Fertility, Mortality, and Migration in Subsaharan Africa: The Case of Ovamboland in North Namibia, 1925-90

Fertility, Mortality and Migration in SubSaharan Africa The Case of Ovamboland in North Namibia, 1925–90 Veijo Notkola ...

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Fertility, Mortality and Migration in SubSaharan Africa The Case of Ovamboland in North Namibia, 1925–90

Veijo Notkola and Harri Siiskonen

Fertility, Mortality and Migration in SubSaharan Africa

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Fertility, Mortality and Migration in SubSaharan Africa The Case of Ovamboland in North Namibia, 1925–90 Veijo Notkola Head, Interview and Research Services Statistics Finland

and Harri Siiskonen Professor University of Joensuu Finland

First published in Great Britain 2000 by

MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 0–333–77722–0 First published in the United States of America 2000 by ST. MARTIN’S PRESS, INC., Scholarly and Reference Division, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 ISBN 0–312–22661–6 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Notkola, Veijo Fertility, mortality and migration in subsaharan Africa : the case of Ovamboland in north Namibia, 1925–90 / Veijo Notkola and Harri Siiskonen. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0–312–22661–6 (cloth) 1. Owambo (Namibia)—Population—History. 2. Owambo (Namibia)– –Statistics, Vital—History. 3. Ovambo (African people)—Population—History. 4. Africa—Sub-Saharan—Population—History. 5. Africa, Sub-Saharan– –Statistics, Vital—History. I. Siiskonen, Harri. II. Title HB3664.2 .O83 2000 304.6'096881—dc21 99–048174 © Veijo Notkola and Harri Siiskonen 2000 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1P 0LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. 10 09

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Printed and bound in Great Britain by Antony Rowe Ltd, Chippenham, Wiltshire

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Contents List of Figures

vii

List of Tables

ix

List of Acronyms

xi

Preface

xii

1

Introduction

1

2

Ovamboland: Ecology, history, economy, and culture 2.1 The ecological setting 2.2 Pre-colonial social and economic formations 2.3 Ovamboland during the colonial era

7 7 9 10

3

Population development in Namibia 3.1 Fertility 3.2 Mortality 3.3 Migration

17 18 21 23

4

Christianization in Ovamboland 4.1 The Lutheran Mission 4.2 The Roman Catholic and Anglican Missions

26 26 29

5

Research area 5.1 The selection of the sample parishes 5.2 Introduction to the sample parishes

31 31 34

6

Materials and methods 6.1 Data sources 6.2 Methods 6.3 The data

40 40 40 44

7

Quality of data 7.1 Missing birth dates 7.2 Age at baptism and missing deaths 7.3 Sex ratio 7.4 Other factors related to the reliability and validity of the parish record data 7.5 Conclusion

59 59 60 62

v

63 66

vi Contents

8

Fertility 8.1 Fertility development in Ovamboland, 1925–85 8.2 Fertility by age 8.3 Fertility by parish 8.4 Proximate variables: age at marriage, birth intervals, and the proportion of childless women 8.5 Fertility recorded in parish registers compared to that in other studies 8.6 Why fertility decreased and increased 8.7 Conclusion

68 68 70 73 74 80 81 87

9

Mortality 9.1 The level of mortality 9.2 Mortality decline 9.3 Differences in mortality by parish 9.4 Why mortality has declined 9.5 Conclusion

88 90 91 93 95 109

10

Migration 10.1 The rate of mobility in the marriage cohorts 10.2 Migration flows 10.3 Who were the migrants? 10.4 Causes of periodic variation in migration 10.5 Causes of the long-term decrease in the rate of mobility

112 112 115 128 140

Summary 11.1 Fertility 11.2 Mortality 11.3 Migration

164 165 166 168

11

146

Bibliography

171

Index

184

List of Figures Figure 2.1 The Cuvelai catchment in Namibia and Angola Figure 2.2 The administrative division of Ovamboland Figure 5.1 The location of the sample parishes Figure 8.1 Total and general fertility rate (ages 15–49) in Ovamboland, 1925–85 (5-year moving average, marriage cohorts 1925–85) Figure 8.2 Total marital fertility rate and Coale’s Ig in Ovamboland, 1934–85 (5-year moving average, marriage cohorts 1925–85) Figure 8.3 Age-specific fertility rates by period in Ovamboland, 1925–85, and in SubSaharan Africa (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Figure 8.4 Age-specific marital fertility rates by period in Ovamboland, 1925–85, and among Hutterites (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Figure 8.5 Mean age at first marriage by sex and marriage cohorts, 1925–85, in parish register data in Ovamboland (persons baptized before age 15) Figure 8.6 Median of second and third birth intervals in months, by parish, 1930–88, in Ovamboland (5-year moving average, marriage cohorts 1925–85) Figure 9.1 Age-specific death rates based on observed values and model life-tables in Ovamboland among males, 1925–54 and 1955–85 Figure 9.2 Age-specific death rates based on observed values and model life-tables in Ovamboland among females, 1925–54 and 1955–85. Brass logit model life-tables derived from ages 5–39 Figure 9.3 Infant mortality in Ovamboland, 1926–92 (5-year moving average) Figure 9.4 Childhood mortality in Ovamboland, 1929–90 (5-year moving average) Figure 9.5 Age-adjusted death rates (direct standardization, standard population males or females in the research area, vii

8 15 33

68

69

70

72

76

77

89

89 91 92

viii List of Figures

1940–70) for males aged 25–59 and females aged 20–39 in Ovamboland, 1929–90 (5-year moving average) Figure 9.6 Causes of mortality decline in Ovamboland during the 1950s Figure 10.1 Female out-migration rate in Ovamboland since the date of marriage, 1925–92 (5-year moving average, marriage cohorts 1925–85) Figure 10.2 Male out-migration rate in Ovamboland since the date of marriage, 1925–92 (5-year moving average, marriage cohorts 1925–85) Figure 10.3 In-migration rate of males outside Ovamboland before the date of marriage (5-year moving average, marriage cohorts 1925–85) Figure 10.4 Inter-community migration flows by parish and sex in Ovamboland, 1925–92 (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Figure 10.5 Date of marriage and migration in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Figure 10.6 Migration and marriage among in-migrant Ovambo men from the police zone (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Figure 10.7 Date of marriage and out-migration in Oshigambo parish, 1925–65 Figure 10.8 Age of migrants in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Figure 10.9 Age of in-migrant males from the police zone to Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Figure 10.10 Deviation of rainfall from the annual average in Ondangwa, 1924/25–1987/88 Figure 10.11 The Ovambo water supply system and the proposed development in 1968

93 110

112

113

117 122 132 133 134 136 137 142 149

List of Tables Table 3.1 Development of population in Ovamboland in the twentieth century Table 4.1 The members of Lutheran parishes in Ovamboland, 1900–90 Table 4.2 The distribution of members among the Lutheran, Anglican and Catholic Churches in Ovamboland, 1933, 1953, 1973 Table 6.1 Marriages and excluded marriages by parish and marriage cohorts 1925–85 in parish register data in Ovamboland Table 6.2 Births and excluded births by birth cohort in parish register data in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Table 6.3 Deaths by parish and age among parents in parish register data in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Table 6.4 Children and excluded children by parish and birth cohort in parish register data in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85, including adopted children) Table 6.5 Dead children by parish and age in parish register data in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Table 6.6 Moves and excluded moves by parish, marriage cohort, and sex in parish register data in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Table 7.1 Missing birth dates of parents by marriage cohorts and parish (marriage cohorts 1925–85, percentages) Table 7.2 Mean age at baptism (in months) among children by birth cohort and parish, parish register data, Ovamboland Table 7.3 Sex ratio at birth (boys/girls) by birth cohort and parish, parish register data, Ovamboland Table 7.4 Members of the ELOC and the total population in Ovamboland, 1978 Table 8.1 Total fertility rate for women 15–49 years by parish and period, Ovamboland, 1925–84. Table 8.2 Mean age at first marriage by sex and period in parish register data, Ovamboland (persons baptized before age 15, marriage cohorts 1925–85) ix

19 28

29 45 46 49

50 51

54 60 61 62 65 73

75

x List of Tables

Table 8.3 Proportion of childless women in Ovamboland at age 45, by marriage age and marriage cohort compared to historical populations in Europe 79 Table 8.4 Total fertility rate in Ovamboland by parish, based on the Namibia Population and Housing Census, 1991, Namibian Demographic and Health Survey, 1992, and parish register material, 1975–84 81 Table 8.5 Proportion of women with a child born before marriage, by marriage cohort, Ovamboland (women married before age 24) 86 Table 9.1 Total mortality level and the reference time before the survey in Ovamboland by parish. Indirect mortality estimation based on Trussel’s variant of the original Brass method, from data in the Namibia Population and Housing Census, 1991 90 Table 9.2 Infant mortality, childhood mortality (1–4 and 5–9 years), and adult mortality by parish and period, Ovamboland, 1925–92 (‰); adults and children of marriage cohorts 1925–85 94 Table 9.3 Medical personnel, and health care given by Finnish Mission medical personnel, during the year 1952, by parish 107 Table 10.1 Inter-regional migration in Ovamboland, 1925–92 (marriage cohorts 1925–85) 116 Table 10.2 Out-migration of females and males from Oshigambo parish to the other Ondonga parishes and outside Ondonga, 1925–65 127 Table 10.3 Ethnic origin of spouses in Ovamboland by parish and sex (marriage cohorts 1925–85) 130 Table 10.4 Moves by women after the dissolution of a marriage in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–75) 138 Table 10.5 Time elapsed between the dissolution of a marriage and a move, Ovamboland, 1925–92 (marriage cohorts 1925–75) 139 Table 10.6 Age structure of female migrants after the dissolution of a marriage, Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–75) 140 Table 10.7 Urban population in Ovamboland, 1970–91, and the growth of Oshakati and Ondangwa townships, 1970–90 150 Table 10.8 Recruitment of migrant labourers from Ovamboland and Angola, 1926–74 157

