroom participation, and their general academic ability. Teachers believe that boys experience more academic success than girls, with an almost 1-point difference in their perceptions (4.81 versus 3.93). Moreover, teachers also note differences in boys’ and girls’ ability in specific subjects, with the largest difference occurring in mathematics – both in terms of how easily students learn mathematics (4.09 versus 3.62) and the perception of the best math student (4.05 versus 3.02). The second largest difference occurs in science – again, with boys viewed more favorably with learning science (4.11 versus 3.73) and doing well in it (3.87 versus 3.30). Given the popular perception that math and science are more well-suited to boys, the size of these gaps in perception is not inconsequential. Academic Performance Overall, teachers view boys’ academic performance more positively than girls’ (5.03 versus 4.47). They believe that they have to spend less time explaining classroom lessons to boys (4.77 versus 4.39), that boys want to answer questions more frequently in class (5.56 versus 4.52), that they are better at answering difficult questions than girls (5.05 versus 4.55), and that they answer these questions incorrectly less often than girls (5.07 versus 4.72). Importantly, teachers also believe that boys take their education more seriously than girls – an observation underscored by the full 1-point difference in their ratings (4.85 versus 3.81). This perception is evident in the literature which has found that teachers believe that girls ‘‘lack interest in school’’ (Biraimah, 1980, p. 200). The perception of girls as less serious students is compounded by the belief that girls complete their homework assignments less often than boys (4.36 versus 4.89). This perception does not take into consideration the considerable research examining the inverse relationship between girls’ household responsibilities – which often surpasses boys’ – and the time left for them to study, complete homework, etc. (Tietjen, 1991).


53

Most Important Subjects In general, teachers hold more positive perceptions of the importance of SUBJECTS to girls’ education (5.71) than to boys’ (5.54).6 They believe that advanced math (5.14 versus 4.93), accounting (5.77 versus 5.56), and French (6.19 versus 5.99) are more important for girls to study than boys, whereas biology (5.71 versus 5.70) and chemistry (5.21 versus 5.17) are more important for boys; however, the difference between the ratings for boys and girls for these two subjects is not statistically significant. Despite teachers’ seeming acceptance that certain subjects are equally if not more important to girls’ education as boys’, this belief shifts in the face of more vocational and/or domestic studies such as typing, cooking, sewing, and mechanics. For example, while cooking ranks seventh for boys on the list of 11 subjects, it ranked third for girls. Similarly, mechanics placed fifth for boys and eleventh for girls. Although the rankings for typing (10 for boys and 8 for girls) and sewing (8 for boys and 7 for girls) are nearly equal, the difference between the actual values for each of these two subjects is nearly twice the size of the next largest one (advanced math). Thus, such large differences in teachers’ beliefs about the importance of boys’ and girls’ learning to cook, sew, type, and practice mechanics seem to follow traditional gender divisions, with domestic and secretarial skills identified as important to girls’ education and mechanics as important to boys’.

Non-Academic Characteristics In general, teachers have a more positive opinion of girls’ non-academic characteristics than boys’ (4.82 versus 4.43).7 Teachers find girls to be more trustworthy (4.88 versus 4.59) and cooperative (5.34 versus 4.96) than boys; however, consonant with earlier findings, teachers believe that boys are tardy (4.92 versus 4.33) and absent from school less (4.72 versus 4.40) often than girls. The biggest difference in teachers’ opinions about boys and girls are noisiness (5.01 versus 3.36) and ease of discipline (5.15 versus 3.96). In both cases, perceptions of girls are a full 1-point higher than boys. Ironically, though teachers may believe that the description of girls in this way is complimentary, such images may, in fact, negatively stereotype girls. Miske and VanBelle-Prouty (1997) caution that the ‘‘good girl’’ archetype may ultimately reinforce girls’ invisibility in the classroom by reducing the amount of teacher attention that they receive. Boys, in contrast, through their boisterousness and assertiveness, receive increasing amounts of instructional attention as they progress through the schooling cycle (Biraimah, 1989).

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How Do Teachers Teach? At its heart, this study seeks to examine whether teachers’ beliefs about girls impact their use of EIC strategies with their girl students. Table 5 presents a subset of the final fitted multiple regression models, illustrating the main effects of the four question variables (academic capability, academic performance, most important subjects, and non-academic characteristics) and the teacher certification variables on the outcome, teachers’ use of EIC strategies. The model also shows the effects of a two-way interaction between two of the question variables.8 Note that in the listed final model, Table 5. Parameter Estimates (Standard Errors) and Approximate p-Values from a Nested Taxonomy of Fitted Regression Models Testing the Main and Interaction Effects of Teachers’ Professional Certification and Teachers’ Perceptions of Girls’ Academic Capability, Academic Performance, Subjects Important to Girls’ Education, and Girls’ Non-Academic Behavior on the Frequency of Teachers’ Use of EIC Strategies in their Practice (N ¼ 324).

Intercept CEAP certification CAP certification

Model 1

Model 2

Model 3

23.22*** (.294) 1.48* (.629) .424 (.364)

19.75*** (2.14) 1.44* (.638) 4.68 (.346) .212 (.229) .139 (.254) .411* (.198) .199 (.262)

10.95* (4.52) 1.51* (.596) .479 (.349) .225 (.231) 1.77B (.976) 1.97* (.743) .225 (.254) 3.45* (1.70)

Academic capacity Academic performance Subjects important to education Non-academic characteristics Interaction between performance and subjects Summary statistics

GLH tests: CEAP_CERT and CAP_CERT

R2 F(df) p of F F p of F

Bp r .10, *pr .05, **pr .01, ***pr .001.

.019 2.79 (2, 34) .075 2.79 .076

.047 1.71 (6, 30) .151 2.60 .089

.059 2.85 (7, 29) .022 3.19 .054


55

Model 3, the predictors representing academic capability and non-academic behavior were retained because of their substantive interest to the research, though they were not statistically significant at the .05 or the .10 levels. Although not statistically significant, the dummy predictor representing the CAP teaching certificate was also retained so that the effect of the CEAP certificate could be examined solely against the effects of no certificate at all. The findings from the final model, represented in Figs. 2 and 3, show that the effects of teachers’ perceptions of girls’ academic performance (G_PERFORM) on their practice of EIC (G_EIC) vary, depending on how teachers feel about the subjects that they believe are important for girls to learn (G_SUBJECTS). Because of the statistically significant interaction between G_SUBJECTS and G_PERFORM in the final model, findings are reported separately for two groups of teachers – those who believe that math, biology, chemistry, etc. (G_SUBJECTS) are not important to girls’ education (Low G_SUBJECTS) versus those who believe that they are (High G_SUBJECTS).

School Subjects Not Important (Low G_SUBJECTS) In Fig. 2, fitted Plot A shows that teachers who do not believe that math, biology, chemistry, etc. are particularly important to girls’ education (‘‘Low G_SUBJECTS’’ teachers), on average, use EIC teaching strategies less often with girls whom they perceive as low performing and more often with girls whom they perceive as high performing. Consequently, girls whom teachers believe can perform well academically receive the benefits of EIC strategies more often than their lesser-regarded counterparts. This occurs despite the fact that teachers may not attach much importance to the subject matter itself. More importantly, Plot A demonstrates that when teachers deem that certain subjects are not important to girls’ education and they believe that girls are not strong academic performers, they incorporate EIC methodologies into their practice the least often of all subsets of teachers. Consequently, girls who are perceived as lower performing are instructed in ways that may not maximize their full classroom participation.

School Subjects Important (High G_SUBJECTS) In contrast, Plot B shows that teachers who do believe that math, biology, chemistry, etc. are important to girls’ education (‘‘High G_SUBJECTS

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SONYA ANDERSON

Plot A: Low G_SUBJECTS Teachers 30 Low G_SUBJECTS

27 24

G_EIC

21 18 15 12 9

No Certification Certificat d’Aptitude Pédagogique (CAP) Certificat Elémentaire d’Aptitude Pédagogique (CEAP)

6 3 0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

G_PERFORM Plot B: High G_SUBJECTS Teachers 30 27 24

G_EIC

21

High G_SUBJECTS

18 15 12 9 No Certification Certificat d’Aptitude Pédagogique (CAP) Certificat Elémentaire d’Aptitude Pédagogique (CEAP)

6 3 0 1

2

3

4

5

6

7

G_PERFORM

Fig. 2. The Effect of G_PERFORM on G_EIC for Teachers with Low or High G_SUBJECTS Scores, by Teachers’ Level of Professional Certification.

57

Pedagogy of Difference 30 Low G_SUBJECTS

27 24

G_EIC

21

High G_SUBJECTS

18 15 12 9 6 3 0 1

2

3

4

5

6

7

G_PERFORM No Certification Certificat d’Aptitude Pédagogique (CAP) Certificat Elémentaire d’Aptitude Pédagogique (CEAP)

Fig. 3.

The Interaction Effect of G_PERFORM and G_SUBJECTS on G_EIC, by Teachers’ Level of Professional Certification.

teachers’’) incorporate EIC strategies into their teaching more often with girls who are perceived as low-performers. As the opinion of performance begins to improve, however, the use of EIC strategies becomes less frequent. This finding may reflect to teachers’ commitment to ensuring that academically weaker girls master particular subject content – hence their more frequent use of strategies to increase girls’ classroom participation and learning. However, teachers may feel less urgency to use EIC strategies with girls perceived as academically stronger and who will likely master the subject matter easily, regardless of the pedagogical approach. This explanation is speculative, but it does offer one possible explanation for the negative relationship between G_EIC and G_PERFORM for High SUBJECTS teachers.

Comparing Low and High G_SUBJECTS Teachers Fig. 3 illustrates the difference between the use of EIC strategies between the two groups of teachers. The plot reveals that when the perception of girls’

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academic performance (G_PERFORM) is low, teachers who view math, biology, chemistry, etc. (G_SUBJECTS) as important to girls’ education tend to incorporate EIC strategies into their practice more frequently than those teachers who do not. Interestingly, this pattern changes when opinions about girls’ performance begin to approach the top of the perceptual range. Once the perception of girls’ performance reaches approximately 5.5 or higher, teachers who score low on G_SUBJECTS suddenly outperform their high G_SUBJECTS counterparts, using EIC strategies, on average, more often than teachers with high G_SUBJECTS scores. Fig. 3 also reveals that the difference in the frequency with which the two groups of teachers use EIC strategies is greater when the perception of girls’ academic performance is low (i.e., low values of G_PERFORM) than when it is high. Consequently, the difference between teachers in their the use of EIC strategies for high performing girls is relatively small, regardless of whether or not those teachers believe in the importance of the SUBJECTS variable.

Effects of Teacher Certification Figs. 2 and 3 illustrate the rather surprising finding that professional certification seems to have a negative impact on teachers’ use of EIC strategies with their girl students. Of the three categories used to measure certification in this study, teachers who reported having no certificate whatsoever are predicted to include EIC methodologies in their practice the most often. Teachers with the Certificat d’Aptitude Pe´dagogique (CAP) – the higher of the two teaching certificates – fall only slightly behind their non-certified colleagues in their practice of EIC; however, the difference is not large enough to be statistically significant. However, the frequency with which teachers who hold the Certificat Ele´mentaire d’Aptitude Pe´dagogique (CEAP) – the lower teaching certificate – incorporate EIC strategies is, on average, 1.51 points lower than the frequency score of non-certified teachers – a difference that is statistically significant. This finding poses an interesting problem since the milestones that must be accomplished in order to acquire certification are generally assumed to expand teachers’ professional knowledge base and generally improve teacher practice. One possible explanation for non-certified teachers’ more frequent use of EIC strategies may be that these teachers are more receptive to the training provided by MEPS, as they seek to enhance their pedagogy and align more closely to their professionally certified colleagues. Nevertheless, this negative


59

relationship between professional certification and the implementation of EIC strategies uncovers a puzzle for additional research.

IMPLICATIONS FOR RESEARCH, POLICY, AND PRACTICE Revisiting the Literature on Girls’ Education The findings of this research resonate with the research on gender and schools presented earlier in this chapter. Moreover, the previous discussion of Arnot’s (2002) theories of gender classification, framing, and recontextualization are replete within this study. Teachers’ classification of educational knowledge along gender lines is evident in their different assessments of the academic subjects important for boys to learn versus those perceived as important for girls. While teachers generally believe that the study of a wide range of subjects is more important to girls’ education than to boys’, they also believe that girls should be schooled in those subjects most closely associated with female work. The large and statistically significant difference between teachers’ attitudes about girls’ versus boys’ study of cooking, sewing, and typing reflects a clear classification and delineation of these subjects by gender. Similarly, the priority that teachers place on boys’ study of mechanics represents a comparable perception of this subject as one that is more appropriate for boys. The gender recontextualization represented by this classification of educational knowledge according to sex is consonant with other findings from the literature on gender dynamics in sub-Saharan African schools. In addition, this study also found that teachers practice gender framing to the extent that they perceive boys as better students than girls. The statistically significant difference between teachers’ perceptions of boys’ and girls’ academic capability and performance underscores their more favorable opinion of boys in these two areas. Here again, these views reflect the findings of researchers such as Anderson-Levitt et al. (1998), Biraimah (1980), and Mensch and Lloyd (1998) who found that teachers often hold low regard for girls’ academic ability and low expectations for their academic success. Moreover, teachers’ perception of girls as less noisy, less unruly, and more cooperative than boys may put girls at risk of being overlooked during classroom activities. Although teachers reported that they use EIC with boys (22.85) and girls (22.75) almost equally, Davison and

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Kanyuka (1992) caution that in academic settings where ‘‘boys have been socialized from birth to be verbal and assertive and girls to be submissive and quiet, it is more often the case that the boys will dominate’’ (p. 457). Interestingly, the fact that teachers report that they spend more time explaining lessons to boys than they do to girls (items 8 and 9); they find it easier to teach boys than girls (items 47 and 48), and they believe that boys are naturally smarter in school than girls (items 1 and 13) may belie their later reports of near-parity between their practice of EIC toward boys and their practice toward girls.

FINAL THOUGHTS In Benin and elsewhere, efforts to spur educational reform focus heavily on changing teacher practice. One of the great puzzles of educational reform, however, is the question of when and why do teachers adopt pedagogical change (McLaughlin, 1998). The answers lie, in part, in understanding the individual factors that encourage teachers’ pedagogical experimentation (Richardson, 1990). Among these individual factors, the role of teachers’ beliefs about instruction, student ability, etc. is well documented (Flores, 2001; Graham, Harris, MacArthur, & Fink, 2001). These beliefs bring an affective component to teaching that can influence behavior even more than objective knowledge (Ethell & McMeniman, 2002). Moreover, these beliefs may act as a filter through which teachers make decisions about pedagogy (Ernst, 1989; Pajares, 1992; Tobin, 1987). Theories about the role of beliefs in pedagogical decision-making are important to the present study since efforts to raise awareness about gender equity in school may confirm or challenge teachers’ existing beliefs about boys’ and girls’ ability to succeed in an academic setting. Although teachers receive training in ‘‘EIC’’ and other such gender-equitable strategies, it is uncertain whether they uniformly return to their schools at the end of the training period committed and able to remedy the subtle ways that gender bias functions in classroom life. This study is but a single contribution to what should be a larger research effort to improve girls’ experiences in schools. Additional research should not only focus on the personal factors (such as beliefs) that influence teacher practice, but should examine the impact of structural and institutional factors as well, in order to understand the full spectrum of complex factors that affect teachers’ pedagogical decision-making, and to advance the efforts

61


of educators, researchers, and policy makers endeavoring to ensure equality of access and outcomes for girls.

NOTES 1. In 1999, Benin split each of its existing 6 geographic regions (known as departe´ments) in half to create 12 departments found today. These departments are often grouped in the following pairs: Atacora–Donga, Atlantique–Littoral, Bourgou–Alibori, Mono–Couffo, Oue´me´–Plateau, and Zou–Collines. 2. The full version of this survey is presented in Appendix 1. 3. Appendix 2 lists the individual items contained in each composite along with their alpha-reliability estimates. 4. Between the CEAP and the CAP, the CEAP is the lower of the two certificates. For both certificates, teachers must enroll in a teacher training college and complete a practicum. However, teachers entering the college with a terminal baccalaureate degree are eligible to obtain the CAP through a shorter program of study and practicum than teachers who enter with a junior secondary school diploma only (BEPC). For these teachers, the study and practicum period is longer and results in the CEAP. These teachers must also complete an additional (minimum) 3 years of training during the course of their teaching in order to advance from CEAP to CAP certification. 5. Please see Appendix 3 for the mean value, standard error, and difference in teachers’ perceptions of boys and girls across each of the four question composite variables, as well as the individual items that comprise these variables. 6. The SUBJECTS composite variable includes basic math, advanced math, typing, accounting, chemistry, French, sewing, cooking, mechanics, biology, and computer skills. 7. The NONAC composite variable includes: time management, tardiness, noisiness, absenteeism, ease of discipline, trustworthiness, and cooperativeness. 8. These models are a small subset of the regression models that were fitted to explore the relationship among the question, control, and outcome variables.

REFERENCES Anderson-Levitt, K. M., Bloch, M., & Soumare´, A. (1998). Inside classrooms in Guinea: Girls’ experiences. In: M. Bloch, J. Beoku-Betts & B. Tabachnick (Eds), Women and education in sub-Saharan Africa: Power, opportunities, and constraints (pp. 99–129). Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner. Arnot, M. (2002). Reproducing Gender? Essays on educational theory and feminist politics. London: Routledge-Falmer. Biraimah, K. (1989). The process and outcomes of gender bias in elementary schools: A Nigerian case. Journal of Negro Education, 58(1), 50–67. Biraimah, K. C. (1980). The impact of Western schools on girls’ expectations: A Togolese case. Comparative Education Review, 24(2), 196–208.

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Davison, J., & Kanyuka, M. (1992). Girls’ participation in basic education in Southern Malawi. Comparative Education Review, 36, 446–466. Debourou, D. M. (1995). The case of Benin. In: Development of African Education Biennial (Ed.), Formulating education policy: Lessons and experience from sub-Saharan Africa (pp. 39–61). Paris: Association for the Development of African Education. Ernst, P. (1989). The knowledge, beliefs and attitudes of the mathematics teacher: A model. Journal of Education for Teaching, 15(1), 13–33. Cited in A. Wilcox-Herzog (2002). Is there a link between teachers’ beliefs and behaviors? Early Education and Development, 13(1), 81–106. Ethell, R., & McMeniman, M. (2002). A critical first step in learning to teach: Confronting the power and tenacity of student teachers’ beliefs and preconceptions. In: C. Sugrue & C. Day (Eds), Developing teachers and teaching practice: International research perspectives (pp. 216–234). London: Routledge-Falmer. Flores, B. B. (2001). Bilingual education teachers’ beliefs and their relation to self-reported practices. Bilingual Research Journal, 25(3), 275–299. Floro, M., & Wolf, J. (1990). The economic and social impacts of girls’ primary education developing countries. Advancing Basic Education and Literacy Project. US Agency for International Development. Graham, S., Harris, K. R., MacArthur, C., & Fink, B. (2001). Primary grade teachers’ theoretical orientations concerning writing instruction: Construct validation and a nationwide survey. Contemporary Educational Psychology, 27, 147–166. Hyde, K. (1993). Barriers to educational opportunity in Malawi. In: E. King & M. A. Hill (Eds), Women’s education in developing countries: Barriers, benefits, and policies (pp. 131–147). Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press. McLaughlin, M. (1998). Listening and learning from the field: Tales of policy implementation and situated practice. In: A. Hargreaves, A. Lieberman, M. Fullan & D. Hopkins (Eds), International Handbook of Educational Change (pp. 70–84). Norwell, MA: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Mensch, B., & Lloyd, C. (1998). Gender differences in the schooling experiences of adolescents in low-income countries: The case of Kenya. Studies in Family Planning, 28, 167–184. Ministe`re des Enseignements Primaire et Secondaire, Ministe`re de l’Enseignement Technique et de la Formation Professionnelle, & Ministe`re de la Culture, de l’Artisanat et du Tourisme. (2003). Plan d’actions national du Benin pour la mise en oeuvre du programme Education Pour Tous. Miske, S., & VanBelle-Prouty, D. (1997). Schools are for girls too: Creating an environment of validation. U.S. Agency for International Development, Office of Sustainable Development, Technical Paper #41. Africa Bureau Information Center, Washington, DC. Moulton, J., & Mundy, K. (2002). Introduction: Implementation research and educational reform in sub-Saharan Africa. In: J. Moulton, K. Mundy, M. Welmond & J. Williams (Eds), Education reforms in sub-Saharan Africa: Paradigm lost? (pp. 1–11). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. O’Gara, C., & Kendall, N. (1996). Beyond enrollment: A handbook for improving girls’ experiences in primary education, 1996, Advancing Basic Education and Literacy Project. US Agency for International Development. Pajares, M. F. (1992). Teachers’ beliefs and educational research: Cleaning up a messy construct. Review of Educational Research, 62, 307–322. Peterson, R. A. (2000). Constructing effective questionnaires. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.


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Rea, L. M., & Parker, R. A. (1997). Designing and conducting survey research: A comprehensive guide. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass Inc. Richardson, V. (1990). Significant and worthwhile change in teaching practice. Educational Researcher, 19, 10–18. Service de Promotion de la Scolarisation des Filles. (2004). La service de promotion de la scolarisation des filles. Ministe`re des Enseignements Primaire et Secondaire, Direction de la Programmation et de la Prospective. Sudman, S., & Bradburn, N. M. (1982). Asking questions: A practical guide to questionnaire design. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Inc. Tietjen, K. (1991). Educating girls: Strategies to increase access, persistence, and achievement. Advancing Basic Education and Literacy Project. US Agency for International Development. Tobin, K. (1987). Forces which shape the implemented curriculum in high school science and mathematics. Teaching and Teacher Education, 3(4), 287–298. Wolf, J., & Odonkor M. (1997). How educating a girl changes the woman she becomes: An intergenerational study in Northern Ghana. Technical Paper No. 8. Advancing Basic Education and Literacy Project. US Agency for International Development. World Bank. (1994). Staff appraisal report: Republic of Benin, education development project. Population and Human Resources Division. Occidental and Central Africa Department.

APPENDIX 1. TEACHER ATTITUDES SURVEY Thank you for your participation in this study. The following survey asks you to describe your attitudes about children’s education and your pedagogic practices. Please read the directions for each set of questions and answer each question as best you can. There are no right or wrong answers; I am interested in your honest opinion. Please be assured that your answers will be held confidential and that you will never be named personally in any report or publication.

PART 1: STUDENTS’ ACADEMIC CAPABILITY AND PERFORMANCE 1. Below are statements about students’ academic capability. Please put an ‘‘x’’ in the box that represents the extent to which you agree or disagree with each one. Please choose only 1 response for each statement.

1.

In general, boys are naturally smart in school.

2.

Boys can do well in all school subjects.

3.

Boys cannot master some school subjects very well.

4.

Science is easy for boys to learn.

5.

Math is easy for boys to learn.

6.

French is easy for boys to learn.

7.

The girls in my class do not have the intellectual capacity to pass the CEP.

8.

I spend a lot of time explaining classroom lessons to boys.

9.

I spend a lot of time explaining classroom lessons to girls.

10.

French is easy for girls to learn.

11.

Science is easy for girls to learn.

12.

Math is easy for girls to learn.

13.

In general, girls are naturally smart in school.

14.

Girls can do well in all school subjects.

15.

Girls cannot master some school subjects very well.

16.

The boys in my class do not have the intellectual capacity to pass the CEP.

Strongly Disagree

Disagree

Somewhat Disagree

Neutral

Somewhat Agree

Agree

Strongly Agree

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

2. Below are statements about students’ academic performance. Please put an ‘‘x’’ in the box that represents the extent to which you agree or disagree. Choose only 1 response per statement. In my current CM1 class . . .

17.

Girls are usually the best students in math.

18.

Girls are usually the best students in French.

19.

Girls are usually the best students in science.

20.

Boys most often answer questions correctly in class.

21.

Boys most often answer questions incorrectly in class.

22.

Boys most often want to answer questions in class.

23.

Boys least often want to answer questions in class.

24.

Boys do not take their education very seriously.

25.

Boys’ interest in education decreases as they get older.

26.

Boys usually cannot answer difficult questions well.

Strongly Disagree

Disagree

Somewhat Disagree

Neutral

Somewhat Agree

Agree

Strongly Agree

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

27.

Girls usually cannot answer difficult questions well.

28.

Girls are usually very academically successful.

29.

Girls do not usually complete their homework assignments.

30.

When girls do not volunteer to answer questions in class, it is usually because they are shy.

31.

When girls do not volunteer to answer questions in class, it is often because they do not know the right answer.

32.

When girls do not volunteer to answer questions in class, it is often because they are not paying attention.

33.

Boys are usually very academically successful.

34.

Boys do not usually complete their homework assignments.

35.

When boys do not volunteer to answer questions in my class, it is often because they are shy.

Strongly Disagree

Disagree

Somewhat Disagree

Neutral

Somewhat Agree

Agree

Strongly Agree

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

36.

When boys do not volunteer to answer questions in class, it is often because they do not know the right answer.

37.

When boys do not volunteer to answer questions in class, it is often because they are not paying attention.

38.

Girls most often answer questions correctly in class.

39.

Girls most often answer questions incorrectly in class.

40.

Girls most often want to answer questions in class.

41.

Girls least often want to answer questions in class.

42.

Boys are usually the best students in math.

43.

Boys are usually the best students in French.

44.

Boys are usually the best students in science.

45.

Girls do not take their education very seriously.

46.

Girls’ interest in education decreases as they get older.

47.

In general, I find it easy to teach boys.

48.

In general, I find it easy to teach girls.

68

PART 2: THE IMPORTANCE OF EDUCATION 1. Below are statements about the importance of education. Please finish the sentence by placing an ‘‘x’’ in the box that represents the extent to which you agree or disagree. Please choose 1 response for each statement. In order to gain the knowledge and skills that they need to prepare for adulthood in contemporary Beninese society . . .

Boys should learn basic math.

50

Boys should learn advanced math.

51.

Boys should learn typing.

52.

Boys should learn accounting.

53.

Boys should learn chemistry.

54.

Boys should learn French.

55.

Boys should learn sewing.

56.

Boys should learn cooking.

Disagree

Somewhat Disagree

Neutral

Somewhat Agree

Agree

Strongly Agree

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

SONYA ANDERSON

49.

Strongly Disagree

Boys should learn mechanics.

58.

Boys should learn biology.

59.

Boys should learn computer skills.

60.

Girls should learn basic math.

61.

Girls should learn advanced math.

62.

Girls should learn typing.

63.

Girls should learn accounting.

64.

Girls should learn chemistry.

65.

Girls should learn French.

66.

Girls should learn sewing.

67.

Girls should learn cooking.

68.

Girls should learn mechanics.

69.

Girls should learn biology.

70.

Girls should learn computer skills.


57.

69

70

2. Please finish the sentence below by placing an ‘‘x’’ in the one box that best represents your opinion. In my opinion, one of the most important benefits of education is that . . .

Boys develop literacy skills.

72.

Boys develop leadership skills.

73.

Boys learn domestic skills.

74.

Boys are able to find a good job.

75.

Boys are able to attract a better marriage partner.

76.

Boys develop childrearing skills.

77.

Boys develop interpersonal skills.

78.

Girls develop literacy skills.

79.

Girls develop interpersonal skills.

80.

Girls develop leadership skills.

81.

Girls learn domestic skills.

82.

Girls are able to find a good job.

83.

Girls are able to attract a better marriage partner.

84.

Girls develop childrearing skills.

Disagree

Somewhat Disagree

Neutral

Somewhat Agree

Agree

Strongly Agree

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

SONYA ANDERSON

71.

Strongly Disagree

85.

The benefits of sending a girl to school do not outweigh the financial costs to her family.

86.

The benefits of sending a boy to school do not outweigh the financial costs to his family.

87.

Boys should be allowed to take any subject that they wish to take in school, regardless of their gender.

88.

Girls should be allowed to take any subject that they wish to take in school, regardless of their gender.

89.

Primary school is the highest level of education that girls should complete.

90.

Secondary school is the highest level of education that girls should complete.

91.

University is the highest level of education that girls should complete.

Strongly Disagree

Disagree

Somewhat Disagree

Neutral

Somewhat Agree

Agree

Strongly Agree

1

2

3

4

5

6

7


3. Below are more statements about the importance of education. Put an ‘‘x’’ in the box that represents the extent to which you agree or disagree with each, and please choose only 1 response.

71

72

Primary school is the highest level of education that boys should complete.

93.

Secondary school is the highest level of education that boys should complete.

94.

University is the highest level of education that boys should complete.

95.

A girl should get married when she finds an appropriate partner, even if she is still in school.

96.

A boy should get married when he finds an appropriate partner, even if he is still in school.

Disagree

Somewhat Disagree

Neutral

Somewhat Agree

Agree

Strongly Agree

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

SONYA ANDERSON

92.

Strongly Disagree

1. Below are statements about students outside of the teaching and learning that normally occurs in class. Please put an ‘‘x’’ in the box that represents the extent to which you agree or disagree with each sentence. Please choose only 1 response for each statement.

Boys are best at cleaning the classroom.

98.

Some chores are only appropriate for boys to do.

99.

In the classroom, it is better for boys to be seated next to other boys.

100.

It is important for boys to be seated near the front of the classroom.

101.

Boys should be allowed to participate in any school sport that they like.

102.

In general, boys do not manage their time in the classroom well.

103.

In general, boys are very polite.

104.

Boys are often tardy.

105.

Boys are often noisy in class.

106.

Boys are often absent from school.

107.

Boys are often difficult to discipline.

Disagree

Somewhat Disagree

Neutral

Somewhat Agree

Agree

Strongly Agree

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

73

97.

Strongly Disagree


PART 3: THE MANAGEMENT OF NON-ACADEMIC BEHAVIOR

109.

Boys are often uncooperative.

110.

Some chores are only appropriate for girls to do.

111.

