French Foreign Legion 1872-1914 (Men-at-Arms)

CONTENTS MARTIN WINDROW has been commissioning and art editor of the Men-at-Arms and Elite series from 1974–89 and since 1998. He has also written a number of Osprey titles, including MAA 300: French Foreign Legion Infantry & Cavalry since 1945, MAA 312: The Algerian War 1954–62, MAA 325: French Foreign Legion 1914–45, MAA 322: The French Indochina War 1946–54, and ELI 6: French Foreign Legion Paratroopers. In 2007 he travelled in Morocco, locating some historic Legion battle sites during research for his book Our Friends Beneath the Sands – The Foreign Legion in France’s Colonial Conquests 1870–1935 (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2010).

MIKE CHAPPELL comes from an Aldershot family with British Army connections stretching back several generations. He enlisted as a teenage private in the Royal Hampshire Regiment in 1952 and retired in 1974, as RSM of the 1st Battalion The Wessex Regiment (Rifle Volunteers), after seeing service in Malaya, Cyprus, Swaziland, Libya, Germany, Ulster and home garrisons. He began painting military subjects in 1968 and has gained worldwide popularity as a military illustrator. Mike has written and illustrated many books for Osprey, and currently lives in France.

INTRODUCTION

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• Reorganization of French land forces 1872–75: Metropolitan Army, Naval Troops and Africa Army – ‘organic’ regiments and ‘marching’ units • The Legion’s place in the reorganized Army

CHRONOLOGY

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CAMPAIGNS ALGERIA

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• The Bou Amama rebellion and its aftermath, 1881–82

VIETNAM

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• Initial conquest of Tonkin, 1883–85 – Formosa – pacification and garrison of Tonkin after 1885

WEST AFRICA

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• Dahomey, 1892 – French West Africa, 1892–93 and 1894–95

MADAGASCAR

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• Invasion, 1895 – pacification and garrison, 1896–1905

THE SUD-ORANAIS

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• The Algerian/Moroccan border, 1900–03 – Lyautey’s frontier campaign, 1904–07

MOROCCO

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• Western Morocco: Casablanca landings and Chaouia campaign, 1907–08 • Eastern Morocco: Djebel Beni Snassen, Oued Guir and Oued Moulouya fronts, 1908–11 • Occupation of Fes and its aftermath, 1911 • The Protectorate, 1912–14

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

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PLATES COMMENTARIES

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• Uniforms, insignia and equipment, 1880s–1914

INDEX

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Men-at-Arms • 461

The French Foreign Legion 1872–1914

Mar tin Windrow Series editor Mar tin Windrow

•

Illustrated by Mike Chappell

First published in Great Britain in 2010 by Osprey Publishing Midland House, West Way, Botley, Oxford OX2 0PH, UK 44-02 23rd St, Suite 219, Long Island City, NY 11101, USA E-mail: [email protected] © 2010 Osprey Publishing Ltd. All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, electrical, chemical, mechanical, optical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owner. Enquiries should be addressed to the Publishers. A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 1 84908 326 3 ebook ISBN: 978 1 84908 327 0 Editor: Martin Windrow Page layouts by Myriam Bell Design, France Typeset in Helvetica Neue and ITC New Baskerville Index by Margaret Vaudrey Originated by PPS Grasmere, Leeds, UK Printed in China through World Print Ltd. 10 11 12 13 14

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Acknowledgements The author is grateful to all those credited in the captions for supplying photographs.

A r t i s t ’s n o t e Readers may care to note that the original paintings from which the colour plates in this book were prepared are available for private sale. All reproduction copyright whatsoever is retained by the Publishers. All enquiries should be addressed to: Mike Chappell, 13 route d’Alaigne, 11300 Malras, France The Publishers regret that they can enter into no correspondence upon this matter.

A u t h o r ’s n o t e Readers may care to note that many other photos relevant to this subject, and much fuller campaign histories, are to be found in the author’s Our Friends Beneath the Sands – The Foreign Legion in France’s Colonial Conquests 1870–1935 (ISBN 978 0 297 85213 1; Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2010)

Abbreviations of unit types I/, II/, etc

1st, 2nd etc. battalion of a regiment, e.g. II/ 1st RE = 2nd Bn, 1st Foreign Regt

Bats d’Af

Bataillons d’Infanterie Légère d’Afrique – Africa Light Infantry Battalions (conscript penal units of French civilian and military convicts); slang name ‘joyeux’

Bn

battalion

Coy

company

LE

Légion Étrangère, Foreign Legion – multi-national volunteer infantry (single regiment 1875–84, thereafter two-regiment corps), with mainly French officers

RE

Régiment Étranger – regiment of the Foreign Legion

RIM

Régiment d’Infanterie de Marine – white Naval Infantry regiments (mixed conscript/volunteer until 1893, thereafter all-volunteer enlistment); slang name ‘marsouins’

RIC

Régiment d’Infanterie Colonial – redesignation of Naval Infantry, from 1900

RTA

Régiment de Tirailleurs Algériens – Algerian (later also Tunisian) native volunteer ‘skirmisher’ light infantry regiments with mainly white officers and senior NCOs; slang name ‘turcos’

BTS/ RTS

Bataillon/ Régiment de Tirailleurs Sénégalais – West African native volunteer infantry units, led by white Naval Troops officers and senior NCOs

RZ

Régiment de Zouaves – white infantry regiments conscripted from North African settler population

RCA

Régiment de Chasseurs d’Afrique, Africa Light Horse – conscript European light cavalry regiments with minority of North African native volunteers

RS

Régiment de Spahis – North African native volunteer cavalry regiments with mainly white officers and senior NCOs

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THE FRENCH FOREIGN LEGION 1872–1914

INTRODUCTION

A Belgian légionnaire of 1st RE, Private Verhoven, photographed in 1913 wearing full marching order and three campaign medals; according to the original caption he had served for 11 years and in 16 campaigns – the tops of two red re-enlistment chevrons are just visible on his upper left coatsleeve. Note that his campaign képi-cover is now khaki, but the couvre-nuque neck curtain hooked to it is still white. The paquetage on top of his knapsack under the tentcloth/blanket roll is spare clothing. Note that the knapsack shoulder straps are worn alone here, without contre-sanglons straps, or the M1892 beltsupport Y-straps, to hook to the ammo pouches.

y 1872 the French pacification of northern and central Algeria was essentially complete. The 1871 Arab and Berber rebellion had been crushed ruthlessly; the European settlers (colons), who since 1868 had shaken off much of the control formerly exercised from Paris, were extending their grip over vast new tracts of confiscated farming and grazing land, expelling Arab tribes or reducing them to serfdom. The former military government that had to some extent protected the tribal chiefs from the colons was now restricted to responsibility for the southern wilderness of the pre-Sahara. There – and particularly in the south-west of the departement of Oran, where Algeria’s frontier with the sovereign monarchy of Morocco was unmarked and debatable – warlike tribes still ranged back and forth across the ‘High Plains’ that straddled the notional border, following their flocks and herds and raiding their neighbours. Slow French penetration of this ‘Sud-Oranais’ in the 1880s–1900s would lead to confrontations in the Algerian–Moroccan borderlands, and, at a time of weak Moroccan government, to operations by the French Army inside Moroccan territory – at first on that border and then, from 1907, on the Atlantic coastal plains. Eventually, in 1912, the Sultan of Morocco was forced to accept a French Protectorate over his country, leading to two years of intense operations that were still continuing at the outbreak of World War I. The leading French commander during both the initial border campaigns and the imposition of the protectorate was Gen Hubert Lyautey, and his most trusted troops were the Foreign Legion, whose expeditionary units had previously served under him in Tonkin (North Vietnam) and Madagascar in the 1890s.

B

The French land forces

Unlike Britain, whose all-volunteer professional army could be deployed anywhere in the world, France employed troops of three different organizations to capture her new empire. After the 1872–75 reorganization following her defeats in 1870–71, her land forces still consisted of the home-based Metropolitan Army; the Naval Troops (Troupes de la Marine), based both in France and overseas; and the Africa Army (l’Armée d’Afrique), based in Algeria, and from 1873 designated the 19th Army Corps. There was a good deal of rivalry between these organizations, which jockeyed for

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influence and funds. The Navy Ministry was responsible for ‘the colonies’ – i.e. all overseas theatres outside North Africa – but the Naval Troops needed War Ministry support and service units. The Army also often contributed combat troops for such expeditions, and experience showed that the best were long-service professional white infantry – for which the Legion was the Army’s only source. The Metropolitan Army (‘le biff ’) was the conscripted youth of France. From 1872 men were called up at the age of 20 to serve for (initially) five years with the regulars and 15 in various reserve categories. The bulk of the infantry facing the German frontier were provided by the 144 regiments of the Line, each consisting of three battalions each with four rifle companies; the peacetime company establishment was 125 rankers, theoretically increased to 250 on mobilization. (It was intended to increase regimental establishment to four battalions, with 2,400 rankers in peacetime and 4,000 on mobilization, but for lack of funding no fourth battalions were raised until the 1890s.) Though physically ill-suited for it, during their service selected conscripts might also be formed into ‘marching’ battalions or regiments for overseas service. These were temporary, task-organized units formed from drafts of Line troops from the permanent ‘organic’ regiments, who either volunteered for such expeditions or were chosen by lot. These régiments de marche were given temporary numbers or titles; for instance, in Tonkin in 1885 the locally organized 3rd Marching Regt consisted of one battalion each from the 23rd, 111th and 143rd Line. The historical mission of the Naval Troops was the defence of naval bases both at home and in overseas possessions, and providing units for expeditions to sub-Saharan Africa, Asia and the Pacific. From 1875 there were initially four unusually large regiments of Naval Infantry, headquartered and largely based in French ports but each supporting many companies in overseas garrisons; the home Navy regiments were also called upon to provide marching units for expeditionary forces. These ‘marsouins’ (and the ‘bigors’ of their supporting Naval Artillery) were a mixture of volunteers and conscripts until 1893, and thereafter solely volunteers. The Naval Troops also raised, led and administered a growing number of native Tirailleur (‘skirmisher’) units in West Africa, South and North Vietnam, and later Madagascar.1 The Africa Army’s primary mission was garrisoning Algeria (and from 1881, Tunisia), but marching units – particularly drawn from the three, later four large Arab regiments of Tirailleurs Algériens (RTA) – were also available for expeditionary forces elsewhere. Its white infantry consisted of four short-service conscript Zouave regiments (RZ), who had lost their elite character after 1875; the five penal Africa Light Infantry battalions (BILA or ‘Bats d’Af’); and the multi-national volunteers of the Foreign Legion. The cavalry were provided by Arab regiments of Spahis (RS), and mixed but mostly white regiments of Africa Light Horse (Chasseurs d’Afrique, RCA). Apart from the Legion, entirely based in Oran department, one unit of each category was based in each of

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1 From 1889 the Naval Infantry were reorganized into 12 Régts d’Inf de Marine each of 3 bns = 12 companies. By 1896 there were 13 white regts, totalling 156 coys, plus six large regts of native Tirailleurs totalling another 101 companies. In 1900 the Naval Troops were transferred to the War Ministry as the Colonial Troops, with 18 white infantry regts, of which 12 were to be stationed in France; nevertheless, some 26,000 of their then-total of 41,000 men were then overseas. The Colonial Infantry retained control of the native light infantry units, at that date totalling ten regts of Tirailleurs Sénégalais, Tonkinois, Annamites and Malgaches.

the three Algerian departments, which were divisional commands. Artillery and service troops were provided by the Metropolitan Army. The officer corps of the Metropolitan Army were regarded by their Naval Troops and Africa Army counterparts as rigid, snobbish ‘book-soldiers’; they in turn regarded the colonial corps – which saw vastly more active service – as professionally ill-educated and socially inferior ‘cowboys’. The Legion was regarded by many Metropolitan officers as a bunch of roughnecks, hardly distinguishable from a penal or a labour corps. It was, however, unique in two respects: before 1893 it was the only white regiment entirely enlisted from long-term volunteers; and, since it emerged from the 1875 reorganization with four battalions at nearly full war strength it was, with c.3,000 rankers, the largest field regiment in the Army’s infantry. Moreover, its low place in the military pecking order and its punishing deployments had always encouraged a high degree of that self-sufficiency and initiative that was generally found throughout the colonial forces. Over the next 35 years, during which the Legion demonstrated unrivalled endurance and hardihood, its number of battalions would be tripled to keep pace with France’s increasing tempo of colonial operations, and, as each battalion was enlarged to 1,000 men, its actual rifle strength would be multiplied fourfold.

CHRONOLOGY O rg an iz a ti on a n d m a j o r d e p l o y m e n ts

Jan 1872 Four-battalion Régiment Étranger dispersed between posts in northern Algeria: I/ RE (Sfissifa, Khreneg Azir & Géryville); II/ RE (Sidi bel Abbès, Boukhanefis & Magenta); Regt HQ & III/ RE (Mascara); IV/ RE (Saida & Frenda). March 1875 Regiment officially resumed old title Légion Étrangère, HQ Sidi bel Abbès. 1881 I/ LE at Saida; two companies II/ LE at Mascara, two at Géryville; III/ LE with HQ at Sidi bel Abbès; IV/ LE at Tiaret. Oct Col de Négrier leads I/, II/ & IV/ LE on operations in Sud-Oranais; IV/ LE based at Ain Sefra. Dec III/ & IV/ LE on column under Gen Colonieu; Col de Négrier forms experimental mounted infantry platoon of 50 men with mules. July 1883 Legion ordered enlarged from four to five battalions. Nov 1883 I/ LE disembarks in Tonkin (North Vietnam). Feb 1884 II/ LE disembarks in Tonkin. Nov 1884 III/ & IV/ LE ordered to Far East.

Throughout the African and Asian campaigns of the 1880s–1914 the most common means of communication for French battalions and brigade columns in the field was this ‘optical telegraph’, a system of boxed petrol lamps with powerful lenses and tubular sights, coupled with large, tripodmounted telescopes. Depending upon the weather conditions – an important qualification – Morse signals flashed on these lamps could be seen for several tens of miles, and chains of relay stations could quickly pass messages for hundreds of miles. Even after telegraph wire links were strung on the Indochinese and Moroccan frontiers, Gens Galliéni and Lyautey ordered retention of the old lamps; they had no wires to be cut, and their night-time signals were a visible reminder to the tribes that isolated French posts had the means to alert one another and distant mobile columns. (Engraving from Hocquard photo)

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French troops and locally recruited porters halted at a typical pagoda in the North Vietnamese countryside, c.1884. These Buddhist shrines were the only substantial brick buildings outside the towns, and French columns routinely sheltered in them overnight. (Engraving from Hocquard photo)

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Dec 1884 Legion ordered doubled in size by reorganization into 1st & 2nd Foreign Regiments, each to be raised to four battalions as soon as possible; each battalion to have four rifle companies, each regiment one depot company. 1st RE HQ remains at Sidi bel Abbès, 2nd RE installed at Saida. I/ & II/ LE in Tonkin redesignated I/ & II/ 1st RE; while at sea en route for Far East, III/ & IV/ LE redesignated III/ & IV/ 2nd RE. Jan 1885 III/ 2nd RE disembarks in Tonkin, IV/ 2nd RE on Formosa. June 1885 IV/ 2nd RE transferred to Tonkin. Nov 1891 1st & 2nd RE each ordered enlarged from four to five battalions, plus a second depot company. Aug 1892 Marching battalion formed from 1st & 2nd RE embarks for Dahomey. (Most survivors withdrawn Dec 1892, battalion rebuilt with replacements; recalled to Algeria, Feb 1894). Mounted marching halfcompany embarks for ‘Soudane’ – Niger river country of French West Africa (recalled to Algeria, June 1893). July 1893 Marching battalion formed from 1st & 2nd RE embarks for planned expedition to Siam (Thailand). After expedition cancelled, battalion dispersed between Saigon and Laos (HQ & two coys recalled to Algeria in May 1897, two coys in Dec 1904). Feb 1894 One marching company each from 1st & 2nd RE embark for French West Africa (recalled to Algeria, Jan 1895). Apr 1895 Marching battalion formed from 1st & 2nd RE embarks for invasion of Madagascar, designated 1st Bn/ Algeria Marching Regt (survivors withdrawn Nov 1895). Aug 1896 Second marching battalion formed from 1st & 2nd RE embarks for Madagascar. 1897 Tonkin: I/ & II/ 1st RE in districts Ha Giang & Cao Bang respectively, depot Phu Lang Thuong; III/ & IV/ 2nd RE in districts Tuyen Quang & Lao Cai, depot Vietri. Oct, I/1st RE recalled to Algeria. Dec 1898 Madagascar: two extra marching companies embark to enlarge marching battalion (these 5th & 6th Coys recalled to Algeria, Sept 1899). Dec 1899 1st & 2nd RE each ordered enlarged from five to six battalions. Mar 1900 Marching regiment formed from IV/ 1st RE & II/ 2nd RE embarks for Madagascar. (IV/ 1st recalled to Algeria, Apr 1901; II/ 2nd recalled Nov 1903.) July 1900 Tonkin: one additional battalion each from 1st & 2nd RE embark for Indochina while Naval garrison units transferred to China for Boxer campaign. Dec 1901 Tonkin: the two extra battalions are recalled to Algeria; the three garrison battalions (II/ 1st