List of Acronyms AEL ANCO AR BAC CNC DHW DS ELCIN ELOC FELM FMS HEA Ig MCG MMC NAF NAN NAO NC NDHS NEPRU NISER NLO OVE PLAN RMS SLO SWA SWAA SWANLA UNICEF UNTAG WHO

Auala Elcin Library Archives, Oniipa Assistant Native Commissioner of Ovamboland Annual Report Chief Bantu Affairs Commissioner, Windhoek Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek Directorate Health and Welfare District Surgeon Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia Evangelical Lutheran Ovambo-Kavango Church Archives of the Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Mission, Helsinki The Finnish Missionary Society SWA Administration: Health Branch, H-Series Index of Marital Fertility Minutes of the Church Government Minutes of Missionary Conferences National Archives of Finland, Helsinki National Archives of Namibia, Windhoek Archives of the Native Commissioner, Ovamboland Native Commissioner, Ovamboland Namibian Demographic and Health Survey Namibian Economic Policy Research Unit Namibian Institute for Social and Economic Research Northern Labour Organization Owambo Government: Economic Affairs People’s Liberation Army of Namibia The Rhenish Missionary Society Southern Labour Organization South West Africa Archives of the Secretary for South West Africa South West Africa Native Labour Association United Nations Children’s Fund United Nations Transition Assistance Group World Health Organization xi

Preface Population development in Africa is again under great pressure. In particular AIDS seems to be causing many kinds of problems in Africa. Fertility figures in most of the countries are high and mortality has declined in just a few countries. In addition the political development has caused serious difficulties in many parts of the Africa. The political instability is affecting both the internal mobility and also international migration. The future of the population development in Africa is very difficult to estimate. The history of population development in Africa has been more difficult to describe compared to Europe or some other parts of the world. In addition there is very little information from population development from the 1930s or 1940s or close to the Second World War in small areas in Africa. In this study we have been able to use the population data from Ovamboland in Namibia since the 1920s. Ovamboland is the small but the most densely populated area of Namibia located close to the Angolan border. Some may wonder, if it is worthwhile to analyse the population development on a regional level. However, we hope that this book shows that it is worthwhile. The role of Finnish missionaries has been very important in Ovamboland. First, we would like to thank all those Finnish missionaries who have worked in Ovamboland and ministers of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia. Without them this study would not have been done. Financially the Academy of Finland and the WIDER institute have supported this study. There are many organizations and persons both in Namibia and Finland who we would like to thank. We are grateful to the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia, Central Statistics Office of Namibia, National Planning Commission of Namibia, National Archives of Namibia, Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Mission, University of Helsinki and Joensuu. There were also many persons directly involved in to the study. Mr Ossi Lemström took care of the statistical part of the data analysis and Ms Satu Federley, Mr Kari Miettinen, Mr Anssi Taskinen and Mr Vesa Vanhanen have been responsible for the data entry xii

Preface xiii

from the parish records. In particular we would like to thank Margot Whiting for her excellent linguistic revision of the text. Helsinki 21 March, 1999 Veijo Notkola and Harri Siiskonen

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1 Introduction

The first reports about the population development of SubSaharan Africa were published at the end of the 1940s (Kuczynski, 1948, 1949). During the 1960s the Office of Population Research at Princeton University produced demographic estimates for tropical Africa (Brass et al., 1968). It was supposed that due to mortality decline, population growth would increase in tropical Africa (Coale, 1968: 179–86; Martin et al., 1993: 1–7). In the 1970s and 1980s the population probably increased about 2–3 per cent per year in tropical Africa and in SubSaharan Africa and the same kind of development is probably going to continue. According to United Nations projections, the population growth rates will not decline in the near future in SubSaharan Africa (McNicoll, 1992: 333–40). The social and economic population problems are going to be major issues in the future in Africa and in particular in SubSaharan Africa. Poverty, high infant and childhood mortality and other social and economic problems, including environmental issues, will be difficult problems in SubSaharan Africa. Although the population increase is going to continue in the world, fertility has declined in most parts of the developing world during the 1980s and 1990s (Freedman and Blanc, 1992: 44–50). Fertility has declined in Asia and South America and also in Africa. According to several studies, fertility transition has started in Africa (Leridon and Ferry, 1985: 139–64; Freedman and Blanc, 1992: 44–50; Robinson, 1992: 57–64; Caldwell et al., 1992: 211–42; Caldwell and Caldwell, 1993: 225–62; Cohen, 1993: 8–67). In SubSaharan Africa fertility decline has probably started in Botswana, 1

2 Fertility, Mortality & Migration

Kenya, Zimbabwe, parts of Nigeria, and, possibly in Senegal (Cohen, 1993: 8–67). In addition, black fertility has declined in South Africa. According to Caldwell and Caldwell, black fertility began to fall slowly from about 1960, faster in the 1970s, and faster still in the 1980s (Caldwell and Caldwell, 1993: 231). It is supposed that this was undoubtedly the earliest SubSaharan African black fertility decline. Fertility decline in other parts of SubSaharan Africa probably started at the end of 1980s. It is also supposed that the African fertility decline is likely to present the world with a new type of demographic transition (Caldwell et al., 1992: 211–42). The main difference is supposed to be that the fertility decline is found at all ages. In Asia and in Europe the fertility decline started among older women. However, the fertility decline in parts of SubSaharan Africa other than in South Africa has been small, and there are no final explanations as to what has caused this small decline. Increased female education, increased contraceptive use, probable decline in childhood mortality are among many of those factors which are possible explanations for this fertility decline. In addition, there is some evidence that fertility increased during the 1960s and 1970s in some areas in SubSaharan Africa. Only 6 of the 39 SubSaharan African countries considered had a period total fertility rate above 7.0 children in 1950, but the number of the countries rose to 10 in 1970 and 1990 (Lesthaeghe and Jolly, 1994: 379–95). For example, Kenya exceeded the 8.0 children level in 1970 and 1980. There have been some examples demonstrating that this increase in fertility was due to the better control of sexually transmitted diseases in SubSaharan Africa (Pennington, 1992: 497–521). The evidence of decline in fertility is based on population censuses and sample surveys, not on a comprehensive system of civil registration. ‘It is a golden rule that all such data should be assumed guilty until they prove themselves innocent’ (Blacker, 1994: 200–5). In particular, demographic and health surveys conducted from approximately 1988 to 1992 contained more questions than earlier surveys about child health under 5 years of age. Because of the additional questions for children under 5 years of age, interviewers might omit children or shift their birthdays beyond the 5-year threshold in order to reduce their work (Arnold, 1990: 83–111; Pullum and Stokes, 1995). The results of declining fertility in

Introduction 3

Botswana, Zimbabwe, and Kenya are based mainly on surveys in which there are more questions about child health than in earlier surveys. It is possible that the decline of fertility in SubSaharan Africa has been smaller than supposed (Blacker, 1994: 200–5). Compared to fertility decline, the evidence of mortality decline is clear. Mortality has declined in developing countries since the 1950s (Feachem et al., 1991: 8; Gray, 1993: 16–20). In different countries the mortality development has been quite different (Feachem et al., 1991: 8; Hill, 1991: 38–40; Hill, 1993: 181–2; Timæus, 1991b: 93; Timæus, 1993: 218–55). The decline has not started at the same time and the level of decline has been quite different depending on the country in question. Mortality has declined also in SubSaharan Africa but, on the other hand, mortality in this area is still one of the highest in the world (Sai and Nassim, 1991: 31). In addition, the spread of HIV in SubSaharan Africa might affect mortality development to a considerable extent in the future. Althea Hill summarizes the childhood mortality decline that has taken place in almost all countries since World War II. Firstly, there is much variation in type of mortality decline, and secondly there are great differences in mortality levels between countries in western and middle Africa and countries in eastern and southern Africa (Hill, 1993: 181–2). There are no general explanations as to why mortality has declined in SubSaharan Africa, although different kinds of theories have been presented (Vallin, 1992: 405–36). The displacement and movement of population has also influenced the present demographic map of SubSaharan Africa in a noticeable way. Large-scale migrations were a feature of African life until the colonial era, which was marked by an attempt to tie people to given areas of land as their permanent places of residence. Permanent migration was discouraged by administrative regulations, but at the same time the colonial authorities were encouraging temporary labour migration for industries, plantations, and public works in the European sector (Colson, 1960: 60–4; Birks, 1977: 197–202). Since independence, regulations restricting movements of population, which have had noticeable impacts on the pattern of internal migration in many SubSaharan African countries, have been repealed. In spite of the fact that permanent rural–urban migration became legal, the majority of the urban populations have remained ultimately rooted in their homes in rural areas. In Kenya