In the classroom it is better for girls to be seated next to other girls.

112.

Girls are best at cleaning the classroom.

113.

It is important for girls to be seated near the front of the classroom.

114.

Girls should be allowed to participate in any school sport that they like.

115.

Girls are often absent from school.

116.

In general, girls are very polite.

117.

Girls are often tardy.

118.

Girls are often difficult to discipline.

119.

In general, girls do not manage their time in the classroom well.

120.

Girls are generally untrustworthy.

121.

Girls are often noisy in class.

122.

Girls are often uncooperative.

Somewhat Disagree

Neutral

Somewhat Agree

Agree

Strongly Agree

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

SONYA ANDERSON

Boys are generally untrustworthy.

Disagree

74

108.

Strongly Disagree

A. Learning Styles and Instructional Interaction 1. Below are some questions about your teaching practice. Please put an ‘‘x’’ in the box that represents the frequency with which these actions occur in your classroom. Please choose only 1 response for each statement. In general, how often do you . . .

Organize small cooperative learning groups for students?

124.

Create leadership opportunities for girls in classroom activities?

125.

Create leadership opportunities for boys in classroom activities?

126.

Use role-playing in your classroom activities?

127.

Give individualized instruction to a girl in your class?

128.

Give individualized instruction to a boy in your class?

129.

Give positive feedback to a girl about the content of her work?

130.

Give positive feedback to a girl about the appearance of her work?

131.

Give positive feedback to a boy about the content of his work?

132.

Give positive feedback to a boy about the appearance of his work?

Usually

Sometimes

Rarely

Never

1

2

3

4

5

75

123.

Always


PART 4: TEACHING AND LEARNING

76

Give a girl another opportunity to respond when she answers incorrectly to a question the first time?

134.

Give a boy another opportunity to respond when he answers incorrectly to a question the first time?

135.

Scold or punish girls for tardiness?

136.

Scold or punish girls for incorrect responses in class?

137.

Scold or punish girls for not having their homework?

138.

Scold or punish girls for not paying attention in class?

139.

Scold or punish boys for tardiness?

140

Scold or punish boys for incorrect responses in class?

141.

Scold or punish boys for not having their homework?

142.

Scold or punish boys for not paying attention in class?

143.

Called on a student who had not raised his/her hand to volunteer?

144.

Call on a boy to answer a question in class?

145.

Call on a girl to answer a question in class?

146.

Practice ‘‘wait time’’ (waiting a few seconds) before calling on a student to answer?

Usually

Sometimes

Rarely

Never

1

2

3

4

5

SONYA ANDERSON

133.

Always

Pose ‘‘open’’ questions (questions that require a full description or explanation as a response) to a girl in your class?

148.

Pose ‘‘open’’ questions (questions that require a full description or explanation as a response) to a boy in your class?


147.

B. Instructional Support 1. Below are statements about the types of instructional support in your classroom. Please put an ‘‘x’’ in the box that represents the extent to which you agree or disagree with each one. Please choose 1 response for each statement.

Currently, boys in my classroom have good access to textbooks.

150.

Currently, girls in my classroom have good access to textbooks.

151.

Currently, there are many examples of girls’ work on display in my classroom.

152.

Currently, there are many examples of boys’ work on display in my classroom.

153.

I occasionally supplement textbooks and curricula with positive images, stories, etc. of girls/ women?

Disagree

Somewhat Disagree

Neutral

Somewhat Agree

Agree

Strongly Agree

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

77

149.

Strongly Disagree

I have invited women ‘‘role models’’ from the community, etc. to visit my classroom at least once during this academic year.

155.

I occasionally supplement textbooks and curricula with positive images, stories, etc. of boys/men?

156.

I have invited male ‘‘role models’’ from the community, etc. to visit my classroom at least once during this academic year.

Disagree

Somewhat Disagree

Neutral

Somewhat Agree

Agree

Strongly Agree

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

78

154.

Strongly Disagree

C. Language Patterns 1. Please put an ‘‘x’’ in the box that represents the frequency with which these actions take place in your classroom. Please choose only 1 response for each statement.

157.

Do you praise a girl for her attractiveness?

158.

Do you praise a girl for her compliance with classroom rules?

159.

Do you praise a girl for showing caring?

Always

Usually

Sometimes

Rarely

Never

1

2

3

4

5

SONYA ANDERSON

In general, how often . . .

Do you praise a girl for her competence with domestic tasks?

161.

Do you praise a girl for her academic effort?

162.

Do you praise a girl for her creative or innovative ideas?

163.

Do you praise a boy for his attractiveness?

164.

Do you praise a boy for his academic effort?

165.

Do you praise a boy for his compliance with classroom rules?

166.

Do you praise a boy for his competence with domestic tasks?

167.

Do you praise a boy for showing caring?

168.

Do you praise a boy for his creative or innovative ideas?

169.

Does a boy tease or insult a girl in your class?

170.

Does a girl tease or insult a boy in your class?

171.

Do you scold or punish a boy for teasing or insulting a girl?

172.

Do you scold or punish a girl for teasing or insulting a boy?


160.

79

80

D. Roles in the Classroom 1. Below are statements about the roles that students play in your classroom. Please put an ‘‘x’’ in the box that represents the extent to which you agree or disagree with each one. Please choose 1 response for each statement.

When you organize role-playing activities in class, how often do you select girls to play traditionally female roles (nurse, secretary)?

174.

When you organize role-playing activities in class, how often do you select boys to play traditionally male roles (doctor, businessman)?

175.

When you organize role-playing activities in class, how often do you mix the roles so that boys and girls play a variety of different characters, regardless of gender?

176.

When there are opportunities to serve in a leadership position in your classroom, how often do you choose students to fill those positions?

177.

When there are opportunities to serve in a leadership position in your classroom, how often do you allow students to volunteer to fill those positions?

178.

When there are opportunities to serve in a leadership position in your classroom, how often does a girl fill the position?

179.

When there are opportunities to serve in a leadership position in your classroom, how often does a boy fill the position?

Usually

Sometimes

Rarely

Never

1

2

3

4

5

SONYA ANDERSON

173.

Always

1. Please complete the sentences below by putting an ‘‘x’’ in the box that represents the frequency with which these activities occur in your classroom. Please choose 1 response for each statement. In general, I . . .

Ask the girls in my class to sweep the floor.

181.

Ask the girls in my class to sweep the courtyard.

182.

Ask the girls in my class to clean the chalkboard.

183.

Ask the girls in my class to wipe the tables.

184.

Ask the girls in my class to wipe the chairs.

185.

Ask the girls in my class to cook food.

186.

Ask the girls in my class to fetch the food.

187.

Ask the girls in my class to fetch water.

188.

Ask the girls in my class to clean the latrine.

189.

Ask the boys in my class to clean the latrine.

190.

Ask the boys in my class to sweep the courtyard.

191.

Ask the boys in my class to clean the chalkboard.

192.

Ask the boys in my class to sweep the floor.

Usually

Sometimes

Rarely

Never

1

2

3

4

5

81

180.

Always


E. Management of Students’ Time and Space

82

Ask the boys in my class to wipe the chairs.

194.

Ask the boys in my class to cook food.

195.

Ask the boys in my class to fetch the food.

196.

Ask the boys in my class to wipe the tables.

197.

Ask the boys in my class to fetch water.

198.

Allow boys to choose which chores they will perform in the classroom.

199.

Assign cleaning the classroom as a form of punishment for boys.

200.

Allow girls to choose which chores they will perform in the classroom.

201.

Assign cleaning the classroom as a form of punishment for girls.

202.

Allow the girls in my classroom to sit where they please.

203.

Seat most of the girls in the back of the classroom.

204.

Seat girls throughout the classroom.

205.

Allow the boys in my classroom to sit where they please.

206.

Seat most of the boys in the back of the classroom.

207.

Seat boys throughout the classroom.

Usually

Sometimes

Rarely

Never

1

2

3

4

5

SONYA ANDERSON

193.

Always

208. How many students are enrolled in your school? 209. How many teachers work at your school? 210. How many girls do you teach in your current class? 211. How many boys do you teach in your current class?


PART 5: GENERAL INFORMATION

212. Your school is located in a _______ area. (Please circle 1 response.) a) Rural b) Urban 213. During this academic year, approximately how many days of training have you received in the Nouveau Programme? 214. What is your gender, male of female? 215. How old are you? 216. How many years have you been teaching primary school? (Please do not count time spent as a student teacher) 217. What is the highest educational diploma/certificate that you have received? 218. What type of teaching certificate do you hold? Thank you very much for your participation in this study!

83

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SONYA ANDERSON

APPENDIX 2. CONTENT AND CRONBACH’S ALPHA VALUES OF THE SUBSET OF ITEMS USED TO FORM THE QUESTION AND OUTCOME COMPOSITE VARIABLES Item No.

Content

Alpha

Implementation of EIC with Boys (B_EIC) Create leadership opportunities for boys in classroom activities? Give individualized instruction to a boy in your class? Give positive feedback to a boy about the content of his work? Give a boy another opportunity to respond when he answers incorrectly to a question the first time? Call on a boy to answer a question in class? Pose ‘‘open’’ questions (questions that require a full description or explanation as a response) to a boy in your class?

.452 .353 .448 .411 .405

Implementation of EIC with Girls (G_EIC) Create leadership opportunities for girls in classroom activities? Give individualized instruction to a girl in your class? Give positive feedback to a girl about the content of her work? Give a girl another opportunity to respond when she answers incorrectly to a question the first time? Call on a girl to answer a question in class. Pose ‘‘open’’ questions (questions that require a full description on explanation as a response) to a girl in your class?

.440 .368 .416 .386 .383

1 4 5 6 20 22 33 42 43 44 47

Boys’ Academic Capability (B_CAP) In general, boys are naturally smart in school. Science is easy for boys to learn. Math is easy for boys to learn. French is easy for boys to learn. Boys most often answer questions correctly in class. Boys most often want to answer questions in class. Boys are usually very academically successful. Boys are usually the best students in math. Boys are usually the best students in French. Boys are usually the best students in science. In general, I find it easy to teach boys.

.873 .866 .859 .858 .859 .867 .873 .869 .856 .854 .854 .868

10 11 12

Girls’ Academic Capability (G_CAP) French is easy for girls to learn. Science is easy for girls to learn. Math is easy for girls to learn.

.841 .822 .821 .824

125 128 131 134 144 148

124 127 129 133 145 147

.411 .417

.416 .403

85


APPENDIX 2. (Continued ) Item No. 13 17 18 19 28 38 40 48

Content

Alpha

In general, girls are naturally smart in school. Girls are usually the best students in math. Girls are usually the best students in French. Girls are usually the best students in science. Girls are usually very academically successful. Girls most often answer questions correctly in class. Girls most often want to answer questions in class. In general, I find it easy to teach girls.

.828 .829 .824 .823 .828 .830 .838 .837

Boys’ Academic Performance (B_PERFORM) I spend a lot of time explaining classroom lessons to boys. The boys in my class do not have the intellectual capacity to pass the CEP. Boys most often answer questions incorrectly in class. Boys least often want to answer questions in class. Boys do not take their education very seriously. Boys’ interest in education decreases as they get older. Boys usually cannot answer difficult questions well. Boys do not usually complete their homework assignments. When boys do not volunteer to answer questions in class, it is often because they are not paying attention.

.735 .729 .723

.729 .706

39 41 45 46

Girls’ Academic Performance (G_PERFORM) The girls in my classroom do not have the intellectual capacity to pass the CEP. I spend a lot of time explaining classroom lessons to girls. Girls usually cannot answer difficult questions well. Girls do not usually complete their homework assignments. When girls do not volunteer to answer questions in class, it is often because they are not paying attention. Girls most often answer questions incorrectly in class. Girls least often want to answer questions correctly in class. Girls do not take their education very seriously. Girls’ interest in education decreases as they get older.

49 50 51 52

Subjects Important to Boys’ Education (B_SUBJECTS) Boys should learn basic math. Boys should learn advanced math. Boys should learn typing. Boys should learn accounting.

8 16 21 23 24 25 26 34 37

7 9 27 29 32

.707 .715 .681 .712 .694 .706 .727

.723 .697 .689 .715 .708 .719 .673 .721 .891 .891 .892 .883 .874

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SONYA ANDERSON

APPENDIX 2. (Continued ) Item No.

Content should should should should should should should

learn learn learn learn learn learn learn

chemistry. French. sewing. cooking. mechanics. biology. computer skills.

Alpha

53 54 55 56 57 58 59

Boys Boys Boys Boys Boys Boys Boys

.875 .880 .878 .885 .877 .876 .880

60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70

Subjects Important to Girls’ Education (G_SUBJECTS) Girls should learn basic math. Girls should learn advanced math. Girls should learn typing. Girls should learn accounting. Girls should learn chemistry. Girls should learn French. Girls should learn sewing. Girls should learn cooking. Girls should learn mechanics. Girls should learn biology. Girls should learn computer skills.

.882 .878 .884 .870 .864 .867 .869 .866 .875 .878 .864 .869

102 104 105 106 107 108 109

Boys’ Non-Academic Behavior (B_NONAC) In general, boys do not manage their time in the classroom well. Boys are often tardy. Boys are often noisy in class. Boys are often absent from school. Boys are often difficult to discipline. Boys are generally untrustworthy. Boys are often uncooperative.

.815 .813 .788 .805 .779 .777 .776 .792

115 117 118 119 120 121 122

Girls’ Non-Academic Behavior (G_NONAC) Girls are often absent from school. Girls are often tardy. Girls are often difficult to discipline. In general, girls do not manage their time in the classroom well. Girls are generally untrustworthy. Girls are often noisy in class. Girls are often uncooperative.

.737 .699 .708 .706 .697 .688 .724 .718

Boys’ Mean Girls’ Mean (S.E.) (S.E.)

Boy-Girl Difference

4.28 3.86 4.11 4.09 3.86 4.75 5.52 4.81 4.05 3.77 3.87 3.86

(.071) (.115) (.102) (.112) (.109) (.104) (.103) (.079) (.114) (.092) (.103) (.123)

3.73 3.53 3.73 3.62 3.75 4.44 4.42 3.93 3.02 3.39 3.30 3.44

(.071) (.131) (.101) (.094) (.110) (.118) (.089) (.113) (.082) (.108) (.107) (.095)

.552*** .331* .386*** .479*** .114 .316* 1.11*** .882*** 1.03*** .382** .564*** .418***

Academic Performance (PERFORM) 12. I do not spend a lot of time explaining classroom lessons to boys/girls. 13. The boys/girls in my class do have the intellectual capacity to pass the CEP. 14. Boys/Girls do not most often answer questions incorrectly in class. 15. Boys/Girls do not least often want to answer questions in class. 16. Boys/Girls take their education very seriously. 17. Boys’/Girls’ interest in education does not decrease as they get older. 18. Boys/Girls usually can answer difficult questions well. 19. Boys/Girls usually complete their homework assignments. 20. When boys/girls do not volunteer to answer questions in class, it is not because they are not paying attention.

5.03 4.77 5.66 5.07 5.56 4.85 4.95 5.05 4.89 3.78

(.055) (.125) (.119) (.078) (.081) (.094) (.116) (.091) (.081) (.119)

4.47 4.39 5.82 4.72 4.52 3.81 3.56 4.55 4.36 4.26

(.058) (.125) (.082) (.084) (.128) (.143) (.099) (.085) (.094) (.117)

.555*** .382*** .158 .344*** 1.04*** 1.04*** 1.39*** .495*** .541*** .473***

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Academic Capability (CAP) 1. In general, boys/girls are naturally smart in school. 2. Science is easy for boys/girls to learn. 3. Math is easy for boys/girls to learn. 4. French is easy for boys/girls to learn. 5. Boys/Girls most often answer questions correctly in class. 6. Boys/Girls most often want to answer questions in class. 7. Boys/Girls are usually very academically successful. 8. Boys/Girls are usually the best students in math. 9. Boys/Girls are usually the best students in French. 10. Boys/Girls are usually the best students in science. 11. In general, I find it easy to teach boys/girls.


APPENDIX 3. MEAN, STANDARD ERROR, AND DIFFERENCE IN TEACHERS’ PERCEPTIONS (WITH P-VALUES) OF GIRLS’ AND BOYS’ ACADEMIC CAPABILITY, ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE, SUBJECT MATTER IMPORTANCE, AND NON-ACADEMIC BEHAVIOR AND AND CHARACTERISTICS. (N ¼ 324)

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APPENDIX 3. (Continued ) Boys’ Mean Girls’ Mean (S.E.) (S.E.)

Boy-Girl Difference

5.54 (.059) 5.88 (.102) 4.93(.117) 5.16 (.109) 5.56 (.092) 5.21 (.093) 5.99 (.098) 5.22 (.101) 5.47 (.086) 5.56 (.088) 5.71 (.079) 5.96 (.067)

5.71 5.90 5.14 5.57 5.77 5.17 6.19 5.69 6.07 5.02 5.70 6.08

(.050) (.091) (.109) (.094) (.088) (.094) (.091) (.100) (.077) (.104) (.078) (.073)

.170*** .021 .213*** .403*** .208*** .035 .197** .467*** .601*** .537*** .003 .112

Non-Academic Behavior (NONAC) 32. Manage Time Well 33. Seldom Tardy 34. Seldom Noisy 35. Seldom Absent 36. Easy to Discipline 37. Trustworthy 38. Cooperative

4.43 4.34 4.92 3.36 4.72 3.96 4.59 4.96

4.82 4.38 4.33 5.01 4.40 5.15 4.88 5.34

(.049) (.091) (.085) (.089) (.093) (.074) (.107) (.095)

.392*** .040 .587*** 1.65*** .322* 1.19*** .293* .378***

Bpr.10, *pr.05, **pr.01, ***pr.001

(.060) (.106) (.079) (.087) (.089) (.103) (.085) (.082)

SONYA ANDERSON

Subject Matter Importance (SUBJECTS) 21. Basic Math 22. Advanced Math 23. Typing 24. Accounting 25. Chemistry 26. French 27. Sewing 28. Cooking 29. Mechanics 30. Biology 31. Computer Skills

LEARNING FROM EXPERIENCE: IMPROVING EQUALITY OF ACCESS AND OUTCOMES FOR GIRLS IN UGANDA’S UNIVERSAL POST-PRIMARY EDUCATION AND TRAINING INITIATIVE Jill Sperandio and Alice Kagoda INTRODUCTION Girls’ access to education has improved in many of the world’s developing countries. These countries are striving to meet the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) requiring them to provide gender equality, promote the empowerment of women, and establish universal primary education (UPE) by 2015. The success of UPE in achieving gender equality in enrollment in those countries able to institute it is encouraging. Where previously girls trailed boys in their ability to access education due to parent inability or reluctance to pay the costs, they are now entering primary schools in comparable numbers (UNESCO, 1999, 2006). The focus on post-primary education is particularly critical for girls, as gender differences in participation and achievement are more pronounced at


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JILL SPERANDIO AND ALICE KAGODA

this level (Mugo, 2007). Even at the primary level, equality of access does not necessarily equate to equal outcomes, and the girls newly included in an education system may still find themselves disadvantaged in comparison to boys in their ability to access limited and expensive post-primary educational opportunities. Universal and free post-primary education is seen as at least part of the solution to this continuing process of establishing gender equality societies. However, the limited numbers of post-primary institutions, and their geographical distribution, make gender equal access and outcomes a harder goal to achieve (Mbabazi, 2007). Uganda, which will be used as a case study for this chapter, launched a UPE initiative in 1997 and a universal post-primary education and training initiative (UPPET) in 2007. As the first cohort of children who benefited from UPE completed the 7-year primary course and exit examinations, a new dilemma faced the country. Secondary school positions were both limited in number and expensive in respect to the school fees charged for them. Consequently, the majority of the children successfully completing the primary school exit examinations had no choice but to end their formal education at that point. UPPET was a response to this situation. The initiative, which represents an important change in the education system of the country, dramatically increased access to secondary schools by removing much of the cost for those children reaching a given standard on the primary school exit examination. Clearly the costs to the government of undertaking this initiative were high, the more so given the context of financial constraint that marks all aspects of Ugandan society. Thus, the move to provide free post-primary education has raised concerns both inside and outside the country that quality in education will be sacrificed to quantity, both at the primary and secondary levels, and that this impact the outcomes of education for girls. The purpose in this chapter is to predict the level of success of Uganda’s fledgling post-primary education initiatives in achieving gender equality in both access and student outcomes. Uganda’s ability to meet the gender equality goals in education to which the country aspires is dependent on two conditions. The first is the adoption of a change initiative designed to achieve gender equal access to post-primary education. The second is the provision of a classroom and school environment that facilitates gender equal student outcomes. Uganda provides a good illustration of the importance of context in the study of educational systems, a factor increasing recognized by researchers and practitioners involved in the development of cross-cultural education

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Learning from Experience

initiatives (Dimmock & Walker, 2005). In common with most developing countries, policy-making for educational reform in Uganda is influenced by a worldwide concern with the provision of gender equal universal primary and secondary education. However, the historical development of education in Uganda has created unique features in its secondary education system. In addition, the recent provision of UPE has dramatically changed the characteristics of potential secondary school students by including many from rural areas, and a much larger numbers of girls. A successful change process must accommodate both of these context-related features. In order to allow the reader to better assess the likely success of UPPET with regard to gender equality, we begin with a consideration of worldwide and local factors that have shaped the post-primary initiative in Uganda. This is followed by an analysis of UPPET using models of successful educational change. We conclude with an examination of plans for the future development of UPPET using as a framework those courses of action that have proved, in Uganda and elsewhere, to be of particular benefit to girls in gaining gender parity in access and outcome at all levels of education.

UNIVERSAL PRIMARY AND POST-PRIMARY EDUCATION: THE WORLD CONTEXT Primary Education Primary, or elementary education, the commonly accepted terms used to describe a period of formal education extending from the ages of 5 to 12 during which time children acquire basic literacy and numeracy and learn to use them in different ways, is now accepted as a child’s right by national governments worldwide. Until recently, however, few nations have had the resources to make the provision of such education universally available to all children. To do so requires that the education be supplied free of cost, and that parents be legally required to enroll their children in schools offering it. The significant improvement in the provision of primary education in developing countries since the mid-1980s has been ascribed to differing causes. These including the spread of nationalism, increased expectations of citizens resulting from access to worldwide media, and the growing power of international and donor organizations to influence national policy-making

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(Meyer, Ramirez, & Soysal, 1992). However, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) sponsored agreements of the Education For All (EFA) initiative promoted at Jomtein, Thailand in 1990 and reworked as the MGDs in Dakar, Senegal in 2000, focused attention on the issue of universal primary education and provided a framework for allocating resources to promote and monitor its development. As a result, enrollment, attendance, and completion at the primary school level have increased rapidly between both boys and girls in many countries, although worldwide coverage remains elusive (Bruns, Mingat, & Rakotomalala, 2003; Ridell, 2003).

Post-Primary Education Post-primary education commonly takes the form of secondary, or high school, education provided for students of ages 11–18 and is frequently divided into lower and upper levels. Vocational training may parallel academic schoolwork as an option for this age group, or form part of tertiary education, paralleling college and university courses. The context and objects of secondary education show great variability from one country context to another. The provision of universal secondary education (USE) is seen as the next challenge to countries that have embarked on UPE. In most developing countries, secondary school provision is extremely limited and high cost. This forces even those children who have completed primary education and have the financial resources to continue in school, to compete for places. With increasing numbers of children completing primary education as a result of UPE, and the sensitization of populations regarding universal rights to education that UPE has brought, governments face increasing pressure from their citizenry to provide greater access to secondary education. There is a demand for both the creation of more school places and the removal of financial barriers in accessing them. Discussions about what drives the demand for secondary education, how to provide it, and what it should contain are ongoing and varied. Clemens (2004) argued that universal primary enrollment hinges on progress in the provision of secondary and tertiary education given that no country has reached 90% net primary enrollment without attaining 45% secondary enrollment. Donor interest in, and support of, the expansion of secondary education has been encouraged by studies suggesting links between secondary education and social development in developing countries


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(Lewin & Calloids, 2001; Bennell, 1996; Psacharopoulos & Patrinos, 2004; Mingat & Tan, 1996). The World Bank has promoted the need to reassess the importance of support to secondary education reform, not only to allow individuals to acquire skills and competencies that enhance their ability to participate fully in society and continue learning at the postsecondary level, but also to enable countries ‘‘to train the manpower required to benefit from the ICT and knowledge revolution, and to compete successfully in the new globalized, knowledge-based economy’’ (Liang, 2002, p. iii).

Post-Primary Education in Sub-Saharan Africa The increasing interest in the provision of secondary education, the justification for it, and the attempts currently being made by international organizations to determine the direction this expansion of formal educational provision should take, is clearly demonstrated in the context of subSaharan Africa (SSA). After years of focusing attention and resources on primary education, interest returned to the secondary school level in SSA in the late 1990s. Between 1996 and 2001, UNESCO delineated strategies and developed programs for the reform of secondary education in the region. These focused on expanding payments systems for secondary education services by diversifying institutional structures, reforming curriculum and pedagogy to include the use of information technology, and eradicating inequalities. These themes were developed at the Conference of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1999 and the meeting of the Consortium on Secondary Education organized by UNESCO (Paris, 10–11 June 1999), driven by a common understanding that the challenges of the 21st century could only be met by a reformed secondary education sector. The UNESCO/BREDA World Bank Regional Workshop in Mauritius (UNESCO, 2001) directly addressed the renewal of African secondary education. Three common problems emerged during the proceedings; inadequate infrastructures, limited educational equipment, and few qualified teachers. Additionally, four justifications for renewed interest in secondary education were presented. These were a societal demand for an education that equipped students with the skills to enter the job market (who are functionally ready for work), preparing students for higher education, meeting the expectations of an expanding population of qualified primary school leavers and educating adolescents about societal problems such as the environment, human rights, drug addiction, AIDS, poverty, and

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unemployment. The Workshop acknowledged the priorities set forth by the Conference of African Ministers of Education (COMEDAF) and World Education Forum (WEF) at Dakar in 2000 for reorganizing the secondary education sector, which included ensuring equity and quality, developing complimentary learning methods, reinforcing coordination skills, follow-up and evaluation, and diversifying learning methods. It also called for recognition of the role of the informal sector of the economy in impacting poverty eradication and youth employment. Following the Mauritius workshop, secondary education in Africa (SEIA) became a major preoccupation of the African section of the World Bank. The Africa Human Development Department launched a regional study bearing this title in 2002, involving the SSA countries and public and private African educators and stakeholders in a 5-year study. The aim of the study was to ‘‘produce and disseminate information and knowledge to assist SSA countries in the development and reform of secondary education systems, and to promote coordination and exchange of information between African secondary education stakeholders, private sector and civil society organizations, and the donor community’’ (Bregman & Armstrong, 2003, p. 1). The study developed around three conferences – Kampala, 2003; Dakar, 2005; and Accra, 2007. It produced an overview of reform trends and best practices in secondary education in the countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), a data base for secondary education for operational purposes, seven thematic studies on specific issues relevant to secondary education (including gender equity) and specific secondary education development strategies for selected African countries, of which Uganda was one. Initial interest in SEIA focused on the quality, content, and organization of post-primary education and was driven by societal perceptions that what was on offer was not well suited to societal needs. The SEIA studies continued to couch the logic for investing in reform of secondary education in terms of the social and private returns it could yield. ‘‘Secondary education is crucial for economic growth. Globalization, the increasing importance of ICT in the 21st century, and rapid technological change have made knowledge a critical determinant of competitiveness in the world market’’ (Bregman & Armstrong, 2003, p. 4). Secondary education was described as the vehicle for providing countries with critical higher level skills and knowledge needed for economic growth, including further learning and training of professional such as technicians, scientists, and entrepreneurs. However, initial plans for long-term radical reform of secondary education systems had to be put aside when it became clear that the SSA countries that


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had made significant progress with providing UPE faced immediate decisions regarding expanding access to secondary education that had considerable political and financial implications. Bregman and Armstrong (2003), describing this increased pressure from civil society groups, noted: The African youth age group of 12–19 year olds holds the future of the continent, and we must ensure they can get secondary education (by various flexible means and routes) in the next decades. The current average 20% secondary enrollment . . . will not lead to rapid poverty reduction and better lives for African citizens. (p. 12)

Mamadou Ndoye, Executive Secretary for the Association for the Development of Education in Africa, stated that expanding access to secondary education for young people from ‘‘all strata and in all situations’’ was ‘‘a duty of equity and development’’ (quoted in Bregman & Armstrong, 2003, p. 4).

GENDER ISSUES IN POST-PRIMARY EDUCATION WORLDWIDE Access to Post-Primary Education Interest in girls’ education developing countries from 1980 onwards produced research indicating the extent of girls’ under representation and underperformance at all levels of education (Lee & Lockheed, 1990; Hyde, 1989; Ridell & Nyagura, 1991). Some studies argued the importance of education for girls from the standpoint of economic outcomes in the labor market (Elliot & Kelly, 1980) and social benefits connected to investments in educating females (Floro & Wolf, 1990; Herz, Subbarao, Habib, & Raney, 1991; King & Hill, 1993). Research undertaken by Swainson (1996) and Swainson, Bendera, Gordon, and Kadzamira (1998) suggested that many of the issues affecting girls’ access to education and outcomes from it in developing countries could only be explained through the complex web of relations between household, community, and school. She noted, however, that donor investment to improve girls’ education was on a project-by-project basis, often consisting of single interventions based on a simple supply-anddemand framework. Despite publicity by United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) during the late 1980s and early 1990s to sensitize governments and donor agencies to the special needs of the ‘girl child’ and her education, most developing countries failed to meet the initial 2005 target date for MDG gender and

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education goals. A Global Campaign for Education Report (GCE, 2008) suggested that the initial 2005 girls’ education target had been neither unrealistic nor unaffordable, but it had not been met because both the international community and national governments had given insufficient political attention and inadequate money to meeting it. It was only through the implementation of universal primary education by a number of countries worldwide that a rapid and significant change in girls’ access to schooling occurred. In many countries, the gender gap between the numbers of boys and girls completing primary education has narrowed to the point of insignificance. Lewis and Lockheed (2006) commented ‘‘progress in getting children into school has been impressive over the past decade, with most of the benefits for girls’’ (p. 19). They noted that rapid expansion of the primary education sector automatically favors girls because of their previous neglect. In some countries, girls have surpassed boys in enrollment and attainment. However, 31 of the 196 countries in the world are still at high risk of not achieving gender parity in enrollment at even the primary level by 2015, the adjusted target date for the MDGs (UNESCO, 2006). The majority of these countries are in SSA. Although great strides have been made in giving girls access to primary education in SSA countries, only 17% of girls in these countries ‘‘achieve the promise of a quality secondary education’’ (Rihani, 2006, p. 8). Studies conducted from the mid-1990s onward clarified the processes at work affecting both access and outcomes for girls (Fuller & Clark, 1994; Mensh, Bruce, & Greene, 1998; Raymond & Sadoulet, 2003; Rose, 2003; Herz & Sperling, 2004; Stash & Hannum, 2001). Although, the reasons for the disparity between male and female enrollment at the secondary school level are country-specific to a degree, considerable commonality exists in the causes of the low showing of girls in the secondary school population. These include the costs to families of the loss of a daughter’s labor, travel time to school, security on the journey to school, and school environments unfriendly to girls. These issues, and promising methods of addressing them in SSA, have been described most recently in a study by Sutherland-Addy (2008).