RE, III/ & IV/ 2nd RE) form marching regiment. 1903 Tonkin: Apr, IV/ 2nd RE redesignated IV/ 1st RE. Oct, V/ 2nd RE from Algeria shipped in to restore garrison to four battalions. 1904 Madagascar: disbandment of original 1896 marching battalion; companies withdrawn successively until July 1905. Mar 1905 Tonkin: for administrative reasons, II/ 1st RE & V/ 2nd RE swap designations. Garrison remains II/ & IV/ 1st RE, III/ & V/ 2nd RE. 7 Aug 1907 Western Morocco: VI/ 1st RE lands at Casablanca. 2 Sept 1907 I/ & IV/ 2nd RE land at Casablanca. Nov 1907 Tonkin: garrison reduced to three battalions; III/ 2nd RE recalled to Algeria. Dec 1907 North-East Morocco: I/ 1st, III/ 1st , half V/ 1st and 3rd Mtd Coy/ 1st RE operate in Djebel Beni Snassen. Apr–Sept 1908 South-East Morocco: II/ 2nd, VI/ 2nd, half V/ 2nd RE and 3rd & 24th Mtd Coys/ 1st RE operate on Guir river front. Aug–Sept 1908 W. Morocco: VI/ 1st & IV/ 2nd RE recalled to Algeria. 1910 Morocco: III/ 1st & VI/ 1st RE and IV/ 2nd RE, with two mounted companies, operate on Moulouya river front in north-east, and I/ 2nd RE with two mounted companies in west. Aug 1910 8th Coy, II/ 2nd RE becomes disciplinary (punishment) company for whole Legion in North Africa. 1911 E. Morocco: III/ 1st, V/ 1st & VI/ 1st RE and two mounted companies operate on Moulouya river front. W. Morocco: May, half of I/ 2nd RE and mounted company take part in Fes relief column. May–June 1912 W. Morocco: I/ 1st & VI/ 2nd RE operate around Fes. 1912–14 W. Morocco: operations by I/ 1st RE (recalled to Algeria, early 1913), I/ 2nd , III/ 2nd & VI/ 2nd RE (forming Marching Regt 2nd RE), with two mounted companies. 1912–14 E. Morocco: operations by I/ 1st (from 1913), II/1st, & VI/1st RE (forming Marching Regt 1st RE) with two, later one mounted company.

Posed postcard photo supposedly showing drunken légionnaires being brought in by the regimental police patrol from the village négre of an Algerian town. All have uncovered red-and-blue képis; the patrol wear the greatcoat, sky-blue sash and rifle equipment, and the revellers the walking-out dress specified in daily orders – here, the midnight-blue veste, sash, stripped belt with Lebel bayonet, and red trousers loose over old white ‘spatterdash’ gaiters. (Courtesy Jacques Gandini)

Col de Négrier’s command flag in the Sud-Oranais. It was 55cm in the hoist by 50cm in the fly, made of uniform cloth. The Legion’s red cut-out grenade was set on a dark blue rectangle 24cm high by 22.5cm wide, centred on the red field. The three flying edges were trimmed with sky-blue cravate cloth, and the hoist edge with a 2cm leather strip, through which 21 nails fixed it to the lance. (Livre d’Or de la Légion Étrangère, 1931)

CAMPAIGNS A L GE R IA

The first major operations following the suppression of the 1871 rebellion did not occur until 1881, when many troops – though no Legion units – had been withdrawn for the invasion of Tunisia. Since 1880 a marabout (holy man) called Bou Amama had been preaching

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Tenue de corvée, c.1882. After the Franco-Prussian War the thrifty Republic issued surplus uniforms of the former French Garde Mobile to the Legion for use as working clothing. This légionnaire, carrying a bunch of leafy branches as a broom, wears the Legion képi with a dark blue Garde Mobile tunic with scarlet collar, shoulder straps and cuffs, and blue-grey trousers with scarlet stripes. (Reconstruction by Mahut, 1911)

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war against the French in south Oran province. In April 1881 he succeeded in building a temporary tribal alliance around the powerful Ouled Sidi Sheikh confederation for a campaign of pillage and killing all over the western High Plains. The Africa Army, caught unawares, struggled to assemble troops to protect the European-settled areas to the north (the ‘Tell’), where most of the Legion was based, with only half of II/ LE down at Géryville on the plains. While III/ and IV/ LE were repositioned to block any rebel advance into the Tell, on 24 April 1881 Maj Laffont led a marching battalion hastily assembled from I/ and II/ LE further south in search of Bou Amama’s harka. He was halted by a cavalry officer, Col Innocenti, and then by Gen Colignon, who took their time assembling a mixed column at Géryville, with a battalion each of Zouaves and ‘turcos’ and a squadron of Innocenti’s 4th RCA. Standing operating procedure called for a column with three or four infantry battalions, a squadron or two of cavalry, an artillery section or battery, and native goumiers – irregular cavalry, to act as scouts. Such columns required large baggage trains (in this case, some 1,800 camels, plus a herd of ration cattle on the hoof), and thus moved slowly. After Gen Colignon fell sick, it was 14 May before Col Innocenti left Géryville for Bou Amama’s reported assembly point at an Ouled Sidi Sheikh shrine called El Abiodh. On 19 May the big moving square of troops ran into some 4,000 warriors about a day’s march short of waterholes at Chellala. The Legion battalion, in the front face of the square, drove off an attack, but the cavalry colonel then ordered the infantry to drop their packs and advance, following the withdrawing Arabs. Predictably, the tribal horsemen swept round a flank, falling upon the rich prize of the baggage train and massacring its cavalry escort; 84 French troops were killed or listed missing, and just 15 wounded were recovered alive. The column commander subsequently allowed Bou Amama’s camp at Chellala to break up and withdraw without interference. The raiders swept north, bypassing Géryville and wreaking havoc among the farms and villages of the Tell until driven over the Moroccan border in July. T h e f i r s t mo unted companie s

That month the energetic Col de Négrier took command of the Legion. He revised the order of march to allow at least part of a column to move faster; and he was among several officers who addressed the central problem of bringing agile Arab horsemen to battle. Mixed-arms columns were too slow to catch the raiders, but if French cavalry pressed ahead on their own they had neither the endurance nor the firepower to achieve success when separated from the massed rifles of the infantry. In December 1881, when Négrier was in the field with

III/ and IV/ LE and a battalion each of Zouaves and Tirailleurs, each unit experimented with mounting a quick-reaction platoon on mules. Mules were the equal of horses in every respect except speed over short distances, and their greater endurance – even when loaded with the men’s packs, and rations for both man and beast – enabled such mounted infantry to stay on the trail of raiders for up to six days at a time. In December 1881, Négrier’s 50 mule-mounted légionnaires covered nearly 100 miles in 48 hours, and snatched up the camp and livestock of Si Sliman, one of Bou Amama’s leading allies.2 However, it proved to be a misjudgement to give each man a mule of his own. In April 1882, when Négrier’s two battalions were with a column camped at Ain ben Khelil in the virtually unexplored Sud-Oranais, a staff officer named Capt de Castries led one of the survey parties west, tasked with mapping the broken terrain of the Chott Tigri depression. The party was composed of a cavalry troop, Capt Barbier’s company of III/ LE, Lt Massone’s squad of 23 mule-mounted légionnaires, and native irregulars – perhaps 250 men in all. Doubtless remembering the generous bounty paid for the capture of Si Sliman’s flocks, Capt de Castries let his men rustle some 1,800 sheep from a handful of Beni Gil tribesmen, but allocating men to shepherd them dispersed his strength. Early on 26 April the party were suddenly ambushed in very confusing terrain by as many as 2,400 Arabs on horseback and foot. The Legion company turned back and tried to reach a rocky butte, leaving the mounted squad to fight as rearguard, but Massone made the fatal error of not dismounting his men to fire. The Beni Gil, far more expert at fighting from the saddle, overwhelmed the mounted squad and many of the légionnaires on foot. The rest managed to fight off attackers and reached the butte, taking up a defensive position and driving off subsequent rushes with steady fire. At about noon Castries managed to send a trooper riding for help while the Arabs were preoccupied with looting the baggage and corpses, and in late afternoon he led his men down and started a punishing forced march for Ain ben Khelil. They had some 60 miles to cover, with 28 wounded, but early next morning they were met half way by Col de Négrier with 500 légionnaires. On the battlefield they found the mutilated bodies of Capt Barbier, Lt Massone and 49 rankers. One lesson was well learned, and Négrier now followed the example of Maj Marmet of 2nd RTA: he reduced his mule string to one for each two men, who took turns in the saddle every hour. Marching for half the time 2 Négrier seems to have referred to his mule infantry as a ‘groupe légère’, light squad, although it was twice that size. The French Army terms for infantry sub-units were compagnie (c.200 men, led by a captain and two subalterns); peloton, half-company (c.100, led by a subaltern); section, platoon (c.50, led by a subaltern or warrant officer); groupe, squad (c.25, led by a sergeant); and demi-groupe, half-squad (c.12, led by a corporal). Note, however, that in the cavalry a peloton was a troop – a quarter of a 160-man squadron, with c.30–40 troopers.

Impression of a légionnaire in the field in the Sud-Oranais, 1881–82; compare with Plates A1 & A2. Note the ‘de Négrier’ chest pouch, here in white canvas; the sash worn broad over the greatcoat; and the old M1869 cartridge pocket on the front right of the belt, carrying ammunition for the M1874 Gras rifle. (Reconstruction by Mahut, 1911)

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hammered home the colonel’s reminder that they were still infantry, and must always fight as such. (The two-men-per-mule arrangement also meant that only one man in eight had to act as a mule-holder in action.) VIETNAM

General François Oscar de Négrier, colonel of the Legion 1881–83 and creator of the first mule-mounted platoon, among other tactical innovations during his energetic command of the regiment in the Sud-Oranais. As a brigadier-general in Vietnam in 1884–85 he led an expeditionary brigade including two Legion battalions, and was wounded in action for the second and third times. Here he wears the képi of général de brigade, and the black frogged dolman that replaced the Army officer’s tunic from 1883 to 1893, with the cross of a Commander of the Legion of Honour at his throat.

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The citadel of Son Tay, the fortress-town north of Hanoi captured by the Legion in December 1883. The defences of the west of the town, which the Legion stormed under fire, were of similar construction. The hoardings along the parapet – manned by Chinese Black Flag mercenaries with modern rifles, light cannon and grenades – were protected with a fringe of bamboo spikes. On the west the brick walls were also screened with tall bamboo growing on the inside bank of the moat, thickly enough to detonate impact-fused French 80mm shells before they hit the brickwork. (Engraving from Hocquard photo)

In the 1880s Vietnam (then called Annam) was a fairly detached vassal kingdom of the Chinese emperor. In the 1860s the French Navy had acquired the colony of South Vietnam (Cochinchina) from the King of Annam by a combination of force and diplomacy. In North Vietnam (Tonkin) the authority of the king’s court at Hue was weak, and military freebooters spilling over the northern frontiers from the Taiping Rebellion in China (1851–66) reduced much of Tonkin to ruinous anarchy. The French Navy in Saigon continued to pressure King Tu Duc for navigation rights up the Red river, through Tonkin to Yunnan province in China. Beijing was jealous of its rights of suzerainty, but practical Chinese help for Tu Duc was limited to a few garrisons, which preyed upon local villagers rather than hunting down the swarming ‘pirates’ who haunted the rivers that carried most Vietnamese trade. The royal army was archaic, and the strongest force in Tonkin were Chinese mercenaries-cum-bandits called the Black Flags, led by the energetic and ruthless Liu Yung-fu; armed by China, he was based at Son Tay on the Red river north of Hanoi. While Liu also brutalized the local population he simultaneously rented out his services to Annamese mandarins, and in 1873 his Black Flags killed a headstrong French naval officer named Garnier who had sailed upriver and taken over the Hanoi Citadel by force. A grudging diplomatic settlement was reached, but the French still hungered for the Red river trade route, and in April 1882 they sent Capt Riviére up to Hanoi with a small force of Naval Troops to ratchet up the pressure. He too shot his way into the Hanoi Citadel, and remained in the Delta extending his control while Paris, Hue and Beijing negotiated. (The Chinese throne was now ruled by the formidable Dowager Empress Tzu Hsi, but war and peace factions at court were vying for influence.) In May 1883, Riviére too overplayed his hand, and the Black Flags killed him and nearly a hundred marsouins and local

auxiliaries outside Hanoi. King Tu Duc died shortly afterwards, and the French prime minister Jules Ferry ordered Adm Courbet in Saigon – who had an off-shore squadron and some 5,000 Naval Troops in-country – to force the Hue government to accept a French Protectorate over the whole of Vietnam. This was achieved on paper in August 1883, but leaders of the Hue regency council continued to orchestrate a determined guerrilla resistance, and there was concern over China’s possible reaction to French aggression. S o n Ta y, 1 8 8 3

Army reinforcements were shipped out from France and North Africa, among them the 1st Bn of the Legion under Maj Donnier. The unit landed at Hanoi in November 1883, at the end of the May–October rainy season that made military movements almost impossible, and in December they were committed to an attack by 5,500 troops on the Black Flag base at Son Tay. This moated, brick-walled city on a riverbank was strongly fortified and held by at least 4,000 Black Flags and Chinese regulars, armed with modern rifles and many small cannon. The légionnaires and local Tirailleurs had to fight their way with difficulty along causeways and through belts of bamboo chevaux-de-frise. Naval Infantry made an unsuccessful landing against the river gate on 15 December, and it was the Legion who achieved the breakthrough the following day, assaulting the west gate across 300 yards of open ground under heavy fire. After the artillery finally created a practicable breach Légionnaire Minnaert won his corporal’s stripes and a Military Medal by leading the rush up the rubble. French casualties were 83 dead and 320 wounded; Chinese, at least 1,000 killed and probably twice that many – after the French discovered their casualties’ heads stuck on bamboo spikes they did not take prisoners. The wounded Liu Yung-fu led his surviving Black Flags upriver to Hung Hoa.