only 5 per cent of the population of Nairobi in the mid-1970s were second-generation urbanites (Migot-Adholla, 1977: 17). The most common type of internal migration has been intra-rural movements, which include movements of nomads as well as those of agriculturists. Although rural–urban migrants have not been the largest group of internal migrants, they form the most significant group when the long-term trend of spatial redistribution of population is analysed. Urban–rural and inter-urban migration have numerically been unimportant in SubSaharan Africa compared to rural–rural and rural–urban migration. Return migration that is closely related to urban–rural or rural–rural migration has remained seriously understudied in SubSaharan Africa. According to Oucho and Gould, over two-thirds of migrant labourers visit home at least once a year. Internal migration is selective due to age, sex, educational and occupational status (Oucho and Gould, 1993: 256–89). The poor availability and quality of data have restricted possibilities of studying internal migration in many SubSaharan African countries. The majority of colonial censuses in SubSaharan Africa did not collect much in the way of useful data for the study of migration. However, since the 1960s there has been a steady but slow improvement over time. The content of migration questions has shifted from questions about ethnicity to questions about birthplace, but the data have in many cases proved useless in studying migration because of problems with dating and reference periods (Oucho and Gould, 1993: 260–3; see also Prothero, 1990: 143–7). In addition to census data, all other types of data sets – parish records, migrant labour statistics – are valuable in studying internal migration. Even bigger data limitations will be faced in studying international migration in SubSaharan Africa. Data on migration flows among African countries are of poor quality or nonexistent. However, SubSaharan Africa is a very interesting region in the context of international migration. In the late 1980s almost half of the world’s international migrants were in SubSaharan Africa, although less than 10 per cent of the world’s population were living there. More than one-sixth of SubSaharan African international migrants were officially recognized refugees (Russell, 1993: 297–9). All three demographic phenomena – fertility, mortality, and internal migration – in SubSaharan Africa need further demographic and other research. There is very little information concerning what

Introduction 5

has happened during the 1940s, 1950s, 1960s, and even 1970s in fertility, mortality, and migration in this area. More studies are needed for understanding the development of population, the causes of decline in fertility and mortality, or changes in internal migration. The population data from Namibia offer good opportunities for analysing and understanding fertility, mortality, and migration over quite a long period of time. Namibia is one those few African countries where the population development can be analysed from the 1930s onwards. Compared to the other SubSaharan African countries, population growth in Namibia is at about the same level, but fertility and mortality are lower than average in SubSaharan Africa. There are also clear regional differences in Namibia. Fertility and mortality are higher in northern Namibia than in other parts of the country. In addition, the black and white populations behave quite differently if population parameters are compared. In one additional sense Namibia is also exceptional. Namibia has an excellent medical infrastructure (Slotten, 1995). This medical infrastructure is orientated towards curative rather than preventive health care. It is said that the system is more suited for the needs of developed countries than those of developing countries (Gottschalk, 1988; Slotten, 1995). However, infant mortality is lower in Namibia than in general in SubSaharan Africa. Namibia is one of the most Christianized countries in Africa. The Finnish Missionary Society started their work in Namibia in Ovamboland in the 1870s. The role of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia (ELCIN) is important. During the 1990s ELCIN counted about half a million members and is divided into 92 parishes, which are located in the northern part of the country, following the overall distribution pattern of the Namibian population. According to the 1991 census almost half of the 1.4 million inhabitants of Namibia live in Ovamboland – in an area which covers only less than one-tenth of the surface area of the country. ELCIN is using the vital registration system of the Finnish Church. The system was adopted at the end of the nineteenth century and is still basically the same. However, these data have never been used for comparison or other purposes in Namibia or elsewhere. Parish records represent a good source for almost everything that has to do with Christian social life in northern Namibia. During the


1930s the size of the Christian community became large enough for the development of population components to be analysed as well as the development of fertility and mortality among the Christian population. The general aim of the study is to describe and understand population development (fertility, mortality, and internal migration) in northern Namibia in the period 1925–90. Only very rough, unreliable estimates given by the South African colonial administration are currently available. The first aim of the study is to describe mortality (childhood and adult mortality), fertility, and internal migration in Ovamboland in northern Namibia between 1925 and 1990 by using data from parish records. The second aim is to try to understand and to clarify the mortality, fertility, and migration development during the study period in Ovamboland. In addition, these results are compared to the results given by the first Namibian census, 1991, and to the first Namibian Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS), 1992.

2 Ovamboland: Ecology, History, Economy, and Culture

2.1

The ecological setting

After Namibia’s independence in 1990, the country was divided into new administrative regions. The aim of the reform was to abolish ethnic and racial segregation from the regional administration. The borders of the colonial administrative region Owambo or Ovamboland were also revised. Ovamboland was divided into four regions: Omusati, Oshana, Ohangwena and Oshikoto. They cover a larger area than the old Ovamboland district. Because this study concentrates on the time before Namibia’s independence, the term ‘Ovamboland’ refers to the colonial administrative area established as early as the German colonial period (1884–1915). Ecologically, the administrative Ovamboland district was a very artificial creation. The Cuvelai catchment of northern Namibia and south-central Angola occupies a broad plain of low relief, averaging about 1100 m above sea level. The area is traversed by the floodwater courses, oshanas, that originate in the Benguela Highlands in Angola. During the high floods, water drains through Ovamboland to the Etosha Pan. The Namibian side of the Cuvelai catchment forms a flat plain that gently slopes southwards. The width of oshanas vary from a few metres to over a kilometre and their depth from less than half a metre to several metres. The oshana system is the ‘life support system’ for Ovamboland (Erkkilä and Siiskonen, 1992: 43–7; Cunningham et al., 1992: 4; Pallett, 1994: 8). Rainfall in Ovamboland varies from 350 mm in the southwest to 550 mm in the northeast. Great annual and regional variations in 7


Figure 2.1

The Cuvelai catchment in Namibia and Angola

Source: Pallett, 1994: 10.

Ovamboland: Background 9

rainfall are characteristic of the climate in Namibia and also Ovamboland. As in the rest of Namibia, about 80 per cent of the average annual rainfall occurs in the four months between December and March. Rain usually falls during convective thunderstorms which may damage crops. Compared to central and southern parts of Namibia, rainfall in Ovamboland is noticeably higher, and this has permitted far greater intensity of land use (van der Merwe, 1983: maps 11–14; Leser, 1976: 42–4). The lack of surface water and the salinity of groundwater outside of the oshana area have led to the concentration of population and economic life in the Cuvelai catchment.

2.2

Pre-colonial social and economic formations

Before the intrusion of the European colonial powers into the South West African territory, the Cuvelai catchment formed a uniform economic area which differed ecologically from the rest of the territory. The Ovambo people inhabiting the Cuvelai catchment differed from their southern neighbours both in their political organization and the structure of production. The closest neighbours to the south were small, isolated hunter-gatherer San communities. The central parts of the present Namibia were inhabited by Hereros, whose economy was based on cattle herding. In the ecologically harsher south, small stock herding and hunting dominated the economy (Werner, 1980; Lau, 1987; Siiskonen, 1990). In the mid-nineteenth century Ovamboland was not a politically unified area; it was divided into autonomous communities which differed considerably from one another in regard to population, size, and surface area. Of the 16 autonomous communities, 8 covered more than two-thirds of the total population and the inhabited surface area. The political organization of the Ovambo communities was built around the hereditary ruler, except in small communities located in the vicinity of the Kunene River which were not centrally governed and did not play an important role in the economy or politics. In the most populous communities kingship was passed on hereditarily through the royal clan. The royal clan does not appear to have been structurally different in any respect from the other clans, and was in many ways only primus inter pares. The power was inherited according to matrilineal order.


In comparison to other communities inhabiting the present Namibian territory, the ruler’s status within the Ovambo communities was exceptionally strong (Williams, 1991: 98–115). The king governed his community with the aid of counsellors (omalenga); normally they acted at the same time as district headmen. Districts were subdivided into smaller wards, which consisted of 10 to 20 homesteads, whose head purchased usufruct from the headman of a ward for his lifetime. The basic unit of production and social organization was the male-led household or egumbo. It was composed of a man, his wife/wives and their small children. Additionally, the parents’ unmarried adult children might belong to the family. Within the household a clear distinction was made between the property of the man and his wives. In addition, matrilineal inheritance effectively prevented the amassing of wealth within the communities (Siiskonen, 1990: 49–55; Williams, 1991: 48–50). The structure of production was the most prominent factor which distinguished the Ovambo communities from their southern neighbours. In Ovamboland the economy was based on mixed farming and livestock herding. In addition to farming, Ovambos also practised fishing, hunting, and gathering. Farm production ensured households’ subsistence during years of normal weather conditions. Handicraft production was practised by households both for their own consumption and for sale. Metal smelting was the most specialized craft among the Ovambo. Before the advent of European traders Ovambo smiths almost monopolized the production of copper and iron artefacts in the northern and central parts of the Namibian territory. Thanks to these valuable items, Ovambos played an active role in the long-distance trade in South West Africa (Siiskonen, 1990: 56–85).