Equal Outcomes Some of the first gender analyses of educational outcomes were conducted in the countries of the developed world and revealed a pattern of underachievement of girls in school, particularly in mathematics and science,


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despite universal access to state-funded education (Steinkamp & Maehr, 1984; Yates, 1993). In SSA even those girls who manage to enroll in postprimary education still face many challenges. Although enrollment explains who enters, the survival and completion rates indicate that many girls fail to stay the post-primary school course. The completion rates for SSA are the lowest in the world, with 19 countries having a completion rate of less than 50% (UNESCO, 2006). Studies of countries across the globe, both developed and developing, have indicated a variety of factors that contribute to this situation (Stromquist, 1989; Lloyd, Mensh, & Hewett, 2000). These include pressure from families to drop out and marry, differentiated delivery and expectations for girls and boys in the classroom, teaching methods that are not ‘girl friendly’, and additional work-loads in the home environment that affect the performance of girls in the classroom. Rihani (2006) suggests that a clear understanding of the complexities of the secondary school experience for girls is needed before meaningful interventions can be designed. She describes how, for an African or SouthAsian girl: Her first challenge is access to a safe school where she can focus on her schooling without threat of violence, harassment, physical labor, gender discrimination or personal hygiene concerns. Her second challenge is to find quality education that is purposeful, relevant and meaningful so it will have value to the girl and her family as an end in itself. Finally, education becomes more challenging and the obstacles become greater . . . as they progress through the school system, girls must be given the motivation, through the assurance of gainful employment, for example, to continue despite family or societal pressure that may tell her than an education is of little value. (p. 66)

For both girls and boys in SSA, secondary education is a ‘‘grueling, highly selective obstacle course’’ (Noye, in Bregman & Armstrong, 2003, p. 4), and for girls, the obstacles are often insurmountable.

UGANDAN CONTEXT: UNIQUE FEATURES OF THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM Uganda, a country of 25 million people in East Africa, is predominantly rural and agricultural. British colonial history has left its legacy in both the use of English as a national language and the structure of its education system. From relative prosperity and political stability at the time of its independence from Britain in 1962, Uganda plunged into a devastating period of civil strife between 1972 and 1986. A new government led by President Museveni embarked on a recovery program in 1987, which

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included the fostering of a women’s movement devoted to improving women’s rights and the protection of the girl child. However, the country was faced with a new crisis as HIV/AIDS spread rapidly through the population. This has led to well over a million orphans in the 7.6 million children of school age (6–18) representing 35% of the population, while life expectancy has plunged to below 50. A low gross national product per capita of US$350 in combination with other life quality indicators, ranks Uganda 154 out of 177 countries on the United Nations Development Program Human Development Index in 2008. The Ugandan education system follows a seven-four-two pattern. The first 7 years of primary education are followed by 4 years of lower secondary (Ordinary) level, 2 years of upper secondary (Advanced) and 3–4 years of university education, or between 1 and 3 years of vocational or technical education. Selection and certification occur at the end of each level when national examinations are conducted. The official age of entry is six for primary education. However, as in many developing countries, most children have traditionally entered at a later age, and there has been no legally imposed age of entry for post-primary education, which may be as high as 15 or older, given late entry and the repetition of grades in primary school. The characteristics of the present education system reflect Uganda’s multi-ethnic population, colonial heritage and traditional societal attitudes to gender, which the following historical overview will attempt to highlight.

Gender Differentiation Gender-differentiated access and outcomes in education at all levels are not new to Uganda. An informal system of education operated in Uganda before the arrival of missionary groups in the early 1890s. Boys were sent to the homes of tribal chiefs and influential persons to learn tribal law and acceptable behavior. Girls were taught by their mothers, relatives and friends to be homemakers, good wives and mothers, and efficient workers on the family farm. Onto this system of traditional and gender-differentiated education, Catholic and Protestant missionary groups entering the country in the 1890s imposed a formal school system, which reflected two elements of the British education system of the time. The first was the primary school, which eventually provided up to 6 years of ‘basic’ education, with reading, writing, and arithmetic taught in English. At the secondary level, an adaptation of British boarding schools was introduced (Tiberondwa, 1998).


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These schools took children out of the village environment, and brought them together with their peers from other regions and tribal groups. They developed a school climate promulgating loyalty and service to one’s school and country. High academic achievement was reinforced by examinations. Personal leadership and responsibility were promoted by the prefect system, and sports were used as a means of generating team spirit. These two elements, operating in a Euro-Christian environment, dominated the colonial education system in Uganda until the 1950s. Awareness of the under representation of girls in the education system, and attempts to rectify this also have a long history. British government reports from 1937 to Independence in 1962 called for improved access to education for girls through the construction of more secondary boarding schools, and for reducing the disparity between boys and girls in the classroom by the provision of bursaries for girls. However, village families in Uganda still considered educating girls a waste of money and a threat to the structure of traditional society. Although primary schools were coeducational by the 1950s, debates raged as to whether secondary schools should follow suit (Castle, 1996). The report of the Uganda Education Commission in 1963, a year after Uganda’s independence, noted that nearly 60% of female primary school students failed to complete the 6 years of primary education, in contrast to 35% of boys. The commission laid responsibility for this disparity on parents’ desire for girls to marry early, parental dislike of coeducational schools, fear of unsupervised journeys to school, and a disregard for girl’s education in general. It suggested that special ‘catch-up’ grants be offered to certain regions of Uganda to finance girls’ education and for inducements such as rewards for attendance and bursaries be given to girls. Other suggestions included free lunches, free tuition, and free uniforms for girls of poor families, together with special allowances for women teachers (Ssekamwa, 1997). Secondary education remained the focus of educational development throughout the 1960s and early 1970s, but the structure continued to favor boys. The number of schools increased so that by 1967 there were 15 day and 58 boarding schools, 12 for girls only, 32 for boys, and 29 coeducational. A clear hierarchy of schools was also emerging. A policy was adopted allowing students to choose schools, and the students with the highest scores on the primary school exit examination among the applicants to each school would be awarded the school places. Students’ awareness of schools, parental religious affiliation, and the existing informal communications network worked to make some schools more popular than others.

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These schools were then in a position to achieve the best secondary examination results, increasing their popularity and ability to attract the best students. As the single sex boarding schools had both the longest history and clearly established traditions of excellence, they topped the hierarchy by choice for girls, followed by the coeducational boarding schools (most of which had been boys’ schools that made places for girls) and then the day schools. The years between 1972 and 1985 were a time of political and economic upheaval in Uganda after a military coup brought dictator Idi Amin to power. AIDS wreaked havoc in the country, and civil war drove people into the cities. Despite all this, the education system remained surprisingly intact. A shift in priority to primary education took up what little funding was available for education and resulted in very limited growth in secondary school places. Competition for the positions at secondary schools increased as primary enrollment grew (Lukenge, 1972). As demand outstripped supply, a rapid growth of private secondary schools took place. As the economy broke down, and government economic support to the public school system dried up, the schools sought parental support to continue to operate and this further developed the school hierarchy. Parent–Teacher Associations (PTAs) and alumni groups were set up and introduced charges to supplement the low salaries of teachers. Thus, parental education levels also began to define the hierarchy of schools. With the growth of the AIDS crisis and civil disturbance, boarding school education became even more attractive to parents of teenage girls (Ssekamwa, 1997). When stability began to be reestablished after 1985, secondary education once again received priority with an increase in school-building taking place. In 1987, an Education Policy Review Commission was set up by the Ministry of Education to develop a long-term plan for the development of the education system, and specifically to address the lower numbers of girls completing primary education and entering secondary schools. The committee’s findings were discussed in parliament and resulted in a Government White Paper on Education, published in 1992. The White Paper contained a number of guidelines for the development of the education system at the secondary and tertiary levels that were regarded as controversial by groups within Uganda concerned with increasing access of girls to secondary schooling. However, little implementation of these recommendations for the secondary sector took place as world interest and donor funding became focused on primary education (Hansen & Twaddle, 1998).

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UPE Initiative UPE was introduced in Uganda in January 1997, following a political commitment by President Museveni in 1996 that the government would meet the costs of primary education of four children per family. All tuition fees were abolished, including PTA charges, leaving parents with just the costs of writing materials, school uniforms and their labor for classroom construction. This commitment was soon extended to allow all people that wanted to access primary education to do so, but enrollment was not made compulsory. The government’s declared objectives for the UPE initiative were to provide the facilities and resources to enable every child to enter and remain in school to complete the 7-year primary course, to increase equity of access resulting from direct and indirect costs of education and to improve the quality of life by providing every individual with basic numeracy and literacy skills (MoES, 1998). Capitation grants of approximately US $8 a month are supplied to schools for each student enrolled. Gross enrollments in primary education rose dramatically as a result of this initiative from 3.1 million in 1996 to 7.6 million in 2003, a 145% increase in comparison with a 39% increase in 10 years previous to UPE. The doubling of the funding needed to support the primary sector came in large part from debt relief and donor agency support. The success of the initiative has been attributed to a number of reasons. These include the government’s commitment to honor promises made during the presidential political campaigns including committing 65% of the educational budget to UPE (MoES, 2006), external funding forthcoming because of Uganda’s excellent track record of compliance with donor recommendations and because UPE was being touted as the answer to world poverty, and to parent willingness to send their children to school (Murphy, Bertoncino, & Wangi, 2002). The numbers of parents willing to do so indicate that school fees were, in fact, an impediment to accessing education for poor families. Since the introduction of the program, measures have been underway to improve both the primary school environment and student outcomes. These measures include countering the misuse of funds allocated to schools, poor classroom construction, high student/teacher and student/classroom ratios, the recruitment of untrained teachers for rural schools, and the lack of community involvement in school improvement. Despite suggestions that education performance has declined following the introduction of UPE and there is a high dropout rate (reported at 25%), the ‘‘UPE programme in Uganda demonstrates that a poor country with a committed government

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and donor support can fight poverty through ensuring universal access to education for its citizens’’ (DFID, 2006, p. 25).

Secondary Education Before UPPET Performance on the primary level exam (PLE) determined selection in post-primary and training. A survey by Liang (2002) of secondary school enrollment noted a number of areas of gender bias. Because only the topscoring children gained entrance to limited numbers of secondary schools, and a number of these were girl’s schools, the ‘gender gap’ in enrollment pre-UPPET – 44% girls to 56% boys in secondary school-looked small at this time, but concealed the low numbers of girls proceeding to the post-primary level. High dropout rates resulted in more than 20% of boys being in secondary school at the age of 20, compared to less that 5% of girls. The report assumed that the girls’ dropout rate was linked to marriage. Geographically, the northern region of Uganda has the lowest female participation due to social norms. Female students in rural, non-governmentaided schools have the highest dropout rate of 16.9%. A survey of secondary school quality included in Liang’s report indicated that secondary schoolgirls did significantly worse in mathematics than boys, with 46% of girls failing the math test at the completion of the first year of secondary school compared to 36% of boys. Liang (2002) also highlighted the impact of poverty on secondary school selection: Compared to their wealthier counterparts, children from poor households, in addition to having fewer chances of enrolling in secondary school, are more likely to go to a lower quality school if they do enroll. And since education is a powerful instrument for upward mobility – social and economic – the poor, lacking the opportunity to go to a quality school, will always remain behind. (p. 30)

Attendance patterns and caused of primary student dropout were analyzed in Ministry of Education and Sports (MoES) commissioned reports by Nkanyike, Kasante, and Balihuta (2002) and Kasente, Nakanyike, and Balihuta (2003). The results of these studies related high dropout to a poor inspection system that lowered motivation and enthusiasm among school administrators and teachers. They suggested that retaining children in school was not as highly prized by the government as enrolling them. Parents and guardians were also lax towards absenteeism and poor performance.


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An MoES report (August, 2004) on the development of education in Uganda noted that the transition rates from one level of education to the next level continued to be low. Of the 400,000 students who graduated from primary schools in 2003, only 50% joined post-primary educating institutions. Only 10% of the children who enrolled in primary schools ultimately reached university levels, with the transition rate for girls much lower. The report suggested that one of the main challenges facing the education system was the imbalance in gender and inadequate opportunity for the poor and persons with disabilities. The report stated the need to build awareness of gender and its impact on the education process and outcomes. It noted the need to provide teachers with the knowledge and skills required to adopt and promote gendersensitive approaches in all school activities that might have a direct impact on retention of girls in school. It described the following measures that had been taken to promote gender equal education – the development of a gender policy for education and training, training for teachers in ensuring gender equality in classrooms, affirmative action, bursaries for poor but gifted girls, and encouraging the use of female role models. In addition, the report stated that the ‘‘curriculum development process is being increasingly guided by gender concern especially in its objectives and instructional materials’’ (MoES, 2004, p. 14). UPPET Initiative The adoption of UPPET in Uganda followed a similar pattern to that of UPE. With presidential elections imminent, and a large number of potential primary school graduates facing an end to their education because of the lack and cost of secondary school places, President Museveni announced in 2001 an intention to pursue free secondary education. Following this announcement, the MoES sought reports and recommendations for implementing this promise from a variety of sources. A World Bank report (Liang, 2002) produced to examine the options available to the government noted the enormous challenges the country faced in maintaining the drive towards quality universal primary education while, at the same time, responding to the increasing social and economic demand for rapid expansion of secondary education. It suggested that when considering the options for expanding access to secondary education, the government would have to decide on difficult trade-offs. These would include the role of public financing in supporting different levels (lower and upper secondary education) and types of secondary education (general, technical, vocational) as well as in ‘‘ensuring equity in provision between different population

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groups (boys and girls, urban/rural, poor and more well off )’’ (Fredriksen, as quoted in Liang, 2002, p. iv). Uganda’s choice was between short-term adjustments and improvements to the existing system to rapidly expand access, or long-term reorganization of the whole of the education system, to provide a system closer to the US model. It opted for the former course. Piecemeal improvements to the existing secondary school structure began. These included giving an annual capitation grant to schools, the payment of fees of the 47,000 children in camps for people displaced as a result of the continued war with the Lord’s Army in the northern region which had targeted children in rural villages, a bursary scheme for 5,500 needy but high-ability students, the construction of 20 seed schools in sub-counties without a secondary school with plans drawn up for a further 24, and the upgrading of 196 community to government-aided status, bringing the total of such schools to 845 (Nsubuga, 2006). In November 2005, before a third presidential election campaign, President Museveni announced the government’s intention of introducing UPPET beginning in the academic year starting February 2007. UPPET included the academic 4-year secondary course concluding with the Ordinary Level examinations, and the 1-year vocational and technical education and training courses taken by students on completion of the 7-year primary school course. In an MoES (2006) document to schools outlining the mechanism for distributing funds to support the UPPET initiative, the scheme was described as having four purposes. These were to increase equitable access to secondary education and vocational training; to assure the achievement of gender parity by 2015 as required by the MDG; to enhance the sustainability of UPE; and to reduce the high costs of secondary education and vocational education. The document noted the provision of capitation grants was aimed at ‘‘assuring universal access and ensuring quality UPPET delivery’’ (MoES, 2006, p. 1). The first cohort of students entered the UPPET institutions in February 2007. Schools were permitted to charge no more than US$40 a term to cover books and supplies, with the government providing US$378 a term for each student directly to the school, and a variable tuition fee of US$16 per student per term. The second cohort entered in February 2008, with an anticipated 160,000 students entering government schools, and 96,000 in private schools. According to MoES statements to the press, it is currently (March, 2008) undertaking a headcount of enrollments, enlisting additional private schools into the initiative, and hiring additional teachers as need dictates (Lirri, 2008; Lirri & Wossita, 2008; Wossita, 2008).

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UPPET: A SUCCESSFUL MODEL FOR CHANGE? Gender Equality in Access Uganda chose to replicate the ‘Big Bang’ approach to the provision of UPPET that it had proved successful for UPE, focusing energy on rapidly expanding access to schooling through short-term adjustments and improvements to the existing system (Murphy et al., 2002). This was in contrast to the strategy of long-term reorganization of the whole of the education system recommended by donor agencies. Although the country’s experiment with change appears risky given the limited resources available, it does model processes of successful organizational reform described by Fullan (1993, 2001, 2008), and Gleick (1999) among other change theorists. Organizational change theory suggests that once started, change takes on a life of its own, There may initially be a period of turbulence when different actors in the process experiment and respond to the new environment created by the change initiative, a process Homer-Dixon (2000) refers to as ‘‘careening into the future’’ (p. xx). Fullan (2001) suggests that the turbulence and initial chaos of the early stages of change are ultimately replaced by a search for order. The challenge for those initiating change lies in managing this stage of the process so that its outcome, the new order, ultimately matches the goals envisaged at the start of the process. Mintzberg, Ahlstrand, and Lampel (1998) conclude that ‘‘the best way to manage change is to allow for it to happen’’ and to be ‘‘pulled by the concerns out there rather than being pushed by the concepts in here’’ (p. 33). Fullan (2001, 2008) suggests that ‘changing the culture’ – encouraging people to find innovative solutions to problems as they appear, rather than creating the resistance to change that is the frequent result of highly prescriptive large scale restructuring of systems and organizations – is the preferred course of action when managing change. Liang (2002), considering the options available to developing SSA countries desirous of achieving the social benefits that come from an educated populace, noted that slow moving, carefully planned courses of action might prove less successful that a rapid expansion of access to education. He suggested that, rather than attempting to prescribe the content and shape of secondary education, increasing access could, in itself, facilitate important change. Access to post-primary education and training could play a part in creating an environment ready to absorb change or open to new technology or critical of poor governance. He noted ‘‘at the very least diffusion of schooling to the mass of the population will itself be

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part of the reason that changes in society will be adopted’’ (p. 55). Liang posited a two-way relationship where the very provision of mass schooling, or mass secondary education, will itself play a partial role in determining whether the environment is enabling of change or not. So, given that Uganda’s strategy for moving quickly to universal access has the potential for success, will the country be able to steer the change process to achieve its desired goals? Fullan (2008) suggests that success depends on there being a clear ‘moral purpose’ for the change initiative, committed and empathic leadership that champions the cause, an organizational culture open to risk taking and with an expectation of success, and the building of relationships both within the organization and with those who can provide support from outside it. Uganda appears well set with regard to all these conditions. The Ugandan government has strongly promoted the change initiative as a move towards a more equitable society. Geraldine Namirembe Bitamazire, (Minister of Education and Sports, 2006) stated in the introduction to the MoES education sector report for that year (MoES, 2006) that the ministry was ‘‘steadfastly addressing the two MDGs relating to the education and sports sector’’ (p. 10). She emphasized the ministry’s commitment to ensuring all children and specifically girls, children in difficult circumstances, and those belonging to ethnic minorities, had access to completely free and compulsory education by 2015. Whereas the timing of the introduction of universal primary and secondary education may well have been prompted by political considerations connected to internal elections, the Ugandan government has shown a strong commitment to the world vision of the MGDs, including gender equality, through governmental support of women’s issues and inclusion of women in nation building since the mid1980s (Tripp & Kwesiga, 2002). Leadership of the initiative has come from President Moseveni who has demonstrated a personal commitment to achieving its goals and a strong empathic understanding of Ugandans’ driving desire for education in any form that has been demonstrated numerous times in the history of the country (Murphy et al., 2002). Uganda has also the experience gained from the successful introduction of UPE using a similar ‘Big Bang’ approach. Despite numerous studies over the years that have ascribed girls’ low enrollment in education to the indirect costs of their lost labor to their families, the removal of the direct costs of education in Uganda has seen the majority of girls enrolled. The experience and the learning provided by UPE together with the relationship building done to achieve it – gaining the buy in of government ministries, encouraging community responsibility at district and village level for the


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provision of basic school facilities, and gaining the backing and collaboration of important donor agencies, build confidence that the UPPET initiative can be steered to achieving its goals. Some current problems are likely to solve themselves as the UPPET works through its first cycle. Others require monitoring and appropriate interventions, and here the government can draw on the experience of many successful small-scale projects designed to empower girls that have been operating successfully in Uganda and other SSA countries. This approach allows for the tailoring of interventions to particular situations – the rural girl faced with the physical difficulty of getting to school, or the urban girl in a large city high school who must negotiate the problems connected with large classes and unsupervised boarding. One concern likely to be resolved without further intervention is that of girls dropping out of school. Although dropout and completion rates for boys and girls are similar, they show a different pattern. Girls are most likely to ‘drop out’ as they reach puberty. Currently, girls may already be approaching their teens as they enter primary school and most children are between 14 and 17 before they enter secondary school. Parents are frequently involved in the decision that girls should leave school. Early and forced marriage is still a common strategy used by poor families to raise income for the rest of the household members. Some parents believe that marriage is an escape route out of poverty, and they encourage their teenage daughters to drop out of school so they may marry them off. Others have, in the past, simply forced their daughters’ hands by refusing to pay for their education. Currently, 16% of girls are married by the age of 18, the legal age of marriage, and 69% are sexually active by this age. Girls are now enrolling in primary school at the age of 5 or 6 and will complete secondary school by the age of 16. This should result in less pressure from parents for girls to withdraw from school at puberty. The existing government campaigns to educate girls about contraception and the dangers of contracting HIV, together with enforcement of the legal marriage age, should all contribute to a lowering of the dropout rate as girls’ progress through schools in ageappropriate classes and with peers of a similar age (Were & Nafula, 2003). The government has taken a direct role in ensuring children take advantage of their right to an education. In a recent announcement, it declared its intent to make school enrollment and attendance compulsory (Aber, Akena, & Oper, 2007) and to prosecute parents who fail to send their children to school. This will further contribute to same age classes and reduce the early withdrawal of older girls from school. The government has

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also taken a stand on the issue of students repeating grades by favoring automatic promotion in primary school. Repetition rates are similar for girls and boys. However, the result of holding students back to repeat grades and thus slowing their progress through school has a far greater impact on girls because of the issues connected to puberty and marriage. Problems still remain to be addressed, however. Most of these are contextual, related to the specific characteristics of the Ugandan education system. Primary school exit scores determine which students go on to free post-primary education. The government sets the cutoff point to reflect the number of places in schools that are available. Students who do not obtain these grades may still access places in private schools if they are able to afford the fees. Given that girls currently have both lower primary school completion rates and lower scores on the exit examinations, the percentage of girls receiving the benefit of UPPET must, for the present, be smaller than that of boys. Even with UPPET, many children have difficulty finding the funds needed to take up secondary school places, a situation in part connected to the historical distribution of secondary schools in Uganda. High scoring children may be offered places in schools far from home, requiring expenditure out of reach of many families. A recent newspaper story gave the following examples of the realities of life for high achieving students from poor families: Mayuge’s primary leaving exams best two candidates are too poor to afford further education in any one of Uganda’s good secondary schools. Both Arajab Lugendo, who sat at Ntinkalu Primary school and emerged best in the district with five points, and Elizabeth Akatekt of Buluba Primary school, who led among the girls in the district, are staying with their unemployed poor mothers, having lost their fathers . . . When visited by reporters, Lugendo was found preparing fresh cassava that he said had been given to him by a sympathetic neighbor because they do not have food at home. ‘A good meal is a miracle in this home and I have no cause to celebrate my victory because the results seem to at the same time mark the end of my education’ he said. He said even if the government undertook to pay his tuition fee under the USE, his mother alone could no longer afford other school expenses like stationery and uniforms. Akatekit, who is eager to continue education up to university and do medicine, said her mother has been a very caring parent and this is how she managed to excel in the exams. She said although her mother does not have money to take her to secondary school, she has started baking and selling buns so that by the time school starts, she will have saved some money to enable her to get secondary education under USE. (Siminyu, 2008)

Although the financial problems of transitioning to secondary school affect poor children regardless of gender as these stories confirm, there may be other hurdles for girls. With comparatively few secondary schools, girls


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living too far to walk to the nearest school, or girls who are offered a place at a better school in another region of Uganda are faced with either boarding at a school, staying in a hostel close by, or living with relatives near the school. All these options have their cost, both directly in money, and indirectly in the lack of family support and personal security they pose, and may well be the deciding factor as to whether girls go on to secondary schooling. The mother of a girl of secondary school age in Kapchorwa district was asked why she and other parents in the village let their children attend what was clearly a substandard local private school. She replied ‘‘You cannot jump where you cannot reach. Most of us parents are rural people who live on less that sh10, 000 a month . . . children end up in these schools because they are poor. The rich people end up taking their children to private schools’’ (Womakuyu, 2008). Lewis and Lockheed’s (2006) examination of similar problems in many SSAs noted that scholarships have shown great promise in many settings including excluded groups in high-income countries of the OECD. In these countries, supplementary investments, engagement of parents, and other targeted initiatives have been required to overcome problems with access to existing educational opportunities. The authors suggested that other interventions such as school feeding programs, help with textbook and school uniform purchase, bussing, single sex schools, and positive discrimination in secondary school entry procedures can be used with selected groups of excluded girls with positive effects.

Equality of Outcomes with UPPET As previously noted, many countries have solved the problem of gender equal access to education, only to find that either girls or boys fare less well in terms of academic and non-academic outcomes, such as confidence building, leadership skills, and career aspirations. Uganda’s choice of a ‘Big Bang’ change model may well guarantee a rapid move to gender equality in access to post-primary education but it may fail to address another important aspect of gender bias, that of gender-differentiated outcomes. There is likely to be little evidence of how the first cohort of girls currently entering UPPET fare in terms of the outcomes of their education until they take the exit examinations that marks course completion in January, 2010. However, studies of the causes of gendered biased school outcomes in both developed and developing countries point to the need to consider two factors security and a welcoming school environment.

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Adolescence is a vulnerable time for girls. Long journeys to school, or boarding in hostels or with extended family close to the school, together with the risks presented by male teachers and classmates, make secondary schooling an unsafe environment in many countries for adolescent girls. Unwanted pregnancies affect both girls’ life-long opportunities and strain family resources and standing in the community (Ohsako, 1997; Mgalla, Boerma, & Schapink, 1998; Mirembe & Davies, 2001; Kim & Bailey, 2003; Leach, Fiscian, Kadzamira, Lemani, & Machakanja, 2003). The school environment can also be unfriendly to girls. The lack of latrines, poor conditions in hostels, lack of counseling or help with health issues, and an environment requiring a competitive approach and competition with male peers, is discouraging to girls from poor families who may lack the personal assertiveness and family support and understanding needed to persevere. A lack of female teachers and role models may exacerbate these problems, as may the lack of a critical mass of girls, where a traditionally male oriented culture has led boys to dominate in the classroom. A study of secondary school outcomes for girls in pre-UPPET secondary schools conducted by one author (Sperandio, 1998) indicated a number of ways in which both academic and non-academic outcomes were influenced by the school environment. There proved to be statistically significant differences with regard to academic outcomes, with girls doing best in boarding schools whether single sex or coeducational. For the most able and least able girls the single sex schools enhanced academic outcomes, whereas high-ability girls did least well in coeducational day schools. These differences were explained in part by the demands made on the time of girls in day schools traveling and doing domestic chores once they reached home, time which girls in boarding schools could devote to additional studies. The more nurturing environment of single sex schools, with many women teachers and role models appeared to favor low and highability girls in particular. Conversely, high-ability girls did worse in the day schools where both the quality of teaching was lower, and levels of harassment, both in and out of school, much higher. The study also compared non-academic outcomes of secondary education for girls by examining attitudes and expectation, self-esteem, and opinions. Again, there were marked differences in the responses from girls in each school type. Single sex boarding school education, regardless of the area of the country which it was situated, appeared to foster a greater measure of self-confidence and higher expectations regarding future careers that either of the other school types.