The central operational region of Tonkin – North Vietnam – in the 1880s–90s. (Map by John Richards)

B ac Ni n h a n d Hu n g H o a , 1 8 8 4

The Expeditionary Corps was further reinforced during the winter, and by February 1884 it amounted to a 15,000-man division commanded by Navy Gen Millot. Its 1st Brigade (Hanoi) was led by Navy Gen Brière de l’Ile; the 2nd Bde (Hai Duong), commanded by Army Gen de Négrier, included I/ LE and the newly arrived II/ LE under LtCol Duchesne, each brought up to 800 strong. On 7–8 March both brigades – each with 4,000–5,000 troops plus about half as many baggage porters (‘coolies’) – moved out for a two-pronged advance on Bac Ninh some

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Dr Hocquard, who served with the Expeditionary Corps in Tonkin, captioned these Chinese soldiers as ‘Black Flags’, although they display the coloured chest discs that normally distinguished Chinese regulars. However, Black Flags and regulars of the Guangxi and Yunnan armies fought the French side by side in 1883–85, and many regulars drifted into the ranks of the mercenary corps led by Liu Yung-fu, so the distinction is unimportant. The weapon in this reversed image seems to be a Snider breech-loading conversion; by the 1880s Chinese regulars and mercenaries alike usually carried single-shot breech-loaders such as the Snider, Remington ‘rollingblock’ or bolt-action M1871 Mauser. (Engraving from Hocquard photo)

20 miles north-east of Hanoi; this important hub of cross-country and river traffic was held by several thousand well-armed Chinese regulars from Guangxi. Despite difficult going along narrow causeways over paddy fields, by 12 March both brigades were close to Bac Ninh, facing chains of small Chinese forts on hilltops. On the right flank, Négrier made the better speed through these belts of defences, whose garrisons seldom stood to fight after receiving a few shells. When gunfire warned the main garrison that 2nd Bde were threatening their road home to the Chinese frontier they too pulled out hastily, leaving the Legion to storm the gates at a cost of only two killed and 12 wounded. The Chinese left a rich booty, including Krupp field guns and a Nordenfeld machine gun, and some Frenchmen concluded that Chinese regulars were not serious adversaries. In April 1884 Gen Millot marched on Hung Hoa, and Liu Yung-fu burned his base and grudgingly withdrew northwards up the Red river, together with Yunnan troops who had crossed the frontier at Lao Cai. Duchesne’s II/ LE remained at Hung Hoa; half of I/ LE made an exhausting journey to occupy an old fort at Tuyen Quang on the upper Clear river, while the other two companies returned to Hanoi. * * * During the 1884 rainy season French operations were largely limited to exhausting and frustrating counter-insurgency along the Delta rivers, where bandit gangs regularly massacred and burned villages. Meanwhile diplomatic attempts to reach a settlement with China failed, and in August an outright naval and coastal war broke out. Admiral Courbet shelled and landed at Chinese ports, and in October Adm Lespès planted a fruitless beachhead on Formosa. There, as in Tonkin, the French suffered alarming casualty rates from malaria, blackwater fever, cholera and scrub typhus – including, from 21 January 1885, légionnaires of Maj Vitalis’ IV/ LE, diverted to Formosa while at sea. Major Schoeffer’s III/ LE landed at Haiphong on 12 January, by which time the Legion had been split into two new Régiments Étrangers (see ‘Chronology’), with the original Tonkin units redesignated I/ & II/ 1st RE and the new arrivals III/ & IV/ 2nd RE. In October 1884 columns sent northwards up the Luc Nam river and the old Mandarin Road successfully drove back Chinese incursions southwards from their border base of Lang Son, but only after much hotter fighting than at Bac Ninh. Tu y e n Quang and Hoa Moc, 1884–85

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After the rains Chinese regulars and Black Flags also began to filter southwards again from Yunnan down the Clear and Red river corridor. In mid-November the tired 3rd and 4th Coys, I/ LE at Tuyen Quang were replaced by the 1st and 2nd (Capts Moulinay and Borelli, under the battalion second-in-command Capt Cattelin), with a company from 1st Tonkinese Skirmishers (Capt Dia), four small guns, and a handful of Naval Artillery and Metropolitan sappers. The garrison CO was Maj Dominé, a 2nd Bat d’Af officer with a crippled arm. The fort, overlooked by forested hills, sat in a dank, unhealthy hollow beside the

Clear river, which was its only practical link with the post downriver at Phu Doan and the HQ at Vietri. When the river convoy departed they left Dominé the little gunboat Mitrailleuse (Ensign Sènés, with 12 ratings and two small Hotchkiss quick-firers) anchored opposite the fort. The 600-man garrison, 400 of them légionnaires, set to work digging and pallisading to improve the defences of the square fort, which had stone ramparts about 300 yards on a side and 9ft high. A hillock inside the northern walls boasted a few brick pagodas used for the headquarters, stores and hospital, and the four light guns were also installed there. Another pagoda just outside the south corner was tied into the perimeter and allocated to the Tonkinese company, and a blockhouse was built on an overlooking spur about 200 yards outside the west corner and occupied by a Legion squad. By the time the last river convoy left on 17 December (taking 50 men who had already fallen sick) at least 5,000 Yunnanese troops and Black Flags were reported in the surrounding hills. Several patrol clashes took place, and from 10 January the walls came under night-time firing. On 16 January troops could be seen entrenching on the riverside flats to the south, and this classic ‘first parallel’ was quickly followed by saps zig-zagging forwards. The Yunnanese engineers were skilful, and the garrison’s artillery ammunition was in too short supply to allow more than brief interruptions of their work. The first assault was attempted in the foggy early hours of 26 January; it was driven back, but the Chinese consolidated well ahead of their first trenches and began to dig in there, keeping the ramparts under continuous fire. Trenches crept forwards and around the walls, and scattered shelling began from the hills. On 30 January the blockhouse garrison had to be withdrawn, and after a new Chinese battery on that spur opened fire on 8 February, daylight

Due to the virtual absence of surfaced roads in Tonkin, much French movement across country relied upon river traffic for supply and troop transport. These sampans, guarded (right) by a gunboat, were photographed on the Clear river in 1884. (Engraving from Hocquard photo)

French Navy gunboat Éclair on the Clear river; these cannoniéres were an important asset of many French expeditionary forces. There were at least two classes of boat; for brief journeys hundreds of troops might be crammed aboard this larger Claperéde-built type, with twin stern paddle wheels. Displacing about 470 tons, it drew about 30ins of water; armament seems to have varied, but was usually at least one gun mounted at bow and/or stern, and at least one light Hotchkiss quick-firing ‘pompom’ – singlebarrel, or Gatling-style revolver – in armoured positions higher on the superstructure. (Engraving from Hocquard photo)

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Impression by the illustrator Pierre Benigni of the siege of Tuyen Quang on the Clear river, 16 January–3 March 1885. The officer on the parapet summons a Tirailleur Tonkinois of Capt Dia’s company of 1st RTT to carry a message; at right, légionnaires of Capt Cattelin’s detachment of 1st RE work to repair a breach under fire. 1st Company was commanded by Capt Moulinay – who was killed by a mine – and 2nd by Capt Borelli, who was saved in a face-to-face encounter on 3 March when his orderly Légionnaire Streibler threw himself forward and took the bullet. (Livre d’Or de la Légion Étrangère, 1931)

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The wrecked defences of Tuyen Quang after the relief of the fort, looking northwards at the brick buildings on the highest ground within the perimeter. This pen drawing by Talpach was worked up from a sketch made on the spot by Gnr Gusching of the garrison’s Naval Artillery platoon, commanded by Lt Derappe. (Livre d’Or de la Légion Étrangère, 1931)

movement inside the walls was confined to trenches. That day the spoil from a mine tunnel was spotted outside the north-west wall, and thereafter mines would multiply all round the western quadrant. The first mine was blown early on 13 February, and another the following night. The subsequent assaults on the breaches were repulsed in hand-to-hand fighting, and rough repairs were made with pallisades and trenching. During the fourth week of the siege both sides concentrated on digging; in daylight, artillery and small arms fire was constant (some 300 shells and several thousand rifle rounds were counted per day), and by night the Chinese trumpets robbed the jumpy defenders of their sleep. Casualties mounted steadily; night sorties were still sent out to raid the trenches, but on 18 February the bombardment intensified. On the 21st, Maj Dominé sent a message downriver to Vietri – carried by a heroic Vietnamese courier – asking when he might hope for relief, although he knew that the new commander-in-chief Gen Brière de l’Ile and the bulk of the Expeditionary Corps were committed about 100 miles to the north-east, advancing on Lang Son (see below). The most intense fighting took place between 22 and 28 February. Mines were blown and the breaches assaulted by Yunnanese regulars almost every dawn; they were held only at considerable cost (one explosion on the 22nd killed Capt Moulinay and 13 of his men and wounded another 40). By the 28th the 180-odd légionnaires still

capable of making counter-attacks had to defend six breaches totalling about 120 yards of gapped wall. However, that night a courier brought word that Col Giovanninelli’s 3,000-strong relief column of marsouins and turcos (and a couple of hundred men from the other two companies of I/ 1st RE) hoped to arrive on 2 March. Three days after the occupation of Lang Son on 13 February, Gen Brière had set out for Tuyen Quang with Giovanninelli’s 1st Bde, and by 2 March they were approaching Hoa Moc on the bank of the river a few miles south-east of the fort. There they ran into a chain of Chinese defences on thickly jungled hills barring their way; fighting their way up through the bamboo took the rest of the day, and a night-time Chinese counter-attack increased the heaviest butcher’s bill yet paid by a French force in Tonkin to 76 killed and at least 400 wounded. When the morning fog cleared on 3 March – the 37th day of the siege – Dominé’s garrison discovered that all but a handful of the Chinese had abandoned their trenches and slipped away into the forest, and that afternoon the first turcos of the relief force came cautiously through the trees. The Tuyen Quang garrison of some 550 men had lost 56 dead and 208 wounded, and the two Legion companies 40 per cent casualties – 32 dead and 126 wounded. L ang S on , 1 8 8 5

It had not been until February 1885 that Gen Brière was authorized to march on the strategic border town of Lang Son. His 7,000-odd combatants – with c.4,500 coolies to carry stores and baggage along the narrow mountain tracks – comprised two local battalions and ten French, with six artillery batteries. The 1st Bde (Col Giovanninelli) was built on two Naval battalions and two of Tirailleurs Algériens, and 2nd Bde (Gen de Négrier) on three Line units, II/ 1st and III/ 2nd RE, and 2nd Bat d’Afrique. They marched from a base camp at Chu on 3 February; Gen Brière avoided the direct Mandarin Road route, and under frequent downpours the heavily-loaded column had to struggle along rudimentary tracks through rugged hills to the east of it. They also had to climb innumerable slopes to capture Chinese hill forts (one witness counted more than 30 over one stretch of only 10 miles), and while these were seldom held with any determination each took its toll of casualties – a day might cost 10–20 killed and 50–100 wounded, and the wounded had to be carried forward with the column. These losses added up, and by the time they occupied the abandoned towns of Lang Son and Ky Lua on 13 February the 2nd Bde – which would remain in garrison while Brière took Giovanninelli’s 1st Bde to relieve Tuyen Quang – had been reduced to not much more than half strength. Rations were also very short, and until replacements and resupply could come up Gen de Négrier had cause to be concerned

‘Chinese regular’ with flag, 1884. The hill-forts taken from Guangxi army troops during the advance on Lang Son were bedecked with flags, since not only every officer of note had one, but every separate platoon. At Bac Ninh that March, Hocquard saw three differently coloured regimental uniforms – in blue edged with black, green edged with dark red, and yellow silk. (Engraving from Hocquard photo)

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Dr Hocquard’s dressing station of Gen de Négrier’s 2nd Bde, after one of the actions during Gen Brière de l’Ile’s advance to Lang Son, 3–13 February 1885. The brigade was made up of three Line battalions, II/ 1st and III/ 2nd RE, and 2nd Bat d’Afrique; nevertheless, these figures in drab-covered sun helmets all wear the Naval Troops’ dark blue doublebreasted paletot jacket with white fatigue trousers. Compare with Plate B. (Engraving from Hocquard photo)

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about reported Chinese movements on both sides of the nearby frontier. Believing it was wisest to bundle the ‘Celestials’ right out of Tonkin, on 23 February he led most of his men 8 miles north-west to Dong Dang and expelled a Chinese force there. They then pressed on to the actual ‘Gate of China’, an unimpressive range of buildings blocking a narrow defile; Négrier had the gate-tunnel blown up with abandoned Chinese ammunition, and next day he left Maj Diguet’s II/ 1st RE at Dong Dang as he returned to Ky Lua. On 22 March that battalion drove off a Chinese attack, and Négrier decided that rather than waiting passively for them to get south of him and cut him off, he had to knock the ambition out of the enemy who were reported massing at Bang Bo about 5 miles inside China. The following day he advanced with three understrength battalions totalling fewer than 2,000 men – the marching battalions of 111th and 143rd Line, and II/ 1st RE. They took Chinese positions on both sides of the frontier before bivouacking for the night; but on the 24th the Line units were suddenly hit by a major counter-attack and fell back in some disorder. The légionnaires provided a steady rearguard, but by the time the force reached Dong Dang losses were reported as 72 killed and 190 wounded. Négrier withdrew to Ky Lua, which was attacked early on 28 March by a large Chinese force, but after some initial wavering the French infantry counter-attacked and drove the enemy from the field. Only 7 French soldiers were killed and 37 wounded – but one of the latter was Négrier himself, shot in the chest. Command passed by seniority to LtCol Herbinger, CO of the Line marching regiment, who at once decided to abandon Lang Son and march south that same night, dumping stores, four cannon and the paychest amid scenes of great confusion. On receiving his telegraphed report Gen Brière worded a despatch to Paris in the most pessimistic terms; he would quickly make Herbinger the scapegoat for what may have been a needless retreat, but it was Brière’s own panicky first despatch that did the real damage. It caused an extraordinary political nervous breakdown in Paris, and the beleaguered Ferry government fell on 30 March 1885. Just five days later a long-negotiated Franco–Chinese ceasefire was signed, and was announced on 15 April. It was followed on 11 June by the Treaty of Tientsin: Chinese troops and (some) Black Flags withdrew from Tonkin by agreed dates under joint supervision, and French garrisons would soon be back on the frontier. An attempted coup by the regents in Hue was easily crushed; their latest teenage King of Annam took to the hills, but was quickly replaced with a complacent French puppet.

P acif ic a ti on , c . 1 8 8 6 – 1 9 0 9

Reduced funding soon left the Tonkin command with about 20,000 mostly Naval and local troops, and the four Legion battalions were the only Army infantry. Small French posts were planted in the forested hills along the north-west and north-east borders, facing lines of Chinese forts; but in such terrain the frontiers were almost uncontrollable, as was the wild hinterland throughout which similar posts were dotted along tracks and rivers. In the border country the enemy were Chinese bandits, and freelancing Chinese troops whose mandarins were in business with the bandit chiefs. In the interior they were local rebels-cum-pirates orchestrated by hostile Annamese mandarins who imposed a ‘shadow’ tax system, or simply outlaw gangs that preyed on villagers with medieval cruelty. During the anarchy of the 1860s–80s large areas of the hills had become almost depopulated, and providing the security for villagers to return to their abandoned fields was a long and frustrating task. For many years the main Legion sectors were along the north-eastern frontier between Cao Bang and Lang Son, and in the Yen The hills between Lang Son and Phu Lang Thuong (which were linked in 1894 by a railway following the old Mandarin Road). A typical post garrison was a couple of platoons of légionnaires with twice that number of Tirailleurs Tonkinois; posts were often fired upon though seldom assaulted, but jungle patrols and resupply parties along precarious tracks were always in danger. When a bandit fort was located it took weeks to scrape together the men and supplies for unwieldy columns into the hills; although well armed (often with repeaters such as Winchesters) the bandits never seriously attacked such columns, but skirmished to delay them while their main body withdrew, only to create a new lair a few miles away. When rebel forts were defended

1892: légionnaires pause in the jungle hills of the Yen The region, during a patrol from Cho Trang post. They wear a motley range of clothing with white M1886 helmets; visible are white fatigue blouses and trousers, with the blue sash and – unusually – long dark puttees; khaki-drill jackets, a sailor’s striped singlet (right foreground), and (left background and foreground) white Naval Troops jackets worn by a subaltern or warrant officer and an NCO. The rankers carry M1874 Gras rifles, and wear only a single M1877 belt pouch. (Jean Vigne)

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Reconstruction by Mahut of a légionnaire of the marching battalion shipped out to Saigon for the planned but aborted Thailand expedition of 1893. Its separated companies remained in Cochinchina and Laos until 1904. Armed with the M1883 Lebel, he wears a khaki-drill helmet cover and jacket with white trousers, a single M1888 belt pouch, and a black ‘de Négrier’ rig separated into two halves and slung under his arms – compare with Plate D1.

against assault, however, they might be formidable obstacles, with strong and elaborate defences that required classic artillery and engineering work. French combat casualties were moderate, but tropical sickness killed far more; in the 22 years from 1887 to 1909 Legion combat deaths in Tonkin were only 271, but those from disease ten times greater, and the four Legion garrison battalions needed 25 per cent replacement drafts every year. Slow progress was achieved nevertheless, and in the north-east in the early 1890s effective methods were developed by Col Joseph Galliéni, a Naval Troops veteran of West African campaigns. He combined agile small-unit operations with a ‘hearts-and-minds’ policy implemented by the officers commanding districts in his territory, who got to know their country and their tribal populations intimately. ‘Doorbell’ outposts on the frontier could summon support (by signalling-lamp and later by telegraph) from larger posts planted along a network of new tracks. Paying little heed to the weak French civil administration, Galliéni punished Chinese incursions boldly while arming villagers for self-defence, and productive life gradually returned to the hills. One of Galliéni’s keenest and most able pupils was a staff cavalry officer, Maj Hubert Lyautey. Like Galliéni, he became impressed by the Legion’s versatility, and by the légionnaires’ greater endurance and hardihood than the young Naval Infantry conscripts. W E S T A FRIC A D a h o m e y, 1892