2.3

Ovamboland during the colonial era

Namibia, like many African countries, owes its boundaries to the accidents of international diplomacy during the European scramble for Africa in the nineteenth century. The annexation of the natural harbour of Walvis Bay by the British in 1878 started the intrusion of colonial powers into the Namibian territory. German interest in the present Namibian territory originated from a commercial enterprise


established at Lüderitz in 1883. In 1884 the area surrounding Lüderitz was proclaimed a German protectorate. The boundaries of German South West Africa were laid down in agreements concluded in 1886 with Portugal and 1890 with Great Britain (Du Pisani, 1985: 12–23). The border between South West Africa and Angola divided the uniform economic area inhabited by the Ovambo communities into two parts. However, until World War I the border was, in practice, only a line on paper. Even though the Ovambos were not brought under direct colonial rule before World War I, they were integrated into the world market through long-distance trade and migrant labour (Siiskonen, 1990: 237–43). The first direct contacts of the Ovambo communities with the colonial administration were related to trading and travelling. In the first phase the Germans began to restrict the selling of firearms to the Ovambos, and imposed quarantine regulations in order to prevent the spreading of lung-sickness and other cattle diseases from Ovamboland to the central and southern parts of South West Africa, which were reserved for German settlers. These regulations not only diminished trading between Europeans and Ovambos but also made traditional trading between Ovambos and other population groups living in the central and southern parts of South West Africa very difficult (Siiskonen, 1990: 143–6, 158–78). After the outbreak of the Herero and Nama uprising (1904–7) in the central and southern parts of South West Africa, German policy against the indigenous population was directed at the segregation of different indigenous population groups. By the Ovamboland Act, Ovamboland became a reservation in 1906. The aim of this Act was to pacify and isolate Ovamboland from the rest of South West Africa, where the uprising of Hereros and Namas had broken out in 1904. Everyone travelling to and from Ovamboland had to go through the Namutoni and Okaukwejo border stations and all travellers – Ovambos, other Africans, and Europeans – needed a written permit to enter or leave Ovamboland (Eirola, 1992: 185–92). The Ovamboland Act restricted in a dramatic way the traditional rights to free movement between Ovamboland and the central and southern parts of South West Africa. The Act divided South West Africa into two different parts: the police zone and the area outside this zone. The area outside the police zone comprised the northern


native territories (Kaokoveld, Ovamboland, Kavango, Caprivi), where the German Government was not represented by any police or soldiers. Outside the police zone no direct colonial administration was imposed and the local system of administration remained unaffected. The only measure Germans made to incorporate the Ovambo communities into German South West Africa were the protection treaties concluded between the rulers of the Ovambo communities and the German colonial administration in 1908. These treaties placed the Ovambo communities formally under the authority and protection of the German Government in exchange for recruiting rights for contract labour in the south (Tötemeyer, 1978: 40–2; Eirola, 1992: 234–40). After the Herero and Nama uprising there existed a chronic shortage of labour within the police zone. About 80 per cent of the Hereros had been killed or had escaped from German cruelties to Bechuanaland (present Botswana) (Drechsler, 1984: 214; Bley, 1971: 150) and the expanding mining industry needed more labour. According to Gordon (1978: 263), about 85 per cent of the total indigenous male population within the police zone was engaged in wage labour by 1910. From the point of view of the Germans, the Ovamboland Act laid a framework for labour recruitment in Ovamboland. Among the Ovambos, the impoverishment of the people increased willingness to engage in migrant work. The Ovambo kings did not oppose the growth of the migrant labour system. Instead, they tried to make maximum profit from it through ‘gifts’ collected from returning migrant workers (Clarence-Smith and Moorsom, 1977: 107; Hayes, 1992: 151–3). The number of recruited migrant workers increased rapidly during the last years of the German colonial period because of severe droughts. In 1913, 11 700 migrant workers were recruited from Ovamboland (the figure includes also migrant workers recruited from the Angolan side of Ovamboland) (Stals, 1969: 333; see also Strassegger, 1988: 81–2; Emmett, 1983: 210). The migrant labour system was a totally new element in the Ovambo society and caused profound socioeconomic changes in all Ovambo communities during the first half of the twentieth century. After the surrender of the German forces in 1915, South West Africa – and thus Ovamboland – came under the control of the Union of South Africa. From 1915 to 1920 the Territory was


governed under the military rule of the Union of South Africa. Between 1920 and 1966 South West Africa was governed as a Mandated Territory of South Africa. In 1966 the United Nations terminated South Africa’s mandate and established a Council for Namibia to govern the country. Despite the decision of the International Court of Justice in 1971, South Africa continued the illegal occupation until the start of Namibia’s independence process in April 1989 under the supervision of UNTAG (United Nations Transition Assistance Group) forces. Since 21 March 1990 Namibia has been an independent state (see, for example, Du Pisani, 1985; Sparks and Green, 1992). The beginning of the South African colonial period did not lead to dramatic changes in the administration of Ovamboland. Unlike the Germans, South Africans stationed a Native Commissioner at Ondangwa – which became the administrative headquarters in Ovamboland – and an Assistant Native Commissioner at Oshikango, near the Angolan border. For instance, in 1923 the South African administration was represented by a ‘Native Affairs Officer, a clerk, and a medical orderly’. The aim of the South African administration was not to interfere with the administration of the Ovambo communities, but to represent the Union Government’s authority in the region and control the recruitment of migrant labour for the mines in the police zone (Union of South Africa, 1924: 14). The framework for the arrangement of native affairs and the establishment of ‘native reserves’ were defined by Proclamation No. 11/1922. All the sections of the proclamation were not applied entirely to Ovamboland and regions located outside of the police zone because special native commissioners had been appointed in these areas during the time of military government (1915–20) (Official Gazette, 1 April 1922). Ovamboland (proclaimed by Proclamation No. 40/1920 as the Magisterial District of Ovamboland) was set apart as a reserve by the Ovamboland Affairs Proclamation No. 27 of 1929 (Adams and Werner, 1990: 30). As had been the case during the last years of the German colonial period, no Europeans were allowed to enter Ovamboland without special permission from the administration. Permits were granted only to officials, missionaries, and labour recruiters. Travel by the African population was under even stricter control. A person classified in an African ethnic group other than Ovambo could only


enter Ovamboland with a travelling pass issued by the Native Affairs Officials. In a similar way, Ovambo people were not allowed to leave their reserve without a travelling pass (Proclamation No. 11 of 1922, Official Gazette, 1 April 1922). Travelling between Ovamboland and the central and southern parts of Namibia was strictly controlled throughout the South African colonial period. The patrolling of the southern border was easy because there existed only two passable routes to the north. However, on the northern border the situation was totally different. The artificial division of the economically and culturally uniform Ovamboland between two different states was only a division on paper. Neither the South African nor the Portuguese colonial officials were effectively able or indeed tried to control the movement of Ovambos and their cattle across the Angolan/Namibian border. For example, in 1952 the Assistant Native Commissioner reported from Oshikango that it was impossible to control the travelling of thousands of Ovambos and their cattle across the Angolan–Namibian border from one border post (NC to the Secretary for SWA, Ondangwa, 14 September 1952, NAO 62, 13/1, NAN). However, in the north, most of the movement of the population was restricted to the Cuvelai catchment inhabited by the Ovambos. Ovamboland was administered indirectly through traditional kings or councils of headmen. The borders of the administrative districts followed the old community borders throughout the South African colonial period, excluding some small border revisions. The most important revisions to legislation concerning ‘native affairs’ were prescribed in 1949, 1954, and 1968. The South West Africa Affairs Amendment Act, 1949, transferred the powers of legislation of the Governor-General (called later State President), which also included ‘native affairs’, to the Parliament of South Africa. By the South West Africa Native Affairs Administration Act, 1954, powers in respect to the administration of native affairs were transferred to the Minister for Bantu Administration and Development of the Republic of South Africa (for more see, for example, Report of the Commission, 1964: 47–53). The last great change in native administration during the South African colonial period occurred in 1968. The Development of Selfgovernment for Native Nations in South West Africa Act, 1968, put into effect the recommendations of the Odendaal Commission and

Figure 2.2

The administrative division of Ovamboland

15

Source: Modified from Republic of South Africa, 1971: 10


applied to the Africans of Namibia a policy whereby they were divided into a number of separate ‘nations’, for whom a separate, and subordinate, system of administration was set up. The ‘citizens’ of the homelands had to work in the ‘white homeland’ as migrant labourers without any claim to political rights because they were ‘foreign citizens’ (Mbuende, 1986: 91–4). Of the 11 ‘homelands’, Ovambo covered only 6.3 per cent of Namibia’s surface area but 44 per cent of the total population of the country in 1981 (van der Merwe, 1983: map 40; Republic of Namibia, 1992: 15). In fact there still exists one vestige which recalls the apartheid legislation. The Red Line established during the German colonial period between the northern regions (Ovambo, Kavango, Caprivi, and Kaokoveld) and the southern commercial regions to prevent the spreading of lung-sickness and foot and mouth disease from the northern ‘native reserves’ to the southern commercial regions (see, for example, Adams and Werner, 1990: 145) isolates even today the northern regions economically from the rest of Namibia. In addition to having an economic meaning, the Red Line still forms a psychological barrier to cooperation between Ovamboland and central Namibia.