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Other aspects of secondary schooling emerged from the study. Many of the students attending the coeducational city day schools were in fact boarding, either with extended family or in unsupervised privately operated hostels. Female teachers at these schools described the risks this presented to adolescent girls short of money and with no family support – the ‘sugar daddy syndrome’. Men would wait for girls outside the school and offer to pay school fees in exchange for sexual favors, taxi drivers would exploit girls on their journey to school, male students and teachers who would offer help with schoolwork for a similar price, and even male relatives in the extended family home would threaten to turn the girls out if they did not meet demands. Observations in coeducational secondary classrooms revealed differences in teacher attitudes and practices towards girls. Boys were more aggressive in answering questions, and the practice of calling students up to the front of the class to work math or science problems, or spell words on the chalkboard did not increase the comfort level of girls. Because of gender disparity at the time of the study in girls’ and boys’ enrollment to secondary schools, girls were in a minority in every class, and teachers at the secondary level were predominantly male. A survey of teacher attitudes regarding the ability of male and female students to learn and acquire skills indicated that both male and female teachers considered boys more intelligent and more likely to succeed. How useful are these findings as indicators of likely gender differences in outcomes in the expanded secondary education system that is now in place in Uganda? Girls and boys are now entering the secondary system in roughly equal numbers. However, girls score lower on the primary school leaving examinations, perhaps reflecting the interaction of class size, domestic responsibilities, and teaching methods that favor boys rather than girls. These lower scores, given the current method of selection for secondary school, suggest that boys are most likely to get their choices of places in the better government schools. Unless these schools choose to balance their gender intake classes, these better schools are likely to have more girls than boys, a situation that is not favorable to girl’s outcomes. If they do balance their classes, the girls that enter are likely to have lower achievement on the PLE than the boys, and without differentiated teaching, this could also put them at a disadvantage. Most of the government-aided single sex boarding schools are among the highest achieving schools as indicated by their public examination results at exit level examinations for the secondary school course. They accept only girls with high exit scores on the PLE. Their boarding and additional

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charges place them outside the UPPET scheme, so that a high-ability but poor girl will be unable to access them. Thus, the options for most girls are now coeducational day or lower ranking boarding schools, or a participating private school. Given the large numbers of students that enrolled in the government schools in the first year of USE, the government appears to be limiting the 2008 intake, and has brought more private schools into the scheme. For poor children whose parents cannot afford boarding fees of any kind, the option can only be a local school either government or private, and in some districts these do not exist. If parents can afford boarding, there is no guarantee that this will be on a school campus or supervised by the school, and adolescent girls immediately become more vulnerable in these situations. Completion, academic attainment, and non-academic outcomes may continue to be compromised for both boys and girls, but particularly for girls, by the current secondary school selection process (Sperandio, 2000).

Achieving Equality of Outcomes The issues for Uganda now revolve around providing gender parity in the educational outcomes from both primary and secondary education. The country has considerable experience of gender interventions. These have alternated between small-scale projects to sector-wide improvements according to the preferences of donor agencies and the recommendations of international institutions. Uganda can also draw on the experiences of developed countries such as the USA and UK in tackling girls’ underachievement in mathematics and science in the 1980s, and the research undertaken to examine discrimination in the classrooms of a number of SSA countries in the 1990s, which contributed to gender disparity in educational outcomes. Initiatives by the Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE) and the Female Education in Mathematics and Science in Africa Project (FEMSA) in Uganda have made important contributions to both focused attention on issues of gender equal student outcomes and culture-specific teaching (Kasente, 2003; Sutherland-Addy, 2008). Some of the ongoing gender-related issues that Uganda must face are discussed below: Girl Friendly Teaching and an Encouraging Class Environment for Girls The Uganda government has already accepted and acted upon a number of recommendations for making school environments friendlier to girls.


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Important among these is the provision of separate latrine blocks in schools. The government is currently conducting workshops for teachers to help them provide counseling and guidance on a range of personal issues from health to relationships that are likely to be of concern to female students. Secondary schools are required to have one male and one female administrator in key positions, as well as a teacher with specific responsibility for girl students. But some aspects of creating an enabling environment for girls still need to be addressed. First, the gender composition of classes in coeducational schools needs examination to ensure that there is a critical mass of girls in each class, and that they have access to female teachers and role models. Second, there is a need to educate male students and teachers regarding the harassment of female students. The third aspect is the importance of encouraging teachers to develop classroom techniques that ensure girls get an equal opportunity to answer and discuss and showcase their achievements in the classroom. Finally, the building of self-confidence and selfesteem in young women has not been a part of traditional Ugandan culture, and the ongoing education of the public regarding equal rights for women in Ugandan society must continue. Female Teachers and Role Models Secondary school teaching is currently dominated by male teachers, primarily as a result of the low numbers of girls accessing and completing secondary education and continuing on to teacher training courses (Sperandio & Kagoda, 2008). The interactions between male teachers and adolescent schoolgirls continue to be a worrying aspect of secondary schooling for many parents. Women teachers are currently taking on the burden of guidance and counseling of girls in schools without, for the most part, training in these fields. Most trained primary teachers and graduate secondary teachers are reluctant to move to rural schools away from the amenities of urban areas. For women teachers and administrators, such a move also requires considerable upheaval for the families and the problems of finding work for a male partner. Offering opportunities for local teacher training for women whose spouses work in rural areas is a solution already under consideration by the government, and one that has worked in other poor, rural countries such as the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee Initiative in Bangladesh (Sperandio, 2008). In the teacher training colleges, women pass final examinations at a much lower rate than men. Fewer women teachers result in fewer women school

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administrators, with women occupying only 12% of the secondary school headships in 2005 (MoES, 2005). This, in turn, leads to fewer women in educational leadership where important decisions about the form and content of education are made. The lack of women role models in the operation and direction of schools is unlikely to encourage girls to enter teaching, or consider educational leadership as a career. As new teachers are recruited to cope with the increased intake in secondary schools, attention needs to be given to the issue of gender balance on school faculties. Boarding and Hostels Considerable thought needs to be given to the issues that surround girls boarding in unsupervised hostels or with extended family members to attend secondary school. Despite the government’s progress on expanding existing schools and setting up ‘seed’ schools in areas where there were previously no secondary schools, many girls will be forced to find a way to live closer to the schools where they have been offered a place. The conditions in these hostels, and the pressures that may be exerted on girls in extended family situations, can have a negative impact on academic outcomes. This issue was alluded to in the recent opening of a new boarding facility for girls in Gulu High School, where the representative of the sponsoring agency stated ‘‘We have put in place all the relevant facilities that a girl child may need in a dormitory for a healthier environment. This will help them excel and compete favorably with boys’’ (Eriku, 2008). Means for providing supervised boarding facilities, or for changing the selection process of schools to require them to accept students primarily from a local catchment area should be considered as a way of ensuring a girl’s entry into, and completion of, secondary schooling. Private Schools The current heavy reliance on private schools to provide places for primary school graduates raises concerns given the apparent lack of quality control in these schools, many of which have opened in response to the demand created by USE. In his survey of existing secondary school provision in 2002, Liang (2002) noted that apart from a few religiously founded elite private schools, most private schools were in rural or pre-urban areas (86%) and for the rural and the poor. Liang concluded that while there were statutory regulations for the licensing and registration of such schools, the government’s need to create secondary places had led to less rigorous policies, and there was little evidence that the schools were visited by an already overworked school inspectorate.


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Liang (2002) also noted that a statistically significant relationship existed between the existence of private secondary schools in an area and increased female enrollment. However, it was not clear whether private provision, in or of itself, increased access (especially for girls), or whether private providers responded to an unmet demand in certain districts (p. 58). Issues of school inspection and of the private schools ability to attract qualified teachers continue to be debated. A study of Ugandan female teachers’ career aspirations (Sperandio & Kagoda, 2008) indicated that qualified and experienced teachers would prefer to work in government or governmentaided schools, as this gave them civil service recognition as education officers, with pension rights, job security and a guaranteed salary, all of which would be missing in the private sector. This suggests the need for government support of teachers in private schools if the distribution of trained and experienced teachers is to be more equitable. The current issue is whether these schools, which can clearly rely on the enrollment of girls from the local area and the ensuing government subsidies, will provide the same quality of education and the same educational outcomes for girls as government schools. The secondary exit examination results suggest that the top tier of these schools provide equal outcomes for boys and girls and rival the results of well-established government schools. In one such private school, whose motto is ‘‘Hard Work’’, and whose headmaster was quoted as explaining the secret to the ever-improving examination results at the schools as being ‘‘strictness on discipline, teachers’ commitment, and about all God’s blessings’’, 25 of the top 50 highest scoring students on the exit examination in 2006 were girls (Mbanga, 2006). However, the issue of the quality of education being delivered in most rural private schools is a matter of current debate in the Ugandan press, where a recent article entitled ‘‘Why quack schools exist despite government regulations’’ (Womakuyu, 2008) described the poor conditions in many of these schools and the problems connected with registration and inspection. The article also quoted local education officials and parents perceptions of the reasons why poor quality schools were allowed to continue to function. These emphasized the lack of choice for poor parents who could not contemplate sending their children to schools in other parts of the country even when these children scored high enough on the primary leaving examination to be offered places in them. The government is clearly aware of this problem, and is taking measures to improve the situation. A MoES spokeswomen quoted in the newspaper article explained that an Education Standards Agency had been formed with

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regional offices countrywide to check on school quality. The spokesman called on parents to support ministry policies and play their part by not enrolling their children in substandard schools.

CONCLUSION Uganda’s willingness to ‘take the plunge’ in the provision of 11 years of universal education has demonstrated how quickly gender parity in enrollment can be achieved. The problems involved in introducing and improving the UPE structure, and the solutions that have evolved for coping with them at both the local and national level, have given the government a wealth of experience to draw on as it moves into the second year of implementing UPPET. Recent improvements to the MoES statistics department now allows from much improved data collection and interpretation, so that developing trends can be identified and ongoing inequities monitored. Given the scale of the change initiative UPPET represents, it is inevitable that there will be some unexpected outcomes, particularly when the results of the provision of education by private schools are still a comparatively unknown variable. Issues of gender equality are prominent at all levels of Ugandan society due in large measure to a vocal and active women’s movement that has promoted the ‘girl child’ issue, and undertaken a campaign to improve all aspects of women’s lives in Uganda through legislation. As an example of this, the Ugandan Parliament is currently considering legislation to make female circumcision (genital mutilation) punishable by fine or imprisonment. Although, there is general awareness of the need for equality for women in both the government and the population at large, meeting gender targets in government institutions has been slow. Women are underrepresented in all policy and decision-making positions, in school leadership, and in teaching. They are still fighting the battle for equal property rights. In some areas of the country traditional gender roles are still firmly entrenched. Given the combination of geographic isolation, rural poverty and disease that consume the lives of the population on a daily basis, change is likely to be resisted and long in coming. However, creating a culture in the country that accepts gender equality as given, will remove many of the hurdles girls still face in the education system. Thus, from a gendered perspective, the challenge in Uganda is now one of the ensuring equal educational outcomes for girls and boys. Within this context, the plight of poor rural girls is particularly demanding of attention.


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The ideal situation for these girls would be an education in a governmentsupervised single sex boarding school at the secondary level. But this is clearly not an option, so affirmative action for these girls in the form of bursaries to cover boarding and travel costs, together with adjustments to the primary leaving scores girls must attain to access secondary school, should be considered. Again, the government has experience of success with such measures having undertaken a successful affirmative action campaign to eliminate gender disparities in enrollment at Makerere University in Kampala. Finally, consideration should be given to dismantling the current system of secondary school selection for primary school graduates on the basis of their examination scores. This system relies on students applying to schools that are well matched to their likely primary exit examination results (and poor children and their parents are unlikely to have this information without guidance) and schools choosing which students they will take. Although, this practice continues it maintains a hierarchy of schools that favors those students with educated and financially well-to-do parents. Allocating students to schools, to ensure that each school has a range of abilities, and an equal number of girls and boys in coeducational schools, would be a way to address this issue. Although the development of regional schools is important, it is likely to reinforce regional differences, rather than encouraging national unity, but allocating students to schools would also offer the opportunity to ensure an ethnic mix in each school, if boarding facilities could be provided. This could prove important in ensuring equal educational outcomes for poor girls from certain regions of the country. In the 1960s, Uganda had one of the largest education systems in SSA and one of the most respected for the quality of the services it offered. The system has shown remarkable resilience and an ability to adapt when tested to the limit – by civil strife, disease, and economic bankruptcy. Once again it is taking a leading role in SSA in addressing issues of social justice, and providing a population thirsty for education with the opportunity to access it. But one of these issues, that of ensuring gender parity in access to the education system, has been met. The next three years, as the first cohort of students who have gained access to the system through both UPE and UPPET complete their secondary education, will show the level of gender parity in educational outcomes that has been achieved and the problems still to be addressed. In the mean time, Uganda’s initiatives provide a wealth of experience to guide other countries around the world committed in achieving gender equality in education sooner rather than later.

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SUGAR DADDIES AND THE DANGER OF SUGAR: CROSS-GENERATIONAL RELATIONSHIPS, HIV/AIDS, AND SECONDARY SCHOOLING IN ZAMBIA Monisha Bajaj ABSTRACT This chapter seeks to explore the nature of and motivations for crossgenerational relationships, and to examine how these relationships structure, limit and enable access to schooling for youth in Ndola (Zambia). Amidst increasing HIV infection rates and decreasing economic opportunity, youth experiences in and outside of school provide information about the impact of macro-level influences, particularly global economic trends and the HIV/AIDS pandemic, on the lives of these young women. Utilizing qualitative methods that seek to explore the lived realities of Zambian youth, this study examines perceptions of the phenomenon of ‘‘sugar daddies’’ and how they are seen to effect educational access and opportunity for young women. Although the study finds that young women are finding ways to cope with being enmeshed in a Gender, Equality and Education from International and Comparative Perspectives International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 10, 123–143 Copyright r 2009 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2009)0000010007

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context characterized by severe economic decline and an extensive HIV/ AIDS crisis, the strategy of securing a ‘‘sugar daddy’’ is one that may result in deadly infection and social isolation. Furthermore, policymakers in Zambia can and should take the opportunity to rethink austerity measures and hostility to social spending as well as the content of public health education.

Many scholars and practitioners have discussed the role of cross-generational relationships, and their often corresponding power asymmetries, in facilitating the spread of HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa (Longfield, Glick, Waithaka, & Berman, 2002; Luke & Kurz, 2002; Vavrus, 2003). The material conditions framing many of these transactional sexual encounters have been linked to region-wide economic decline over the past two decades, including in Zambia (Garbus, 2003). The HIV infection rate in Zambia is 17 percent and, while many wealthy individuals are infected (UNAIDS, 2006), risky income generating activities such as prostitution and transactional sex have been identified as a primary cause of infection among the poor in Zambia, especially among poor women (de Waal & Whiteside, 2003).1 Once a middle-income country, 64 percent of Zambians now live on less than one dollar per day (UNDP, 2004). The worldwide drop in copper prices beginning in the 1970s had a ripple effect on other sectors of the economy, resulting in Zambia’s need to borrow large sums of money from international financial institutions and accept the conditions of structural adjustment programs (SAPs), which are generally characterized by market liberalization, privatization of state-owned industries and services, and decreased government spending in the areas of health and education (Mehmet, 1997). Decreased government spending on health, education, and food subsidies, in turn, has rendered costly these previously free state provisions (Saasa, 2002). For example, the implementation of user fees for education, although abolished in 2003 at the primary level, has had an adverse effect on enrollment and completion rates in Zambia. Data appear to support this assertion: from 1985 to 1994, the first decade of SAPs in the country, Zambia saw an overall decrease of 20 percent in the number of students completing grade seven, and a significant drop in girls’ participation in education (Kelly, 1999). In the Copperbelt region, boosted by the prosperity of the copper industry in the 1970s and early 1980s, enrollment in primary schooling reportedly reached 100 percent; but by 1999, enrollment had dropped to just 79 percent (Kelly, 1999).

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Although at the national level, government spending on education has decreased, resulting in a decline in both enrollment and educational quality, the public health crisis nationally has also limited the ability of Zambian families to bear the indirect costs of sending children – boys and more often, girls – to school. The HIV/AIDS pandemic has contributed to declining enrollment for young women when family resources become stretched thin and health expenditures take precedence over school fees. As a result, girls are often relied on for domestic responsibilities when a female guardian falls sick, prohibiting them from doing schoolwork or attending classes in many instances (Kelly, 1999). With school enrollment rates declining for African girls in certain countries, some young women have sought other avenues for fulfilling their desire for education as well as other commodities and services. Cross-generational relationships, particularly those involving a younger woman and an older ‘‘sugar daddy,’’2 have become increasingly prevalent in Zambia. Another, possibly related, danger to young women between the ages of 15 and 19 (high school age) is data which show that they are six times more likely to be HIV positive than their male counterparts (Glynn et al., 2001).3 It is important to note that cross-generational relationships have existed historically in many societies and in Zambia, these relationships overlap with longstanding cultural practices such as polygamy and widow inheritance (Gausset, 2001). Therefore, these relationships are not historically unprecedented, nor can they be reduced to economic motivations entirely. Apart from cultural practices, the scale and frequency of crossgenerational sexual relationships are unknown due to the inaccuracy of selfreports of sexual behavior and the associated social stigma (Plummer et al., 2004).4 This chapter, however, examines the economic dimension of these relationships as it pertains to educational access and opportunity in an era in which neoliberal economic policies have resulted in limited employment prospects, decreased government support for education, and heightened economic uncertainty for young women and their families (Saasa, 2002). The ‘‘sugar daddy’’ phenomenon – understood, as well, in light of historical, cultural, and social constructions of masculinity and femininity in Zambia – intersects with economic decline and HIV/AIDS by structuring, enabling, and limiting educational access and opportunity for young women in different instances. Given strong social taboos, discussions about crossgenerational relationships are often carried out in the third person; as a result, this chapter examines the perspectives of students, teachers, and parents with regard to the motivations for, nature of, and attitudes toward

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cross-generational relationships in schools and communities in Ndola (Zambia).5 Ndola, capital of the once-prosperous Copperbelt province, was an instructive site to carry out research on educational experiences as an urban center greatly impacted by global economic trends, particularly demand for basic commodities. Ndola experienced high levels of urbanization in the mid-1900s due to the rapidly expanding copper industry (Burdette, 1988), followed by frequent return migration to villages once the copper industry began its decline in the late 1970s and early 1980s (Bond, 1982). Currently, Ndola has the highest rate of HIV infection in the country estimated at 28 percent (Glynn et al., 2001). As a result of these unique migration patterns and their outcomes, researchers have noted that the Copperbelt ‘‘becomes an especially productive site for rethinking anthropological ideas about history and modernity’’ (Ferguson, 1999, p. 25). In this social context, young women’s changing roles and the impact of social inequalities on educational opportunity are an important area of inquiry.

METHODOLOGY The information for this chapter was collected as part of a larger study on youth experiences with schooling in Ndola (Zambia) during one year of fieldwork spanning 2003 and 2004. The data in this chapter come from semistructured interviews with approximately 75 students, teachers, parents, and alumni of Ndola private and government secondary schools through individual interviews and focus groups. The majority of participants lived in the Pamodzi township or around the Chifubu market, neighborhoods home to largely lower- to middle-class families. I primarily relied on qualitative methods in this study. I utilized participant observation, visited and observed classes at approximately 10 government and private schools in and around Ndola, and attended teacher trainings on occasion. Additionally, 22 high school pupils (grades 8 through 12) were identified through criterion sampling to participate in the ‘‘sibling pair cohort,’’ comprised of siblings of similar age who attended different secondary schools. Pupils in the cohort were interviewed and given a confidential research notebook to complete written assignments on their attitudes toward schooling, HIV/AIDS, politics, and their futures. Additionally, each sibling cohort member was given a ‘‘free-write’’ section in his/her notebook to discuss whatever issue he or she deemed important. The notebooks were completed over a three-month period and collected in June 2004.


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Following the fieldwork period, the data were coded for significant themes and then organized according to those responses that were representative. The information on cross-generational relationships presented below comes from the interviews, observations, and written materials collected during the research period primarily from the sibling cohort group, as well as from general interviews with other pupils, parents, secondary school graduates, and teachers. The methods utilized sought to address the following question: In what ways do youth and adult discussions of cross-generational relationships reflect their role in limiting, structuring, and/or enabling educational access and attainment for young women in Ndola (Zambia)? The respondents frequently referenced social attitudes and stigma around such relationships; thus, data are presented to offer a picture of the social landscape in which young women pursue or acquiesce to the advances of older men, due, in part, to their material conditions and educational aspirations. An overview of previous research on masculinities, power, and HIV/AIDS is necessary in order to situate the subsequent data within its cultural and social context.

CONSTRUCTING THE SUGAR DADDY PHENOMENON This chapter focuses on perceptions of mostly consensual (though often coerced) sex; however, the data collected in this study suggest that some of the same motivations that drive the rape of young girls also motivate crossgenerational relationships in which both parties are willing.6 The sugar daddy phenomenon in Zambia can be seen in its relationship to material inequities and as an extension of constructed masculinities (Simpson, 2005; Varga, 2001). Simpson (2005) discusses how Zambian men learn about sex and the exercise of power through aggression and sometimes violence. Through practicing and learning about their gendered roles with regard to sex, ‘‘the expression of male sexual identity was often figured as an inherently violent activity in which, in competition with other men, the conquest of women was the central element. Male ‘superiority’ had to be demonstrated’’ (p. 585). Simpson further notes that expressions of virility are also linked to multiple sexual partners as well as power over them, elements that often characterize cross-generational relationships. Although it is important to note that the social constructions of masculinity can contribute to the prevalence of crossgenerational relationships, neither all men nor all women accept these roles

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unquestioningly. Even when women assume subservient positions, such as those induced by cross-generational relationships, a notable shift occurs from victim to agent in analyzing their actions and decisions. Scholars have increasingly acknowledged the sexual agency of African women in general (Reddy & Dunne, 2007) and young women engaged in cross-generational relationships in particular (Hunter, 2002). In his work on cross-generational relationships in South Africa, Hunter (2002) offers a distinction between young women engaging in transactional sex for subsistence and those engaging in it for consumption. The use of income generated from cross-generational relationships for increased educational opportunity does not neatly fit into either category but perhaps lies somewhere along the spectrum between subsistence and consumption. Whatever the use of the income generated, the line between consent and coercion is often blurred by the ‘‘gendered material inequalities that provide a basis for such [cross-generational] transactions’’ (Hunter, 2002, p. 116). Given the complexity and diversity of cross-generational relationships, particularly with regard to consent, power, and motivation, it is useful to conceptualize what Weissman et al. (2006) have termed the ‘‘continuum of volition’’ with regard to such relationships. In analyzing the various factors that structure cross-generational relationships, the authors offer a useful framework for understanding the knotty problems of consent and coercion (Fig. 1). It is important to note that not all cases fit in this schema. Crossgenerational relationships in Zambia include phenomena such as children

Voluntary Sex

Economically Driven/ Economically Rational Sex

Coerced Sex

Drivers: Emotional security, love, pleasure, social status

Material comfort, security (gifts, niceties)

Life maintenance (school fees, shoes, uniforms)

Survival needs (food, housing)

Insecurity, fear of physical or other harms

Economic Security

Fig. 1.

Reasons/Drivers for Sexual Activity along a Continuum of Volition. This Diagram has been Re-printed with the Permission of the Authors.


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being raped because of the perceived curative powers of such sex. Here, of course, the issue of volition is irrelevant and this chapter does not address such practices (Leclerc-Madlala, 2002). In Weissman et al.’s diagram, economic rationale are but one motivation for young women entering into cross-generational relationships, and school fees are but one use of the money obtained through such, although peers and elders often assumed that economic motivations were the sole cause of young women seeking out, or acceding to the advances of, older men. With these complex constructions of gender in mind, I now examine the ways in which secondary school students encounter evidence of cross-generational relationships in their schools and communities.

CROSS-GENERATIONAL RELATIONSHIPS IN AND AROUND SCHOOLS Motivations for Cross-Generational Relationships Various motivations that fall along the spectrum between subsistence and consumption (Hunter, 2002) exist for cross-generational relationships. For young women, having a ‘‘sugar daddy,’’ or an older man with economic resources, can help offset the financial costs of secondary schooling. Mr. Mayombo, a teacher at Umutende government secondary school in Ndola, discussed a student in his eleventh grade English class and her ‘‘sponsor’’ or sugar daddy:7 The phenomenon of sugar daddies is quite common definitely, from the primary school, secondary school, even at the tertiary level including the university. I have noticed quite a few of them; some of them are being paid for by these taxi drivers and minibus drivers. Some of them are more or less like full-time wives; when she is at school, she’s a schoolgirl. When she goes home, she doesn’t go to her parents’ home, she’s in the man’s house. But yet, that’s not a formal marriage. One girl is 18 years of age, she’s in grade 11. I have seen three of them [in my class]. I found out that their parents couldn’t afford their education, but the girls are really brilliant. In the end, they are being promised to be married to those sugar daddies. There is something very unfair in the state of affairs. These girls will be made to get married to persons who they do not want to marry simply because they have an obligation to fulfill. The man that I know who is with Eunice is 45 years of age and she’s 18. Parents know, [but] they have no money to pay for school. He’s a minibus driver and has two wives, legally. She . . . is being anticipated to become the third wife. In Zambia, polygamy is legal. This man has volunteered to pay her fees up to whichever level the girl will go to, as long as she is obliged to bend towards the man’s requirements. She lives with the parents, [but] she has an obligation; she can be taken at

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anytime by the man and she is the most favored amongst the three women because she’s the youngest, and to him, she’s sweet.

Mr. Mayombo highlights the need for school fees as a factor that contributes to female secondary school students having relationships with older men. The desire for education and the lack of financial resources for it were among the motives offered by many adults and schoolgirls for why young women engage in cross-generational sexual relationships. Young women’s motivations for cross-generational relationships were cited as primarily economic, but older men’s motives varied. As mentioned earlier in this chapter, cross-generational relationships have existed in Zambia historically, particularly given the polygamous traditions of many ethnic groups where significant age differences between co-wives and their husband is common (Gausset, 2001). Amidst the current economic situation of decline and the prevalence of HIV/AIDS in the urban townships of Ndola, two primary reasons, aside from cultural or personal preferences, emerged in this study for older men entering into cross-generational relationships. These reasons were, first, the perception of lower risk for contracting HIV/AIDS from younger girls and second, the belief among some men that a sexual relationship with a virgin could cure one of HIV/ AIDS.8 One parent, Mrs. Lombanya, noted the motivations for older men to engage in sexual relationships with schoolgirls, citing a colleague of her husband discussing his relationships with younger women: There was a time my husband was talking about someone and said, ‘‘That guy, I wonder why he likes going out with schoolgirls?’’ He had an opportunity to ask him and he said, ‘‘You know the young ones, they are fresh. They haven’t met any man. So meeting her, I’m assured that she’s not sick.’’ And so he’d go for a schoolgirl, thinking that ‘‘She’s all right; she’s not sick.’’ Forgetting that now he’s the one who is going to make her sick. And then this girl will go for another man. You know they can’t go for their fellow boys; the boys have nothing to offer them. What they want probably is what they can’t get from home.

Aside from the preference for ‘‘fresh’’ girls, the age differential also corresponds with the power dynamics of learned masculinities as noted by Simpson (2005). Instructively, it is important to note the increasing presence of cross-generational relationships between older women and younger men in Zambia, driven perhaps less by conventionally gendered roles than by more immediate social and economic realities. Sugar Mommies The incidence of transactional sexual relationships between older women and younger men offers an interesting counterpoint to the sugar daddy


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phenomenon as rooted in discourses of masculinity. Participants’ accounts suggested that the phenomenon of sugar mommies was less prevalent, but nevertheless present with the reported motivations being sex and companionship. Although young men may enter into such relationships for economic reasons similar to those of their female counterparts, older women may be responding to the growing widowhood among middle-aged women due to deaths from HIV/AIDS rather than to the belief that young men might cure them of the disease. An Ndola social worker, Lucy, commented: We are seeing sugar-mommies going for small boys; those [ladies] who have money. Maybe it’s because most of the women have lost their husbands due to HIV and AIDS. Some are left with a lot of money so they can do whatever they want to lure the young boys so that they sleep with them. In turn, it’s the sugar mommy giving the small boy money. Especially the school-going and those young men who are in employment, who aren’t married and they want some extra money. Some are not in employment; they just want someone to look after them.

Although these older women may be reacting to the loss of their spouses when seeking out a young sexual partner, they, too, are placing young men at risk for contracting the virus when a woman’s partner has already passed away from AIDS. Although the phenomenon of sugar mommies merits mention, most cross-generational relationships continue to involve younger women and older men, and accordingly this chapter focuses primarily on this type of relationship. Cross-Generational Relationships in School and Society Examining the way a cross-generational relationship begins highlights further the social inequality between older men with resources and female students without them. Respondents described the types of signals and interactions that lead young women to understand that a sexual arrangement is being negotiated. In a cultural context where elders who are not related are often addressed as ‘‘mama,’’ ‘‘aunty,’’ ‘‘uncle,’’ or ‘‘bashikulu’’ (grandfather), it is important to note the differences between a non-sexual and sexual relationship between an adult and an adolescent, and how these relationships may change over time. The origins of such cross-generational relationships were discussed in detail in some student diaries. For example, Agripa, who had previously studied at a government high school in the Copperbelt town of Mufulira, discussed under a topic, which he titled ‘‘sexual abuse in school,’’ the ways that teachers and students initiated sexual relationships in school: On this page, I’m gonna holla about teenage pregnancies in schools and about how teachers manipulate the girls into having sex with them. In our government schools, it is

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very common to hear about a teacher having an affair with a pupil. No teacher has ever been dismissed from work for flirting with a pupil, more still for making her pregnant. The girl pupils are enticed with special favors like special treatment, immunity from beatings, leakages [of answer papers] during exams, promises of money or high life, etc, in exchange for a lust filled relationship because it certainly isn’t love.

Agripa’s response indicates disdain for such relationships between his female classmates and teachers. Many other respondents, both students and teachers, noted the prevalence of cross-generational relationships within secondary schools. When asked why these relationships took place, responses ranged from mere attraction and human nature to coercion and incentives offered by teachers to young women willing to become sexually involved with them. Students discussed how relationships with their teachers changed over time and how these changes were often noted by their peers. One student, Precious, noted how what seemed like a normal student–teacher relationship changed: My teacher sent me to his office to collect some textbooks and I did so. When I reached the office, I found that the door was locked so as I turned I saw him staring at me as if he had seen an angel or a ghost. He knew what the problem was and he opened the door for me. I hesitated to enter, but he told me that I was wasting his time. So I entered and he tried to grab my breasts and he held my hand saying that he loved me so much, but I managed to run away from the office.