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The competition for colonies in West Africa had left a strip of uninvaded country stretching north from the Gulf of Guinea between German Togo and British Nigeria. Dahomey (roughly, modern southern Benin) was a kingdom dominated by the warlike Fon tribe, and despite the abolition of the European slave trade Fon kings were still rapacious slave-raiders, both for plantation labour and for the human sacrifices that were central to their religion. For this purpose they maintained a capable and aggressive standing army built around some 5,000 elite warriors with firearms. When King Behanzin succeeded his father in 1889 the French demanded an improvement of their trading concessions at Porto Novo and Cotonou on the coast, and Behanzin attacked Cotonou. During the subsequent lull he acquired some artillery, and modern rifles for about 2,000 of his best warriors, who included units of women (inevitably dubbed ‘Amazons’ by the Europeans). In March 1892 the ambush of a gunboat on the Ouemé river provided an excuse for a French expedition inland, and a force was assembled at Porto Novo by a mulatto Naval Troops officer, Col Alfred Dodds. The main units of the column that moved inland up the Ouemé in late August 1892 were a marching battalion from 3rd RIM, a second from 1st and 2nd RTS, and a third from 1st and 2nd RE led by Maj Marius Faurax. The straight-line distance to Behanzin’s capital at Abomey was only some

80 miles, but most of it was thick jungle and swampland infested with malarial mosquitoes. The climate was unhealthy and exhausting, and to reduce the inevitable casualties on the march Dodds provided large numbers of native porters to carry the stores and the men’s packs. The column was soon divided into three groups each with about 800 mixed infantry; one Legion company marched in each of the first two groups, and Maj Faurax with the other two companies in the third. On 19 September the camp of Groups 2 and 3 near a village called Dogba was violently attacked at daybreak. Dahomeyan snipers had already climbed into the treetops, and opened fire on the soldiers hurrying to defend the thorn fence against the main rush by some 3,500 warriors. The fighting quickly came to hand-to-hand range, and it was four hours before the Fon withdrew, leaving anything between 300 and 800 dead behind them. French losses were 45 killed – including Maj Faurax – and 60 wounded. Captain Battreau took over the Legion battalion; thereafter each night camp was entrenched, which added to the men’s exhaustion, and hacking a path through the bush reduced progress to about 3 miles per day. Dahomeyan rearguards were swept aside, but on 4 October a large force offered battle near a village variously named as Poguessa or Gbedé. Behanzin’s Krupp guns were badly served, but heroic charges by male and female warriors armed with Spencers and Winchesters came to close quarters, causing some 40 casualties, and about the same number fell on 6 October while capturing a bridge and earthworks. Now forced to leave the river and strike west through difficult scrub-jungle, the column suffered from thirst, bad weather, increasing losses from heat exhaustion, malaria and yellow fever (particularly among the Naval battalion, which virtually ceased to exist), and constant harassing attacks that cost up to 30 casualties a day. Many of the porters deserted, so the troops had to carry their own packs and the growing number of stretchers, and by 7 October combat strength had fallen from c.2,400 to below 1,600 bayonets. Another major action was fought on 20 October, but on the 24th some 600 replacements arrived from the coast; thereafter the column advanced in four groups, each built around one Legion and two Senegalese companies. After further actions on 25 and 27 October and 2 and 4 November, on the 5th they entered the religious capital of Kana, only a few miles short of Abomey. King

Cross-section of the defences of a rebel lair in the northern Yen The, taken by Gen Voyron in March 1892 with three columns including Legion companies. From the outside (right), this large fort was defended by panjistakes, three pallisades, a deep ditch, and thick mud-brick walls with loopholes at two levels, the parapets protected by two outer ‘shelves’ of bamboo stakes. Note inside the rampart a ‘covered way’ sheltering movements by the garrison. This fort was held by some 1,200 riflemen, about 20 per cent of them armed with repeaters such as Winchesters. French authorities might refer to the Tonkinese rebels-cumbandits simply as ‘pirates’, but when they stood to fight they were formidable enemies. (Manington)

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Légionnaires getting on parade in North Vietnam some time before 1914. They wear white helmets, the M1901 Naval Troops khaki-drill uniform, and Lebel rifle equipment with M1892 Y-straps. Compare with Plate D3.

Behanzin subsequently burned and abandoned Abomey, and fled north with his last few supporters. The nine-week march had cost the combatants about 27 per cent immediate casualties – some 250 dead and 370 wounded. However, the sick who had to be evacuated brought total casualties up to about 75 per cent, both in the column as a whole and in the Legion unit. Only one fit company of légionnaires could be assembled as the spine for a large new draft of replacements, which continued to suffer losses from disease until withdrawn early in 1894. F re n c h We st Africa

In July 1892 a half-strength mounted marching company was formed from men of both REs for deployment to the swamps of the Niger river country. Four officers with 120 men and 93 mules landed at Kayes on the Senegal river on 2 September; they returned to Algeria in June 1893, having marched some 1,860 miles and taken part in 14 combats while serving with columns under Cols Archinard and Combes of the Naval Troops. In March 1894 two infantry marching companies under Maj Bouvier, with 10 officers and 305 men, landed at St Louis de Sénégal for operations on the upper Niger, but although intended for Timbuktu they were halted at Segou. A detachment under Lt Betbeder and Sgt Minnaert saw action against slavers at the village of Bossé, but most of the roughly 75 per cent casualties suffered by the time the force was withdrawn in January 1895 were from disease. M A D A G A SC AR

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This huge island off the East African coast, some 1,000 miles long by 350 wide, had long attracted the attention of land-hungry planters on France’s Indian Ocean island of Réunion. Much of the north and centre was ruled or dominated by the Hova tribal monarchy, whose kingdom was called Imerina, with its capital at Antananarivo in the central eastern highlands. From 1864 power was wielded by the prime minister and queen’s consort, Rainilaiarivony, who skilfully juggled French and British

diplomatic pressures, but in 1885 he had to cede to the French a northern enclave around Diego Suarez. This was garrisoned by Naval Troops, who raised Malagasy Skirmishers from the Sakalava tribe. In the early 1890s the latest Hova refusal of a French Protectorate provoked the planning of an expeditionary force. Its unwieldy size was prompted by reports that the 40,000-strong Hova army had acquired 25,000 breech-loading rifles, modern artillery and British instructors. Inter-service rivalry led the War Ministry to insist on controlling the planning and execution, although the landing corps’ 15,400 men would come from all three organizations. Of 13 infantry battalions, four were marching units of Metropolitan conscripts who had volunteered for the mission; three were Naval, three basically African, and three from North Africa – an 800-man Legion marching battalion and two of Tirailleurs Algériens. The C-in-C was Army Gen Duchesne, the brigade commanders Army Gen Metzinger and Navy Gen Voyron.3 I nv asi on , 1 8 9 5

It was decided to land in April–May 1895 at Majunga in the north-west, about 230 miles from the capital. Madagascar was completely roadless, but – since it would be impossible to recruit enough porters locally – 5,500 Algerian muleteers were hired, and the Army ordered 5,000 small iron Lefebvre mule-carts. The plan was to steam up the Betziboka river through the jungled, swampy coastal flats for the first c.125 miles using towed barges for transport, and then to build a cart road on the firmer ground inland for the march up into the hills and across the bare eastern plateaux to Antananarivo. In the event the force’s piecemeal arrival at Majunga and unanticipated difficulties in unloading greatly delayed and reduced the river element, so the troops had to be set to work building a road through the swamps for the iron carts; but these – which were supposed to travel in columns of 150, with a total payload of 30 tons – promptly bogged down, while malarial mosquitoes proved far deadlier defenders than the elusive and nervous Hovas. Casualties from disease thinned the landing corps from the first; the road-building slowed to a crawl, and the trickle of supplies coming forwards quickly forced the advance guard onto half-rations. Major Barre’s Legion battalion were among the units that started up river on 1 May; from the first clashes the Hova troops ran from every encounter, and despite the exhausting terrain and short rations the advance guard made good progress. By 9 June they reached the site planned for a forward depot at Marolo, and after a few volleys the Hovas gave up a strong hill position at Mevatanana. But the main force was still dispersed in detachments far behind, dying in droves while they struggled to build the cart road to bring 250 tons of stores the 155 miles forward to the first escarpment and up onto the Andriba 3 The Legion and Tirailleurs units of the Algeria Marching Regt were designated, respectively, I/, and II/ & III/ RMdA. The Metropolitan marching units were the temporarily formed 40th Bn de Chasseurs à Pied and I/, II/ & III/ 200th Regt de Ligne. Marsouins of 1st & 3rd RIM formed the 13th [Marching] RIM; and a Régt Colonial (RC) was assembled from a West African bn, one of white Réunion Volunteers and one of local Tirailleurs Malgaches. The force had eight artillery batteries but only four Metropolitan engineer companies.

Mahut’s reconstruction of a légionnaire of Maj Faurax’s marching battalion in Dahomey, 1892, is much reproduced, but it seems to be the only known image of the Legion in this campaign. See Plate C1 and commentary.

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A Mahut reconstruction of a légionnaire of Maj Barre’s I/RM d’Algerie in Madagascar, 1895. He wears the same native troops’ collarless khaki jacket as issued for the Dahomey expedition; note the full marching pack, and the local knife on his belt.

plateau. From 12 June to 18 September the Legion had to join them in this task; morale sank, and was not improved even by their easy victories every time they reached a Hova blocking position. All but one of the British instructors had left the island in disgust, and the Hova ‘army’ was composed of unwilling, untrained conscripts led by mostly illiterate officers. These aristocrats had never dared to arm and train a serious force of their enslaved people, and were far more concerned with mutual rivalries than with national defence. A few shells would always persuade them to abandon strong earthworks, complete with brand new Krupp and Hotchkiss guns and Gardner machine guns, and after each encounter they fled tens of miles back. On 4 August, Gen Duchesne decided to concentrate his efforts on provisioning a picked Light Column of c.4,000 of the fittest troops, to dash the last 120 miles to Antananarivo with a train of pack mules, but it was 14 September before they could start out. Reinforcements had eventually arrived, including 150 légionnaires; even so, only 450 men answered the Legion rollcall on 1 September – the battalion had already suffered about 60 per cent casualties, almost entirely from disease. The unit marched with Metzinger’s vanguard of the Light Column; their few clashes with the Hovas followed the same pattern as before, and on 30 September – after brief skirmishes on outlying hills, and a half-hour bombardment – Antananarivo was surrendered, despite its strong artillery and full arsenals. The death toll among the 18,340 men of the reinforced expedition would eventually be calculated at 5,756 – a fatality rate of 31 per cent, of which 72 per cent were from malaria and blackwater fever, and just 25 deaths were from enemy action. The four Metropolitan infantry units suffered by far the highest number: 1,549 dead out of c.3,200, including 63 per cent fatalities in the 40th Chasseurs. These staggering losses caused a scandal, and ensured that the conscript sons of French voters would never again be exposed to such dangers (after all, that was what the native troops and foreign légionnaires were for…). Major Barre’s Legion battalion listed 226 dead (23 per cent), only 5 of them the result of combat; it was withdrawn in November. P a c i f i c a tio n a nd garriso n, 1896–1905

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An initial protectorate administration failed, widespread revolts broke out, and in August 1896 Madagascar was declared a French colony. Colonel Galliéni accepted the governorship (famously, on condition that he was given a new marching battalion of the Legion, ‘so that if it comes to it, I can at least die with decency’). His modest 7,000-strong garrison were mostly African troops, with single Naval and Legion battalions dispersed in companies all over the huge island. In enormously varied terrain they carried out a slow, exhausting campaign of pacification over seven years, still suffering far more deaths from disease than wounds.

In 1897 Gen Galliéni summoned LtCol Lyautey from Tonkin as his deputy, and together they applied the old combination of military pressure and ‘hearts-and-minds’ civil development. Additional Legion units were shipped in periodically to serve in a combined security and labour role (see ‘Chronology’). Colonel Lyautey left the ‘Red Island’ in July 1902, followed by the last légionnaires in July 1905. T H E S U D- OR ANAI S

At the end of the 19th century much of the border between western Algeria and eastern Morocco was defined by little more than tribal tradition. The Moroccan capital, Fes, was far away beyond the Atlas Mountains; during the reign (1900–08) of the weak young Sultan Moulay Abd el Aziz his government – the Maghzan – exercised virtually no authority over the border tribes, and those in the south regularly raided those of the French-ruled Sud-Oranais. On the Algerian side of the debatable southern border, a railway driven south from Ain Sefra reached Djenien bou Rezg in February 1900. This brought with it increased military and trading activity down the line of oases following the (mostly underground) Oued Zousfana river, providing temptation for marauding tribes such as the Ouled Jarir and Dawi Mani Arabs and the Ait Khabbash Berbers. These semi-nomads dominated the caravan routes and the productive border oases such as Figuig, in whose markets they had acquired very large numbers of single-shot breech-loading European and American rifles, and even a few repeaters. However, while the French Foreign Ministry conspired – in competition with Britain, Germany and Spain – to bring the deeply mortgaged sultanate under ever-greater control, the frustrated commanders of Ain Sefra Subdivision were forbidden to cross the notional frontier even in ‘hot pursuit’. T he To u a t a n d Za f r a n i , 1 8 9 9 – 1 9 0 0

In December 1899 French-led irregulars occupied In Salah, an oasis in the Touat group, and others were taken during spring 1900. Although it was far south-east of Igli (see bottom of map on page 24) and well

Classic study of a sergeant (left) and three légionnaires of 2nd RE, taken at Figuig following the bombardment of the oasis on 8 June 1903. See Plate G2 and commentary for uniform details. The tall soldier second from left wears three campaign medals and two re-enlistment chevrons, showing that he is serving his third five-year hitch, but he is still (or once more…) a private second class; it was quite usual for men to gain and lose stripes several times during their service.

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The Algerian–Moroccan border country at the turn of the 19th/20th centuries. The valleys of the Oued Zousfana, bottom centre, and the Oued Guir, further west, were the arena of the Legion’s actions in 1903–08. (Map by John Richards)

inside any notional Algerian border, the people of the Touat owed religious allegiance to the Sultan of Morocco, and this occupation caused outrage – particularly among tribes that had profited from ‘protection rackets’ over the Touat oases and from a vestigial trans-Saharan slave traffic.4 To cover the new Touat garrisons against any threat from the west, in March 1900 a column built around V/ 1st RE (Maj Brundsaux) and IV/ 2nd RTA (Maj Bichemin) marched south from the railhead down the Zousfana and installed a post at Igli, and another at Taghit that June. Supplying these forts in the Far South required regular convoys of up to 4,000 camels, and these – like the advancing railway camps – were naturally attractive to border raiders. The drain on mobile troops to escort these convoys back and forth distracted the Legion and Algerian Tirailleur mule-infantry companies from their intended role as quick-reaction units. On 30 July 1900 the 200-strong 1st Mtd Coy/ 1st RE (Capt Sérant) were the advance guard of a northwards convoy from Igli when they were attacked north of the wells at Zafrani by 400–500 Dawi Mani horsemen. Sérant deployed his légionnaires on a low hillock and conducted a successful defence, although some riders actually penetrated the square before being shot down, and a detached platoon that got caught in the open suffered for it. During 1900–01 war parties, usually only a dozen or two strong, continued to cross the border to kill sentries, steal rifles and run off livestock from the rail camps and bivouacs, but in larger numbers to pillage peaceful tribes who looked to the French for protection. Ain Sefra HQ believed that the Figuig oasis complex was the ‘thieves’ kitchen’ responsible for most of this trouble, but were forbidden to send counter-raids into Morocco. Encouraged by this inactivity, holy men (continued on page 33)

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4 Although two companies of I/ 1st RE made an epic desert march from Géryville, the Legion did not see action in the Touat, whose garrisons were provided by the Bats d’Af and Tirailleurs Algériens. Apart from four battalions of 1st and 2nd RE, the other units then in Oran Division were 2nd RZ and 1st Bat d’Af headquartered at Oran, 2nd RTA at Mostaganem, 2nd RCA at Tlemcen, and 2nd RS with 1st RE at Sidi bel Abbès.