3 Population Development in Namibia

Population censuses have been carried out in South West Africa since 1921 and thereafter at intervals of about 10 years, but their reliability has not been tested. In some cases it is also rather questionable to give these calculations the name of census. For the period prior to 1921 only estimates of population numbers are available and, based on estimates in South West Africa Annual Report, it was supposed that 223 665 people were living in South West Africa in 1921. Based on census figures for 1936 the population was 320 457 (Report of the Commission, 1964: 37). According to the 1946 census the population was estimated to be 350 037 (Population Registration and Census, SWAA 2550, A 621/2, NAN). On the other hand, the Secretary for South West Africa stated that the population figures for the territory for the years 1946 and 1951, respectively, were 360 040 and 414 601 (Secretary for South West Africa to the Director of Tiger Cats Co. Ltd, 25 November 1958, SWAA 273 A 29/1, NAN). Based on census figures for 1960, 526 004 people were living in the area (Report of the Commission, 1964: 37). The growth rate of population was supposed to be approximately 2 per cent per year during the 1940s and 1950s. The largest ethnic group were the Ovambos. In 1960 the proportion of Ovambos was estimated to be about 45–46 per cent. Although the population estimates from Ovamboland are not totally reliable it can be supposed that population development in Ovamboland was quite slow during the 1930s (Table 3.1). However, during 1940s there occurred almost a kind of population explosion 17


in Ovamboland; in some areas (Uukwambi, Ongandjera, Ombalantu) the population almost doubled in ten years. Based on exponential change, the growth rate of population in Ovamboland during the 1950s and 1960s was slightly over 2 per cent per year. During the 1970s and 1980s the population growth rate was even faster than earlier. According to the 1991 census the population in Ovamboland was about 618 117 persons. If we presume that the population estimate for the year 1970 was approximately right (Table 3.1) the population in Ovamboland has more than doubled in 20 years. This means that the growth rate per year was clearly over 3.0 per cent during the 1970s and 1980s in Ovamboland. This also means that fertility remained high during the 1970s and 1980s in Ovamboland and the mortality was also quite low. The 1991 Population and Housing Census was the first census after the country’s independence. This census was carried out from 21 October to 8 November 1991, covering the population living in households as well as those in institutions. Data collected covered demographic, social, economic, migration, fertility, and infant mortality items (Republic of Namibia, 1993a). According to the 1991 census, 1.4 million people were living in Namibia. The estimated annual intercensal growth rate for the period 1970–81 and 1981–91 was about 3 per cent (Republic of Namibia, 1995: 22). Namibia is quite sparsely populated. The population density of the whole country is 1.7 persons per square kilometre. However, there are clear differences in population density between areas. In the north (the former Ovamboland region) the population density is 12 persons per square kilometre (Republic of Namibia, 1995: 21). In this area (Oshakati and Ondangwa) live approximately 44–45 per cent of the country’s population, about 618 117 persons. The population of Windhoek was at the same time 158 609 persons. Namibia has a typically African, young population. Over 40 per cent of the population was 0–14 years old at the beginning of the 1990s (Republic of Namibia, 1994). The languages used most often in Namibia are Ovambo languages.

3.1

Fertility

According to the Namibian Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS), carried out in 1992, the total fertility rate among women

Table 3.1 Year

1921 1933 1942 1951 1960 1970 1981 1991

Development of population in Ovamboland in the twentieth century

Ondonga Uukwanyama Uukwambi Ongandjera Ombalantu Uukwaluudhi Cunene River Uukolonkadhi settlements and Eunda, etc. – 34195 34195 53404 68601 85655 – –

– 41215 52580 81451 87511 107722 – –

– 11405 14524 22239 28341 40264 – –

– 5996 7620 12803 18527 20742 – –

– 6349 8247 12958 17665 19574 – –

– 6169 6169 9244 12040 13861 – –

– 2532 3083 2898 – – – –

– – – 2807 6678 + Eunda 7689 + Eunda – –

Total

91500 107861 126418 200253* 239363 295507 452036 618117

*Includes 2449 San people – Distribution unknown Sources: Ovamboland Census, 1933, NAO 23, 15/2, NAN; NC, AR 1942, Ondangwa, 31 December 1942, NAO 20, 11/1 v.14, NAN; Bruwer, 1961: 11; Report of the Commission, 1964: 37, 40; Claassen and Page, 1978: 18; Republic of Namibia, 1993a: 1.

19


aged 15–49 for the period 0–3 years preceding the survey was 5.4 (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993: 19). Compared to the neighbouring countries, fertility in Namibia was slightly higher than in Botswana but at the same level as in Zimbabwe. Taking account of the possible errors in these calculations, it can be supposed that there are no great differences in fertility among these countries. According to the indirect estimation of the census data, total fertility in the twelvemonths period preceding the census in Namibia was about 5.9 in 1991 (Raitis, 1995: 110). According to the census figures, the highest fertility rates can be found in northern Namibia, total fertility based on indirect estimation was about 6.7 for the northeast and 6.9 for the northwest (Raitis, 1995: 106–17). It seems that the estimated fertility level according to the census data is higher than figures based on NDHS. There is no reliable information about earlier fertility levels in Namibia. Based on UNICEF figures, it is supposed that the total fertility rate was over 6.0 during the 1980s in Namibia (Lucas, 1992: 147). With respect fertility, proximate determinants of fertility are important in determining the fertility level (Bongaarts, 1982: 179–89). Marriage patterns and contraceptive use are probably the most important proximate determinants of fertility. Compared to the other SubSaharan African countries, the marriage age in Namibia is high. In 1977–82 the average age at marriage for SubSaharan Africa was about 19 years and the proportion of those 15–19 who were married was 40 per cent (Cochrane and Farid, 1989: 50). In Namibia the median age at first marriage among women aged 25–49 years was almost 25 years in 1992, and the proportion of those 15–19 who were married was just 3 per cent (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993: 50). There were also regional differences in age at first marriage in Namibia; marriage age was clearly lower in northeast Namibia than in other areas. The high marriage age is not a new phenomenon in Namibia. According to Tuupainen, civil marriages solemnized on behalf of the Bantu Affairs Commissioner at Ondangua, the average Christian marriage age for females was in 1952–55 about 26 years, and in both five-year periods of 1956–60 and 1961–65 about 25 years (Tuupainen, 1970: 68). Polygamy is common in SubSaharan Africa and also in Namibia. Polygamy might be one factor explaining why the average

Population Development in Namibia 21

marriage age is high in Namibia. In addition, many couples live in consensual unions in Namibia. Among all women, 13 per cent were living in polygynous unions at the beginning of the 1990s and in older age groups the figure was even higher (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993: 49). Contraceptive use is basic in studying the fertility levels. In Namibia the knowledge of modern contraceptive methods seemed to be good at the beginning of 1990s. The percentage of currently married women who then knew at least one modern contraceptive method was 90.3 per cent among all women age 15–49. In the northwest region the proportion of those women was 82.1 per cent. The percentage of all women who have used any modern method was 37.0, and among currently married women the proportion was 46.5 (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993: 30–2). Compared to the other SubSaharan African countries, these proportions were high but approximately at the same level as in Botswana (Bledsoe and Cohen, 1993: 20). It is said that the knowledge of modern contraceptive methods was low during the 1980s because pre-independent Namibia did not give proper advice or did not support services for family planning for blacks (Lucas, 1992: 149). Nine out of ten women in the northern sites did not use any form of contraception at the end of the 1980s (Cogill and Kiugu, 1990: 117).

3.2

Mortality

According to the NDHS, infant mortality was estimated, 0–4 years preceding the survey, at about 57/1000 (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993: 68). According to the 1991 Population and Housing Census, infant mortality was about 67/1000 (Republic of Namibia, 1994: 67). Infant mortality seemed to be declining because 10–14 years preceding the survey the same estimate was about 72/1000. It seemed to be that childhood mortality in general has declined (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993: 68). Compared with the childhood mortality rates in other SubSaharan African countries, the childhood mortality was at the same level as that in Botswana and in Zimbabwe. There are also some earlier studies where infant mortality was estimated in Namibia. Infant mortality was estimated to be about 26 per 1000 live births for 1988–92 (UNICEF Namibia, 1991: 37). The figure is


surprisingly low. This survey, however, was biased toward urban areas and excluded the Ovambo regions (UNICEF Namibia, 1991: 37). On the other hand, the United Nations Institute for Namibia estimated that the infant mortality rate for blacks in Windhoek, the capital, was 174 per 1000 live births (Lucas, 1992: 149). In a household health and nutrition survey it was estimated, based on indirect estimates, that infant mortality was about 59–72/1000 at the end of the 1980s depending on which Coale-Demeny model was used (Cogill and Kiugu, 1990: 133). There is no reliable information about adult mortality from Namibia. The United Nations or UNICEF give expectation of life values for Namibia. These adult mortality figures are probably based on childhood mortality estimates. It was supposed that expectation of life at birth had been about 57–60 years during the 1980s in Namibia (UNICEF Namibia, 1991: 39). According to the NDHS childhood mortality estimates, the expectation of life at the end of the 1980s and at the beginning of the 1990s was for females 62.5–67.5 years and for males 58.8–63.7 years. Direct estimates of age-specific mortality based on the survivorship of siblings of survey respondents, Namibia 1983–92, and model life-table rates, by age and sex, were used (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993: 86–7). According to the 1991 Population and Housing Census the estimated life expectancy at birth was estimated to be 59.1 years for males and 62.8 for females (Republic of Namibia, 1994: 80). Major causes of morbidity and mortality in Namibia are malaria, tuberculosis, and measles. Malaria is endemic in the northern regions of the country. During 1989/90 the incidence rate was 473 cases per 100 000 persons in northern Namibia (UNICEF Namibia, 1991: 51). In addition, laboratory tests indicate that most cases are P. falciparum, the very severe and fatal form of malaria. It is assumed that measles is still one of the leading causes of death in children in Namibia and the incidence and the prevalence rates of tuberculosis are supposed to be also very high in Namibia. Between April 1988 and March 1990 there were 5862 reported clinical cases of TB in Namibia (UNICEF Namibia, 1991: 51). The AIDS epidemic has also reached Namibia. ‘As of May 1993, approx. 4400 cases of both HIV infection and AIDS had been documented’ (Slotten, 1995: 280). HIV prevalence rate for 20–24 year old women in Namibia in the year was 18.1 (Sanderson, 1998).