Although students reported being unsure about the nature of female students’ relationships with their male teachers, many reported the practice of teachers’ explicit solicitation of sex from girls, offering incentives, such as good grades and extra lessons, in exchange. A male student in the tenth grade noted the way that sexual resources could be exchanged for favoritism in class: The teacher is teaching and he’s just looking at the same particular girl. Then when the subject is over, they go and talk. Sometimes maybe the whole class is being beaten by the teacher, but not the girl. There was a day [when] my friend came to tell me that this is what happened in their class. They were all writing an exam. They were given the scripts to start writing. Then, the teacher started writing something very fast. When he finished, he went to a girl’s desk, he took away the paper the girl was writing, and he gave her the paper he was writing. And the girl passed.

In this student’s account, the advantages of engaging in a relationship with a teacher were noted, but some of the adverse consequences of such relationships were more clearly seen by young women who chose not to engage in them.


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Some students were skeptical about the benefits of cross-generational relationships and highlighted instead the risks. A twelfth grade student at Chilemba government high school, related the following process by which teachers and pupils become involved and the risk of acquiring AIDS when this happens: ‘‘The teachers mingle with pupils. When I was in grade ten, they found this biology teacher – he even died last year – he was caught with a grade eight girl in his office having sex.’’ Sexual relationships between students and teachers, whatever their cause, include power asymmetries that may increase the risk involved in such encounters since teachers are one of the groups hardest hit by HIV/AIDS in Zambia. It is estimated that Zambia will have lost nearly 24,000 primary and secondary school teachers between 2000 and 2010 due to AIDS-related illnesses (Bennell, Hyde, & Swainson, 2002). Consequently, the adverse future impacts of such relationships – ranging from social isolation and abandonment to HIV infection and death – are sometimes outweighed by the immediate benefits, whether real or perceived. Student accounts describe how teachers encourage young women to get into sexual relationships through promises of passing exams, and they offer examples of how such relationships begin and end to the detriment of the student. Young girls who enter into relationships with teachers are often economically disadvantaged and seek to rectify their limited access to money to obtain favors and privileges by securing these things through sex. These relationships, and the corresponding outcomes for young girls, such as unwanted pregnancy, contraction of HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases, or dropping out of school, serve as evidence of social inequality between the wealthy and the poor, as well as between older men and younger women that is perpetuated in government secondary schools (Bajaj, 2005). Student accounts also cited how cross-generational relationships begin both inside schools and beyond the school gates. Outside of school, interactions between young women and older men in public places (or ‘‘on the way’’ to them) facilitated, in many cases, the establishment of a cross-generational relationship. Mary, a twelfth grader at Chilemba High School, discussed the signals indicating a sexual relationship is beginning: You can be sent somewhere and you meet him on the way, ‘‘I’ll give you a lift, jump in the car.’’ He gives you money. You, without knowing, [think] it’s just a lift. He asks, ‘‘Where do you stay?’’ You give the correct answer, because you don’t know. He drops you where you are going. He gives you money for a drink. You go. The next day, or he even gives you two days, he’ll come back. ‘‘Hi, hi there, but don’t tell your parents about me.’’ This one is giving you money; again he gives you money. At the end, he will

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demand for something and that’s sex. And you don’t resist because you think, ‘‘this one is giving me money and if I do this, if I sleep with him, he will start giving me more money than he does now.’’ So you fall into that trap, and then you get addicted to money. When you get addicted to money, it’s very difficult to stay without money. So if that person is gone, you go for another old man because you know that old people are the ones who give money to young people. [The man could be] a manager, a person who works for a big company. It’s common wherever you go to find a young girl and an old person. Sometimes you can even say the man [is] the father or the uncle, but that person is not. He even comes to pick [her] up at school. You think maybe that’s the father, but someone says, ‘‘No, that’s the boyfriend’’; the so-called ‘‘man-friend.’’

Exposed to cross-generational relationships in their schools and communities, young women learn the social mores surrounding them. Operating in educational and social contexts characterized by economic inequality, students learn the benefits of responding positively when approached by older men offering them money. They may become ‘‘addicted to money,’’ as Mary noted, because the funds allow them to pay for school expenses and other things they need or desire, such as clothes, shoes, mobile phones, and food. Weissman et al.’s continuum of volition, presented in Fig. 1 earlier in this chapter, highlighted the complex interplay of psychological and economic factors that structure the decisions of young women engaging in such relationships, yet the material conditions of young women’s lives play a central role in their decision-making. Young girls living in the townships of Ndola reported being approached by older men and sometimes accepting their requests for sex because of the material benefits that such relationships provided. For example, 12-year-old Victoria mentioned that older men had already started offering her food or money in exchange for sex. Victoria noted that female orphans may accept the sexual advances of or seek out older men given their often-precarious economic situations. Given the estimated 800,000 orphans in Zambia and their escalating numbers due to the HIV/AIDS pandemic (ZMOE, 2003), economic hardship becomes a particularly salient motivation for young women to either seek out or respond favorably to ‘‘sugar daddies.’’ Although many students noted that men propositioned schoolgirls, other students also cited the initiative of girls in seeking out such relationships. The manner in which girls sought out older men sometimes hindered their participation in school, leading to a complex situation in which crossgenerational relationships may, for different participants and in different moments, limit and/or enable educational pursuits. For example, Catherine, a tenth grade student at Umutende government school, noted, ‘‘Sometimes instead of being in class, [girls] go out and start looking for sugar daddies who can give them money to buy whatever they want to buy. I know some


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of them. They go during school time. They go to different buildings like bars and guesthouses [where] the men are.’’ This example suggests that young girls may exert their sexual agency and decide to work the system to their immediate advantage by responding to the advances of older men or actively seeking out relationships with them to pay for their education and other things. Yet the fact that young girls encounter this situation early in adolescence, coupled with strong social taboos around parents talking with their children about sex, often results in girls experimenting with relationships where they may lack the power to negotiate safe sex. Economic hardship and being orphaned, in particular, may also drive girls to accede to the propositions of an older and more affluent partner. Lucy, who is a social worker, highlighted this point, ‘‘These sugar daddies come maybe with a 50,000 kwacha note [US$10]. This man will do anything to this girl because she wants some money to sustain herself; maybe to pay for school. So the sugar daddies have taken advantage of the poverty situation.’’ Noting the contextual forces that drive such relationships and their presence as a common feature of students’ social world, it is important to explore the attitudes held by students, teachers, and parents toward crossgenerational relationships and how these attitudes are linked to discussions of HIV/AIDS.

BLAMING THE VICTIM: SOCIAL ATTITUDES TOWARD CROSS-GENERATIONAL RELATIONSHIPS Through experiences with commonplace corruption in government secondary schools, such as having to pay off a headmaster to secure a spot or being coerced to bribe teachers to receive instruction, young women are socialized to seek out financial resources to try and level an unequal playing field (Bajaj, 2005). For those who lack money and engage instead in crossgenerational relationships, they are the ones frequently blamed by peers and elders for violating ‘‘tradition.’’ One student commented that women are not following their cultural tradition by ‘‘wearing trousers’’ and that ‘‘girls of nowadays no longer cook like their mothers, but drink like their fathers.’’ Other respondents noted that these attitudes suggest a fixed notion of culture and tradition that does not reflect how current economic and social realities are affecting how individuals and families are shaping decisions about their survival. A seventh grader noted in her diary the parental involvement in decisions about cross-generational relationships writing that

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‘‘Some parents are telling their children to go out and sell their bodies in order to get some money.’’ Schools assimilate youth into the norms of an unequal society and students learn indirectly to leverage their financial and sexual resources to advance within it. However, this does not mean that there are no social consequences for youth who engage in cross-generational relationships. Parents, teachers, students, and community members acknowledged the occurrence of crossgenerational relationships particularly in regard to the economic hardship that often fuels them; however, at the same time, they often expressed extremely negative attitudes toward those who engage in such relationships. Families frequently shun young women who are in cross-generational relationships, often referring to them as prostitutes, especially if they are found to have contracted HIV/AIDS as a result. One seventh grade student, a 12-year-old named Annie, reported: My own aunty, my mom’s younger sister has got a child. I think the dad of the child rejected her. [My aunty] doesn’t want any job. All she wants is that men come, pick her up, and pay her to go places like very big hotels, guesthouses, cinema halls, bars, and clubs. We don’t stay with her because my mom told her that she couldn’t allow any of the things she was doing in our house. So she had to move away and find her own house. Maybe a man comes, and if [he] just has money, she’ll accept. One of the things about prostitution is that the girls are lacking education.

In Annie’s account, cross-generational relationships and prostitution are synonymous. In recent years as well, the stigma associated with commercial or transactional sex has also become associated with the risk and contraction of HIV/AIDS. On discovering that a relative is HIV positive, families may be embarrassed by the stigma that the disease holds and the implications for the family’s social standing. One eleventh grade student wrote in her diary about her best friend finding out that he and his girlfriend were HIV positive: ‘‘They decided to tell their families about their HIV status [and] they were abandoned by their loved ones.’’ She continued writing that her friend wanted to commit suicide because of his HIV status, highlighting the social stigma around it. The stigma that young women and men face, whether infected with HIV or not, influences their position in society and opportunity for mobility within it. Decisions to participate in cross-generational relationships therefore often carry the burden of heavy stigma. It is interesting to note that no respondent in this study admitted to being involved in a cross-generational relationship and most condemned them; however, several young women


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respondents were rumored to be involved in transactional sexual relationships with older men.

DISCUSSION The preceding sections offered frameworks (Hunter, 2002; Weissman et al., 2006) on cross-generational relationships broadly to understand young people’s experiences in and around their secondary schools. Both Hunter (2002) and Weissman et al. (2006) identify the spectrum of motivations for such relationships that exists between survival and subsistence on the one hand, and consumption and material comforts on the other hand.9 The data presented in this chapter provided greater texture to the picture of the space between survival and consumption where desire and demand for education lie. In order to understand how the ‘‘sugar daddy phenomenon’’ influences young people’s educational pursuits, respondents’ perspectives were presented on (1) how and why young women and older men enter into such relationships amidst the backdrop of economic uncertainty and HIV/AIDS; (2) how cross-generational relationships occur and are viewed within schools where teachers are the older men and their students the younger women; and (3) young people’s (especially young men’s) and families’ attitudes toward such relationships, and the social consequences for young women who engage in them. In examining cross-generational relationships in and around schools, it becomes increasingly clear that the incidence of ‘‘sugar daddies’’ (and mommies) in Ndola (Zambia) must be understood as a complex phenomenon involving discourses of masculinity and the material inequities that structure the physical and discursive space occupied by young adults and the schools they attend. Although young girls (and boys, though differentially) undoubtedly exercise agency in numerous ways, these choices with regard to cross-generational relationships occur in the context of extreme inequalities and severe social stigma that limit the value of such choice. One of the myriad reasons young women enter into cross-generational relationships is to secure their school fees since parents are increasingly weighing the potential future benefits of schooling against their present economic circumstances. Functionalist assumptions about the causal relationship between education and employment are being questioned throughout the global South as the ranks of the educated unemployed swell (Jeffrey et al., 2007). Without extensive personal connections, secondary school graduates in Zambia

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(as has been noted in other countries) have limited employment prospects (Bajaj, 2005). Young women who engage in cross-generational relationships as a means of securing a better future through continued education put themselves at risk for HIV and other sexually transmitted infections and may still not be able to access the anticipated economic outcomes that initially drove their decision-making. Further research can help to elucidate the intersections among gender inequalities, education, and employment, particularly in contexts such as Zambia where the combined impact of economic decline and HIV/AIDS has adversely affected all aspects of social, political, and economic life.

Policy Implications In carrying out research on cross-generational relationships and schooling in Zambia, the question arises: What are the implications for policymakers? Steady (2005) posits in her framework for gender research in Africa that the practical aspect of research is of utmost importance for the continent; Western scholarship places a high value on theorizing and theory-building at the expense of pragmatism and relevance. For Africa, there are many economic and social problems, not least of which is its dependency on the West and its marginalization through globalization, which theory cannot solve. (p. 322)

Although theory is not rejected in an analysis of the phenomenon of sugar daddies in Ndola (Zambia), the following recommendations for practice also emerge from this chapter. First, the considerable funding being devoted to HIV/AIDS prevention programs needs to take into account social and gender inequities that fuel risky sexual behavior. Without an analysis of power asymmetries, interventions may miss the mark in reaching vulnerable populations. Given that young women have more than three times the HIV infection rates in sub-Saharan Africa as compared to their male counterparts (Fleshman, 2004), more effective policies and programs linking public health education to material well-being are sorely needed to curb the impact of this devastating disease. Although the particular nature and specific architecture of a policy platform to address economic decline and the HIV/AIDS pandemic is a highly politicized and complex venture beyond the scope of this chapter, policymakers might do well to consider measures that involve or result in job creation or a raising of base levels of income as well as the political and institutional obstacles to achieve these goals, as will be touched


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upon later in the discussion of the resistance to social spending. Policymakers would also do well to further consider and address cultural understandings of masculinity and femininity in the development of programs related to HIV/AIDS. Young women must be included in designing and implementing such programs so that their realities are adequately considered and addressed. It may very well be that young women do not see these cross-generational relationships as problematic since they can provide income or advantages, despite negative social attitudes toward them. However, programs can focus attention in an informed manner on the power differentials of such relationships and the risk of contracting HIV for these young women. Second, the high incidence of teacher–student sexual relationships – consensual, coerced, and non-consensual – must be addressed by the Ministry of Education through more stringent sanctions for teachers engaging in such behavior. Although teachers are supposed to be dismissed for engaging in relationships with students (ZMOE, 2003), many respondents noted teacher impunity and corruption in the process of teacher discipline. Better mechanisms and more efficient administration would limit the ability of teachers to initiate relationships with young women in schools by offering educational advantages. A significant portion of cross-generational relationships, as noted by Bledsoe and Gage (1994), consists of those between teachers and their students. Better educational policy and its enforcement may serve to dissuade teachers from abusing their power and status within schools for their personal benefit. Finally, it would be remiss not to mention a reconsideration of the role and use of social spending as a policy tool. Although not a comprehensive policy solution in itself, secondary school fees are an example of an additional hindrance to young women’s educational access as discussed in this chapter. Since Zambia received significant debt relief in 2005 from international financial institutions, policymakers have an opportunity to rethink the austerity measures vis-a`-vis social spending previously implemented as part of SAPs; such spending must consider and work to alleviate the economic hardship that drives many cross-generational relationships. In 2006, then President Mwanawasa announced that healthcare would be free as a result of monies freed up from the debt relief granted to Zambia by the G8 (BBC, 2006). In education, one productive move would be to abolish all fees for secondary education in Zambia, a move that government officials have stated their reluctance to implement, except in the case of orphans (Times of Zambia, 2005). Recent debt relief or redirected donor aid may provide the resources necessary for making secondary education less of a

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financial burden for families in a time of economic decline. The demand for schooling is but one factor that motivates young women to seek out ‘‘sugar daddies.’’ Still, by emphasizing the role or place of education – albeit one with better regulations for disciplining erring teachers – alongside measures to increase job creation and base levels of income, the Zambian government may be able to rectify some of the inequalities that contribute to the prevalence of cross-generational relationships in the country today. The intersections among cross-generational relationships, schooling, and HIV/AIDS are complex and have various manifestations throughout Zambian society. Although young women are finding ways to cope with being enmeshed in a context characterized by severe economic decline and an extensive HIV/AIDS crisis, the strategy of securing a ‘‘sugar daddy’’ is one that may result in deadly infection and social isolation. By examining cross-generational relationships, HIV/AIDS, and education in Zambia, this chapter offered suggestions and preliminary recommendations for the role of educational policy in addressing economic and health crises. Further attention to the ways that young women respond to these crises can help explore possibilities for greater gender equity and educational advancement in highly impoverished and unequal contexts such as Zambia.

NOTES 1. For the purposes of this chapter, I rely upon the explanation of Kuate-Defo (2004) that offers multiple reasons for and dimensions of cross-generational relationships ‘‘Non-consensual and consensual sexual relationships between young people and older individuals are influenced by factors operating at several levels including individual, family, community, neighbourhood, province, region within a country, and by the international context of globalisation. Individuals engage in such sexual behaviours for a variety of motives including procreation, love and affection, pleasure, entertainment, conformity, recognition, competition, power, domination, submission, self-determination, stress reduction, financial security, favours, money and presents. These motives are usually age-dependent and are greatly influenced by individual attributes, conditions, life options and opportunities’’ (p. 21). In this chapter, the link between schooling and cross-generational relationships was frequently discussed with regards to the monetary benefits of such relationships. As a result, while it would be reductionist to assume that economic motivations are the sole cause of cross-generational sexual relationships, the material dimensions that do exist in many of these relationships are discussed with regard to educational experiences and opportunities. 2. The term ‘‘sugar daddy’’ refers to the older man in a cross-generational relationship where there is at least a 10-year age differential with the younger woman and where there is significant difference in access to economic resources. The term


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‘‘sugar mommy’’ refers to the woman in the inverse relationship between an older woman and a younger man where there is at least a 10-year differential, though empirically these relationships seem to appear with much less frequency. 3. For a more detailed discussion of the relationship between gifts and sex, see Hunter (2002), Kaufman and Stavrou (2002), and Standing (1992). Although attentive to the historical presence of inter-generational relationships, this chapter primarily deals with the economic nature of such relationships and how youth and adults perceive their influence on schooling in present day Ndola (Zambia). 4. One of the few studies that attempted to determine the scope of crossgenerational relationships found the occurrence to be relatively low. In Kisumu (Kenya), a study defined a sugar daddy as a man 15 years older than his partner. The researchers studied 1,000 men aged 21–45 and found that only five percent of their sample fit the definition. They did find, however, that 84 percent of the men in the study had given money to a non-marital sexual partner in the past month and that 60 percent of the adult men had at least one adolescent partner (Luke, 2005). These findings suggest the impartiality of our knowledge with regard to the prevalence of cross-generational relationships. This chapter addresses youth and adults’ perception of the frequency of such relationships and how these are believed to be affecting educational opportunity. Hence, actual figures for the incidence of crossgenerational relationships are of less importance for discussion here. 5. Given the stigma around discussing sexual relationships, most respondents offered information about friends, students, or neighbors rather than about their own actual behavior. Information gathered through interviews suggested that even some of those respondents who condemned such relationships, reportedly engaged in them, indicating the complexity of studying such a topic. 6. For a more extensive treatment of gender violence in schools in the region, see Leach, Humphreys, and Dunne (2006). 7. All names used in this chapter are pseudonyms for the purposes of confidentiality. 8. Although not discussed extensively here, the belief that sexual intercourse with a virgin cures HIV has driven an increasing number of rapes of young children in Zambia, as noted in regular news articles about the disturbing phenomenon. Research in South Africa has explored this myth in further detail (Leclerc-Madlala, 2002; Pitcher & Bowley, 2002). 9. These models acknowledge, but do not delve into details about, relationships that are at either of extreme of being purely consensual or forced/coerced with violence.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In addition to all the respondents who gave their time for this research, I would like to thank Belinda Chiu, Bikku Kuruvila, Frances Vavrus, David Baker, Alex Wiseman, and the anonymous reviewers for their contributions to this chapter. This research was carried out with support from the African Youth and Globalization Fellowship program of the Social Science Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies Africa

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Regional Advisory Panel in partnership with the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, and South Africa’s National Research Foundation.

REFERENCES Bajaj, M. I. (2005). Conceptualizing agency amidst crisis: A case study of youth responses to human values education in Zambia. Doctoral dissertation, Columbia University. BBC. (2006, April 6). Zambia overwhelmed by free health care. British Broadcasting Company. Available at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4883062.stm. Retrieved on 28 August 2007. Bennell, P., Hyde, K., & Swainson, N. (2002). The impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic on the education sector in sub-Saharan Africa: A synthesis of the findings and recommendations of three country studies. Sussex, UK: Center for International Education, University of Sussex Institute of Education. Bledsoe, C., & Gage, A. (1994). The effects of education and social stratification on marriage and the transition to parenthood in Freetown, Sierra Leone. In: C. Bledsoe & G. Pison (Eds), Nuptiality in sub-Saharan Africa (pp. 148–164). Oxford: Clarendon Press. Bond, G. (1982). Education and social stratification in northern Zambia: The case of the Uyombe. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 13(3), 251–267. Burdette, M. (1988). Zambia: Between two worlds. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. de Waal, A., & Whiteside, A. (2003). ‘New variant famine’: AIDS and food crisis in southern Africa. The Lancet, 362, 1234–1237. Ferguson, J. (1999). Expectations of modernity: Myths and meanings of urban life on the Zambian Copperbelt. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press. Fleshman, M. (2004). Women: The face of AIDS in Africa. Africa Renewal, 18(3), 6–8. Garbus, L. (2003). HIV/AIDS in Zambia. San Francisco, CA: University of California San Francisco. Gausset, Q. (2001). AIDS and cultural practices in Africa: The case of the Tonga (Zambia). Social Science and Medicine, 52, 509–518. Glynn, J. R., Carael, M., Auvert, B., Kahindo, M., Chege, J., Musonda, R., Kaona, F., Buve, A., & the Study Group on the Heterogeneity of HIV Epidemics in African Cities. (2001). Why do young women have a much higher prevalence of HIV than young men? A study in Kisumu, Kenya and Ndola, Zambia. AIDS, 15(S4), S51–S60. Hunter, M. (2002). The materiality of everyday sex: Thinking beyond ‘prostitution’. African Studies, 61(1), 99–120. Jeffrey, C., Jeffrey, P., & Jeffrey, R. (2007). Degrees without freedom? Education, masculinities, and unemployment in North India. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Kaufman, C., & Stavrou, S. E. (2002). ‘‘Bus fare, please’’: The economics of sex and gifts among adolescents in urban South Africa. New York, NY: Population Council. Kelly, M. J. (1999). HIV/AIDS and schooling in Zambia. In: M. J. Kelly (Ed.), The origins and development of education in Zambia: From pre-colonial times to 1996. A book of notes and readings (pp. 342–343). Lusaka, Zambia: Image Publishers Limited. Kuate-Defo, B. (2004). Young people’s relationships with sugar daddies and sugar mummies: What do we know and what do we need to know? African Journal of Reproductive Health, 8(2), 13–37.


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Leach, F., Humphreys, S., & Dunne, M. (2006). Gender violence in schools in the developing world. Gender and Education, 18(1), 75–98. Leclerc-Madlala, S. (2002). On the virgin cleansing myth: Gendered bodies, AIDS and ethnomedicine. African Journal of AIDS Research, 1(2), 87–95. Longfield, K., Glick, A., Waithaka, M., & Berman, J. (2002). Cross-generational relationships in Kenya: Couples’ motivations, risk perception for STIs/HIV and condom use. Washington, DC: Population Services International. Luke, N. (2005). Confronting the ‘sugar daddy’ stereotype: Age and economic asymmetries and risky sexual behavior in urban Kenya. International Family Planning Perspectives, 31(1), 7–14. Luke, N., & Kurz, K. (2002). Cross-generational and transactional sexual relations in subSaharan Africa: Prevalence of behavior and implications for negotiating safer sexual practices. Washington, DC: International Center for Research on Women. Mehmet, O. (1997). Westernizing the Third World. London: Routledge. Pitcher, G., & Bowley, D. (2002). Infant rape in South Africa. The Lancet, 359(9303), 274–275. Plummer, M. L., Wight, D., Ross, D. A., Balira, R., Anemona, A., Todd, J., Salamba, Z., Obasi, A. I., Grosskurth, H., Changalunga, J., & Hayes, R. J. (2004). Asking semi-literate adolescents about sexual behaviour: The validity of assisted self-completion questionnaire (ASCQ) data in rural Tanzania. Tropical Medicine & International Health, 9(6), 737–754. Reddy, S., & Dunne, M. (2007). Risking it: Young heterosexual femininities in South African context of HIV/AIDS. Sexualities, 10(2), 159–172. Saasa, O. (2002). Poverty profile in sub-Saharan Africa: The challenge of addressing an elusive problem. In: G. Bond & N. Gibson (Eds), Contested terrains and constructed categories: Contemporary Africa in focus (pp. 105–116). Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Simpson, A. (2005). Sons and father/boys to men in the time of AIDS: Learning masculinity in Zambia. Journal of Southern African Studies, 31(3), 569–586. Standing, H. (1992). AIDS: Conceptual and methodological issues in researching sexual behaviour in sub-Saharan Africa. Social Science and Medicine, 34(5), 475–483. Steady, F. C. (2005). An investigative framework for gender research in Africa in the new millennium. In: O. Oyewumi (Ed.), African gender studies: A reader (pp. 313–331). New York, NY: Palgrave MacMillan. Times of Zambia. (2005). State won’t abolish secondary school fees. Times of Zambia. Available at http://www.times.co.zm/news/viewnews.cgi?category ¼ 4&id ¼ 1082601682. Retrieved on 7 February 2006. UNAIDS. (2006). Report on the global AIDS epidemic 2006. New York, NY: United Nations. UNDP. (2004). Human development report 2004: Cultural liberty in today’s diverse world. New York, NY: United Nations Development Program. Varga, C. A. (2001). The forgotten fifty per cent: A review of sexual and reproductive health research and programs focused on boys and young men in sub-Saharan Africa. African Journal of Reproductive Health, 5(3), 175–195. Vavrus, F. (2003). Desire and decline: Schooling amid crisis in Tanzania. New York, NY: Peter Lang. Weissman, A., Cocker, J., Sherburne, L., Powers, M. B., Lovich, R., & Mukaka, M. (2006). Cross-generational relationships: Using a ‘Continuum of Volition’ in HIV prevention work among young people. Gender & Development, 14(1), 81–94. ZMOE. (2003). HIV/AIDS guidelines for educators. Lusaka, Zambia: Zambian Ministry of Education.

LIMITS OF AND POSSIBILITIES FOR EQUALITY: AN ANALYSIS OF DISCOURSE AND PRACTICES OF GENDERED RELATIONS, ETHNIC TRADITIONS, AND POVERTY AMONG NON-MAJORITY ETHNIC GIRLS IN VIETNAM Joan DeJaeghere and Shirley J. Miske ABSTRACT This chapter examines discourses and social practices at individual, community, and institutional levels related to non-majority Vietnamese ethnic girls’ access to and participation in secondary school. This critical analysis utilizes Sen’s framework of capabilities to illustrate differences in discourse and social practice that exist around poverty, and the ways in which gendered relations and ethnic traditions are intertwined with the discourse and practices of poverty to affect girls’ choices and well-being in and through secondary education. We particularly draw on girls’ and their parents’ constructions of these issues as they negotiate and are affected by them. We argue that strategies must move beyond the discourse that Gender, Equality and Education from International and Comparative Perspectives International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 10, 145–183 Copyright r 2009 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2009)0000010008

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ethnic traditions and gendered relations are barriers to girls’ education to consider the inequalities and lack of capabilities that perpetuate poverty and unequal gendered relations for non-majority ethnic groups in societies.

INTRODUCTION Recent studies examining gender parity that disaggregate the data by other variables show that out-of-school girls are disproportionately members of excluded groups (Lewis & Lockheed, 2006), often including non-majority ethnic groups in many countries. Out-of-school girls tend to live in rural areas and come from low-income families (Filmer, 2000; Lewis & Lockheed, 2006; Wils, Carrol, & Barrow, 2005). Even in areas of the world usually characterized by gender parity at various levels of schooling, gender disparities become obvious when analyses are made that include ethnicity and high levels of poverty (Stromquist, 2001). In Vietnam, while primary and secondary enrollment rates approximate parity, these rates mask the disparities existing within certain ethnic groups. These findings suggest that indicators of gender parity need to be further problematized and examined before gender equality can be fully realized. Gender equality needs to be considered in combination with other issues, such as poverty and ethnic discrimination that affect overall equality in society. Stromquist (2006) argues that achieving gender equality requires equal opportunity and participation in the public sphere, as well as attention to gender differences within the private sphere, which go beyond the impacts of parity in education. Although combinations of these three characteristics – gender, non-majority ethnicity, and poverty – have been shown to affect girls’ access, participation, and achievement in schools, few studies have qualitatively examined how the nexus of these characteristics affects girls’ schooling opportunities at the secondary level, and, in turn, equality of capabilities (Sen, 1999). In the past decade, secondary education has received increased attention among governments, donor agencies, and researchers (e.g., World Bank, 2005). There is growing concern about the causes related to low transition rates from primary to secondary education, especially among girls. Opportunities for further schooling, future employment, and a family’s household income are all factors affecting participation in secondary school. No country has ever achieved universal primary enrollment without a secondary enrollment of 45 percent (Clemens, 2004), suggesting that the

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opportunity to go on to secondary school affects retention through primary school. Recent studies (e.g., Tikal, 2007) have found a significant and previously overlooked relationship between secondary education, economic development and poverty reduction, where both economic development and poverty reduction strategies are important for young people’s participation in secondary school. At the secondary level in particular, poverty is a major decisive factor in educational participation, often disadvantaging girls (UNICEF, 2008). In his analysis of education across sub-Saharan Africa, Lewin (2005) argues that wealth is generally the most important determinant of enrollment in secondary school. ‘‘Participation at secondary level,’’ he notes, ‘‘is widely rationed by price’’ (p. 412). Among the poorest 40% of the population, the ratio of boys to girls is nearly four to one for Grade 9 participation, whereas gender is least important in explaining differences in enrollment in the top 20% (p. 19). This chapter is a critical analysis of discourse and social practices related to gender, ethnic traditions, and poverty among non-majority girls and their families in Vietnam. We attempt to illustrate in this analysis how majority and non-majority groups within Vietnamese society construct discourses and value social practices differently, and how these different constructions and values of ethnic traditions, gender, and poverty may, at times, have contradictory impacts on girls’ choices and capabilities in and through education. We also aim to illustrate how non-majority ethnic girls and their families negotiate these multiple factors affecting their capabilities. Throughout this analysis, we argue that approaches that address gender, poverty, or cultural traditions as instrumental barriers may not effectively respond to the interwoven dimensions and complex realities these girls face (Sutton, 2001). Rather we suggest approaches are needed to create capabilities for well-being, especially educational opportunities that relate to the multidimensionality of girls’ lives (Sen, 1999).