ALGERIA, early 1880s 1: Légionnaire, campaign dress 2: Légionnaire, marching order 3: Caporal, summer barracks dress

3 1

2

A

TONKIN, 1880s 1: Légionnaire, 1st RE; cold season 1885 2: Légionnaire, 2nd RE; marching order, hot season 1885 3: Lieutenant in off-duty whites; Hanoi, spring 1884

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1

2

B

DAHOMEY & MADAGASCAR, 1892–96 1: Légionnaire, Dahomey, 1892 2: Légionnaire 1ère Classe, Madagascar, c.1896 3: Lieutenant, Madagascar, late 1895

3

1

2

C

TONKIN & MADAGASCAR, c.1895–1905 1: Légionnaire 1ère Classe bugler, II/ 1st RE; Tonkin, c.1895 2: Capitaine, 2nd RE; Tonkin, c.1900 3: Caporal, Madagascar, c.1905

1 3

2

D

ALGERIA, c.1885–1900 1: Capitaine, 1st RE; grande tenue, late 1880s 2: Adjudant, 1st RE; grande tenue, c.1895 3: Légionnaire, 1st RE; winter barracks dress, c.1885

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1

3

E

F

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SUD-ORANAIS, c.1900–03 1: Sous-lieutenant, 1st RE; campaign dress 2: Lieutenant, 2nd RE Mounted Company; campaign dress, c.1903 3 & 4: Légionnaires, Mounted Companies, c.1903

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3

G

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2

MOROCCO & ALGERIA, c.1903–13 1: Adjudant, Mounted Companies; patrol dress, Sud-Oranais 2: Légionnaire 1ère classe, 2nd RE; Figuig, 1903 3: Caporal medical orderly, 1st RE; Sidi bel Abbès, 1913

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MOROCCO & ALGERIA, 1913–14 1: Sergent Panther, I/ 1er RE; Nekhila, Morocco, April 1913 2: Caporal, 1st RE; grande tenue, Algeria, spring 1913 3: Légionnaire, 2e RE; Mont des Tsouls, Morocco, May 1914

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2

1

H

in the Tafilalt oases on the Oued Ziz far to the west preached jihad, and in May 1903 a war band of no fewer than 1,500 Beni Gil and Ouled Jarir raided into Algeria. F ig uig , Ta g h i t a n d E l M o u n g a r, 1 9 03

The bellicose civilian governor-general of Algeria, Charles Jonnart, was still refused permission to send columns into Morocco, but arranged to meet the (purely nominal) Maghzan local governor in Figuig on 31 May 1903 to demand action from him. After the meeting Jonnart’s party were fired upon from Zenaga, the strongest walled village in Figuig, and 18th Mtd Coy/ 1st RE (Capt Bonnelet & Lt Selchauhansen) had a brisk fight before their retreat down a pass was covered by 19th Mtd Company. The enraged Jonnart obtained permission for Gen O’Connor of Oran Division to shell Zenaga. Two battalions of 2nd RE covered this operation on 8 June, and the elders of all the Figuig villages quickly came to terms. No garrison was planted there, but one nearby at the new railhead of Beni Ounif ensured that raiders could no longer use Figuig as a base. O’Connor followed this up with a strong column to cow the Dawi Mani and Ouled Jarir at Béchar; this was achieved without shots fired, but Capt de Susbielle, the Native Affairs officer based at Taghit, led his irregulars and half of 22nd Mtd Coy/ 2nd RE on a punitive raid through other villages to the north. In response, a charismatic preacher in the Tafilalt, Ba Sidi el Hanafi, managed to weld some 4,500 warriors into a multi-tribal war band, and early on 16 August 1903 a Legion patrol from 22nd Mtd Coy (Lt Pointurier) warned Susbielle that this harka was approaching Taghit. The fort was held by about 360 turcos, joyeux and Arab goumiers, with two 80mm guns. When the war band hit villages about a mile south of Taghit on the 17th, Susbielle sent out an aggressive Tirailleur fighting patrol; covered by shrapnel shells, this returned to the fort with only light casualties. Lacking any central leadership, the tribesmen had not even surrounded the fort, and the next morning Lt Pointurier and his 94 légionnaires slipped in from the north to reinforce the garrison. Further sorties continued, as did piecemeal Arab attacks, and sniping from the overlooking sand dunes; but another party of goumiers got into the fort, and on 20 August the harka broke up and drifted away. French casualties totalled nine killed and 21 wounded, while their attackers lost several hundred. Some 300 Shaamba camel-riders had ridden eastwards from Taghit, disappearing into the Great Western Sand Sea, but on 25 August orders reached Djenan ed-Dar for a stalled southwards convoy to get on the move again. It travelled in three groups (the meagre waterholes had to be given time to fill up again after each group had passed), and the second was escorted by Capt Vauchez with Lt Selchauhansen and 111 rankers of 22nd Mtd Coy/ 2nd RE. On the morning of 2 September, Vauchez called a halt just south

Légionnaire of a mounted company with his ‘brêle’, c.1905. The mule carries only the front saddle wallets and rear saddlebags (here with a walking stick attached) rather than its full stowage for patrol, as described in the commentary to Plate F4. (Courtesy the late M. Raoul Brunon, Musée de l’Empéri)

BELOW Casablanca, probably 4 September 1907: the funeral of Maj Provost, CO of VI/ 1st RE, one of eight men killed the previous day at Tahaddert. For the ceremony the soldiers wear belts stripped to the bayonet only over their sashes and greatcoats; they carry palm branches, and wreaths and crosses woven with the wildflowers that covered the Chaouia plain. Between the Casablanca landings and the outbreak of the Great War in August 1914, the Legion in Morocco would lose 325 all ranks killed in action.

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A Legion mounted company practising their defensive ‘square’ formation. About 150 men can be counted in the faces of the rectangle, suggesting that there are perhaps 30 muleholders and command group personnel in the centre. At least some of the mule-holders are mounted, and seem to retain their dark greatcoats, while the soldiers on foot are all in white fatigues. Note the small company fanion on its staff in the left corner of the square. (SIHLE, courtesy John Robert Young)

Casablanca, September 1907: officers of one of the three Legion battalions of the Landing Corps question prisoners. Much obsolete field equipment remained in use for decades after the Franco-Prussian War; the légionnaire at left still wears the old 1867 spatterdash gaiters, and has a rectangular Second Empire canteen. The officers wear slightly differing sevenbutton white tunics, both with gold collar grenades on black backing cut to ‘teardrop’ shape, and removable gold-on-black rank rings round their cuffs. Both officers wear white cotton képi-covers like their men. Compare these uniforms with Plate D2. (Courtesy R.G. Harris)

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of El Moungar – close to Capt Sérant’s battlefield of July 1900. Vauchez did not send out sentries, the few Spahi pickets were careless, and, while dismounted to eat, the escort came under close-range fire from the Shaamba war party waiting in ambush at just that spot. Attacked from two sides, the half-company took heavy casualties before reaching hillocks beside the track. Commanded by QM-Sgt Tisserand, the surrounded force endured continual firing and attacks that came to hand-to-hand, and by the time Capt de Susbielle reached them late that afternoon only 30 men led by a corporal were unwounded. Both the officers and 35 rankers were killed or mortally wounded, and 46 wounded survived. This virtual wiping out of a 100-strong Legion unit caused uproar in Paris, and in October 1903, at the urging of Governor-General Jonnart, command of Ain Sefra Subdivision passed to the newly promoted BrigGen Lyautey. Ly a u t e y ’s fro ntie r campaign, 1904–07

With Jonnart’s support, Lyautey secured unusual freedom of action that allowed him to ignore Oran Division and circumvent Foreign Ministry policy. He pushed French posts steadily westwards across the debatable border marches, pretending to Paris that they were simply temporary reconnaissance outposts; in fact they became permanent forts and centres for his simultaneous ‘hearts-and-minds’ tribal diplomacy, attracting the tents of submitted clans to their protection, markets and clinics. His spearheads were the Legion mounted companies, now freed from their escort duties; late in 1904 he increased their number from three to four, with forward bases at Berguent on the High Plains, Forthassa Gharbia and Béchar in the south. The fixed anchors that he planted in their wake were Algerian, Bat d’Af and Legion infantry garrisons; at any one time four of the eight Legion battalions then in Algeria were posted to the Sud-Oranais. The southern posts were reduced in number but enlarged and heavily provisioned, sending out supply trains to rendezvous with mobile units – mounted companies, Spahis and lightened Algerian infantry – to increase their endurance and radius of operations.

The first example of Gen Lyautey’s creative insubordination was the Ouled Jarir tribal centre at Béchar, until then only visited periodically. In November 1903 it was occupied by 3rd Mtd Coy/ 1st RE without a fight; Lyautey’s report to Paris used a local placename that appeared on no map, and Jonnart helped conceal the facts by suggesting to the War Ministry that this new patrol base be named ‘Colomb’ after a dead general. The 3rd Mtd Coy then spent seven months radiating out from it over new country, while 2nd Mtd Coy began building the fort, where in October 1904 a permanent garrison from II/ 1st RE was installed. In January 1904 patrols westward reached the Abadla grainfields on the Oued Guir, a vital resource for the Dawi Mani tribe, whose clans began to submit; and in February 2nd Mt Coy/ 2nd RE planted a post at Forthassa Gharbia. In June 1904, Lyautey’s repetition of the Béchar trick at the Beni Gil tribal centre of Ras el Ain – ‘Berguent’, more than 100 miles north-west of Ain Sefra in undeniably Moroccan territory – nearly cost him his command, but Jonnart smoothed ruffled feathers in Paris, and retrospective permission was granted that October. 1904 was the first year when there were no reports at all of killings by border raiders, and in July 1905 the railway reached Colomb Béchar. After a Franco-German diplomatic crisis over Morocco in 1905, the outcome of an international conference forced the sultan to sign the Act of Algeciras in June 1906; this cemented increased French territorial rights, and Spain’s historic Mediterranean coastal concessions. In December 1906, Lyautey was promoted to command Oran Division. When he was ordered in March 1907 to cross the northern frontier and occupy Oujda in order to increase French diplomatic pressure on the Maghzan, his troops included III/ 1st RE and a mounted company. MO R O C CO

The Chaouia, 1908: a postcard photo showing a platoon of 2nd RE marching at ease as they leave the base at Ber Rechid. They march in the regulation column-of-fours, led by a sergeant (far left) and what seems to be an adjudant; the single cuff ring on his M1893 tunic (see Plate E2) cannot be made out in detail, but the high, cylindrical blocking of his képi is typical for a warrant officer, and he wears loose white fatigue trousers like his men. They appear to wear uncovered képis.

The red rock gara or butte at Boudenib seen from the northwest, looking south-east across the broad bed of the Oued Guir. The building just visible on the skyline, about one-third of the way in from the left escarpment, is either the ruin of the blockhouse held by Lt Vary on the night of 1/2 September 1908, or a later construction on the same spot. (Author’s photo, 2007)

C asab la n c a a n d t h e C hao ui a , 1 90 7 – 0 8

Amid widespread anti-French feeling, the authority of Sultan Abd el Aziz’s impotent government was collapsing in anarchy. In August 1907 mob violence against Europeans broke out in the Atlantic port of Casablanca, and a probably needless French naval bombardment provoked a general uprising. On 7 August a Landing Corps of 3,000 French troops from Algeria under Gen Drude, including VI/ 1st RE (Maj Provost),

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‘Upper Guir Column – Boudenib – the machine gun platoon of the 2nd RE’; although details can hardly be made out in this photo, its subject lends it interest. The 1908 Moroccan campaigns, both by Gen D’Amade on the Chaouia and Gen Vigny on the Guir, seem to have been the first for which the Legion was issued a few machine guns on a trial basis. To left and right of the central gap are a subaltern and a sergeant. They are flanked by two eight-man gun teams led by corporals; they wear uncovered képis, some with the midnightblue veste (stable jacket) and red trousers, and others with white fatigues, all with sashes and rifle belt order. The soldier in whites standing behind the left-hand gun has a pad for carrying a machine gun, cross-strapped to his right shoulder. Under magnification the guns seem to be the M1908 Puteaux – an unsuccessful and overcomplicated weapon, like the M1907 St Etienne. (It is worth remembering that these first machine guns jammed frequently in the desert dust; at this date they were not generally regarded as battle-winning weapons, but as an experiment that some officers judged unsuccessful.) (Postcard by Boumendil, Sidi bel Abbès, courtesy Jacques Gandini)

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disembarked at Casablanca, occupying the town with indiscriminate brutality; this led to the proclamation of a rival sultan, Moulay Hafid, who called for jihad. On 3 September a small French column out onto the Chaouia plain was attacked at Tahaddert, and Maj Provost was among eight men killed by Arab horsemen. The next day reinforcements landed, including I/ & IV/ 2nd RE; but Gen Drude was ordered to stay in the Casablanca perimeter, and the rich Chaouia farmlands were completely ravaged by Arab tribes. In January 1908 the stalemate was broken when Gen d’Amade took over command of the reinforced 10,000-man Landing Corps, to bring the tribes to battle and clear the Chaouia. Large-scale operations by columns of c.5,500 horse, foot and guns against several thousand mainly mounted tribesmen lasted until late March, and the three Legion battalions were repeatedly engaged alongside Tirailleurs and Zouaves.5 A notable action at Sidi el Mekki on 2 February saw VI/ 1st RE form a two-deep square to hold off repeated charges, and an officer served the single machine gun alone after its crew became some of the day’s 52 casualties. In August, D’Amade’s success allowed VI/ 1st RE and IV/ 2nd RE to return to Algeria, leaving I/ 2nd RE the only Legion unit in western Morocco. Also in August 1908, Abd el Aziz was forced to abdicate in favour of his brother Moulay Hafid. At first fiercely anti-French, by December the new sultan was forced to co-operate by the emptiness of his treasury and the impossibility of creating an administration and an army without French aid. This, and his cruel rapacity, robbed him of popular support, and uprisings against his French-backed Maghzan continued to spread. T h e e a s te r n front , 1908–11

North of Oujda, the Berbers of the Beni Snassen hills behind the Mediterranean coast had been raiding into Algeria in strength, and in early December 1907 Gen Lyautey was allowed to strike back. He sent two brigade-sized columns westwards along the northern and southern valleys flanking the Djebel Beni Snassen (respectively the Branlière Column, including III/ 1st RE; and the Felineau Column, including I/ 1st, half of V/ 1st, and 3rd Mtd Coy/ 1st RE). He then wheeled Felineau northwards up into the hills, while Branlière formed a northern 5 The ‘1st Marching Regt of the Chaouia’ was formed with VI/ 1st RE (Maj Huguet d’Etaules) and a bn from 1st RTA; the 3rd Marching Regt comprised I/ 2nd RE (Maj Corbière) and IV/ 2nd RE (Maj Szarvas).

stop-line. The operation was a complete success, and the last chiefs came in to submit on 26 December. Further south the following spring, some 3,500 Berber warriors answered the call of a preacher named Moulay Ahmad Lahsin, and set out in April 1908 to attack Colomb Béchar. Most of Lyautey’s troops were still in the north, but from the Legion four separate foot companies from II/ 2nd, V/ 2nd and VI/ 2nd RE, and 3rd and 24th Mtd Coys/ 1st RE, were available to Gen Vigny at Ain Sefra. One of the small columns sent out to feel for the harka’s advance was led by LtCol Pierron, with a Spahi half-squadron, a Tirailleur company, one from 2nd RE, and half of 24th Mtd Coy/ 1st RE (Capt Maury). Before dawn on 16 April, Pierron’s camp at Menabha was rushed and penetrated, but 24th Mtd distinguished themselves in a counterattack to retake an overlooking hilltop. Before the Berbers were driven off the French had suffered 19 killed and 101 wounded, including from the Legion companies Lt Lacoste and 10 rankers killed and Capt Maury and 56 rankers wounded. General Vigny assembled a 5,000-strong Upper Guir Column and destroyed Moulay Ahmad Lahsin’s home base at Dairs Saba, but by then the marabout was himself assembling well over 10,000 warriors at Boudenib on the Oued Guir. Vigny marched on this important oasis from the east, and in the vanguard 24th Mtd Coy (Lt Jaeglé) saw hard fighting on 12 May 1908 when unwisely ordered to clear a palm plantation at Beni Ouzien just short of Boudenib. Jaeglé was killed at the head of his légionnaires, and 24th Mtd’s 15 dead and 15 wounded were the heaviest losses suffered by any single unit. Boudenib surrendered the next day, and VI/ 2nd RE (Maj Fecht) formed the core of a 1,500-strong garrison established there in a fortified camp. Moulay Ahmad Lahsin continued to gather Berber and Arab tribesmen a few miles to the north, and on 31 August nearly 20,000 of them flooded down onto the plain west of Boudenib – by far the largest pan-tribal harka ever seen. On the far, southern bank of the Guir river and about a mile from the camp, a stone blockhouse built on top of an