3.3

Migration

Racial and ethnic segregation was characteristic of population policy in the South African and Namibian territory almost throughout the study period. Of the SubSaharan African countries, a similar policy was practised in Southern and Northern Rhodesia (Zambia and Zimbabwe) as well, until their independence in 1964 and 1979. The South African apartheid system – which was called ‘the politics of segregation’ between the two world wars, ‘classical apartheid’ after 1948, ‘separate development’ after 1959, and ‘multi-social co-option’ after 1973 – restricted movement of the non-white population to temporary visits outside their native reserves. In the other parts of SubSaharan Africa, the movement of population was not so strictly controlled during the last decades of the colonial rule, even though ethnic and racial segregation was practised in a milder form there also (Caldwell, 1985: 484; Meredith, 1988). The policy of racial segregation practised by the South African colonial administration emphasized the ethnic diversity and the individual identity of different population groups living in the Namibian territory. The aim of the South African administration was to prevent the mixing of different population groups. In 1964 the Odendaal Commission was still reporting that ‘no population movement of any significance is noticeable’. The conclusions of the Odendaal Commission concerning population development were based on the 1960 census. According to that census, only 8973 persons, or 1.7 per cent of the total population from the area outside the police zone, had settled more or less permanently in the police zone (Report of the Commission, 1964: 39). Since the late 1970s some of the segregation laws have been repealed or revised, but until Namibia’s independence in 1990 people did not have the right to choose freely their place of residence. It was only the Constitution of Namibia that repealed the colonial moving restrictions and allowed all citizens ‘(g) to move freely throughout Namibia; (h) reside and settle in any part of Namibia; (i) leave and return to Namibia’ (Constitution of the Republic of Namibia, 1990: 13–4). Therefore legal permanent inter-regional migration was minimal in Namibia until independence. Despite the strict legislation, movement of the population from the northern parts of the country to urban centres in central and


south Namibia has increased since the 1960s. Before independence most of these moves were illegal and temporary. In 1991, 11.4 per cent of the Namibian population born in the former Ovamboland were living outside the region; the corresponding figures from Kavango and Caprivi were 9.1 per cent and 3.5 per cent. Of the Namibian-born population living in the former Ovamboland only 2.2 per cent were born outside the region, in Kavango 2.8 and Caprivi 5.2 (Republic of Namibia, 1993a: 26–7). The most important type of inter-regional migration in the Namibian territory has been the periodic labour migration. As a consequence of the growing need for labour, the migrant labour system has been changing in the direction of permanent wage labour since the 1940s. A great number of adult men from the native reserves, especially from Ovamboland, were staying almost permanently in the police zone except for short visits to their homes at the expiration of the working contracts (ANCO, Granting of leave to Ovambos in the zone to proceed home, Oshikango, 16 August 1941, NAO 5, 2/1, v.4). Banghart (1969: 78) noticed that of the Kwanyama migrant labourers he interviewed (105), 74 had worked more than 5 contracts. Until the 1970s working contracts varied from 12 to 24 months, but after that the system allowed greater flexibility (Kooy, 1973: 102–3; Katjavivi, 1988: 67–71; Peltola, 1995: 26–7). The largest group of internal migrants in Namibia was composed of intra-regional migrants. The colonial administration did not control intra-regional migration in the same way as inter-regional migration. For investigation of internal migration in the Namibian territory the only available official sources are the population censuses. The earliest census was carried out in 1921 and covered in detail only the European population. Since the 1950s censuses have been carried out at intervals of 10 years. Migration questions in the earliest censuses concentrated on ethnicity, but since the 1950s birth-place was also included in the questionnaire. In practice, the exact birth-place information concerned only the white population, because the African population was classified according to their ethnic origin. In many Third World countries place of birth statistics have been the only sources of information in studying past migrations (Goddard et al., 1975). The place of birth, with the residence of the persons at the time of enumeration in the census data,


enable the study of migration by indirect methods, but in general the quality of data has not been good (Lewis, 1982: 12–15; Oucho and Gould, 1993: 288). In the South West African/Namibian context only inter-regional migration of the African population can be approached by use of the published census data. Partly due to the lack of reliable and valid migration data, migration has been a neglected field in the scanty Namibian population research. The recent studies dealing with population questions in Namibia have concentrated on the questions of fertility, mortality, age structure, and household composition (Cogill and Kiugu, 1990; UNICEF Namibia, 1991; Lucas, 1992; Katjiuanjo et al., 1993; Raitis, 1995). No studies have been published specializing in migration in northern Namibia. Migration has been dealt with only in recently published studies concentrating on urbanization and socioeconomic change (Simon, 1982; Frayne, 1992; Pendleton et al., 1992; Pendleton and Frayne, 1998). The only published data which include some remarks on intra-regional rural–rural migration in Ovamboland are development plans prepared during the last decades of South African rule (Claassen and Page, 1978; Loxton, Venn & Associates, 1985a, 1985b). Periodic labour migration was the type of population movement that interested both authorities and scholars during the colonial period. Most of the studies related to the migrant labour system have focused on three themes: working and living conditions in the mines (Gordon, 1977); effects of migrant work on the economies of areas of origin of migrants (Banghart, 1969; Gordon, 1978); and the political economy of the contract labour system (Moorsom, 1973, 1977).

4 Christianization in Ovamboland

4.1

The Lutheran Mission

The first efforts to spread Christianity to the present Namibian territory occurred at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The London Missionary Society and the Wesleyans established mission stations in the southern part of the present Namibia. Owing to a shortage of manpower, the London Missionary Society was compelled to withdraw from the Namibian territory as early as in 1829 (Goldblatt, 1971: 6). The arrival of the Rhenish Missionary Society (RMS) in 1842 created a competitive situation between the Rhenish missionaries and the Wesleyan Missionary Society. After a decade the RMS became the most influential missionary organization in the present Namibian territory (for more on the activities of Rhenish missionaries, see Driessler, 1932: 18–59; Loth, 1963: 39–67). In the 1840s the work of the RMS concentrated in the central and southern parts of Namibia. In the mid-1850s they made preparations and also a decision to open a new mission field in northern Namibia in Ovamboland. Scarce human and capital resources prevented the RMS from carrying out the plan by themselves, but they delegated the task to the Finnish Missionary Society (FMS) that was at that time looking for a mission field. The first Finnish missionaries entered the southernmost Ovambo community, Ondonga, on 9 July 1870. At the beginning of the 1870s the FMS tried to expand the mission field from Ondonga to the other Ovambo communities, such as Ongandjera and Uukwambi, but failed. Up to 1903 the work of the FMS was confined to Ondonga (Peltola, 1958: 40). 26

Christianization in Ovamboland 27

The leading objective of missionary work in Ovamboland as well as elsewhere has been the establishment of Christian parishes. However, requirements set for catechumens before baptism varied significantly between different missionary societies. For instance, Finnish missionaries set more demanding criteria for catechumens than Germans at the end of the nineteenth century. Therefore, the first Ovambos who wanted to be baptized were baptized by the Germans in their mission field in central Namibia. Finnish missionaries arranged the first ceremony of baptism in Ovamboland only in 1883, when six young Ovambo men were baptized at the Omulonga mission station (Peltola, 1958: 81–4). By 1889, two Lutheran parishes (Olukonda and Oniipa) had been established in Ovamboland. Both parishes were located in Ondonga and had altogether 230 members. By 1900, the number of parishioners grew to 827 (Statistical Tables of the Finnish Mission Field in Ovamboland, 1889, 1900, AEL). In 1891 the RMS extended work to Ovamboland by opening a mission station in the northernmost Ovambo community, Uukwanyama. By 1905, the RMS had established four mission stations in Uukwanyama (for more on the Rhenish activities in Ovamboland, see Driessler, 1932: 231–64). The defeat of Germany in the campaign for South West Africa forced Rhenish missionaries to withdraw from Uukwanyama. Their work was continued by the FMS in 1920 (MMC at Oniipa, 19 March 1920, Hha:8, NAF). Even though Finns had worked in Ovamboland since 1870, they did not have great success in spreading Christianity during the nineteenth century. A new phase in Finnish missionary work was started at the beginning of the twentieth century by the establishment of new parishes. The number of parishes grew from 3 in 1900 to 12 by 1920; at same time, the number of parishioners increased from 827 in 1900 to 7695 in 1920. The greatest change that occurred during the first two decades of the twentieth century was the extension of the missionary work from Ondonga to the other Ovambo communities. By 1920, the FMS had established 6 mission stations in Ondonga and one mission station for all the other Ovambo communities (Engela, Uukwanyama; Elim, Uukwambi; Rehoboth, Ongandjera; Tshandi, Uukwaluudhi; Nakayale, Ombalantu; Onesi, Uukolonkadhi and Eunda) (Statistical Tables of the Finnish Mission Field in Ovamboland for the Years 1900–1920, AEL).