EDUCATION AND NON-MAJORITY ETHNIC GIRLS IN VIETNAM: THE PRESENT SITUATION Vietnam, the second most populous country in Southeast Asia, has 54 different ethnic groups. The Kinh ethnic group comprises the majority of the population, 53 non-Kinh ethnic groups make up 14% of the population (1999 Census; Kosonen, 2004, p. 6). Many of these non-Kinh ethnic groups live in remote and mountainous areas of Vietnam (Baulch, Chuyen,

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Haughton, & Haughton, 2004). These regions are geographically disadvantaged in term of access to and opportunities for profitable agriculture, resulting in subsistence farming as a primary means of living. A low level of education, malnutrition, and poverty are prevalent for many of the nonmajority ethnic groups (Kosonen, 2004; UNDP, 2002). Educational attainment is high overall in Vietnam. National education indicators suggest a high primary enrollment, with little disparity between educational attainment for boys and girls. However, these national statistics mask variations in enrollment and completion for the different ethnic groups, and for boys and girls within ethnic groups, in different regions. Primary school gender gaps appear in the poorest households (5.3%), in the Central Highlands (9.8%), and among the Chinese (6.4%) and other ethnic groups (4.6%) (based on data from 1999 for which ethnic group data are available). The primary enrollment rate is below 70% for the Ba-Na, Gia-Rai, and Xo-Dang ethnic groups in the Central Highlands and the Hmong in the Northern Mountainous areas (Baulch et al., 2004). Secondary enrollment rates are considerably lower than primary enrollment rates overall (see Table 1), and are less than 20% for most non-majority ethnic groups (e.g., the Gia-Rai, Ba-Na, Xo-Dang, Hmong, and Dao) (UNICEF, 2004, 2005). Data disaggregated by non-majority ethnic groups show greater gaps between minority and majority students, as well as between minority girls and boys (Table 2). Nearly 65% of Kinh majority are enrolled in secondary education (lower and upper), whereas only 4.5% of Hmong, 9% of Ba-Na, and less than 15% of Xo-Dang and Dao children are enrolled (see Table 2, Baulch, et al., 2004). The Kinh ethnic majority has an enrollment rate of 32% in upper secondary schools, but a 2002 study (Hirosato et al., 2002) showed that only 8% of all other ethnic groups were enrolled at that level. The gender gap for non-majority ethnic groups overall is 13.4%, with even larger gaps in the ethnic groups stated earlier. In rural areas, the gender gap averages 7.4%, and among the poorest households it is 12.4% (Desai, 2001). Table 1.

Primary and Secondary Enrollment Ratios (%). Primary

Gross enrollment rates Net enrollment rates

Secondary

Overall

Boys

Girls

Overall

Boys

Girls

93 87

96

90

75 69

76 70

74 68

Note: UNESCO, UIS 2005 Data.

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Table 2.

Primary and Secondary Enrollment Ratios (%) by 12 Different Ethnicities.

Ethnic Groups

Primary Level

Secondary Level

Gross

Net

113.6 122.6 114.5

93.4 93.7 76.3

93.5 94.5 77.3

93.4 92.9 75.3

80.6 71.0 35.9

64.8 51.7 22.5

65.5 50.4 23.8

64.0 53.1 21.2

Central highlands Gia-Rai 126.3 Ba-Na 108.9 Xo-Dang 139.3

66.4 57.8 62.2

67.6 55.0 64.7

65.1 60.4 59.3

37.1 20.0 35.2

14.9 8.9 10.1

15.2 9.0 12.7

14.5 8.9 7.1

Northern uplands Tay 135.4 Thai 135.5 Muong 133.4 Nung 136.6 Hmong 80.5 Dao 126.4

94.7 83.9 94.5 89.3 41.5 71.4

94.9 87.2 94.9 89.7 51.5 73.7

94.4 80.5 94.0 88.9 31.5 68.8

77.0 55.2 76.7 61.8 9.8 20.3

51.0 32.1 52.3 39.2 4.5 11.8

47.1 33.6 50.8 37.0 7.5 11.9

55.2 30.5 53.9 41.6 1.6 11.8

Kinh Hoa Khmer

Net (boys) Net (girls) Gross

Net

Net (boys) Net (girls)

Source: Data from Baulch, Chuyen, Haughton, and Haughton (2004). Based on 3% enumeration sample of 1999 Census.

POVERTY, ETHNIC GROUPS, AND WOMEN IN VIETNAM Vietnam has taken concerted effort to address real poverty among its population. In addition to sustained economic growth, Vietnam’s national policies have targeted extremely impoverished communities and individuals to address food poverty, health care and access to infrastructure, sanitation, electricity, and schools. The poverty rate1 nationally has declined from 58% in 1993 to 19.5% in 2004 (Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences, 2006, p. 12). Although these rates indicate considerable progress, the reduction of poverty varies greatly by region and among ethnic groups. The Kinh and Chinese (Hoa) ethnic groups experienced the greatest reduction in poverty during this time period, from 54% to 14%, whereas the remaining 53 ethnic groups’ poverty rate declined from 86% to 61% (Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences, 2006, p. 25). The rate of reduction is much slower, which results in an increase in the absolute difference in poverty rate between the Kinh-Hoa and other ethnic groups.

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Women and girls, and particularly female-headed households in rural areas, are vulnerable to poverty, in part because of limited access to land or the labor force (Centre for International Economics, 2002). The gender wage gap is also greater in agriculture, where many ethnic groups earn their living. Women earn 62% of men, and women earn only 40% of total wages (p. 19). There are many causes of poverty among women and particularly those of non-majority ethnic groups (Centre for International Economics, 2002; Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences, 2006), including less access to land, water, markets, and health care, and lower educational levels and participation. One of the causes of poverty for non-majority ethnic groups in contrast to the Kinh majority is a low return on education; however, they compensate by generating a higher return on land and labor (Van de Walle & Gunewardena, 2000). This means that the actual value of education is low, and, in turn, labor becomes more valuable, often leading young girls and boys to leave school. This also suggests that other barriers exist within the society, such as job discrimination, that prohibit nonmajority ethnic groups from utilizing their education to a full capacity for their well-being.

ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK In analyzing discourse and social practices that affect girls’ lives in their pursuit of secondary education, this chapter draws on the theoretical concepts of social construction and agency. We are interested in understanding how girls and their families, in comparison to and contrast with community leaders, educators, and policy makers, construct these interwoven dimensions of their lives, and the agency they exert, or not, in developing their capabilities. We define discourse, drawing on Foucault’s (1972) work, as systems of thoughts composed of ideas, attitudes, principles, rules, and inner logics that construct individuals and their worlds. Discourse, in this analysis, goes beyond the systems of thought that guide institutions and groups in power, including governments; we also examine discourse as the systems of thought that guide individuals, particularly from specific ethnic groups. Social practices are the courses of action and practices, including government and organizational policies and community traditions, which are created in relation to these systems of thought. Among government, international organizations and communities, and within communities and ethnic groups, power exists more so for some groups and individuals than others in creating a discourse of ‘‘truth’’ and social


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practices. For example, within some ethnic communities, the local leader has greater power than children. We aim to illustrate in this analysis where institutional discourse may be more powerful than community discourse, while also showing where communities, and especially girls, use agency in the discourse and social practices. In essence, we illustrate how macro-level discourses affect local sites, and how local sites construct and react to these discourses. In examining poverty, ethnic traditions and gender as socially constructed discourse and social practices, we also acknowledge, drawing from Sen, that variations in material conditions and social opportunities exist and shape these constructions. We utilize Sen’s (1992, 1999) capability approach to understand how girls and their families choose and value different capabilities, and, thus, how they exert agency toward their well-being. We draw on the scholarship of gender relations that suggests gender is socially constructed in combination with ethnicity and social class (Hill Collins, 1990; Subrahmanian, 2002), and we draw on Vavrus’ critical analysis of ethnic traditions and gender as socially constructed by competing discourses. This critique analyzes the dominant discourses among international organizations and governments that suggest cultural traditions are impediments to ethnic groups’ and girls’ participation in education. By analyzing the interconnections among poverty, ethnic traditions, and gender relations, we illustrate that the discourses and social practices at the individual, community and societal level are often conflicting, and may be used to perpetuate, challenge or interrupt the lack of choices and capabilities girls have. At times, the discourse and social practices (e.g., girls are harder workers, and therefore they should work more) act to inhibit the capabilities of girls; other discourse and social practices illustrate how girls and their families make sense of, value, and exert agency over the lack of physical and social capabilities, their ethnic identity, and their gendered relations. Sen’s (1992, 1999) framework of poverty as capability deprivation, and Walker and Unterhalter’s (2007) application of Sen’s capability framework to education is useful to understand how individuals and communities have different possibilities to choose well-being in and through education. Poverty as capability deprivation2 is broader than an income or an instrumental approach to poverty, which measures poverty by access to goods, resources, or real income. Capability deprivation is a lack of freedom to pursue well-being. Sen (1992) argues in his explanation of inequality in societies that equality of ‘‘what’’ matters. Equality is more than the access to primary goods and material conditions to function in life; it is a set of capabilities with which one can choose to pursue well-being, and to convert

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material conditions into well-being. Sen (1992, 1999) suggests that the relationship between low income (instrumental poverty) and low capability is variable between different communities, families, and individuals, depending on other conditions and factors, such as age, gender, social roles, and locations. For example, capabilities vary based on gender when income is distributed unequally to boys in a family (Sen, 1999, p. 88, 89). The capabilities and the conditions affecting non-majority ethnic girls’ wellbeing related to schooling are constructed and valued differently depending on social, economic, cultural, and political factors. Sen’s capability framework is not without criticism; in particular, it does not address specific capabilities for gender equality or racial or ethnic equality. Nevertheless, it provides a useful framework through which to broaden the understanding of poverty as it relates to gender and ethnic inequalities.3 Gender relations and ethnic traditions, as Sen suggests earlier, are interwoven in the capability to choose one’s well-being. Gender relations and roles are socially constructed in society by the discourses and practices of the state, the economy, and other macro- (e.g., global economic trade) and micro-processes (e.g., individual and community preservation of cultural identity) (Stromquist, 2006; Subrahmanian, 2002). As fluid and socially constructed, gender relations are intertwined with economic status, or poverty, and ethnicity, or ethnic traditions. An analysis of the relationship among gender, ethnicity, and social status can help illustrate multiple oppressions affecting non-majority women and girls (Hill Collins, 1990). At the same time, Hill Collins argues that women and girls of lower social status or non-majority groups develop agency to counter oppression. Their discourse and social practices may at times reveal resistance or a sense of agency in opposition to dominant discourses. In the international development discourse, particularly around girls’ education, oppression is described instrumentally as ‘‘barriers.’’ In this analysis, we illustrate how gender relations are constructed in relationship to ethnic identity and tradition together with poverty. We critically analyze differing constructions of gender relations and how they may limit girls’ capabilities; and how girls’ discourse and social practices reflect possible capabilities for well-being. Less common in the development literature on gender and girls’ education is the attention to ethnic identity and tradition as social constructions, and a critical analysis of the discourses and social practices that articulate ethnic traditions (see Vavrus, 2002). The social construction of ethnic cultural traditions, Vavrus illustrates, can be critically analyzed through the lens of


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international organizations’, governments,’ and local communities’ discourses and practices. Ethnic identities and traditions, similar to gender relations, are socially constructed with their meanings and practices changing over time in relation to broader political, economic, and cultural struggles (Vavrus, 2002, p. 369). Vavrus points out that international development discourse often articulates the concept of tradition to describe ethnic or cultural impediments for non-majority ethnic groups’ participation in schooling, rather than understanding how these traditions, as historically and socially constructed, may also be challenges to colonial or majority group imposed schooling. In other words, these dominant discourses about ethnic traditions and groups can perpetuate ethnocentrism in policy and practices, and they fail to account for the complex and dynamic nature of culture and cultural change. In our analysis, we examine how the discourse of ethnic traditions has been used in national policies and in the public arena to articulate ethnic groups as ‘‘backward’’ or ‘‘not progressive’’ (la c ha^ u), and to describe gendered roles _ _ and experiences in these ethnic groups. The discourse of ‘‘backwardness’’ has become prevalent in the Doi Moi reform, in which economic and social reforms are aimed at Vietnam’s development to compete in the international economy. ‘‘Backward traditions’’ have been used to refer to modes of cultivation and farming among ethnic groups, the marriage of young boys and girls, and the cultural rituals and traditions of these ethnic families and children (UNHCR, 2002). We compare and contrast discourse at the government and international levels to discourse related to ethnic traditions at the community and individual levels, and we examine how these discourses impact social practices of non-majority ethnic girls. In taking this approach of analyzing the discourses and social practices related to poverty, ethnic traditions and gender relations at the government, community, and individual levels, we attempt to move the dialog and practice beyond two often competing camps in gender and development work, the economic and the cultural arguments (Zhang, Kao, & Hannum, 2007); or the anti-poverty and economic efficiency approaches on the one hand, and the gender subordination approach on the other (Moser, 1993). Rather, our analysis suggests that gender, ethnic traditions, and poverty are constructed and negotiated as interacting forces in the well-being of nonmajority ethnic girls’ lives in Vietnam. Further, we argue for approaches to move beyond instrumental interventions and explanations, for approaches that account for girls’ and their families’ agency to change these issues in their lives.

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METHODOLOGY AND METHODS Sutton (2001) suggests that too often policy research on girls’ education takes an instrumental approach, confined to technical ‘‘barriers’’ and ‘‘solutions’’. Less research takes a deeply interpretative or critical approach that is able to ‘‘capture the complexities of local practice and institutions and their relevance to policy formation’’ (p. 95). This study takes a critical analytical approach aimed at understanding how local people – and especially girls – construct the issues affecting their lives. In particular, we seek to understand their discourse and social practices related to poverty, gender relations, and ethnic cultural traditions. In their book, Working Method, Weis and Fine (2004) put forth an approach in which the analysis of ethnic groups is not represented as isolated and bounded; rather a critical analysis must attempt to make visible the relations within and among groups and larger sociopolitical phenomena (p. xvii). Three principles guide this analytic approach. First, this critical analysis aims to understand the lives of people within contextual understandings of economic, ethnic, and gender relations. In this study, we specifically aim to understand the social and economic conditions of poverty and gender as they relate to girls from different ethnic groups, and the constructions of ethnic relations and traditions in the wider social and economic environment of Vietnam. A second principle is that categories of social identity are real but fluid as they affect people’s lives. For example, ethnic identity, social class, and gender are real categories, not to be essentialized, but to be understood in terms of how these participants, especially the girls who are not continuing on to secondary school, make sense of and enact their gender, ethnic identity, and social identity. Third, in understanding these social identity categories, variations of meaning are sought, and outliers are represented. Secondary age out-of-school nonmajority ethnic girls represent outliers in that most research and policy discourse and practice do not attend to this population. At the same time, out-of-school secondary-age girls are a majority in contrast to those who are in school, in these communities in Vietnam. Throughout the analysis section, we illustrate differences among the ethnic groups, as well as contrasts among government, community, families’ and girls’ discourses and practices. The primary researchers in this study were Vietnamese nationals (mainly Kinh majority researchers4) from the Research Center for Ethnic Minority Education (RCEME) in the Ministry of Education and Training. The RCEME researchers worked with non-majority ethnic group educators from the communities to carry out the research. We, as U.S. based


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researchers, worked collaboratively with the researchers to design, collect, and analyze data from the study. The research and analysis were conducted over a 2-year period. Visits to schools and villages in each ethnic community were generally 2 weeks in length with a team of 5 or 6 researchers. The participants included primary and secondary school age girls and boys, their parents, community leaders, village heads, school personnel, district education officials, and provincial and district People’s Committee members. The children, parents, and community leaders are from four different ethnic groups, residing in four geographically distributed and economically disadvantaged districts in Vietnam (SCEMMAA, 2005): the Hmong (Bac Ha district, Lao Cai province), Gia-Rai (Chu Pah district, Gia Lai Province), Ba-Na (Mang Yang, Gia Lai province), and Khmer (Cau Ngang district, Tra Vinh province). Participants and the communities were selected based on purposive sampling. The communes and villages within the district were selected based on two criteria: the largest gender gap in lower secondary school enrollment and the greatest number of out-of-school girls. Out-of-school girls and boys were identified from school and community lists. In some small villages, all secondary school age (11–14) girls who were out-of-school were identified and interviewed; in other villages, girls were randomly selected from the list of out-of-school children. The selection of participants from the community, school, and district and provincial levels reflected nearly equal representation of males and females. The participants were chosen based on their responsibilities for education and commune development. Researchers interviewed individually 111 outof-school girls and boys; conducted 104 focus groups with approximately 700 parents, teachers, and community and education officials; and conducted 51 classroom observations.

BACKGROUND ON KHMER, HMONG, GIA-RAI AND BA-NA ETHNIC GROUPS Participants from four ethnic groups, living in three regions of Vietnam, participated in this study: the Khmer (Tra Vinh), the Hmong (Lao Cai), the Ba-Na, and the Gia-Rai (Gia Lai) (Fig. 1). In Tra Vinh, a coastal province in the Mekong Delta, the Khmer include 30% of the population among the Kinh and Chinese majority. The Khmer are one of the largest ethnic groups in Vietnam, with a population of more than one million, and they are concentrated in southern Vietnam. Tra Vinh

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Fig. 1.

Map of Vietnam and Three Provinces Included in the Study.

has one provincial town and seven districts. Two communes in Cau Ngang district were included in this study. Nearly 30% of the households in one commune and 50% in another are classified as extremely poor, and the majority of these are Khmer (SCEMMAA, 2005). The main income production is from agriculture, despite being a coastal province. Villages around these commune centers are closer than in the other communes in this study, with the furthest village being 7 km from the commune center, where the lower secondary school is located. The delta region with many flooded rivers in the rainy season makes transportation difficult, even with short distances. In each of the primary and secondary schools, there are Khmer teachers, although fewer female teachers than males in all schools. The enrollment rate is generally higher among the Khmer than the other ethnic groups in this study, nevertheless, the girls’ enrollment rate drops off faster than boys’ enrollment rate, particularly in the lower secondary grades.


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Lao Cai province is in northeast and northwest Vietnam, on the border with China. It is approximately 300 km away from Ha Noi, and is mountainous with different altitude levels. There is one provincial city, and eight districts. The population of Lao Cai is more than a half million, and includes 25 different ethnic groups, which comprise 70% of the population. The largest group is Hmong, with a population of nearly 1 million spread across several provinces. Agriculture and forestry contribute 78% of the income in this province. In this province, the two Lao Cai communes included in this research study were located in Bac Ha district and are extremely disadvantaged as measured by the government’s criteria (SCEMMAA). Hmong ethnic groups compose the majority of the population. One of the communes had 10% poor households; the other had 50% (SCEMMAA, 2005). In some cases, villages in these communities may be up to 30 km from the commune center and without passable roads, where the main primary and secondary school are located. In the commune with more poor households, the enrollment rate of girls to boys is less than half at every grade level, and decreases in the upper grades. In Grade 5, the enrollment rate of Hmong boys is 3.3 times that of the Hmong girls, and in Grade 9, this ratio is 5.2 times. In the second commune, which is closer to the district center, gender parity occurs in the lower grades, but in the upper grades a disparity of 2.5 times exists between boys and girls (Bac Ha District Education Office). The Gia-Rai, whose total population is approximately 300,000 comprise 30% of the population of Gia Lai province in the Central Highlands, a mountainous region. Gia-Rai participants resided in Chupah district in the north. Although export crops are produced in this province, the Gia-Rai and Ba-Na ethnic groups primarily do small scale, subsistence farming or cultivation of forest plants. In the communes included in this study, 30% of the households are extremely poor. The communes are located approximately 20 km away from the district town. In one of the communes, a pilot bilingual project is being implemented, and there are several Gia-Rai teachers. In both of these communes, girls are consistently enrolled at a lower rate than boys, starting in Grade 1, and a lower rate remains through Grade 8, though a decrease in enrollment occurs for both boys and girls starting in Grade 6. In one of the communes at the time of the study, boys averaged 40–60% enrollment rate, whereas girls averaged 10–20% (Chupah District Education Office). The Ba-Na ethnic group also resides in Gia Lai province, comprising 12% of the population with approximately 150,000 people. Participants in this study came from Mang Yang district, approximately 40 km from the main

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provincial city. The two communes involved in this study were nearly 100% Ba-Na people, with poor households making up more than 70% of the population of these communes (SCEMMAA, 2005). The villages in the communes lie up to 25 km away from the commune center without passable roads. There was only one teacher of Ba-Na ethnicity in these schools, though non-Ba-Na primary teachers could speak the language to some extent. No secondary teachers could speak Ba-Na, which is not a written language. The enrollment rate of school age children in these two communes is approximately 1:3 and 1:4. Gender parity exists in both of these communes in the primary grades, with girls having a slightly higher enrollment rate than boys in one of them, in part due to over-aged attendance. However, in Grades 6–8, girls’ enrollment rate drops considerably compared to boys, with less than 10% in one commune and approximately 20% enrollment rate of girls (80% for boys) in the other lower secondary school (Mang Yang District Education Office).

FINDINGS Utilizing Sen’s framework of capabilities for well-being, we organize the analysis of the discourse and social practices using these terms. Within the capabilities framework, we analyze how different groups in society construct and value ethnic traditions and gender relations. We extend Sen’s framework, and the list of capabilities that Walker (2007) and others have developed for education, by suggesting that these girls and their families also construct a discourse and try to negotiate capabilities related to a lack of cultural choice, particularly that of a mismatch in the language of teaching and learning and culturally appropriate and relevant content. Although Walker’s capability list includes the broad concept of respect and recognition of one’s race, religion, or ethnicity, our analysis proposes more specific capabilities for the freedom to choose well-being within one’s ethnic identity and traditions. These cultural capabilities are particularly relevant in societies where non-majority ethnicities have not been valued or respected.

PHYSICAL CAPABILITIES When girls, their parents, and community members utilize the discourse of poverty they articulate different meanings, values and choices within these


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ethnic communities. One of the meanings of poverty across all four groups was a lack of physical capabilities, which includes hunger, poor health, and poor family welfare. The discourses and social practices of hunger and poor family welfare are manifested differently in these four ethnic communities. For Hmong girls, hunger was not having enough rice, or other food, to eat. Most Hmong families have plots of land where they grow primarily maize, and if possible, rice. Some may also have water buffalo and chickens. A lack of sufficient rice and other food is further complicated by the need for children to board at the lower secondary school because their homes and villages were often 15–25 km away from the school. As boarders, they must bring rice or money to pay for food, neither of which the poorest families have. Families’ and girls’ discourse suggests their inability to attend boarding schools because they do not have sufficient rice to eat. A lack of rice is a symbol of poverty for these families in Vietnam, and in the mountainous region where these Hmong families live, it is a difficult and expensive crop to grow. Household decision-making within the Hmong family, based in gendered relations and in consideration of long-term prospects for their children, first allocates food to the boys, leaving the girls with either little food or only maize, which has a different nutritional value and is regarded as lesser valued in comparison to rice. A father of a Hmong girl exemplifies these conditions, ‘‘If the girls stay home or study close by the house, they can eat men men (a finely ground maize dish) with the parents. But if they go to school, they need to bring rice. But we do not have rice, and neither do we have money.’’ The lack of rice and the value given it by society and schools, creates a discourse of poverty among these families, which is enacted in practices that exclude girls from school. The government policy discourse, and the discourse among Kinh majority people, is that the Hmong practice traditional and ‘‘backward’’ agricultural practices (UNHCR, 2002), often slash and burn techniques, and that this form of agriculture is a cause of hunger and poverty. This discourse suggests that the Hmong do not grow rice because of these backward farming practices, and, in turn, they do not contribute to the well-being of their families or the development of society. In contrast, Hmong families and girls suggest that traditional forms of farming mean they farm in a manner they know and through which they are able to survive. Hmong farmers ask for additional knowledge and support to farm better, and they expect that their children would learn better agricultural techniques in school. As one Hmong father said, ‘‘I want my daughter to learn how to raise cows, goats and pigs’’ – animals that are not currently being raised in villages, but might be sold in

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the market. In addition, they recognize the need to access markets, and the need for equipment and technical skills. Thus, Hmong families value instrumental goods (e.g., equipment and markets) for economic development; however, beyond instrumental needs, they lack choice in different opportunities for a healthy life. Their choices have been limited by a discourse that regards their way of life as backward with practices that try to change their culture, rather than giving them choices. They are also limited by institutional practices (e.g., those of schools) that value rice as a necessary food, and by the physical environment and social development that limits choices for food and productivity. In contrast to the Hmong girls, Ba-Na and Gia-Rai girls experience hunger that is often chronic and severe, due to a lack of availability of any food. Ba-Na and Gia-Rai girls said they often had no food before going to school, although they might have something later in the day. Access to food and cultivating crops is different for these ethnic groups than for the Hmong, in part due to the diverse geographical regions in which they live. The Ba-Na in Gia Lai Province, the Central Highlands region, live in remote areas close to forests and mountains, and are cut off from the province’s mainstream economic activities and the pervasively cultivated industrial crops such as coffee, black pepper, and cashew nuts. This means these ethnic families have little land to grow food and do not have the economic resources or availability of markets to buy food. As one Ba-Na girl explained, ‘‘I had nothing to eat in the morning. At noon there is lunch, but not enough. We eat cassava leaves for vegetables, and for dinner, we eat rice mixed with cassava.’’ Many Gia-Rai families obtain their food from forest plants. Gia-Rai girls said they were often hungry, and their families did not have enough food on a daily basis. A Gia-Rai girl explained, ‘‘We eat mi leaves (a food from the forest) . . . we have no money to buy meat or fish. We eat no breakfast, only lunch and dinner.’’ A lack of food for these girls and families is caused, in part, by a lack of land on which to grow food. The lack of cultivable land between Ba-Na and Gia-Rai families reflects a contested situation in the Central Highlands. Land ownership recently became an option for many of these families; however, other ethnic groups’ in-migration to this region has caused considerable conflict over rights to land (UNDP, 2002). Until recently, the land rights law acknowledged men as head of household and the rightful owners of land, and women in these matrilineal societies were disadvantaged. As a result of in-migration and lack of female registration for ownership, many families from these ethnic groups have moved further away from cultivable land to live in the forest


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(UNHCR, 2002). In addition to not having an equal opportunity to own or farm land, many Ba-Na and Gia-Rai families lack the knowledge and skills to take advantage of the new land ownership law, what Sen (1999) calls a deprivation of information to make decisions and the freedom to have choices. Nearly 80% of land use certificates in rural areas are still registered to the male head of household (ADB, 2002, p. 14), suggesting that Ba-Na and Gia-Rai female heads of household are not equally registering for land ownership. Government discourse reflected in land and anti-poverty policies suggests that these ethnic groups are choosing ‘‘traditional’’ farming (foraging) practices even though the policy allows for them to farm in more productive ways. The discourse of ‘‘traditional’’ farming is then used to suggest ethnic groups’ practices inhibit ‘‘progress’’ and are perpetuating hunger and poverty. The discourse masks a deeper analysis of the underlying causes of why harvesting of forest products continues among these ethnic groups. The tenuous political situation in this region prevents many Ba-Na or Gia-Rai families from outwardly challenging the government discourse, though families did suggest that they were being pushed from their land. Khmer families are affected by hunger because there is a lack of arable farming land in the overpopulated region of the Mekong Delta, and thus they tend to work on other landowners’ farms, or they work in the city. A Khmer girl from Nhi Truong commune, Tra Vinh Province, said she and her siblings did not have enough food at home, and were dependent on their parents, who worked far away in Long Khanh. ‘‘The family does not have enough food. Sometimes I do not eat for two to three days,’’ she said. Khmer families in these communities are dependent on the harvest of crops from other landowners, at which time they can bring food to their families, or on having a family member work so that they can buy the needed food. Khmer families, similar to the Ba-Na and Gia-Rai families, lack the capability to grow food, although the reasons for not owning land are different in these two regions. In contrast, the Hmong families have land and can grow food, but the amount is not sufficient, neither is it the kind of food (i.e., rice) required to board at school. Further, they do not have access to markets, similar to the Ba-Na and Gia-Rai, to sell their crops or buy other foods. In all of these cases, the national policy discourse regards farming practices associated with non-majority ethnic groups as traditional and backward, yet these families and communities are affected by poor economic development (local economy and markets, infrastructure of roads, etc.), a lack of technical knowledge about more productive farming practices, and adverse policy effects, such as land ownership rights. Hmong

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farmers discuss the need for development of roads and markets, as well as the need for further skill development. Khmer families suggest the need for land and local enterprises where they could work. Pro-poor policies are aimed at addressing these needs; however, Baulch et al. (2004) conclude that the program to improve the economic development of the poorest communities has not been successful in targeting these communes. Rather, the wealthiest communes in poor districts have received the most assistance, thus leading to divergent development. Improved access to arable land, to productive farming skills, or to markets may provide some of the instrumental goods (Sen, 1992, 1999) to alleviate poverty; but the provision of these instrumental goods, while necessary, will not be sufficient to alleviate poverty. Sen argues that it is not the income or the products generated by having access to markets or skills, rather it is the importance of the freedom to exchange, to seek better lives through transactions (p. 112). By not having the freedom or the capability to choose land ownership or crops to grow, these families, and their girls, are forced into hunger. Creating conditions that allow these families choice in how to effectively utilize these goods (land, food, markets) for real opportunities would provide greater capabilities to improve their well-being (Sen, 1992, 1999). Hunger is closely related to another physical capability – poor health, particularly for the Gia-Rai families and girls. The discourse of Gia-Rai girls and their mothers is that they are often too sick to attend school or to remain in school. Illnesses include stomachaches, gastric pains, headaches, and flu. One reason so many Gia-Rai women and girls have poor health may be connected to heavy workloads and nutritional deficiencies caused by the main vegetable in the Gia-Rai diet. Women and girls reported they eat la mi, a type of leaf that contains toxins that can cause gastric pains. Gia-Rai mothers appeared to be thin and pale, regardless of age. Few Gia-Rai families have money for medicine and treatment of any illness. The government discourse, reflected in anti-poverty policies and initiatives, is that health care is available in each community and additional financial support is given to poor families through the provision of a health care card that provides fee reductions. However, social practices of Gia-Rai families, who migrate often to find work, inhibit them from accessing health care. The government prohibits registration in another district when families migrate, thus inhibiting many Gia-Rai and some Khmer families from having a health card and access to health care (World Bank, n.d.). In addition, many poor families are not using health care services considerably


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more even if they have a health care card, in part because the fee reduction is negligible (World Bank, n.d.). The lack of family well-being, not only the hunger or health of individuals, but the overall well-being of the family unit, further compounds their lack of capabilities, and has differential impacts on the girl child. A Gia-Rai girl reflected the tension between family well-being and school: ‘‘My dad asked me to go to school, but I didn’t want to because there is no one to work in the house, as my mother died early.’’ The social practice of girls staying home rather than boys to care for ill family members or to support the family wellbeing reflects gendered relations. As one Hmong mother suggested, girls are better able to care and assist at home. A Gia-Rai father described how illness affects his family and particularly the girls. ‘‘Many families are in the same situation,’’ he stated. ‘‘I have four children attending school. It is very difficult to afford clothes and school fees . . . and a mother who is always sick, and it is very difficult to work. Many girls have sick family members,’’ he continued. ‘‘They are needed to help out at home.’’ This social expectation that girls provide care to family members supports the physical well-being of families and to some extent girls themselves, while also perpetuating gender inequalities that deprive girls of freedom to choose long-term well-being. Some girls try to renegotiate the demands for family well-being and their possibilities to choose well-being. For example, Ba-Na girls were seen regularly taking a younger sibling to school, which allowed for the sibling to be cared for and the girl to attend school. There are negative consequences of this care, which we discuss below with regard to girls’ work; however, alternatives for supporting individual and family well-being are sometimes sought. Care for family well-being is related to the need for household and farm labor, and paid employment, discussed in the next section. Addressing physical deprivation, such as hunger, poor health and wellbeing with instrumental approaches to poverty, such as income generation, food programs, or stipends may address some short-term needs, but they may not adequately address underlying causes that prohibit freedom to choose well-being. For these four different ethnic communities, overt and covert discrimination is one factor that deprives these ethnic groups of the freedom to choose physical capabilities for their well-being. Even laws that grant land rights or health care, when examined in relation to gender and ethnicity, still reveal discrimination in the social practices. The public discourse, in the poverty reduction plans and socio-economic development programs for ethnic minorities, aims to create equality; however, ineffective implementation and practices elude the possibilities of that equality.