This postcard shows légionnaires in bivouac at Ain Fritissa, south of Guercif on the Moulouya plains of north-east Morocco, probably during Gen Girardot’s concentration of 9,000 troops in spring 1912 for operations against the Beni Ouarain Arabs. The heavily bearded soldier (centre) wears the greatcoatcloth sidecap introduced in the 1890s; others seem to have both covered and uncovered képis. Several have fatigue blouses with large open fold-down collars, as normally issued to the Metropolitan Army. Lighting a comrade’s cigarette (right background), a corporal wears the 1897 white jacket illustrated in Plate G3. (Courtesy Jacques Gandini)

A groupe (squad) of 14 légionnaires in full marching order, captioned as at Taourirt, north-eastern Morocco, where elements of 1st RE from Algeria installed a post in June 1910 during their westwards advance. At far right, a subaltern officer or warrant officer wears an uncovered képi, and a ninebutton white campaign tunic. (Postcard by J. Gelser, Algiers, courtesy Jacques Gandini)

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overlooking butte was held by Lt Vary with an artillery sergeant, 40 légionnaires and 35 Tirailleurs. Vary was tasked with spotting for the camp’s artillery; in the event, no serious attacks were pressed home on the main camp, but on the night of 1/2 September the blockhouse itself was assaulted in great strength. With the help of shellfire directed with some difficulty by lamp signals, Vary’s little garrison held the walls, suffering 25 wounded but only one man killed. On 7 September Col Alix, who had arrived from Colomb Béchar with 4,000 men, inflicted a decisive defeat on the harka on the Djorf plain west of the town. Both VI/ 2nd RE and 24th Mtd Coy/ 1st RE fought in this battle, which cleared the way for further French advances in the south-east, as far west as the Atlas Mountains. In 1909–10 Lyautey’s units, including elements of 1st RE, continued to advance in the north-east, from Oujda and from Berguent across the High Plains east of the Moulouya river, where a post was built at Taourirt in June 1910. The mounted companies saw frequent action, and in July 1910 half of 3rd Mtd Coy/ 1st RE (Capt Met) lost 14 dead and 37 wounded at Moul el Bacha on the east bank of the Moulouya. At the end of 1910 Gen Lyautey was promoted, and returned to France to command an army corps. F e s a n d its a ftermath, 1911

Saida, c.1913: a private first class of the 2nd RE (named in the original caption as Castel, a Breton) posed wearing full marching order. He displays the Médaille Militaire for gallantry and three campaign medals; the right-hand decoration – apparently the Morocco Medal with two campaign clasps – is actually attached to his leather Y-strap rather than his coat.

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While the first defensive positions constructed during the Legion’s advances into Morocco were strictly functional, when the front moved on they often employed the many skills found in their ranks, to impressive effect. This photo of the headquarters (‘redoubt’) at Beni Ounif was published about ten years after the frontier railway first arrived there. Légionnaires in winter uniform and a Spahi can be seen around the tricolour-striped sentry box outside an imposing gate tower, surmounted by a plaque carved in high relief with ‘Réduite de Beni Ounif de Figuig’.

A French military mission was trying to reform Moulay Hafid’s army, but that sultan was by now as hated by his people as Abd el Aziz had been despised, and in March 1911 rebellious tribes gathered in the hills around his capital at Fes. Most Maghzan troops were unreliable, and although an attack on 2 April was driven off by artillery the European community were in fear for their lives. On the 23rd, Paris ordered Gen Moinier to mount a relief column from the Chaouia; it took time to assemble 7,500 men and their supplies in wet weather and under frequent harassing attacks, but the first elements set off from the Atlantic coast on 11 May. Half of I/ 2nd RE (Col Brulard) and the regiment’s 3rd Mtd Coy (Capt Rollet) marched with the column, which reached Fes on 21 May. The occupation of Fes exceeded France’s rights under the Act of Algeciras and was widely criticized, particularly in Germany.

To distract eastern tribes from heading for Fes, Gen Toutée of Oran Division mounted two columns – the northern comprising III/ 1st, VI/ 1st and part of V/ 1st RE – from Sidi bel Abbès and Berguent towards the east bank of the Moulouya. After the northern force fought actions at Guercif on 9–10 May they rendezvoused with the other at Debdou, both coming under command of Gen Girardot, who sent out reconnaissance parties. At Alouana on 15 May, Capt Labordette foolishly led a platoon of his 22nd Coy, VI/ 1st RE down into a rocky valley in foggy weather; they were ambushed, cut off, and almost wiped out. The relief force found Lt Fradet and just six other wounded, and Labordette and 29 men dead or missing. In the west, Gen Moinier had little immediate trouble around Fes and Meknes, but a Franco-German diplomatic crisis in July closed down operations for the rest of 1911. This ‘Panther crisis’ was resolved in November, finally giving France a completely free hand in Morocco. T he P rot ec tor a t e, 1 9 1 2 – 1 4

In March 1912 the Maghzan was forced to sign the Treaty of Fes, granting France full protectorate rights – in effect, government of Morocco behind the façade of a puppet sultanate. On 17 April, when most of Gen Moinier’s troops had left Fes for the coast, a mutiny by Moroccan troops in the city sparked off violent rioting. Next day VI/ 2nd RE was rushed back to Fes, and on the 20th Moinier returned with 3,000 more troops. In Paris, on 27 April the government appointed Gen Lyautey as Resident-General of Morocco with full civil and military powers, but when he reached Fes on 24 May a second and more serious tribal siege of the capital immediately closed in. Some attacks got inside the Old City in intense street-fighting, but by the 31st, when reinforcements including I/ 1st RE had brought the garrison to about 7,000 men, the immediate vicinity had been cleared. On 2 June, Lyautey’s deputy Col Gouraud led five battalions (including the two Legion units) 7 miles eastwards, with two squadrons and 12 guns, and decisively defeated Si Mohammed el Hajjami’s harka. Moulay Hafid gratefully abdicated the throne to Sultan Moulay Youssef, but Lyautey was the effective ruler. Spreading out in all directions from Fes and Meknes, his ever-increasing French forces were involved in constant campaigning west of the Atlas Mountains for the next two years; by the end of 1912 he had an army of 57,000 men, and by mid-1914 nearly 70,000. The great majority were Colonial (former Naval) Troops – both white and, particularly, Senegalese – and native units of the Africa Army, but the Legion contributed a marching regiment from 2nd RE to this western theatre. In 1913 and 1914 thrusts southwards to the Oum er Rebia river by Col Mangin and later Col Henrys led to frustrating fighting against the strong Zaian confederacy of Middle Atlas Berber tribes around Oued Zem, Kasbah Tadla and Khenifra, and by mid-1914 the VI/ 2nd RE were based at Mrirt on this front. East of the mountains, meanwhile, Gen Alix’s Oran Division were pushing westwards with the ultimate aim of eliminating the ‘Taza gap’

Drawings from life made by Maurice Mahut during the 1911 Fes relief column include this study of a légionnaire of I/ 2nd RE at El Kenitra on the Atlantic coast, the column’s starting point. It is interesting for showing the introduction in Morocco of the jacket of the Colonial Troops’ M1901 khakidrill field uniform, in combination with white fatigue trousers and uncovered M1884 képi; the blue sash is not worn. The uncropped sketch also shows a khaki-covered M1886 pith helmet laid aside with the soldier’s knapsack.

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and opening a corridor from Oujda via Taza to link up with Lyautey’s forces from Fes. On this Moulouya front a marching regiment from 1st RE saw frequent action around Merada, Guercif, Nekhila and Msoun in 1912–13 (mounted companies also fought on both fronts). On 10 May 1914 a final pincer operation was launched to open the Taza corridor, under Gen Gouraud from Tissa in the west and Gen Baumgarten from Msoun in the east. Legion units fought with both columns, which met at Taza on 16 May, after LtCol Girodon of 2nd RE had been wounded at the Mont des Tsouls on the 12th. Hard fighting continued in the hills around the corridor; on 4 June, at Sidi Belkassem north of Msoun, Maj Met of I/ 1st RE was badly wounded as he led his men into an attack. * * * At his Rabat HQ on 30 July 1914, Gen Lyautey informed his regional commanders that war was about to break out in Europe. At a moment when his forces were actively engaged on both the Khenifra and Taza fronts, Paris was advising him to give up most of the ground they had won, and ordering him to send back to France 30 of his 60 infantry battalions and cavalry and artillery in proportion. In fact he sent back 37; but over the next four years he still managed to hold onto and even expand his areas of control, during exhausting campaigns involving five-plus battalions of the Legion. Mahut’s 1911 drawings include this sketch of Col Brulard of 2nd RE, wearing a white-covered képi and khaki-drill uniform, with gold-on-black collar grenades, epaulette loops and five cuff rank rings (gold-silver-gold-silvergold). He seems to display the 1895 Madagascar medal.

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SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY anon, Histoire militaire de l’Indochine francaise…, Vol II (Hanoi-Haiphong; Imprimerie d’Extrême-Orient, 1930) Jean Brunon et al, Livre d’Or de la Légion Ètrangére 1831–1931 (Paris; Foreign Legion, 1931) Clayton, Anthony, France, Soldiers and Africa (London; Brassey’s, 1988) Georges d’Esparbes, Les Mystères de la Légion Ètrangére (Paris; Flammarion, n.d., c.1912) Ross E. Dunn, Resistance in the Desert (Madison, WI; University of Wisconsin Press, 1977) Jacques Gandini, El Moungar – Les Combats de la Légion Ètrangére dans le Sud-Oranais 1900–1903 (Calvisson; Editions Extrêm’ Sud, 1999) Gen P.A. Grisot & Ernest Colombon, La Légion Ètrangére de 1831 à 1887 (Paris; Berger-Lerault, 1888) Raymond Guyader, La Légion Ètrangére 1831/1945 (Musée de l’Uniforme de la Légion Ètrangére; Paris, Gazette des Uniformes Hors Série No.6, 1997) Dr Charles Hocquard, Une Campagne au Tonkin (Paris; Hachette, 1892; r/p by Arlea, ed Philippe Papin, 1999) George Manington, A Soldier of the Legion (London; John Murray, 1907) Frederic Martyn, Life in the Legion (London; Everett, 1911) Henry McAleavy, Black Flags in Vietnam (London; George Allen & Unwin, 1986) LtCol Morel, La Légion Ètrangére – Recueil de documents concernant l’historique, l’organisation et la législation spéciale des régiments étrangers (Paris; Librairie Chapelot, 1912)

Reginald Rankin, In Morocco with General d’Amade (London; Longmans, Green, 1908) Martin Windrow, Uniforms of the French Foreign Legion 1831–1981 (Poole; Blandford Press, 1981) Martin Windrow, Our Friends Beneath the Sands – The Foreign Legion in France’s Colonial Conquests 1870–1935 (London; Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2010) Articles by Raymond Guyader in Gazette des Uniformes Nos. 29, 33 & 35; and by Louis Delpérier in Uniformes Nos. 65, 66 , 70 & 92

PLATE COMMENTARIES U nif o rm s a n d eq u i p m e n t A great deal of important research has been done since the present author’s Uniforms of the French Foreign Legion 1831–1981 was published by Blandford Press. Much of the credit for this work belongs to M. Raymond Guyader, a worthy heir to the late Jean and Raoul Brunon as the leading historian of Legion uniforms. Monsieur Guyader has published his work periodically both in the Legion monthly magazine Képi Blanc and in the French magazine Gazette des Uniformes (subsequently, Uniformes), and is currently the Curator of the new Musée de l’Uniforme de la Légion Étrangère in the Domaine Capitaine Danjou at Puyloubier, Provence. He compiled one of the two most important sources for the present book, La Légion Étrangère 1831/1945, Gazette des Uniformes Hors Série No.6, which has many excellent colour photographs of surviving items of uniform and equipment from the museum’s collections. While Jean Brunon’s work in the classic Livre d’Or de la Légion Étrangère (1931), illustrated by Benigni and Mahut, remains indispensable, so too is LtCol Morel’s La Légion Étrangère; Recueil de Documents… (Chapelot, Paris, 1912). However, this digest of regulations must naturally be understood as the ‘official version’, from which the Legion, like all military corps, very often deviated in practice. Nearly all the items illustrated in these plates are based on colour photos of surviving museum examples and on period photos of légionnaires. Where they rely upon secondary sources such as drawings, these are mentioned. While the prolific Maurice Mahut was working from life from c.1911, his reconstructions of earlier subjects are probably validated by the inclusion of some of them in work supervised by Jean Brunon.

Mahut reconstruction of a bugler of IV/ 2nd RE on Formosa, 1885. This is the same uniform as worn by the first two Legion battalions in Tonkin on their arrival in winter 1883/84: uncovered képi, greatcoat, red trousers, black M1867 spatterdash gaiters, sash, Gras rifle, M1869 cartridge pocket, and ‘de Négrier’ chest pouch.

In cases of contradictions between the following commentaries and my 1981 book, this text should be considered the more correct. However, equipment model dates are often contradictory in original sources, due to timelags between ministerial orders and actual compliance. A : A L G E R I A , E A R LY 1 8 8 0 s A 1 : L é g i o n n a i r e , c a m p a i g n d re s s This veteran soldier, whose red left-sleeve chevrons mark between ten and 15 years’ service, wears the M1873 Line infantry képi, of a slightly tapered and forwards-sloping shape, with a white cover and neck-flap (in the British term, a ‘havelock’). These were sometimes made as one piece, sometimes as two fixed together with hooks and thread loops, and the chinstrap was buttoned over the cover; this havelock was not exclusive to the Legion, being a regulation campaign item for all white troops wearing képis. The M1872 capote greatcoat is of ‘blued-iron grey’, in fact a fairly blue shade. It is worn open down to the third of the six pairs of brass buttons, and the patches at the rounded front corners of its low standing collar are thus hidden. Sources differ on whether a cut-out red seven-flame grenade was worn here from c.1872 or from 1875, following the equally disputed date when the képi badge changed from a red five-point star to the grenade. After the division of the Legion into 1st and 2nd Foreign Regiments in December 1884 the collar bore red numerals ‘1’ and ‘2’ on coat-colour patches. The skirts were habitually buttoned back to the rear waist for ease of marching; brides (epaulette retaining loops) secured rolled shoulder straps; and here the cuffs of both the coat and the white bourgeron fatigue blouse worn under it are shown turned back. The M1879 fatigue trousers are tucked into white M1867 spatterdash gaiters with nine white buttons up the outside, over shoes that were virtually unchanged since the 1830s. The use over the coat, the veste stable-jacket and the bourgeron (but not the later full-dress tunic) of a long, broad Zouave-style sash – actually a supportive body-belt – was officially authorized only in 1882, but it had in fact long been in use as an

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unregulated campaign item (as, occasionally, had red or even green examples). Originally it echoed the dark sky-blue of the regulation Army cravate, but the shade may possibly have darkened over the following decades. The belt is still that of the Franco-Prussian War, with two looped brass slides to take the hooks of the knapsack’s contre-sanglon straps (absent here). A soft leather M1869 cartridge pocket is worn at right front, and frogged to the left hip is the M1866 Chassepot sabre-bayonet that was still used with early issues of the Gras rifle. (The 11mm M1874 Gras was a single-shot, bolt-action breech-loader modified

from the original Chassepot design to take a brass cartridge.) An off-white M1861 musette haversack is slung to his left hip, and a 2-litre M1877 two-spout bidon canteen to his right, with his ‘quart’ tin mug carried looped onto its strap; the canteen has a laced-on cover of old coat-cloth. The most striking item is the ‘de Négrier’ chest pouch, which appeared in the second half of 1881 when the colonel of that name took command of the Legion. The idea was to give légionnaires ready access to their seven reserve ammunition packets, officially carried in a compartment inside their knapsack; the pouch was also handy when firing from the prone position. Négrier ordered his men to make up their own pouches from scrap uniform cloth or leather; the results were motley (see Plate B2), but in later years – when such pouches became common for both Legion and Navy troops on colonial expeditions – they were more neatly made up by the unit craftsmen in white canvas or black leather. Note that since 1868 all French Army ranks had been required to grow a moustache, and a ‘mouche’ tuft under the lower lip; this was confirmed in regulations of 1877 and 1883. In the field all ranks often wore beards, and in 1886–87 Army regulations extended this practice to barracks service. Photos show that while moustaches were almost universal, in barracks beards were in fact much less common. A 2 : L é g i o n n a i r e , m a rc h i n g o rd e r This younger soldier, probably an Alsatian or Lorrainer at this date, wears very much the same uniform and kit as A1. The old gaiters have been discarded for the march and the trousers are worn loose over new M1881 hobnailed boots (brodequins); the gaiters were retained well into the 20th century, however – in both black leather and white canvas – the latter often worn under the red woollen winter trousers for parade or walking-out. The belt kit is unchanged, apart from the adoption of the straight epée-bayonet of the M1874 Gras; note the old wooden-box M1845 giberne on the back of the belt in addition to the M1869 pocket on the front. The musette was supposed to be pale khaki after 1879, but shades varied in practice. The main feature here is the knapsack equipment. The black havresac M1877/79 was one of several proofed cloth types trialled by the French Army, beginning with the grey cloth M1867 ‘Godillot’ (and all of them usually inferior in practice to the old M1854 of unshaven cowhide). It had one long between two shorter vertical stowage straps, and side straps for the tentcloth-and-blanket roll and the tent’s two-section pole, pegs and cord; six sections buttoned together to make a six-man bivouac tent. The soldier’s individual gamelle lidded messtin is strapped on top of the stowage, with a chance-gathered bundle of kindling wood; this was always at a premium on the High Plains and in the Sud-Oranais, where the only readily available fuel was dried camel-dung. Between the tentroll and the top of the knapsack is the paquetage: the légionnaire’s midnight-blue veste folded inside a spare white blouse, and his red trousers wrapped in his towel. Squad camping utensils were divided between the men and strapped to the back of the knapsack

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Mahut reconstruction of a légionnaire in Tonkin in the 1884 hot season, before issue of the Naval Troops sun helmet; he has a mushroom-shaped local straw hat tied on top of his covered képi. Again, the ‘de Négrier’ chest rig is worn in addition to one M1869 pouch.