Table 4.1

The members of Lutheran parishes in Ovamboland, 1900–901

Year

Members

1900 1905 1910 1915 1920 1925 1930 1935 1940 1945 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1973 1980 1985 1990

827 1498 2006 2641 7695 17445 24024 31615 37288 48138 61936 90013 132381 156204 185366 213425 290261 342387 409949

1

Parishes established by the RMS between 1891 and 1915 are excluded, and members of the Lutheran parishes in Kavango are also excluded Sources: Statistical Tables of the Finnish Mission Field in Ovamboland/ELOC/ELCIN, 1883–1991, AEL; Kerkgenootskappe: Statistiek 1973–1974, OVE 20, 5/16/3, NAN

In spite of the territorial expansion of the mission field the main emphasis of the work of the FMS was in the most populous Ovambo communities: Ondonga and Uukwanyama. With one exception, all new parishes (9) between 1920 and 1950 were established in Uukwanyama. Characteristic of Finnish missionary work was the transfer of administration and management of parishes from missionaries to native ministers at a very early stage. The teachers’ training college was opened in Oniipa in 1913 for native Ovambo men. The first four teachers were qualified in 1916. The starting point for the change-over from the mission Church to the autonomous and independent Church was the foundation of the college for ministers in 1922. The first Ovambo men were ordained as ministers in 1925 (Peltola, 1958: 191–4, 231).

Christianization in Ovamboland 29

The responsibility for the administration of parishes was gradually transferred from the Finnish missionaries to the Ovambo ministers. The minutes of the missionaries’ meetings describe well the change of the role of the Finnish missionaries from leaders to advisers. By the late 1930s almost all parishes were led by Ovambo ministers (see, for example, MMC at Ongwediva, 10–11 January 1949, Hha:18, NAF). The last step on the way to an independent Church was taken in 1954 when the Evangelical Lutheran Ovambo-Kavango Church (ELOC) was established. The Church was led by Dr Leonard Auala and was the first autonomous Church in Ovamboland (Peltola, 1958: 242). Due to its nationwide character, the name of the Church was changed to the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia (ELCIN) in the 1980s.

4.2

The Roman Catholic and Anglican Missions

After the withdrawal of the Rhenish missionaries in 1916, the FMS was the only missionary organization working in Ovamboland. In spite of Finnish opposition, the South African administration accorded permission in 1924 both to the Roman Catholic and the Anglican Missions to start missionary work in Ovamboland (MMC at Oshigambo, 20–21 January 1925, Hha:9, NAF). Catholics established their first mission station at Oshikuku in Uukwambi and Anglicans at Odibo in Uukwanyama in 1924 (Peltola, 1958: 199–200). Since the 1950s the number of Roman Catholics and Anglicans seems to have grown faster than the number of Lutherans. The figure representing the number of Anglicans in 1973 is more or less

Table 4.2 The distribution of members among the Lutheran, Anglican and Catholic Churches in Ovamboland, 1933, 1953, 1973 Year

Catholics

%

Anglicans

%

Lutherans

%

Total

%

1933 1953 1973

690 7985 36754

2.4 8.8 12.9

217 1151 350001

0.7 1.3 12.3

28506 81179 213425

96.9 89.9 74.8

29413 90315 285179

100 100 100

1

Exact figure not available

Sources: NC, AR 1933, NAO 19, 11/1, NAN; NC, AR 1953, NAO 61, 12/2, NAN; Kerkgenootskappe: Statistiek 1973–1974, OVE 20, 5/16/3, NAN


unreliable because it was not based on official statistics but on oral evidence. Despite the growth of the Catholic and Anglican Churches, the Lutheran Church still has a dominant position in Ovamboland. The mission philosophy and practical working principles have differed noticeably among different Churches. The long-term goal of the Lutheran mission was from the 1920s the establishment of an autonomous and independent Church. This goal was realized in 1954. In 1972, out of 97 ministers of ELOC only 4 were whites. Characteristic of the Roman Catholic mission has been the very paternalistic attitude towards the native population. For example, at the beginning of the 1970s white Catholic missionaries insisted that any Ovambo joining the ministry had to have the same training and qualificationzs as whites, which retarded the birth of a local independent Church. The Anglican mission has been more autonomous than that of the Catholic Church. At the beginning of the 1970s the Anglican Mission Church had native priests who were trained in Ovamboland (Tötemeyer, 1978: 23–5).

5 Research Area

5.1

The selection of the sample parishes

At the end of 1991 ELCIN had 433 936 members and was divided into 92 parishes. Even though ELCIN is a nationwide Church, its work is concentrated in Ovamboland. In 1991, only 6 of the parishes of ELCIN (23 987 members) located outside Ovamboland (ELCIN, Statistical Table for 1991, AEL). ELCIN has not founded congregations in the urban centres in central and south Namibia (for example, Windhoek, Swakopmund, Lüderitz, Walvis Bay), although a great number of the members of ELCIN reside there permanently. Since the 1970s the network of ELCIN parishes has covered quite evenly the most densely populated parts of Ovamboland. In the western parts of the region the situation has been different. In Ongandjera one parish covered the whole community until 1954, in Uukwaluudhi until 1963, Ombalantu 1973, and Uukolonkadhi and Eunda 1977 (Statistical Tables of the Finnish Mission Field in Ovamboland/ELOC/ELCIN 1889–1991, AEL). Our aim was to select the sample parishes from the different parts of Ovamboland in order to be able to analyse areal variation in fertility, mortality, and migration. When selecting the sample parishes the two most important criteria of selection were: (1) that the parish was established before 1925; and (2) that the condition of parish records was good enough. Except for the Ondonga and Uukwanyama communities, the selection of parishes did not cause any problems because there was available only one choice in 31


every community: Okahao (Ongandjera), Tshandi (Uukwaluudhi), Nakayale (Ombalantu), and Elim (Uukwambi). The westernmost Ovambo community, Uukolonkadhi and Eunda, was excluded from the analysis because Onesi (Uukolonkadhi) parish, which was established in 1920, remained very small until the 1950s compared to the other western sample parishes (Statistical Tables of the Finnish Mission Field in Ovamboland, 1950, AEL). During the first half of the twentieth century Uukolonkadhi was not at the top of the priority list in the Finnish mission strategy. Onesi parish was under the leadership of Ovambo teachers and ministers from the very beginning. Finnish missionaries only supervised and guided the work from the Tshandi mission station (see, for example, MMC at Oshigambo, 12–13 January 1938, Hha:16, NAF). In Ondonga and Uukwanyama the principles for the selection of parishes were different. In Ondonga, Oshigambo was the newest of the 6 parishes in the area at the beginning of the 1920s. Eenhana parish in Uukwanyama was the second parish which was split off from the Engela mother parish. The first important reason to select only the easternmost parishes of Ondonga and Uukwanyama was that they remained undivided longer than parishes established in the central areas of Ondonga and Uukwanyama. Eenhana remained undivided until 1946, and Oshigambo until 1966. The second reason for the selection of Oshigambo and Eenhana parishes was that they were located in the new settlement area at the edge of the continuous forest area, unlike parishes in the central areas of Ondonga and Uukwanyama, where forests had been cleared for fields. Unfortunately, it was discovered during the transcription of the data that the quality of Eenhana parish records was poor. Owing to inadequate entries in the parish records the follow-up of couples proved very difficult and many times impossible. Therefore, Eenhana parish had to be excluded from the analysis. The rest of the selected parishes did not form a homogenous group. Political and cultural conditions for missionary work varied noticeably between different communities, especially during the first half of the twentieth century. Strategies adopted for the extension of Christianity varied significantly among the different parts of Ovamboland.

Figure 5.1

The location of the sample parishes

33

Source: Modified from Republic of South Africa, 1971: 10


5.2 5.2.1

Introduction to the sample parishes Okahao (Rehoboth, Nakeke)

The sample parishes are presented in chronological order in relation to their establishment. The oldest of the sample parishes was Okahao. Soon after their arrival in Ondonga, Finnish missionaries made plans to expand the mission field to Uukwanyama, Uukwambi, and Ongandjera as well. By the end of 1871, missionary work was started in Rehoboth (Ongandjera) and Elim (Uukwambi). The seemingly bright conditions grew soon dark. Finns failed to establish trusted relations with the rulers of the Ovambo communities and were forced to give up their work in Uukwambi in 1872 and in Ongandjera the next year. Until 1903 Finnish missionary work in Ovamboland was confined to Ondonga (Siiskonen, 1990: 124–5). At the beginning of the twentieth century the FMS was pressured to expand the mission field from Ondonga to the western Ovambo communities because there was a threat that Catholics would start work in the western Ovambo communities. Therefore, a mission station was established at Nakeke, which was located a few kilometres east of the earlier Rehoboth mission station. The nucleus of Nakeke parish was composed of Christians who arrived from outside the Ongandjera community. This was characteristic also of many other new parishes. Typical founder members of parishes in many new areas were foster children of missionaries and Christians who had had troubles in their home communities (Peltola, 1958: 145–6). According to Opoku, the first Christians in Africa were ‘social outcasts’ who had nothing to lose by embracing Christianity (Opoku, 1985: 527). The birth of the first Christian congregations in Ovamboland demonstrates Opoku’s theory well. Although missionaries built close relations with the elite in their communities, very few ‘notables’ became converts during the first half of the twentieth century. When missionary work was expanded to new communities, the first station was established near the residence of the king or headman. In practice, the attitude of the king and headmen determined the attitude of the elite to Christianity. The director of the Ovamboland mission field, Mr Alho, described in his annual report for 1939 that the headmen of Ongandjera, Uukwambi, and Ombalantu were ‘the corner stones of paganism in their areas’ (MMC at Ongwediva, 10–11 January 1940, NAF).