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ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CAPABILITIES Families’ instrumental poverty, in terms of household income and consumption, and the physical deprivations discussed earlier, lead to a need for household, farm, and paid labor. Studies on child labor in Vietnam have found that the working hours of primary pupils from the poorest quintile are double those of pupils from the richest one. Further, the working hours of female pupils are 20–50% longer than those of males from all quintiles and this rate is 100% more for female Hmong children (ADB, 2002). Although Chant (2007) suggests that Sen’s framework does not adequately account for work and time use, differences in girls’ and boys’ work and time use can result in limiting the current and future economic and social capabilities of young girls. Sen suggests that social opportunities and social roles affect women’s capabilities differently than men’s, and here we discuss work and related factors that affect the social opportunities and roles of young women. Work among children, particularly those at the secondary-school age, has been categorized as having two possible effects on young people’s capabilities: work that is productive and liberating, and work that is harmful and deprives young people of current and future capabilities (Population Council, 2000). Liberating work can be an important part of an adolescent’s maturation, as they apply skills learned in school and elsewhere, and as they develop autonomy and a sense of self-worth. Work that deprives young people of capabilities tends not to utilize new skills, does not promote autonomy and self-worth, and may be limiting one’s current and future capabilities, including schooling, a healthy life, and future employment. Most of the work performed by girls in these ethnic groups limited their social capabilities. However, some girls, and their parents, valued and articulated a need for liberating work that could utilize skills and enhance their self-worth, as well as the worth and capacity of their families. The need for labor to support economic and social capabilities of the children themselves and their families existed in all four ethnic groups. Girls and their families construct current work obligations as limiting their capabilities, through depriving them of schooling, while also providing for family economic and social well-being. The kind of work, extent, and the ways families’ and girls’ viewed work as depriving them of capabilities varied among the ethnic groups. Ba-Na parents are often away from the home working in fields or at wage labor jobs, and girls are expected to combine domestic chores such as fetching water and caring for younger siblings while attending school.


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Gendered relations in this matrilineal ethnic group give girls and women full responsibility as heads of household, thus requiring girls to perform the majority of work. This kind of work is generally not regarded by girls or other community members as promoting capabilities for well-being among girls themselves, albeit it supported the well-being of families and communities. Some of the work Ba-Na girls do supports the ethnic traditions of the community. Girls are expected from the age of eight to prepare for cultural ceremonies, such as weddings or funerals, which may require a week or two of work, keeping them out of school. However, Ba-Na girls create social practices that enable them to attend to their work duties while also allowing them to attend school. As stated earlier, girls often carry younger siblings to school with them, caring for them while they study. Although this practice perpetuates the imbalance in girls’ responsibilities for childcare or family welfare, it is also a negotiation for girls to find ways to continue their schooling. Few opportunities existed for Ba-Na girls to obtain paid work in their communities. An analysis of the Doi Moi economic reforms suggest that women in rural areas fare more poorly than men since the reform affects access to the labor market (Desai, 2001). Parents and community members’ discourse reflect the lack of economic and social opportunities. When few jobs exist in the labor market for women, girls and their families do not express much hope for these opportunities. Teachers and community leaders recounted examples of girls who stayed in school but who did not gain immediate rewards after school by acquiring a job. ‘‘An ethnic minority student who completed ninth grade could not find any job in the commune with her certification. She got discouraged, and then dropped out of school. To be farmers, they already know what they need to know by the fifth or ninth grade. Even with education, eventually the children would end up working in the field.’’ Another teacher noted that the lack of success for girls to find work in the labor market discouraged others from continuing their education. ‘‘Some older students completed twelfth grade and took the exam to continue to pre-university, yet at the end, they still returned to work in the field,’’ the teacher recalled. ‘‘The younger students said it is good to get more education, but after seeing the older students return to work in the fields, they did not want to study further.’’ In addition, some community members suggest that a lack of economic and social opportunities is multiplied when families are lower ‘‘status’’. A village head stated, ‘‘After graduation, they can only get a job if the family has money, status, or connections. But poor families like us probably only can stay home, so we can only send the children to school up to fifth grade to be literate.’’

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Although, the policy discourse promotes additional education (universal secondary education) as a means for economic and social development, families and communities, along with data on the labor market, suggest that this discourse is disconnected from the reality of few economic and social opportunities for these students. While some discourse in the international development literature and among educators suggests that girls and their parents in these communities may not have educational aspirations, it appears that it is not one of lower aspirations. Most girls and parents did aspire to work and to be educated. Rather, their assessment is one of the realities of the conditions and the hope they have for converting those aspirations of education and work into better well-being. Walker (2007), citing Hage (2001) states, ‘‘Hope . . . is about the sense of possibility that life can offer. Its enemy is a sense of entrapment not a sense of poverty’’ (p. 3). For the Khmer, instrumental poverty requires girls and boys to perform wage labor with their families, causing a lack of other educational and social choices and opportunities for well-being. The Khmer have relatively greater access to the formal economy and wage labor opportunities due to their geographic location. In the Mekong Delta where the Khmer live, a large industrial region has developed, requiring wage laborers to work in export industries. As one Khmer girl stated, ‘‘My family is so poor I have to work with my parents. My eldest sister already works in the city.’’ When a fifth grade Khmer girl in Truong Tho commune was asked if she would continue to sixth grade, she replied, ‘‘My parents said that after fifth grade, they will send me to the city to look after other people’s houses.’’ Her older sister was also working in the city. Initially, families and girls are drawn to the prospects of immediate income; they also report coming home when they can no longer find work. This type of work can perpetuate long-term capability deprivation. Migration to cities for work may reduce extreme poverty, but these families are also found to be highly vulnerable to returning to poverty (Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences, 2006). The social practice of migration to improve one’s economic opportunities also has cross impacts on families’ and children’s social opportunities. The government’s prohibition against issuing identity cards when these families move temporarily further reduces their opportunities to attend school. Many Khmer children reported not being able to complete a grade as they needed to provide identification to take final exams. The policies of residency identification disproportionately affect the poorest families who are mobile in seeking work. For some Khmer families and children, their practices of migrating suggest that working in the city provides opportunities for economic well-being, even while it does not provide other


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capabilities for well-being, such as education and health. Economic and social opportunities for well-being do not sufficiently exist in their communities. Hmong girls tend to work twice the amount of boys (ADB, 2002): caring for siblings, doing household chores, collecting wood and water, and caring for buffalo. This kind of work is necessary for family and community survival, it does not provide, however, sufficient opportunities for learning or using new skills or developing one’s self-worth. One of the dominant discourses that exist among Hmong parents and the community that perpetuate girls’ household and farm work is a lack of opportunities for Hmong women to work in paid labor in these communities. This discourse relates to the economic and social opportunities that do not exist for many Hmong families, and particularly women, similar to the Ba-Na and Gia-Rai. Unlike the Khmer in the Mekong Delta, Hmong young people, and particularly girls, tend not to migrate to the city, as large cities and industrial areas are much further away. Additionally, Hmong families are concerned about maintaining the autonomy and identity of Hmong people, and, thus, they do not encourage social assimilation into the majority Vietnamese society. Not only are Hmong people somewhat isolationist given a long history of forced migration (Chan, 1994), they also encounter discrimination by mainstream Vietnamese society and, as such, they are not often able to integrate without assimilation. For example, very few Hmong people have made it through the education system to become educators. In the district in which this research took place, there was one young Hmong man who had recently become a teacher. Hmong girls have even an even smaller chance than boys of obtaining work in the paid labor market. One area for developing and using new skills and in turn, creating economic and social opportunities, is the production of Hmong cultural goods for sale in nearby towns. For some parents and girls, weaving and sewing Hmong goods is a valuable form of labor; it earns money for the family and continues a cultural tradition within the community. As community members recounted, ‘‘If Hmong girls stay home, they can earn income by making textile bags for their fathers to sell for income.’’ Some young girls and fathers recounted the story of a few women in the community who now create Hmong cultural crafts and have earned an income as well as new social networks and opportunities in the community. This type of work represents possible economic and social opportunities for Hmong girls; it also suggests that Hmong girls’ freedom to choose economic and social opportunities remain limited. Parents and community members value opportunities that support ethnic cultural practices and economic

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development of the community over work that supports the economic development of the country, which might represent assimilation or a loss of identity for Hmong people. In contrast, when girls were asked what kind of work they wanted to do in their future, most said they aspire to be teachers or doctors. Some parents also saw this as valuable work, as these were the two main paid work opportunities in the communities. These two kinds of jobs may be regarded as valuable within these ethnic groups because girls remain in the communities, and they support the education and health of the ethnic communities. A second discourse among many Hmong parents and communities members is that girls’ work is valued when they are young because they can contribute to their family; once they are married, they become part of the husband’s family and they no longer contribute economically or socially to their own family. This discourse has developed through gendered relations – including patriarchal norms – within the Hmong community, and through practical economic and social needs within the community. The practice of early marriage is often regarded in the girls’ education and gender literature as a negative cultural practice, and in Vietnam, it is associated with ‘‘backwardness’’ among ethnic groups, particularly the Hmong and the Ba-Na. In this analysis, we illustrate how early marriage is also a social practice, in part related to economic deprivation and the need to work. As a social practice, it limits girls’ social opportunities, whereas some community members and parents also regard it as enhancing family and community welfare and short-term economic opportunities. For many of the Hmong girls in this study, marriage occurred at a young age (before 18), although the Vietnamese marriage law requires consent before the age of 18. A Hmong girl joins her husband’s family after marriage, and thus the value of her work from adolescence onward primarily benefits the husband’s family. Since this means that the costs of educating a Hmong girl will not result in economic returns for her birth family, many families decide that educating girls is not a cost-effective strategy for their immediate well-being or future livelihood. In addition to an economic rationale, this social practice is embedded in historical patterns and beliefs about gender relations between girls and boys, and thus represents not only parents’ attitudes, but also community traditions and institutions. As expressed in one community, some Hmong people believe ‘‘girls are daughters of other people, only boys should be allowed to go to school. Girls do not need to study much. Since they are others’ daughters, why should [we] invest much in them? Girls will get married and, after that, will work and stay in the husbands’ families.’’ Given the lack of alternative


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economic and social opportunities for girls in these communities, their household labor is not seen as valuable as a boy’s potential labor opportunities. Both the value of girls’ work, which diminishes over time – particularly after marriage when it benefits the husband’s family only, and the value of money, gifts or food gained through having a daughter married lead many families to limit girls’ educational opportunities as they seek value in more immediate economic opportunities. As a Hmong girl who had dropped out of school confided, ‘‘I did not want to marry, but my family is too poor and accepted their [the boy’s family] gifts.’’ The village head explained that the boy’s family had arranged for an early marriage mainly ‘‘to have more labor.’’ Most girls did not want to marry early and they wanted to continue in school. They resisted and yet they recognized it as a negotiation between the economic and social well-being of their families, and their own well-being. Practices of early marriage are often regarded as a result of patriarchal norms and gendered roles. However, in matrilineal ethnic groups, such as the Gia-Rai and Ba-Na, the traditions of early marriage and labor of girls are not substantively different from the patrilineal family structures and practices of the Hmong. Women, as heads of household, stay home to work and care for the family. Ba-Na and Gia-Rai girls also tended to marry early; the main difference being that girls chose their husbands. Community and cultural norms still expected them to marry in early adolescence. Once married, they took full responsibility for family well-being and household labor. While girls potentially have more choice of whom they marry in these communities, they still lack choice in their social and economic opportunities in the community. Chant (2007) refers to this as the ‘‘feminization of responsibility and/or obligation’’ rather than the feminization of poverty. Despite potentially more choices, whether in public spaces, such as the labor market, or in private spaces of the home, such as choosing one’s spouse, women have greater responsibilities and obligations that affect the conditions for well-being. Few choices exist in these ethnic communities, and even fewer choices exist for girls’ economic and social well-being. Girls are limited in their social well-being through demands for work that are often harmful, and not liberating. Opportunities for knowledge, skills, and liberating work for girls, as well as boys, could improve their economic and social well-being. For the Khmer, opportunities for meaningful and liberating work in their communities for their families may decrease the social deprivations experienced by children as they migrate. Changing the law on residency cards would also affect their choices. For the Hmong, choices for

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meaningful work that supports the cultural identity and traditions of their community are important. For the Ba-Na and the Gai-rai, opportunities for meaningful work in their communities are also important. Other factors of discrimination against and mistreatment of these ethnic groups in the workforce, while not fully explored in this study, need to be further examined with regard to the limitation of their capabilities. Simply providing a secondary education may not give these non-majority ethnic girls more freedom to choose their social and economic capabilities. They have aspirations for education and work; they also aspire to contribute to their community. However when the valued knowledge, skills, and kinds of liberating employment are limited, or when discrimination is present, girls’ choices are also limited. The lack of choices tends to reinforce gendered relations and ethnic traditions of work and social opportunities. Economic and social capabilities are also related to the relevance of what these young girls learn in school, which is addressed in the next section.

CULTURAL CAPABILITIES Girls’ lack of opportunities for equality and well-being are also reflected in schools’ use of dominant discourses and practice in the curriculum and learning environment. Unterhalter (2007a, 2007b) and Walker (2006), following Sen’s framework, suggest that education is itself a necessary capability for equality. They also note that not all education promotes other capabilities, such as the conversion of learned skills into economic or social capabilities. Discourses about and practices of schooling affect girls’ capabilities differently from boys, and non-majority ethnic groups differently from the majority Kinh. We extend this analysis of capabilities in and through education to suggest that for non-majority ethnic groups, a lack of culturally relevant education is a particular limitation to these girls’ capabilities. The culturally relevant educational issues raised by members of these ethnic groups include language of instruction, curriculum content and pedagogy, and caring and culturally respectful relationships in schools. Girls, their parents, and some educators, particularly for Hmong, Ba-Na and Gai-rai ethnic communities, articulated the belief that the girls were not able to understand and were not learning in Vietnamese language. Mothers and fathers of Hmong, Gia-Rai and Ba-Na children remarked that it was very difficult for their children to listen to the lesson in Vietnamese: ‘‘they do not understand very much.’’ Girls said, ‘‘I like school, but I do not understand, and I cannot read the lesson,’’ and ‘‘if I study without


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understanding, then I do not want to go to school.’’ In school observations in the Hmong communities, students were seen struggling with pronunciation and comprehension of concepts, with little assistance from teachers on learning the language that was not their mother tongue. The community discourse suggested that the Vietnamese language was not taught well enough for them to learn, and that they were not learning other subjects well in Vietnamese. Girls’ difficulty with the language in part may be that they lack exposure to Vietnamese language outside the school, whereas boys generally have more public interaction and opportunities to see and hear the language; they are also encouraged to learn and use Vietnamese so they can continue in school and participate in the labor market. In interviews with out-of-school Ba-Na and Hmong girls, a local interpreter was used because the girls could not understand or speak Vietnamese. A majority of boys could communicate in Vietnamese and very few boys needed interpreters. A rationale for the need to speak Vietnamese that parents and community members discussed was access to and participation in the labor market. National policies and documents that address poverty reduction in Vietnam also emphasize the importance of ethnic minorities to speak Vietnamese in order to participate in the labor market (Centre for International Economics, 2002). This discourse and the labor practices privilege the majority language and identity. In effect, the use of a non-majority ethnic language is regarded as a tradition to preserve and use within the communities, in part to sell their traditions to a new tourist market, but it appears not to be regarded as an ethnic tradition that can be incorporated into the larger economic and social values of the society. In contrast to learning Vietnamese, girls’ and their parents’ discourse and social practices illustrated the importance for learning and speaking their mother tongue, while also learning Vietnamese language. Community members believed strongly that teachers need to teach in the mother tongue and Vietnamese. However, in the Hmong communities, no teachers were observed using the Hmong language in the classroom. In the Gia-Rai and Ba-Na communities, a few native speakers used the mother tongue infrequently in the schools. Parents and community members valued having teachers from their own ethnic group, even though this rarely happened. They also emphasized that girls should learn certain ethnic traditions, such as weaving or dance, so they could carry on aspects of the ethnic group’s identity. While learning these traditions is important for ethnic identity preservation, it also limited their exposure to and use of Vietnamese language. Given the perceived future roles and aspirations for Hmong,

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Ba-Na and Gia-Rai girls, the value of learning and speaking Vietnamese language is not high. This is especially true when it is contrasted with the need for girls to speak the mother tongue so that they can carry on and preserve the culture when other mechanisms, such as written materials, are not available. Unterhalter (2007b) points out that sometimes a community may value something that could limit capabilities, but that the more valued states are those that expand capabilities. Sen’s approach emphasizes, however, the importance of a debate and identification among communities of what they value, and a dialog between communities and the larger society. In this case, tension exists among the value of capabilities to maintain cultural identity and the value of economic and social capabilities in the larger society. In essence, these girls’ choices are limited because speaking their native language is not valued in the social and economic spheres outside their community. The discourse in the education sector is that non-Kinh ethnic groups do not have sufficient capacity in the Vietnamese language. This is reflected in policy debates that focus on improving the teaching of Vietnamese at earlier ages. Many educators emphasized the need to have pre-school Vietnamese teaching so that the children can learn better once they start primary school. In contrast, the discourse in policies and among educators about bilingual education, or mother tongue instruction, most often represents a transition approach, where the language is used for 2–3 years to transition students to speaking and learning fully in Vietnamese. The discourses about the language of instruction reflect a perspective about ethnicity and ethnic traditions in Vietnamese society. The Vietnamese constitution and education law provide ethnic minority children the right to learn in their own language in primary school, as well as to have instruction in their second language, Vietnamese. However, both in policy and practice, a model of bilingual education, in which the mother tongue and Vietnamese are languages of instruction, is not being implemented (Chantrill, Lendon, Sit, & Thanh, 2002; Kosonen, 2004), although such a model currently is being piloted with UNICEF support. Rather, teachers primarily instruct in Vietnamese and a percentage of instruction time officially is set aside for instruction in the mother tongue. Research has found, however, that students who do not learn their mother tongue proficiently have greater difficulty learning another language well (Dutcher, 2004). Further, international development research has shown consistently that girls are more disadvantaged than boys in learning a language other than their mother tongue, often because of a lack of social interactions and access to materials (Kane, 2004).


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Although the policy discourse acknowledges ethnic identity and traditions, in practice the preservation and development of ethnic identity occurs primarily through songs and dance. The practices in schools do not support the preservation and development of ethnic identity through effective language instruction and culturally appropriate content. Further, the discourse that supports non-majority ethnic languages is not supported materially through ethnic group teachers who speak the local languages, and materials in local languages. The lack of language capability (of teachers and materials) is exacerbated by the poor economic situation in which these schools reside. Furthermore, in economically disadvantaged communities, children have little access to written material in either Vietnamese or local languages outside of school (UNDP, 2002). In addition to the language of instruction, the content of education is perceived by community members, parents and children as not reflecting the economic, cultural and gender needs of these communities. Therefore, many parents, community members, and some girls and boys believe that education beyond basic literacy and numeracy has little value for their immediate and future social and economic capabilities. Parents and children repeatedly suggested that curricula that includes skills and knowledge about agriculture, animal husbandry (in the case of the Hmong, Ba-Na and Gia-Rai), and marine life (Khmer) would be relevant for the opportunities in their communities. They noted that these skills are important for girls, since girls are also needed to help with farming. For the Hmong and Ba-Na, parents were concerned that their children learn cultural history and traditions. Some of these values reflected traditional gendered needs and roles for girls. Learning skills that provided practical knowledge and experience in cultural traditions, such as weaving or dressmaking, was considered important for creating and selling products, and also for cultural preservation and transmission. One of the challenges for the poorest families in these communities is to see beyond the immediate survival needs of the family and the kind of knowledge and skills that are important now, in contrast to the near future, if economic conditions, gender roles, and opportunities for ethnic communities would change. For example, if economic development in the local communities allowed for more employment opportunities for girls, what skills would these communities think the girls should have? One capability deprivation is the lack of information to make different decisions, and the freedom of possible opportunities and choices (Sen, 1992, 1999). Many girls hope, and their parents echoed this, to continue in school and to become a nurse or teacher. These statements reflect a realistic desire for

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these ethnic children and families: these are the two professions in which women are employed in every community. However, the knowledge and skills that most girls currently learn, or were not learning, in school did not prepare them adequately to continue their education for these professions. Finally, relations between teachers and students and among students included discourses and practices of harassment and discrimination toward students from non-majority ethnic groups. Students often felt they were treated in a prejudicial manner. Teachers’ prejudicial comments and behaviors negatively characterize their students’ economic and social deprivation, and their ethnic heritage. These experiences were also echoed in a recent report conducted on youth (Vietnam Youth Association, Vietnam Women’s Union, & UNICEF and World Bank, 2006). Girls, particularly at the age of adolescence, were sensitive to statements made by teachers regarding their lack of clean clothes or school supplies; they perceived this to be not only a symbol of poverty, but also of their ethnicity. Hmong and Gia-Rai girls felt excluded and were disciplined for their difficulty in speaking the Vietnamese language. Teachers’ practices included scolding girls more often than boys for girls’ lack of language ability. One out-of-school girl observed, ‘‘Sometimes the teacher asked loudly, ‘Why don’t you write?’ [I] went outside and cried. I thought I would stop going to school so the teacher would not scold me anymore.’’ Community members expressed concern about teachers’ beliefs that Gia-Rai girls were poor learners. Teachers’ discourse about the girls is captured in this teacher’s remark: ‘‘They are slow learners and learn so badly that it would be better if they would stay home and get married.’’ Most teachers do not appear to be knowledgeable about or sensitive to the cultural challenges of learning in another language or to the conditions in which girls’ live that affect their learning. Nearly all Ba-Na girls interviewed stated they that had been punished and scolded repeatedly, and they dropped out of school as a result of this punishment. In one of the Ba-Na communities, educators and some community leaders perpetuated the social practice of punishment, stating that girls often behaved badly. Girls, however, and also their families to some extent, felt it was a discriminatory gender and ethnic practice. Only one teacher in these communes was Ba-Na, and community members expressed concern that the other teachers did not know about or understand the challenges girls faced, including learning in Vietnamese language. Social and gendered relations among boys and girls in the schools are also a concern to particularly Hmong and Ba-Na girls and their parents. In boarding communities, such as for the Hmong and Ba-Na, parents are


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worried for the safety of their girls, particularly as they approach adolescence and the possibilities of pregnancy and marriage increase. Boarding facilities in these schools are not only in poor condition, but girls often are not given privacy or separate facilities (see also Chantrill et al., 2002). Parents and girls report occasional sexual behavior, creating a belief among the community that boarding schools are inappropriate for girls. Hmong mothers are very concerned that ‘‘in the boarding school, boys and girls sleep in the same room.’’ The lack of separate bedrooms causes mothers to worry about the safety and possible sexual abuse of their daughters. One Hmong mother stated, ‘‘I only want to let my sons go to school. If girls go to school and get pregnant, I’d be very ashamed.’’ These girls’ choices and opportunities to go to school are limited by social relations in the schools, and these relations perpetuate the social practice of marriage to avoid shame from a girl’s pregnancy. Walker (2007) suggests two capabilities for education that relate to the discourse and practices of these social relations: bodily integrity and health, and emotional integrity and emotions, which include not being subjected to harassment, fear and punishment by peers or teachers, and being able to make one’s own choices about sexual relationships. A lack of bodily integrity, in these communities, includes forms of ethnic discrimination, which are prejudicial discourses and social practices deeply rooted in schools in Vietnam. In addition, the lack of choices about sexual relations, affected both by boys’ behaviors and parents’ practices, illustrates how bodily and emotional integrity are more than individual capabilities for well-being; there should also be capabilities for well-being among these communities, as individuals’ bodily integrity reflects on parents’ and communities’ integrity.

APPROACHES FOR ENHANCING CAPABILITIES FOR GENDER AND ETHNIC EQUALITY The literature is not devoid of strategies and approaches for improving gender equity and equality in and through education (see Chapman & Miske, 2007; Herz & Sperling, 2004; Kane, 1995; USAID, 2007; UNICEF, 2008), and emerging attention to secondary education focuses on particular strategies for adolescent girls (see DeJaeghere, 2004; UNICEF, 2008; Rihani, 2006). Two assumptions, however, permeate this literature: the first is that additional secondary education is a key tool for poverty alleviation. While research has found higher economic returns from and growth related to secondary education (see Tikal, 2007), it is also important to consider the

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other direction of this relationship: how poverty, as lack of choice for physical, social, economic, and cultural capabilities, affects the most disadvantaged girls from non-majority ethnic communities from participating in and gaining capabilities through education. The discourse and practices of the ethnic groups in this study suggests that the capabilities gained through education, such as labor market opportunities, choice for well-being in life, and greater information and agency, while important, may not reflect the reality of the difficulties to convert education as a capability into other capabilities. The lack of physical, social, and economic capabilities limited choices for well-being, and particularly the capability to be educated, whereas the lack of cultural capabilities was a great concern for well-being in and through education. A second assumption of many approaches aimed at improving gender equality is that they fail to consider how ethnic traditions and identity are interwoven with gender relations and poverty. Maslak (2005) suggests that gender and education approaches – and one could extend this to ethnicity and poverty – need to be situated within the social and economic structures, relating them to community needs and local factors and to how macrofactors manifest locally (p. 168). Strategies that aim to improve the conditions and positions related to women and girls in these communities also ought to include the conditions and position of the ethnic groups within the society. When gender roles and relations change in society, men’s roles and power are affected. Similarly, when equality among ethnic groups is sought, the Kinh, the majority group in Vietnam, will also be affected by a change in societal conditions, power, and position. Research on majority/minority group relations in society suggests that societies tend to take different approaches to these relations (See Berry, 1984, 2003). One approach is to exclude non-majority ethnic groups, materially and socially, leading to isolation and marginalization of the ethnic groups. Another approach is to assimilate the ethnic groups into a majority cultural identity and norms. A third option is for both majority and non-majority groups to seek integration, where one’s own ethnic culture and other cultures are valued. These approaches are not discrete; they may occur simultaneously in a society, with one of the approaches describing one ethnic groups’ experience, and a different approach related to another ethnic group. The present policy discourse and practices in Vietnam do not suggest an exclusionary approach, as much attention is given to ‘‘ethnic minority regions,’’ ‘‘ethnic groups and traditions,’’ and to improving the economic and social development of ethnic groups. The discourse, however, suggests an assimilation approach in which the


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development of ethnic groups is to make them more like the Kinh majority, and this has been attributed to the ‘‘progress’’ of other ethnic groups, such as the Thai (Baulch et al., 2004). Resistance to this approach is evident among these ethnic communities. At the same time, the discourse of non-majority ethnic group parents, girls, boys, and community members generally does not suggest isolation or separation from the majority group or the societal organizations in Vietnam. Hmong community members expressed interest and concern in participating in the educational, economic and social development of the country, but not at the loss of their own cultural identity. The Ba-Na and Gia-Rai groups reflected a greater concern for being excluded, being pushed out of their communities. The government discourse suggests these groups are seeking separation and aligning themselves with their ethnic group members in Cambodia, which poses threats to the national identity and security of Vietnam. The Khmer may be the most integrated of these groups, in part because of proximity to economic and social opportunities. Khmer children were most fluent in Vietnamese language, and they tended to work and live in more diverse communities. However, Khmer community members, although less the young girls and boys than the older ones, expressed concern over their freedom to choose well-being in their own communities, particularly their Buddhist religious practices. Gender equality, including the freedom to choose to be educated, to marry or not, and to have meaningful work were all emphasized by girls, and to some extent by their parents and community members. At the same time, community members, and particularly fathers, were concerned about ethnic inequalities that limited girls’ well-being and freedom to choose. They suggested that discrimination in the labor market, and access to land, and the inability to practice their cultural identity and language were all factors that limited the well-being not only of girls, but also of families and communities. While girls, their parents, and community members support approaches that would enhance their physical, economic and social capabilities, such as income-generation activities or skill development, most community members in the four ethnic groups were keenly aware of the need for approaches to be culturally relevant and supportive of their ethnic traditions and identity. Instrumental approaches that aim to raise awareness about legal age of marriage, advocate for girls’ education, or provide additional income are not sufficient. As Unterhalter (2007a) suggests, interventions and institutional building are not sufficient to address the multidimensionality of social conditions and local needs; rather forms of negotiation are needed. Expanding Sen’s (1999, 2004) argument that the

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state, civil society, families and international organizations all have responsibility to develop capabilities, Unterhalter states that laws, policies, and strategies offer some approaches; however, dialog, critical examination, and associated actions are equally important. One approach may utilize community enablement, or ‘‘real community participation’’ (Kane, 2004), where all community members voices are heard, and issues and solutions are identified and negotiated. This may allow for both gender and ethnic relations to be understood and altered. In such an approach, parents, children, educators, and community members – both female and male and from majority and non-majority ethnic groups – work together to identify issues, to understand what each group values, and to negotiate alternative solutions. Walker (2006, 2007), building on Sen’s work, suggests that respect, recognition and voice are all necessary for the development of capabilities. These capabilities are a process by which to choose and develop well-being. At the same time, the material conditions, or the physical and economic deprivations must also be addressed, and doing so through a process that understands how ethnic groups and girls and boys, women and men value differently these capabilities. This requires recognition of and respect for their voices and their freedom to aspire and choose capabilities for their well-being. For example, a dialog in which the different community members’ voices are heard about the policies and practices of ethnic minority language use in school may allow for greater understanding and negotiation by all stakeholders, and particularly parents and teachers, of its intent and aims. Negotiation of a language policy may also allow for it to be effectively adapted to social structures and local needs. Unterhalter (2007a) illustrates how discussions among Wajir community members in Kenya allowed for understanding and negotiation of strategies for girls’ education that ultimately resulted in greater equity for girls that fit local needs and social-cultural practices and structures. Dialog and associated actions may also move the discourse and related social practices among government bodies, international organizations, and community groups beyond a single focus on girls’ education, to emphasize equality in broader terms that includes ethnic and gender relations, and a broader conceptualization of poverty, as discussed here using Sen’s approach. This study shows that a particular focus on one dimension, such as gender or poverty alone, and the dominant discourses and social practices that organizations and governments create around these dimensions is misguided and does not represent the way that families and children represent and value differently these interlocking dimensions. This chapter is


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an attempt to enable a dialog and a critical examination of the issues by bringing together the voices of girls, boys, parents, teachers, community members, and district and provincial officials from three regions of Vietnam in order to discuss and critique the conditions affecting girls’ lives, and to suggest alternative approaches to conceptualizing and implementing effective change for equality.