– the grande gamelle cooking pan or, as here, the 10-litre marmite de campement for water. A3: Cap oral , s u m m e r b a r r a c k s d re s s This corporal carrying out recruit instruction wears the everyday working dress of all légionnaires in warm weather. The M1884 képi is more upright in shape than the M1873, but otherwise unchanged. The garance-red crown (with redpainted ventilators) is piped dark blue around the edge of the sunken top surface, the edge of the band and up the four sides. The midnight-blue band displays the Legion’s cut-out red grenade badge; the rounded peak, and chinstrap with slides, are of black leather, the strap secured by miniature brass Legion buttons. All ranks normally wore the cap uncovered except when in the field. The fatigue blouse (general French Army issue from 1882) was worn with the sash and rifle equipment for drill and sometimes for sentry duty; it was faintly grey on first issue, but sun and washing soon bleached it white. The Legion used several slightly differing versions; this pullover type was common, but a fully opening five-button type for native troops was also issued, and either pattern might be seen with the throat button offset to the right side and engaged by a crossover tab. The corporal is identified by a button-on midnight-blue chest tab with the two red bars of his rank. Over his sash he wears a belt stripped except for the M1866 bayonet frogged on his left hip. B: TON KIN, 18 8 0 s B1: L é g ionn ai re, 1 s t R E ; c o l d s e a s o n , 1 8 8 5 The first Legion battalions fought at Son Tay and Bac Ninh in winter 1883–84 in the képi, capote and red trousers. They soon began to draw upon Naval Troops’ stores, since this was a Navy theatre of operations; indeed, in the ‘colonies’ – i.e. outside North Africa – Legion campaign clothing would continue to follow Naval (after 1900, Colonial) Troops models. Morel states that the M1878 cork helmet was first issued during 1885. This figure follows the drawing of Pte Bruckmann of I/ 1st RE in the Livre d’Or (1955); the Puyloubier museum has an example of this helmet, locally made in bamboo and finished with very dark green paint. Once the Legion got up into the hills around the Delta warm clothing was again necessary in winter. The M1873 Naval Troops’ dark blue paletot jacket had two rows of five buttons, and buttonless rectangular flaps for two internal skirt pockets; dark blue epaulette loops piped red are sewn to the shoulders, but the cuffs are plain. The soldier wears the Legion sash (although this was forbidden with the Legion full-dress tunic), and red trousers confined by home-made spat-gaiters of old coat cloth. Two M1877 ‘coffin’ pouches are looped to his belt, but since each held only 18 of the big 11 x 59mm Gras rounds he also wears a ‘de Négrier’ chest rig.

Mahut drawing made from a photo of Lt Selchauhansen of the Legion mounted companies, killed at El Moungar on 2 September 1903. Compare the uniform with Plate F2.

B 2 : L é g i o n n a i r e , 2 n d R E ; m a rc h i n g o rd e r, hot season, 1885 In the 1884 hot season the légionnaires acquired locally made light clothing to supplement their white fatigues. This later figure, a composite of two Mahut drawings and museum items, echoes many images in wearing his M1878 helmet sideways; its white surface is camouflaged with a navy-blue cover, held by a drawstring under the rim and by the white ventilator dome being unscrewed and replaced over the cover. The loose Vietnamese keo blouse illustrated is a type of garment also seen in dark sky-blue, black or dark brown; small toggle- and loop-fasteners were typical. The gaiters are homemade from old red trouser cloth, as is the famous chest pouch made and embroidered by Pte Baumler of IV/ 2nd RE and illustrated in the Livre d’Or (1931). The rifle, belt order and field kit are unchanged from A2 above. The weight of 80lb backpacks in the heat and humidity of the North Vietnamese summer exhausted white troops already suffering heavy casualties from disease; whenever possible their knapsacks and rations were carried at the tail of the column by locally hired coolies, but this was not always feasible. Bazaar-bought paper fans to drive away mosquitoes were common in Tonkin, though largely ineffective. B 3 : L i e u t e n a n t i n o ff -d u t y w h i te s ; H a n o i , spring 1884 After drawings in the memoir of Dr Hocquard; this very large, light sun helmet was made from the pith of aloe plants. In the insupportable heat of the Delta spring French officers had lightweight white calico clothing tailored locally, so details varied. From c.1872–75, Legion officers had begun wearing on the collars of other service uniforms large gold-embroidered horizontal grenade badges, but off-duty in Tonkin collars were generally worn without insignia, low and loose; the slightest pressure at neck or wrists inflamed the skin diseases that were distressingly common, and the shirt was usually replaced by a string vest. Some jackets had gold lace epaulette loops, and all had removable gold-on-black rank rings secured round the cuffs through thread loops. The French horses shipped out by many officers soon sickened from the local climate and forage, and had to be replaced with sturdy local ponies; although only 12 hands high, these were known for their pace and endurance. C: DAHOMEY & MADAGASCAR, 1892–96 C 1 : L é g i o n n a i r e , D a h o m e y, 1 8 9 2 In 1886 the lack of suitable clothing for tropical campaigns led to the Naval Troops who undertook most such expeditions being issued with this collarless ‘paletot’ in a khaki shade described as cachou, as used by the Tirailleurs Sénégalais that the Navy had raised in West Africa. Trimmed with blue tape at neck and cuffs, it was also issued to the Legion bataillon de marche sent to Dahomey; so was the new M1886 helmet with a shorter rear brim, and the khaki cover that replaced midnight-blue for the Naval Troops after 1891. Mahut’s

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Taken at Nekhila, north-east Morocco, the scene of fighting by troops of 1st RE in April 1913, this photo of cooks and hangers-on from 22nd Coy, VI/ 1st RE in camp shows the typically casual appearance of légionnaires in bivouac. Among this group can be seen pale khaki képi-covers, the greatcoat, veste, white fatigues, khaki-drill, and (left) a civilian sweater. (Postcard by J. Gelser, Algiers, courtesy Jacques Gandini)

drawing shows the white fatigue trousers bunched at the ankle rather than worn with tight gaiters – the campaign involved much wading of marshes and streams. Ammunition is carried in a pair of M1877 belt pouches and a chest pouch. Initially African porters carried the knapsacks, though as they deserted in droves the soldiers increasingly had to carry their own. One fearsome sidearm carried by the Fon army of the King of Dahomey was this houi or scimitar/machete; gathered from the battlefield, it made a useful brush-cutter. C2: Légion n ai re d e 1 è r e C l a s s e, M a daga sca r, c. 1 8 9 6 Morel quotes orders of January–February 1895 that for the initial invasion I/ Régiment de Marche d’Algérie were to be issued with the same helmet, cover and jacket as in C1, with khaki trousers. They also wore their white fatigues and blue sash, however; and for cold weather they received Naval Troops’ blue paletots (as B1) and grey-blue trousers piped red. In February 1895, too late for the landings, the Naval Troops were ordered a new light tropical field uniform, later also issued to the second Legion marching battalion shipped to Madagascar in August 1896, and illustrated here worn by a soldier of Gen Galliéni’s pacification force. The M1895 fivebutton jacket, matching trousers and helmet cover were made up in a shade supposedly ‘the colour of a sailor’s collar’, but actually resembling the bleu mécanicien of any French factory worker’s overalls. (In China in 1900 Gen Voyron would write that it ‘very soon took on a villainous aspect under the influence of the sun and of laundering’.) It bore no collar insignia, and sleeve rank stripes were buttoned on. The 1895 Madagascar campaign was the first for which the 8mm M1886/93 Lebel repeating rifle, with smokeless ammunition, was general issue to a Legion battalion, although the memoir of the British légionnaire George Manington makes clear that his unit in Tonkin had begun receiving them as early as spring 1892. This soldier has two of the new M1888 ammo pouches; the third, rear pouch took some time to be distributed, and the M1877 also continued in use for many years. The new M1892 Y-straps to support the belt were issued to the 1895 landing battalion, but apparently were not standard in the Legion until c.1900. Note on his chest the campaign medal for Dahomey.

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C3: Lieu ten an t , M a d a g a s c a r, l a t e 1 8 9 5 From an officer group photo of Maj Barre’s I/ R de M d’A, which should date no later than November 1895 when the survivors of that unit were withdrawn. For this campaign the

képi was supposed to be replaced with this black sidecap (bonnet de police) piped scarlet, with chevrons of gold rank lace at the front. (This cap was only authorized officially in November 1895, and is often referred to as the ‘M1897’.) The uniform otherwise conforms to orders published, according to Morel, in January–February 1895. For the invasion Army officers were to wear this M1886 Naval Troops ‘dark blue’ (in practice, black) flannel seven-button tunique-vareuse, with gold epaulette loops and gold rank rings around the plain cuffs. The group photo shows gold collar grenades; no details are visible, but long scarlet backing patches cut to three points at the rear are described in the 1976 edition of the Livre d’Or. (Shorter versions with blue regimental numerals were also worn later by Legion enlisted ranks in Tonkin and Madagascar, on the Naval Troops M1895 white walking-out tunic.) For officers a white Naval Troops sevenbutton tunic, with removable insignia, seems to have been the norm in hot weather (see D2); officers’ trousers were also of Navy pattern, in black or white, both piped down the seams in scarlet – sometimes the black tunic and white trousers were worn together. In the field officers wore the khaki-covered M1886 or khaki M1890 helmet, and used field equipment such as that illustrated on Plate F. D: TONKIN & MADAGASCAR, c.1895–1905 D 1 : L é g i o n n a i r e d e 1 è r e C l a s s e b u g l e r, I I / 1 s t R E ; To n k i n , c . 1 8 9 5 From a group photo taken at Cao Bang, and items in the Puyloubier museum. Smartly turned out, this private first class wears the uncovered white M1886 helmet, the M1873 Naval Troops paletot, and white trousers. His jacket is distinguished by musician’s tricolour diamond-pattern lace around the collar and cuffs, but the red buglehorn on his upper left sleeve is a marksmanship award rather than a mark of his function. He has two Lebel belt pouches, and since c.1889 the old ‘de Négrier’-style chest pouch had been divided into two, worn under the arms on straps over the shoulders that crossed at the back. D 2 : C a p i ta i n e , 2 n d R E ; To n k i n , c. 1 9 0 0 The white M1886 helmet is now embellished with a large brass grenade badge, the bomb pierced with the regimental numeral. With its wide-spreading flames, this is not a Legion insignia but one adopted from the Naval (from 1900, Colonial) Artillery. The white tunic is also modelled on a Naval Troops garment, the M1886 seven-button, two-pocket type (confusingly called a ‘dolman’ in Navy regulations); since all

such garments were privately ordered they often differed in minor details such as pockets. As always, the insignia are removable for frequent laundering; the collar-grenade backing was often cut to ‘teardrop’ shape, but the patches illustrated are found on a tunic in the Puyloubier museum. The sword is the M1882 for infantry officers, here with its black undress fist strap. This company commander displays the Knight’s Cross of the Legion of Honour, and the 1895 Madagascar medal with its ornate silver clasp device. D 3: Cap oral, Ma d a g a s c a r, c . 1 9 0 5 Morel states that in December 1897 trial issues of this fatigue sidecap in greatcoat colour were authorized for Legion rankers, in addition to the képi (the Livre d’Or states that the latter was not worn in Madagascar thereafter). The Legion’s continued use of this bonnet de police is confirmed by orders of 1905 and 1910, and photos from Morocco. The white M1886 helmet carried here has the un-numbered enlisted ranks’ version of the Naval Artillery grenade badge. In June 1901 the renamed Colonial (ex-Naval) Troops were finally ordered a khaki-drill tropical service uniform of their own, whose issue was gradually extended to relevant Legion units over the next eight years. The six-button jacket had a standing collar, shoulder straps, a belt support tab on the left side and two open patch pockets on the skirts; insignia were all removable. An example in the Puyloubier museum has these grenade collar patches, and also the tailored-in line of blue cuff piping. Note the M1892 beltsupport Y-straps. E : AL GE RIA, c. 1 8 8 5 – 1 9 0 0 E1: Capitaine, 1st RE; grande tenue, late 1880s Promotion was slow for French officers even in the dangerous and unhealthy colonial theatres. While ex-rankers of the Line often joined the Legion in order to re-climb the ladder to sergeant’s rank and sit the exams for the St Maixent infantry officers’ academy, they seldom achieved promotion to captain before quite advanced middle age. The display of the Médaille Militaire after the Légion d’Honneur identifies this veteran as a former ranker in the Imperial army. The M1883 officer’s képi shows the triple horizontal lace and double quarter-lacing of this rank; the permanently fixed gold lace false chinstrap; and the gold-trimmed patent leather second chinstrap that buttoned over this for actual use. The Army’s March 1883 regulations replaced the

Algeria, 1913, left to right: The French-Swiss Légionnaire Philippin wears the white M1886 helmet, greatcoat, rifle equipment with M1892 Y-straps, and – in the absence of a knapsack – a blanket roll around his body. Légionnaire Schiaveneto, an Italian, wearing the whitecovered képi, and a fatigue bourgeron with the tab collar offset to the right. The Italian-Swiss Légionnaire Martinetti, wearing a stiffly blocked képi, and the M1897 rankers’ full dress tunic complete with fringed green-and-red epaulettes.

officer’s tunic with this dolman à brandenbourgs trimmed with black silk and mohair cords, with gold cord trefoil shoulder knots for full dress, and their red trousers acquired 50mm black silk sidestripes. The cotton gloves and goldtasselled swordknot (see E3) complete the grande tenue. E2: Adjudant, 1st RE; grande tenue, c.1895 The adjudant (note spelling) was a warrant officer, a rank attainable only by educated and usually French-born longservice NCOs. (The French adjutant-major was the senior captain serving as the battalion second-in-command; the mundane duties of the British battalion’s ‘adjutant’ were performed by a French subaltern termed the ‘officer of details’). Warrant officers wore uniforms of officer’s cut differenced by insignia. From 1893 this seven-button black tunic (from 1910, nine buttons) replaced the officer’s M1883 dolman; while authorized, a version with a red collar and cuff patches was very seldom seen. The adjudant’s képi lace, and the trim on the second chinstrap, are in silver flecked with red, while the permanent false chinstrap and grenade badge are gold. The cuff rank ring is silver with a central red line, echoing the design of the epaulette and contreepaulette. Warrant officer’s trousers bore black seam-piping instead of stripes. Their special epée sword had a brass single knuckle-bow and small shell guard like that of the M1845 re-enlisted sergeant’s sword. (The rank of adjudantchef was instituted only in 1913, distinguished by gold lace with a red line or flecking.) E 3 : L é g i o n n a i r e , 1 s t R E ; w i n te r b a r r a c k s d re s s , c . 1 8 8 6 This orderly, bringing his captain’s sword, copies a 2nd RE uniform in the reserve collection of the Berne Museum,

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Switzerland. The basic cold-weather barracks dress for decades was the uncovered M1884 képi, the midnight-blue nine-button veste or ‘ras-de-cul’, and the full-cut red woollen trousers, sometimes over white spat-gaiters. The only insignia are the regimental numerals on the collar. Between 1887 and 1899 the veste was ordered to be replaced with a similar ‘bourgeron’ made from old greatcoat cloth, illustrated in the Livre d’Or (1931); it resembled the veste in outline but had only two front uniform buttons, and rank was displayed on tabs like that in A3. F : SUD- OR AN A IS , c. 1 9 0 0 – 0 3 F1: Sous-lieutenant, 1st RE, campaign dress This young platoon commander presents an appearance typical of the Algerian–Moroccan border fighting around the lower Oued Zousfana in the first years of the century; all items are from the Puyloubier museum. The all-white flannel campaign képi was made up by the regimental master-tailor, as an alternative to the white pith helmet. Between June 1886 and May 1891 officers were authorized a campaign tunic – vareuse – in the same ‘blued-iron grey’ as their men’s greatcoats, but thereafter it was replaced with this sevenbutton dark blue flannel version of the M1893 officer’s tunic; again, details such as pockets could vary. The white riding trousers (culottes) are confined by laced leather leggings over shoes; leggings were not authorized until c.1910 but had already been in individual use for years. The field equipment illustrated comprises a black sword belt with the M1882 sword – note the brown leather-covered field scabbard and matching fist strap; a black-holstered M1892 revolver supported by a cross strap, with a strap lanyard from the butt-ring to the belt; and binoculars. F 2: L ieut en an t , 2 n d R E M o u n t e d C o m p an y; c a mpa ign d res s , c . 1 9 0 3 This half-company commander in camp wears the officer’s usual desert headgear, the uncovered white M1886 helmet with Colonial Artillery grenade badge; this badge set them apart from their men, who from c.1900 were issued unbadged helmets in this theatre. Legion officers again followed the Colonial Troops’ 1901 regulations in acquiring khaki field tunics; they varied in detail, but this example from the Puyloubier collections has seven front buttons, four flapped pockets, collar grenades on close-cut backing, epaulette loops and removable cuff rings. (In April and June 1902 respectively, officers and warrant officers in Algeria and the colonies were also authorized to wear leather jackets, and three-quarter-length examples are seen in photos from the 1908 Chaouia campaign.) Culottes like those of F1 are tucked into spurred riding boots.

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F3: Légionnaire, Mounted Companies, c.1903 This soldier, taken from a well-known photo, wears a whitecovered and flapped képi; officially the neck-curtain became light khaki from 1897, but photos show variations of white and khaki covers and flaps, matching or contrasting (see photo on page 4). The ‘melon’ sun helmet was regulation headgear in the Sud-Oranais, but men often preferred to ride in their képis and hook it to the saddle stowage. The usual fatigue blouse and trousers are worn, with the sash, Lebel belt order with three pouches and Y-straps, canteen and musette, and slung rifle. The Livre d’Or (1931) states that these anklet gaiters of greatcoat

cloth, reinforced with leather strips and buttoned up the outside, were in use c.1897–1903. From c.1897 a modified greatcoat appeared, lacking the rear skirt vent and with only a single cuff button. F 4 : L é g i o n n a i r e , M o u n te d C o m p a n i e s , c.1903 Photos show the M1886 helmet both uncovered white and in the four-segment M1891 khaki cover. Depending upon the time of day and the climate, the riding man of each pair often slung his greatcoat over his shoulders like a cloak, fastened by the top buttons only; the marching man sometimes hung his coat from a saddle strap. The load in front of the artillery saddle was two big leather wallets with camping and picketing gear, a 20kg (44lb) bolster-shaped sack of oats, and the rolled tent sections. Two large canvas saddlebags hung behind the rider’s legs, with rations, spare ammunition, etc; a blanket roll was strapped behind the saddle, with two spare water canteens. In the High Plains and desert any dry firewood was always worth gathering. G: MOROCCO & ALGERIA, c.1903–13 G 1 : A d j u d a n t, M o u n te d C o m p a n i e s ; p a t ro l d re s s , S u d - O r a n a i s Such warrant officers often commanded platoons in the field. The mounted company, c.200 strong, had only three officers; it was divided tactically into two 100-man halfcompanies (pelotons) and four 50-man platoons (sections), each of two large squads (groupes) led by sergeants and half-squads by corporals. This seasoned soldier, from a photo of an unidentified mounted company building their border post during Gen Lyautey’s ‘nibbling’ advance from the Sud-Oranais, wears the M1890 helmet – the same shape as the white M1886, but made with light khaki material. He protects his cheeks and neck with a cotton cheich, and has acquired a pair of dark-tinted motoring goggles. Like officers, warrant officers ordered khaki and white field tunics of various designs, here a medium khaki type with seven buttons and three flapless patch pockets. Paler khaki trousers are confined by long dark blue puttees worn with spurred ankle boots; trials of puttees were authorized for officers and warrant officers in France from August 1905, but were probably anticipated in North Africa and the tropics. He carries a holstered M1892 revolver and a map case on cross straps. G 2 : L é g i o n n a i r e d e 1 è r e cl a s s e, 2 n d R E ; Figuig, 1903 This classic ‘Beau Geste’ figure is from a photo taken during the brief occupation of this important border oasis after its bombardment on 8 June 1903, when Gen O’Connor deployed two battalions of 2nd Foreign. Uniform and kit are conventional – and would be identical for the units of the Landing Corps in western Morocco four years later – but there are a few points to note. This private first class wears the campaign medal for Madagascar 1895 and the 1893 Colonial Medal with two campaign clasps. The red chevron on his left upper sleeve shows that he is serving his second enlistment; officially discontinued under Army orders of 1887, these chevrons were replaced with a line of red greatcoat and tunic cuff piping (mixed red and gold for sergeants). The Livre d’Or (1976) states that the Legion abandoned them only in 1904, and some photos show both

H: MOROCCO & ALGERIA, 1913–14

Saida, Algeria, c.1913: colour party of the 2nd RE. All wear uncovered képis and red trousers. The lieutenant standardbearer wears the black M1893 tunic, the rankers greatcoats with fringed epaulettes. The sergeant (left) has belt order only, but the privates carry unstowed knapsacks, as in Plate H2.

piping and chevrons in simultaneous use; in the group photo from which we take this man (see page 23) a sergeant clearly wears cuff piping, and three privates the old chevrons. Note that the belt order is worn here over the musette and water canteen slings – perhaps to prevent the troops from drinking except at the authorized hourly halts. G 3: Cap oral m ed i c a l o rd e r l y, 1 s t R E ; S idi bel Ab bès , 1 9 1 3 This is a composite of two figures with a group of wounded from Morocco, from a series of carefully posed photos published in 1913. Note the white jacket, which has nothing to do with his medical function; Morel states that in August 1897 a ‘veste en treillis’ was authorized as barracks and walking-out dress for all sergeants and corporals of units in North Africa, and it is seen in many photos. This merely followed existing practice in Tonkin and other tropical colonies, where légionnaires had been issued both khaki service and M1895 white walking-out suits of Naval/Colonial pattern. The jacket had a low standing collar apparently worn in North Africa without insignia, no shoulder straps, normally six brass front buttons, and open patch skirt pockets; conventional forearm rank stripes were attached removably. Interestingly, this orderly seems to wear it with his red winter trousers instead of the usual whites. The troops were by now issued a pair of canvas espadrilles, which are sometimes seen worn instead of boots in photos of overnight marching camps. This veteran – for whom the hospital at the regimental depot is no doubt a ‘cushy billet’ – sports the Tonkin, Colonial and Morocco medals. (Background) A horse- or mule-drawn ambulance, as used in those parts of Morocco – e.g. the Taza corridor – where at least rudimentary roads made them feasible. In the southern wilderness evacuation from the battlefield still depended on cacolet mule-chairs, mule-litters and camel-litters.

H 1 : S e r g e n t P a n th e r, I / 1 s t R E ; N e k h i l a , M o ro c c o , A p r i l 1 9 1 3 This NCO’s heroism was publicized during the advance westwards across the Moulouya river plains, when Arab horsemen of the Beni Bou Yahi tribe attacked an advanced camp at Nekhila; after the death of the company commander, Sgt Panther was badly wounded while saving the life of his wounded Lt Grosjean. (Panther himself would be killed in June 1917, as a warrant officer with 1st Mtd Coy/ 1st RE, while fighting in the hills north of the Taza corridor.) Here he poses for a portrait photo that was later sold as a postcard, wearing a képi with the distinctions of his rank: a gold wire grenade badge, and a gold lace false chinstrap (like officers, re-enlisted NCOs had a second chinstrap, of patent leather with gold trim, but this was often discarded except when parading with troops). Over his M1901 khaki-drill uniform he wears the greatcoat, with the gold collar numerals and diagonal stripe of his rank and the gold/red cuff piping that had now replaced re-enlistment chevrons. (Sergeant-majors – an administrative appointment – wore two gold stripes; quartermaster-sergeants wore single gold stripes on both the forearms and upper sleeves, and QM-corporals two red forearm stripes and one gold upper-sleeve stripe.) H 2 : C a p o r a l , 1 s t R E ; g r a n d e te n u e , S i d i b e l Abbès, spring 1913 The epitome of the ‘Old Legion’, this médaillé veteran of at least three campaigns was photographed parading with the regimental colour party. He wears a notably well-blocked example of the M1884 képi, and the enlisted ranks’ M1897 full dress tunic complete with regimental collar numerals and the Legion’s green and red fringed epaulettes – the latter were worn only on the tunic or the greatcoat. His marksmanship badge is sewn to the left sleeve, and with this order of dress qualified men also wore a silver pin version with chain festoons; this soldier has two of them suspended across his array of gallantry and campaign medals. Below his rank stripes note the red cuff piping of his re-enlisted status. The blue sash was not worn with the tunic. The Y-straps are not worn here (the Lebel pouches seem to be empty), and although the knapsack is carried it is stowed only with the tentroll. H 3 : L é g i o n n a i r e , 2 n d R E ; M o n t d e s Ts o u l s , M o ro c c o , M a y 1 9 1 4 This soldier of one of the battalions fighting their way to Taza from the west carries two of the range of entrenching tools issued to infantry (in quantities of about 48 per company) from the late 1870s: here, a pelle spade and a pioche portative pick-mattock. He wears the M1886 helmet with M1891 khaki cover; by now the képi, too, was almost invariably worn in the field with a khaki cover, but without a neck-flap. By July 1909 it was being reported that all front-line troops in Morocco were receiving the M1901 Colonial-pattern khaki uniform, and in the Legion the jacket bore red three-point collar patches with dark blue regimental numerals. (The blue cuff-piping, as in D3, is speculative; it was certainly not universal.) The Army’s M1900 black leather anklet gaiters began to reach the Legion in c.1903; the Army’s general introduction of a frame-andclaw belt buckle was ordered in July that year, but it was many years before the Legion gave up the old plate type. Note that two musettes are carried in place of the knapsack.

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INDEX References to illustrations are shown in bold. Plates are shown in bold followed by the caption reference in brackets Algeria 3, 7, 7–10 Alix, Col 38, 39 Barbier, Capt 9 Barre, Maj 21, 22 Battreau, Capt 19 Bou Amama 7–8 Brière de l’Ile, Gen 11, 14, 15, 16 Brulard, Col 40 Castries, Capt de 9 China 10, 12 Black Flags 10, 11, 12, 13, 16 troops 12, 12, 15, 16, 17 see also Vietnam Colignon, Gen 8 Dahomey 6, 18–20, 21 D’Amade, Gen 36 deployments 5–7 disease 12, 18, 19, 20, 22 Dodds, Col Alfred 18, 19 Dominé, Maj 12, 13, 14 Donnier, Maj 11 Drude, Gen 35–36 Duchesne, Gen 11, 21, 22 equipment camping utensils A2 (25, 42–43) canteen A1 (25, 42), 34 knapsacks A1–2 (25, 42), B2 (26, 43), C1 (27, 44) marching pack 22 mess tin A2 (25, 42) optical telegraph 5 Faurax, Maj Marius 18, 19 French land forces Africa Army 3–5, 8 Foreign Legion 4, 5 Metropolitan Army 3–4, 5 Naval Troops 3–4, 10, 21, 43 Tirailleurs Algériens (RTA) 4, 21 French West Africa 20 Galliéni, Col Joseph 18, 22, 23 Giovanninelli, Col 15 Gouraud, Col 39, 40 gunboats 13, 13 Herbinger, LtCol 16 Innocenti, Col 8 insignia B3 (26, 43) Jaeglé, Lt 37 Jonnart, Gov-Gen Charles 33, 34, 35

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Liu Yung-fu 10, 11, 12 Lyautey, Gen Hubert 3, 18, 23, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40 Madagascar 7, 20–23, 22 Massone, Lt 9 Maury, Capt 37 medals 23, C2 (27, 44), 38 Metzinger, Gen 21, 22 Millot, Gen 11, 12 Minnaert, Sgt 11, 20 Moinier, Gen 38, 39 Morocco 3, 33, 35, 35–40, 36, 37 Casablanca 7, 33, 34, 35–36 the Chaouia 35, 36 eastern front 36–38 Fes 38–39 Protectorate 39–40 mounted companies 8–10, 24, F2–4 (30, 46), G1 (31, 46), 33–35, 34, 37, 38, 43 Naval Troops 3–4, 10, 21, 43 Négrier, Gen de 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 15–16, 42 O’Connor, Gen 33 organization 5–7 Panther, Sgt H1 (32, 47) Pierron, LtCol 37 Pointurier, Lt 33 Provost, Maj 36 Riviére, Capt 10 Sérant, Capt 24 Sud-Oranais 3, 23–24, 33–35 command flag 7 El Moungar 34 Figuig 23, 24, 33 frontier campaign 34–35 map 24 Taghit 33–34 Touat 23–24 Zafrani 24 Susbielle, Capt de 33, 34 Tirailleurs Algériens (RTA) 4, 21 Tisserand, QM-Sgt 34 uniforms 3, 20 early 1880s, Algeria caporal A3 (25, 43) légionnaires A1–2 (25, 41–43) early 1880s, Sud-Oranais 9 1880s, Tonkin légionnaire B1–2 (26, 43) lieutenant B3 (26, 43) 1885–1900, Algeria adjudant E2 (29, 45) capitaine E1 (29, 45) légionnaire E3 (29, 45–46)

1892–96, Dahomey/Madagascar légionnaires 21, C1–2 (27, 43–44) lieutenant C3 (27, 44) 1895–1905, Tonkin/Madagascar capitaine D2 (28, 44–45) caporal D3 (28, 45) légionnaire D1 (28, 44) 1900–03, Sud-Oranais lieutenant F2 (30, 46) mounted companies F2–4 (30, 46) sous-lieutenant F1 (30, 46) 1903–13, Morocco/Algeria adjudant, mounted companies G1 (31, 46) caporal medical orderly G3 (31, 47) légionnaires G2 (31, 46–47), 34, 37, 38, 39 officers 34 1913–14, Morocco/Algeria caporal H2 (32, 47) légionnaire H3 (32, 47) Panther, Sgt H1 (32, 47) belt pouch 17, 18 cartridge pocket 9, 41 ‘de Négrier’ chest pouch 9, 18, 41 fatigue blouse 17, 37 gaiters 7, 34, 41 greatcoat 7, 9, 41 helmet 17, 18, 20, 45 jacket 16, 17, 22, 37 képi 7, 8, 35, 37, 39, 41, 45 képi-cover 3, 34 puttees 17 sash 7, 9, 17, 41 side cap D3 (28, 45), 37 trousers 8, 35, 41 tunic 8, 34, 35, 37 Vauchez, Capt 33–34 Vietnam 6, 10–18, 13, 20 Bac Ninh 11–12 Hoa Moc 15 Hung Hoa 12 Lang Son 15–16, 16 pacification 17–18 Son Tay 10, 11 Tonkin 6–7, 10, 11 Tuyen Quang 12–15, 14 Yen The 17, 19 Vigny, Gen 37 weapons bayonets 7, A1–3 (25, 42, 43, 44) Gras rifle 9, 17, 41, 42 knife 22 Lebel rifle C2 (27, 44), 18, 20 machine guns 36 scimitar/machete C1 (27, 44) West Africa Dahomey 6, 18–20, 21 French West Africa 20