NOTES 1. The poverty rate as measured by household surveys in Vietnam is based on World Bank definitions, and includes both consumption-based food and general poverty lines. In 2004, the consumption-based food rate was equivalent to VND 159,788 per capita per month. The general poverty line is derived by adding a nonfood component to the food poverty line and was equivalent to VND 173,101 per capita per month (VASS, 2006, p. 10). 2. Deprivation is used by Sen to refer to an evaluation of social structures, conditions, and opportunities that exists for any individual or group. Deprivation is not equated with ‘‘deficit’’ approaches to culture. Rather, Sen’s framework examines political, economic, and social structures that do not adequately account for human diversity in its role of achieving or promoting equality. 3. Another critique that goes beyond the focus of this chapter, but is relevant to mention as a caveat, is Sen’s approach is grounded in freedom of choice and elements of democracy. Others (e.g., Unterhalter, 2007a, 2007b; Walker & Unterhalter, 2007) have described Sen’s approach as a rights-based framework, which is a basis for some of the current work on gender equality in the development today. Many countries that are not democratic states, including Vietnam, have utilized rightsbased discourse and practices to frame their development work. 4. A few researchers were of non-Kinh ethnicity, and some could speak the language of the ethnic groups in this study, particularly the Hmong.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This chapter is based on a study ‘‘Transition of Ethnic Minority Girls from Primary to Secondary Education’’ conducted by the Ministry of Education and Training in Viê t Nam and supported financially and technically by _ UNESCO and UNICEF as an activity of the United Nations Girls’ Education Initiative (UNGEI). We offer special thanks to all the national researchers at the Research Centre for Ethnic Minority Education, Ministry of Education and Training in Viê t Nam. Throughout the research, we benefited from their devotion _ and commitment to the commissioned study, with preparation, design, study, and analysis.

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The study benefited considerably from the support of Distinguished Teacher, Professor Dang Huynh Mai, former Vice Minister of the Ministry of Education and Training, and Dr. Bui Thi Ngoc Diep, Director of the Research Centre for Ethnic Minority Education, Ministry of Education and Training. We are grateful to Ms. Noala Skinner of UNICEF and Mr. Eisuke Tajima of UNESCO who guided the technical design and implementation of the study. Several education officers, Ms. Doan Thi Dung, Mr. Nguyen Anh Ngoc in UNESCO, and Ms. Ngo Kieu Lan, Ms. Le Anh Lan and Ms. Sena Lee in UNICEF also contributed greatly to the technical and practical implementation of the study. Ms. Vibeke Jensen, UNESCO Representative and Mr. Jesper Morch UNICEF Representative provided organizational support to the study. We also thank Suzanne Miric for her contributions to a previous version of this manuscript. Last but not least, we would like to thank all the people who were involved in this study, including girls and boys, parents, teachers, and local authorities who were interviewed and contributed their life experience and viewpoints.

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WHAT MATTERS FOR CHINESE GIRLS’ BEHAVIOR AND PERFORMANCE IN SCHOOL: AN INVESTIGATION OF CO-EDUCATIONAL AND SINGLE-SEX SCHOOLING FOR GIRLS IN URBAN CHINA$ Julia Kaufman and Liqun Yin ABSTRACT In this chapter, we utilize qualitative and quantitative data from a yearlong study in four urban Chinese middle schools to investigate the learning environments for girls at these schools; the behavior and performance of girls and boys in these environments; and what factors impact that behavior and performance. This study particularly focuses on socialization through moral education and the examination system as two $

The data collection and analysis for this chapter was supported through dissertation funding from the Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange, as well as funding through a New York University Dean’s Grant.


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sources of authority motivating students’ behavior and performance in school. In the analysis, girls attending three co-educational schools are compared with girls attending one single-sex school, and outcomes for girls are also considered alongside those of boys in the co-educational institutions. Findings indicate that although moral education is particularly emphasized by teachers at the all-girls school, female misbehavior and engagement with teachers is no different for girls attending the singlesex school compared to girls in co-educational schools. Furthermore, differences in outcomes between females and males across schools transcend school-level differences for misbehavior and engagement. However, at the same time, girls at all co-educational schools report higher Chinese and English grades compared to their math and science grades, whereas all-girls school students report no such differences in grades. In regression analysis, socialization variables appear to explain more about students’ misbehavior, whereas the desire to progress to higher levels of schooling explains more about grades and engagement with teachers. That said, socialization variables including moral attitude and attachment to teachers matter more for girls’ math and science grades and their engagement with teachers as compared to boys. This research provides a rare comparative look at education for urban Chinese students and offers new insights about what matters most for girls’ behavior and performance in school.

INTRODUCTION In contrast to low school enrollment among girls in rural and less developed areas of China (Connelly & Zheng, 2003; Hannum, 2003), most girls in the most developed urban areas of China – excluding children of migrant workers – complete their first nine years of compulsory education and go on to a high school. Many of these girls also continue on to universities. Additionally, a growing number of experimental and private schools in these urban areas provide diverse options for all students, particularly those who perform well on examinations or come from higher socioeconomic backgrounds. Less clear is whether some urban schools provide better educational outcomes for girls than others and what factors differentially impact outcomes for female and male students. Furthermore, research has not specifically examined how single-sex schools in these urban areas of China compare with co-educational institutions in terms of what they can provide to students.

What Matters for Chinese Girls’ Behavior and Performance in School

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In this chapter, we utilize rich qualitative and quantitative data gathered over the course of a year in four junior middle schools in one of the largest urban areas in China to investigate the learning environments they provide to students, the behavior and performance of both girls and boys in these environments, and what factors impact that behavior and performance. We particularly focus on comparisons between girls attending the three co-educational schools and those attending the all-girls school. However, we also examine how girls compare with boys in co-educational institutions. This work has emerged from a larger project examining schooling and the sources of authority in the Chinese context that motivate student work in school. Specifically, Kaufman (2006) noted both moral education and the examination system as two major sources of authority in China that impact student outcomes. In this chapter, we consider how both moral education and the examination system operate as sources of authority for Chinese students and how they manifest themselves in co-educational versus singlesex environments. Furthermore, we consider how those sources of authority may differentially impact female and male students in China and what that means for student outcomes that include misbehavior, grades, and engagement with teachers in school. This research provides a rare window into what happens inside Chinese schools and classrooms and offers unique insights about what matters most for Chinese girls’ behavior and performance. Although other research in China has provided survey data comparing education for females and males across cities and provinces (Tsui & Rich, 2002; Connelly & Zheng, 2003; Hannum, 2003; Hannum & Adams, 2007; Zhang, Kao, & Hannum, 2007), we know of no other mixed method studies that compare teaching and learning among a small sample of diverse schools in one urban setting. Nor do we know of such research that specifically compares co-educational and single-sex environments for female students. Furthermore, because China’s urban areas are assumed to be centers for educational excellence and experimentation, our investigation of schools in one of the largest metropolitan areas of China allows us to note outcomes for girls in the best possible circumstances, where schools have basic resources and have the best chance to meet the idealized goals of education policies that emphasize both moral and academic education. By focusing on the sources of authority that motivate students’ work, this chapter moves away from a more narrow psychological consideration of motivation and places primary value on the social and cultural factors that may influence the work of students, as well as teachers and administrators. Although such consideration of authority and how it motivates students

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work has been addressed in American studies (Hirschi, 1969; Arum, 2003; Pace, 2003), no such work has been done in China, where a strong policy emphasis on both socialization through moral education and a high-stakes examination system provides a fascinating context for research on authority. We hope that this research will spur on further studies that consider what sources of authority motivate students’ work in school across countries and cultures, as well as studies that investigate teaching and learning from within Chinese schools.

REVIEW OF RELEVANT LITERATURE Although a diverse body of sociological research considers the nature of authority and its relationship with schooling,1 this scholarship can be separated into two major streams of work with regard to the sources of legitimate authority that motivate students to behave well and work toward higher achievement in school. The first stream draws on the work of Emile Durkheim (1961), who wrote about the important role of socialization, moral education, and discipline for integrating a child into society and thus encouraging them to embrace the moral values of that society. Sociologists of education have taken Durkheim’s theories on moral education and internalization of societal norms a step further to explore the relationship between social integration and a wide range of conventional positive behaviors internalized by successful students (Hirschi, 1969; Coleman & Hoffer, 1987; Zhou & Bankston, 1999; Arum, 2003). In this school of thought, students who feel a stronger connection to their school and their teachers and have embraced societal values will be more likely to do well in school. In contrast, a second stream of work focuses on the legitimate authority coming from the system itself and the individuals within that system. Instead of seeing authority as a set of social norms and rules that are internalized through socialization and integration into society, authority – in this perspective – emanates from people, organizations, and institutions that exert control on individuals. Much of this work can be traced to Max Weber’s (1958, 1978) original definitions of legitimate authority as traditional (authority based on established beliefs about the legitimacy of the ruler); charismatic (authority based on individual leaders that inspire strong emotional attachment and commitment); and bureaucratic (authority based on a system that exerts control through development ‘‘rational’’ rules


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and policies). Work at the individual level has expanded on Weber’s definitions to include ‘‘professional’’ authority or expertise that is based on an individual’s knowledge and skills, which Pace (2003) has argued is most important for considering the authority of teachers in schools. On the other end of the spectrum, research focused on the role of bureaucratic authority in schooling has considered how capitalist interests, ‘‘credentialing’’ systems, and examinations hold some degree of control over schools, students, and workers within a society (Weber, 1958; Bowles & Gintis, 1976; Collins, 1979; Eckstein & Noah, 1993; Brown, 1995). Much research has documented the hard work and discipline of Chinese students (Kessen, 1975; Unger, 1982; Tobin, Wu, & Davidson, 1991; Kipnis, 2001; Andreas, 2004). Those studies generally attribute students’ effort to examination system that pushes them to succeed or a deeply felt imperative to do well in school as internalized through moral education. However, no empirical work in China has addressed the influence of both the examination system and socialization as sources of authority influencing students’ behavior and performance in school. Gender is a particularly interesting and little studied factor connected with authority in schools. In their study of students and teachers in Australian schools, Kessler et al. (1985) have posited that the education system, as well as the academic curriculum, constructs gender for students and ‘‘actively produces women’s subordination’’ (pp. 45–46). Sociologists of education in the United States have further argued that female students are subject to more controls than males and, as an effect, misbehave less in school (Jensen & Eve, 1976; Hagan, Gillis, & Simpson, 1985; Singer & Levine, 1988). This work thus suggests that the education system both exerts authority on female students more than male students and also socializes females to behave in particular ways. However, research in China has not focused on how authority and control may influence female and male students in different ways. Beyond studies on how schooling impacts girls’ behavior and attitudes, studies have documented that single-sex schooling provides a more open and encouraging atmosphere for girls to focus on their studies and obtain higher levels of achievement, particularly with regard to girls in developing countries (Jimenez & Lockheed, 1989; Lee & Lockheed, 1990; Streitmatter, 1999). However, other research has found few or little advantages to single-sex schooling in developed countries (Marsh, 1989; Harker, 2000; Gilson, 2002). Furthermore, any studies on single-sex schooling encounter difficulty in knowing whether – in Rosemary Salomone’s (2003) words – ‘‘any differences in outcomes are the direct result of gender organization or

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merely the effect of background differences between student populations’’ (p. 9). In China, single-sex education is advocated by Chinese educators as one path toward higher educational outcomes for female students in China, particularly with regard to math and science performance (He, 2001; Li, 2001; Yuan, 2001). However, these same educators talk less about math and science instruction at these schools and instead emphasize a curriculum ‘‘specially designed’’ for girls, which focus on languages, humanities, and moral education. He (2001), for example, writes that in the single-sex high school in Shanghai where she is a principal, ‘‘efforts are made to discover and exploit the traditional virtues of Chinese women and moral education resources of [the school].’’ Thus, although these educators write that stereotypes limit girls’ ‘‘creative potential’’ (Li, 2001), the single-sex education that they support appears to sometimes re-emphasize these stereotypes by focusing on the subjects where girls are traditionally believed to excel. In this chapter, we compare experiences and outcomes for girls and boys across four schools in a major urban area of China, including an all-girls school, and examine how particular sources of authority may impact those outcomes. This work makes a much-needed contribution to our knowledge about how different sources of authority influence the behavior and performance of Chinese students, and it especially sheds light on outcomes for girls within diverse school environments in urban China.

DATA AND METHODS This research is based on qualitative and quantitative data collected over the course of one year in four junior middle schools2 within the same large urban city in eastern China. These four schools, selected because of their diversity, can be described as follows: Number Two School,3 which is described as an ‘‘ordinary’’ or ‘‘average’’ public school by its teachers and students; the 1,000 attending students mostly live in the neighborhood around the school; International School, a relatively elite private ‘‘international’’ junior middle school that emphasizes English-language learning and operates through tuition fees paid by parents of the 1,200 students who manage to gain admission to this relatively elite school;


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Si Nan School, an ‘‘experimental’’ junior middle school that features advanced English instruction for a small group of 200 or so students who are talented in English and regular instruction for the larger population of about 1,000 more average students from the surrounding neighborhood who attend the school; and Girls School, a reputable all-girls junior middle school attended by approximately 1,100 girls who come from the neighborhood where the school is located and other areas throughout the city. This sample of schools offers a unique opportunity to compare girls’ experiences and outcomes in various learning environments. Qualitative data for this chapter comes from semi-structured interviews with one or two administrators, five teachers, and ten eighth-grade students at each of the four schools, as well as class observations conducted for at least 20 hours at each school. Interviews with teachers and administrators included questions about the reputation of their school, school goals and teachers’ goals for students, the qualities of good and bad students, moral education, academic learning, and school discipline. Interviews with students contained similar questions to those in teacher interviews, including questions about their opinion of their school, the qualities of good and bad students, and the discipline they receive in school. In addition, students were asked to talk about their grades, their aspirations, and their opinions about what it means to ‘‘learn’’ at school. Classroom observations took into account whether the lesson focused on the nature of the tasks that students’ were asked to do, the quality of talk among teachers and students, and misbehavior and discipline. Quantitative data was gathered through a survey administered to 800 eighth-grade students, including 200 students at each of the four schools.4 To choose which eighth-graders would be asked to complete the survey, we randomly selected classrooms (not students) where the surveys would be administered using a list of all eighth-grade homeroom classrooms supplied by each school. The focus on eighth-grade students is intended to provide more comparable data across a single grade level. The survey included questions about students’ behavior in school, their grades, their school performance, their moral attitude, their attachment to their teachers and school, their expectations for their future education, and their perceptions about their parents’ expectations for their education. Many of these questions were Mandarin translations of questions taken from largescale survey instruments including the National Longitudinal Study of 1988 and the Third International Mathematics and Science Study in 1999.

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In addition, the surveys asked students to provide their sex and their family background, including each parent’s level of education and occupation.5 Appendix A in this chapter provides definitions for all survey variables used in this analysis, as well as Cronbach alphas for any composites. Through the inclusion of both qualitative and quantitative data in our analysis, we are able to offer a multi-layered depiction of teaching and learning for female and male students. Our qualitative analysis is intended to provide comparative evidence of the diverse learning environments for students in urban environments and provide a potential source of triangulation (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998) for data about the sources of authority that motivate students in school. In our qualitative interview analysis, codes for data initially emerged from multiple readings of interviews (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). As those themes emerged, including evidence about the goals for schooling and discipline in school, those themes were elaborated through additional codes that allowed for more detailed reporting of the data (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Additionally, the qualitative analysis guided the themes and focus for our quantitative analysis. In the findings that follow, we first map the diverse learning environments within the four schools in our study, using quantitative data on the socioeconomic disparities among schools and qualitative data on school goals and disciplinary practices. Then, we move to a more quantitative examination of student outcomes, including misbehavior, grades, and engagement with teachers, among female and male students in the schools. Following this descriptive data, we provide both correlations among the variables and multiple linear regressions that explore what sources of authority influence student outcomes, using the dependent variables of misbehavior, math and science grades, and engagement with teachers. In our regression analysis, we particularly emphasize how the independent variables of attachment to teachers, school, and moral attitudes impact outcomes alongside independent variables measuring desire for the student to be promoted to progressively higher levels of education. We use these independent variables as proxies to indicate the sources of authority that motivate student outcomes; they are intended to reflect students’ integration into school and society as one kind of authority versus students’ focus on getting through the bureaucratic examination system as another. Controls for school, students’ family background, and sex are also included in the regressions. Furthermore, interaction variables enable us to consider how being female and attending a single-sex school work alongside other variables to produce particular student outcomes.


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FINDINGS Co-Educational and Single-Sex School Environments for Girls in Urban China Socioeconomic Disparities among Schools Despite Ministry of Education policies in the 1980s that eradicated ‘‘key,’’ more reputable primary and junior middle schools, the background of students across the four schools where research was conducted – as well as the varying reputations of the schools themselves – illustrate the presence of diverse resources and opportunities among Chinese urban junior middle schools today. For example, according to our survey data, the percentage of students with at least one parent in a professional occupation is 54% at Si Nan School, 68% at Number Two School, 80% at Girls School, and 92% at International School (ANOVA, po.0001). Additionally, the percentage of students with at least one parent who is a university graduate is 23% at Si Nan, 49% at Number Two, 71% at Girls School, and 85% at International School (ANOVA, po.0001). The percentage of students at each school who enter high school should also be acknowledged, as that percentage is often tied to a school’s reputation. In this respect, Si Nan and Number Two might be regarded as less reputable because of the 50% and 60%, respectively, of their students who enter high school. However, Girls School reports 90% of its students attend high school, whereas 85% of International School’s students attend high school.6 The large socioeconomic differences among schools underscore that Girls School and International School are able to be more selective than Si Nan and Number Two. A higher number of students apply to both Girls and International School because of their good reputations, and the students with better socioeconomic resources – who receive more outside tutoring and preparation – are generally more desirable candidates for acceptance. On the other hand, Si Nan and Number Two School are largely attended by students in the surrounding neighborhoods of those schools, and these students have lower socioeconomic resources and fewer choices as to which school they can attend. Goals for Schooling When asked about the goals of their schools, administrators’ and teachers’ responses across all schools unsurprisingly reflected China’s Quality Education (suzhi jiaoyu) policy, in that they spoke about the ‘‘all around development’’ of their students that encompasses the three pillars of Quality Education: academic, moral, and physical education. However, at least

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some teachers and administrators at every school outside of Girls School said that ‘‘high marks’’ and ‘‘examinations’’ are the most important thing for students. For example, in response to a question about his school’s goals, a Number Two School teacher explained, ‘‘For students in China and their parents, the greatest dream is for their child to go to a famous university. This makes the examination the most important thing.’’ Similarly, a Si Nan teacher noted, ‘‘The school focuses on passing rates, for example the passing examination rate. Most of the emphasis is on this. They think that all the students should enter a good high school.’’ Some educators even spoke about the conflicts between examination preparation and their own ideals, like one administrator at International School who said that he believed students’ moral ability was most important; however, he conceded that ‘‘at the same time, they have to be the best in the whole city [in regard to exam scores].’’ In contrast to the teachers’ responses at the co-educational schools that reflected the importance of academic goals, all five interviewed teachers at Girls School unanimously emphasized the importance of moral goals and those teachers did not acknowledge any potential conflict between those goals and students’ examination preparation. One English teacher, for example, said that ‘‘care’’ was the most important quality for a student to have. Another English teacher even spoke of valuing students’ moral abilities over their academic ones Actually, you know, not all the students the teachers like are the very good students. I mean, those students’ scores may not be very high, but actually I think they are lovely. They can help others. They are warm-hearted. And they always think about others and are considerate. I think these students are good students.

Several Girls School teachers also spoke about the school’s focus on ‘‘IACE,’’ an English-letter acronym celebrating the school’s commitment to English language learning. IACE stands for Independence, Ability, Care, and Elegance. These objectives are specifically geared toward females and indicate some ideals for female learning that are not present for males in China. Several Girls School teachers specifically said that their school provides an education especially well suited for girls. One of these teachers emphasized the importance of English language learning at the school and talked about how girls excel at such language learning. However, Girls School teachers did not talk about the girls having less aptitude or doing less well in other subjects like math and science. Additionally, Girls’ School teachers also emphasized the development the girls’ leadership qualities and


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self-confidence, which was not something discussed by teachers in other schools. One teacher, for instance, said that girls are ‘‘brave enough’’ to speak up in class and be leaders because of the absence of boys at the school. Another teacher commented, ‘‘The girls in this school are braver and more open-minded than the girls in other schools. They can say whatever they want to say and do whatever they want to do in this school.’’ In interviews, teachers across schools were also asked to describe the qualities of a ‘‘good student.’’ As with their focus on moral goals of their schools, all Girls School teachers focused on the moral qualities of good students, including ‘‘care,’’ ‘‘honesty,’’ and ‘‘helpfulness.’’ Four of these Girls School teachers only discussed moral qualities without bringing up academic qualities of a good student. A representative example from a Girls School teacher states ‘‘I think the best quality [is to be] warmhearted. Always. And they will be kind to others and always ask, ‘What can I do for others? When I open the door, can I just let my friends or classmates go in first?’ So this is the best quality I think.’’ Another Girls School teacher described good students’ best qualities as ‘‘honest, and kindness, and enthusiasm, and optimism.’’ Although teachers at co-educational schools also described these moral qualities as part of being a good student, those teachers talked about such moral qualities in conjunction with the importance of doing well academically and getting high marks in school examinations. A Number Two teacher provides an example Good students should be healthy in their mind, psychologically. They should be able to take care of others and their parents and be respectful to teachers and helpful to other students. And the good students should be willing to improve themselves in their study and moral education. They should not only focus their attention on the textbook or what they are learning in the classroom, but they should also actively seek more knowledge outside of the classroom. They should try to develop their overall qualities.

Some of the teachers at co-educational schools did not even bring up moral qualities and instead focused entirely on the importance of a good student having academic abilities. Interestingly, although teachers at Girls School appeared to value moral qualities and goals more than academic ones, Girls School students did not cite moral qualities of good students more often than their peers at other schools. Instead, those girls appeared to value academic goals as much as other girls across all schools. A Girls School student’s description of a good student provides an example, which states, ‘‘Well, in China, students must be smart, clever, and have great marks. And they have to listen to the teacher carefully and be honest.’’ As with other students across schools, this

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student brought up academic qualities of a good student (‘‘smart, clever, have great marks’’) alongside moral qualities (‘‘be honest’’). Five students, including one from Girls School, spoke only about the academic qualities of good students and did not bring up moral qualities. Additionally, despite teachers’ emphasis on moral goals of schooling, Girls School classes did not seem to focus any less on test preparation than other schools’ classes. That is, about 25% of classes observed at each school involved preparing for tests, reviewing past tests, or practicing exercises that included multiple choice questions and fill-in-the-blank work that reflected the kind of questions students would likely see on year-end examinations, as well as their high school entrance exam. Discipline in Schools Teachers were not often observed meting out discipline during class. However, as discussed in the next section, student misbehavior was also relatively rare during classroom observations, perhaps because the presence of a foreign researcher discouraged such misbehavior. Nevertheless, when students did engage in minor misbehaviors like talking in class or passing notes, teachers were observed reprimanding them in very subtle ways or not reprimanding them at all. For example, during 40 minutes of a Girls School class, the teacher ignored the almost continuous, occasionally loud chattering of students during her instruction. Only toward the end of the class, when the girls got very loud, did the teacher mildly said, ‘‘Pay attention.’’ Teachers at other schools might offer more quick reprimands for more minor infractions during class, but those teachers also occasionally ignored misbehavior as well. In one such example in an English class at Number Two School, a male student in the back of the room was observed talking to students around him during the teacher’s instruction, paging through a book of his own, and walking around the classroom talking to students during small-group work time. The teacher of the class consistently ignored this student and did not give the student any reprimands during or after class. This situation of a male student misbehaving in the back of a classroom occurred a few times during classroom observations at both Number Two and Si Nan. When asked about methods for disciplining students, teachers most commonly spoke about ‘‘educating’’ the student (jiaoyu) as a first measure to discourage future misbehavior. According to these teachers, ‘‘educating’’ generally occurs after or before class, which might explain why teachers reprimanded students less during class. When such ‘‘education’’ was observed in the teachers’ room or hallway, it usually involved a teacher


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giving a stern lecture that required little student input beyond a few words of assent that she/he will not engage in such misbehavior again. In the words of one teacher ‘‘First teachers need to talk to the students and tell them it is wrong. That will guide them not to do that [misbehavior] any longer.’’ Teachers and administrators generally agreed that if one such lecture did not correct a student’s misbehavior, then further ‘‘education’’ from teachers and administrators would. Compared to teachers at co-educational schools, teachers at Girls School talked about providing a more open and less harsh disciplinary environment for students. One Girls School teacher, for example, said the way teachers talk to the students and the arrangement [here] is different from the other schools. Because, you know, there are all girls here. So when the teachers are talking with the students . . . they try to be warmer and softer than they would with boys.

Two other Girls School teachers also talked about not imposing too strict discipline on the students. One of those teachers talked about the school giving more freedom to both teachers and students as compared to other schools, whereas the other teacher said that she treats students less as a teacher than a ‘‘sister’’ because she will hold discussions with them rather than impose one correct answer to a question. Girls School students were almost never observed receiving reprimands either during class or lectures in between classes. However, as noted earlier, students at other schools also were rarely observed receiving discipline as well. Thus, observed discipline was not appreciably different across schools. Nevertheless, a more representative sample of student misbehavior and discipline might be captured in the next section, which compares survey findings on student outcomes including misbehavior, grades, and engagement with teachers across schools.

Comparing Student Outcomes Misbehavior and Discipline Although students were not observed committing any major misbehavior during classes, both teachers and students talked during interviews about more serious behavior infractions that had occurred within the school, including vandalism and fighting. But aside from these rare incidences, teachers and students generally indicated low degree of misbehavior. In between classes, students across schools would exhibit more animation and engage in more horseplay than they did during class. As compared to their

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female peers at other schools, Girls School students appeared particularly rambunctious during break times, running about the campus of the school and yelling to get each others’ attention. However, teachers across schools appeared to completely sanction students’ more rowdy activity in between classes as time for them to relax and expend some energy before they would have to sit down and quietly pay attention to teachers’ lectures. Surveys provide a broader picture of students’ misbehavior. In those surveys, students were asked to report both the estimated frequency of their misbehavior (including skipping school, cheating, and fighting) and the estimated frequency of the discipline they received (including being sent to the office and their parents receiving warnings). Averages for misbehavior and discipline are reported separately. In Fig. 1, means for frequency of misbehavior indicate that males reported more misbehavior than females 1.4

Frequency of Misbehavior

1.2 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 Male

Female

Number 2

Male

Female

Si Nan**

Female Girls

Male

Female ++

International

++ Significant difference between females at International School compared to females at Si Nan and Girls schools (ANOVA, Tukey HSD, p

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