Research Area 35

In spite of their negative or indifferent attitude to Christianity, the headmen of Ongandjera did not noticeably hinder missionary work during the first half of the twentieth century (see, for example, MMC at Onandjokwe, 20–21 January 1943, Hha:20, NAF). Moves of Christians from the vicinity of the mission station to the middle of the non-Christian population was an important element in the strategy of Christianization. Nakeke, which was later called Okahao, was both the administrative and economic centre in Ongandjera. Okahao parish covered the whole of Ongandjera until 1954, when Etilyasa – southeast of Okahao – was split off from the mother parish. The third parish, Oluteyi – northeast of Okahao – in Ongandjera, was established in 1975. 5.2.2

Elim

In Uukwambi the second attempt to establish a mission station took place in 1903 and was connected to the opening of the Nakeke mission station in Ongandjera. This attempt also failed, and the establishment of the station was postponed until 1908 (Peltola, 1958: 145–9). Preconditions for the spreading of Christianity were less favourable in Uukwambi compared to Ongandjera. The last kings of Uukwambi, Negumbo lyaKandenge (1875–1907) and Iipumbu yaTshilongo (1907–32), were not at all sympathetic to Christianity and Europeans. Although Iipumbu allowed the establishment of the Elim parish, his influence and negative attitude to Christianity meant that the congregation grew slowly. The situation was changed only in 1932 when Iipumbu was deposed by the colonial administration and replaced by a council of headmen (NC, AR 1932, Ondangwa, 13 December 1932, NAO 19, 11/1, v.5, NAN). Iipumbu’s successors had a more neutral or indifferent attitude to Christians and missionary work. Like Okahao, Elim was the administrative and economic centre of the Uukwambi community. Due to its location in the centre of the Cuvelai catchment, Uukwambi played an important geopolitical role among the Ovambo communities. An important travelling route to the northern part of Ovamboland and Angola also went through Uukwambi. Elim remained the only Lutheran parish in Uukwambi, covering the whole community, until 1943, when a new parish was established


in Oniimwandi about 20 km southeast of Elim (MMC at Elim, 12–13 January 1944, Hha:20, NAF). Oshakati (1953), Ogongo (1956), and Othika (1969) were split off from Elim parish before the mid-1970s. Furthermore, two other parishes were established in the southern part of Uukwambi in the 1950s and 1960s – Onaanda (1954) and Ompundja (1969). Since the beginning of the twentieth century Catholics had been making preparations to start missionary work in Uukwambi. Their plans were realized only in 1924 when a mission station was established at Oshikuku and in 1932 at Okatana (Peltola, 1958: 203–5). 5.2.3

Tshandi

When the Board of the FMS made a decision to establish a mission station at Uukwambi in 1908, they decided at the same meeting to open a branch station in Uukwaluudhi (Peltola, 1958: 149–51). In 1910 the status of Tshandi was raised from a branch station to a proper mission station (MMC at Ontananga, 17 January 1911, Hha:6, NAF). Preconditions for missionary work were much better in Uukwaluudhi than in Uukwambi. The Portuguese colonial administration had started to strengthen their influence in the southern part of Angola and the border zone between Angola and German South West Africa, which since the late 1890s had caused unrest among Ovambos living on the South West African side of the border (Clarence-Smith, 1975: 303–14). By inviting Finnish missionaries, King Iita ya Nalitoke (1908–9) and his successor Mwaala gwa Nashilongo (1909–61) wanted to gain political support against the Portuguese and strengthen their own position. The FMS did not hesitate to accept the invitations of the Uukwaluudhi kings, because an increase in the Portuguese influence would have meant increasing competition with Catholic missionaries. Despite King Mwaala’s neutral attitude to Christianity, he did not want to be baptized. The first Christian king in Uukwaluudhi was his successor, Josia (MMC at Nkongo, 9–11 January 1962, Hha:33, NAF). The Tshandi mission station is located in the administrative and economic centre of Uukwaluudhi. Unlike Elim, Tshandi was not located on the main travelling routes of Ovamboland. Until the 1960s, Tshandi parish covered the whole of Uukwaluudhi. Onangalo was split off from it in 1963, Elondo in 1969, and Oshilemba in 1980.

Research Area 37

5.2.4

Oshigambo

The history of Oshigambo parish differs significantly from the other sample parishes. Oshigambo was the sixth independent parish in Ondonga and covered the northeastern parts of the kingdom. Preparations for establishing a mission station in the Oshigambo area had started in 1908, but they were stopped because the Board of the FMS considered the establishment of a mission station at Uukwaluudhi to be more important. Officially, Oshigambo parish was split off from Oniipa in 1912 (MMC at Oniipa, 13 July 1908, Hha:5, NAF; MMC at Olukonda, 17 July 1912, Hha:6, NAF). An important reason for the establishment of Oshigambo parish was the expansion of settlement from the centre of the Cuvelai catchment area to the east. The biggest obstacle to migration to the edge of the Cuvelai catchment or beyond it had been the shortage of groundwater. The Oshigambo settlement overcame this problem because it was located on the banks of the Oshigambo oshana (Eggers, 1966: 459–67). The new parish was established in the middle of a new settlement area. It was estimated that at least two-fifths of the parishioners of Oniipa were living permanently in the Oshigambo area when the parish was established (Peltola, 1958: 149). For the FMS the establishment of Oshigambo parish was more a technical operation because Christians were already living there. Oshigambo parish was located away from the economic centres of Ondonga and the main travelling routes leading to the north or south. Oshigambo was bordered by a continuous forest area, which separated Ovamboland from Kavango. Many farms were established in the middle of forest, which was no longer possible in the central parts of Ondonga where continuous forests had been cleared for fields. Political and cultural conditions for missionary work were also more favourable in Ondonga than in the other Ovambo communities. The expansion of Christianity gained a major boost in Ondonga in August 1912 when the young Ondonga king, Kambonde kaNgula (1909–12), was baptized on his deathbed. Subsequently, his brother and successor, 21-year-old Martin Nambala yaKadhikwa (1919–42), was also baptized at the end of 1912 (MMC at Ontananga, 15 January 1913, Hha:6, NAF). In the other Ovambo communities the baptism of kings and headmen did not occur for many years. In spite of their tolerance of Christianity, the kings of Ondonga showed greater interest in the


political and economic benefits associated with missionaries than their faith. However, the king’s conversion was not followed by a mass baptism of the kingdom’s elite (MMC at Oniipa, 20 April 1927; Onajena, 14 July 1927; Olukonda, 30 November 1927, Hha:9, NAF). Despite its remote location from the centres of Ondonga (Olukonda, Ondangwa), Oshigambo gained an important position among the Ondonga parishes almost immediately after its establishment. The station was occupied by Finnish missionaries from the very beginning. Oshigambo became a central place in the eastern part of Ondonga from which several branch stations were administered. The Oshigambo mother parish remained undivided until 1966, when Oshaango was split off from it. In the 1970s and 1980s, several other parishes were split off from the Oshigambo mother parish. 5.2.5

Nakayale

In the nineteenth century the political structure of the Ovambo communities was built around the hereditary ruler, except in Ombalantu and the small communities located in the vicinity of the Kunene River, where political power was more decentralized (Siiskonen, 1990: 44–9). Usually, missionaries gained acceptance for their work or invitations from the kings, but in Ombalantu the invitation was issued by a small, scattered group of people. The mission strategy also differed in Ombalantu from the other sample parishes. The FMS established Ombalantu parish (the name was changed later to Nakayale) in 1920, but it did not send a Finnish missionary there at the very beginning. Nakayale parish was administered from Rehoboth (Nakeke, Okahao), and evangelical work was started by an Ovambo ‘teacher’ and continued by native ministers (MMC at Oshigambo, 12 January 1921, Hha:8, NAF). The composition of the early Ombalantu parish differed remarkably from those of the other sample parishes. Like everywhere else, most of the first members of Nakayale parish were not from Ombalantu. Neither had they arrived from the other Christian parishes of Ovamboland. Many members of Nakayale parish were Christian refugees from the Ombandja and Ondombodhola communities which were located on the Angolan side of Ovamboland (MMC at Oshigambo, 11 January 1922, Hha:8, NAF; MMC at Onajena, 8 January 1924, Hha:8, NAF).

Research Area 39

Nakayale was located on the side of the main road leading from Tsumeb to Ruacana Falls and was the economic and administrative centre of the Ombalantu area. Division of the Nakayale mother parish was started in 1942 when Okalongo (Onandjaba) was split off from it. In a border revision two years later, Okalongo was transferred administratively from Ombalantu to Uukwanyama. In the mid-1970s there were three Lutheran parishes – Nakayale (1920), Onawa (1966), Eengolo (1973) – in the Ombalantu district. In addition to Finnish mission stations, in 1927 the Roman Catholics established a mission station at Anamulenge, about 4 km north of Nakayale (Peltola, 1958: 204–5). This short presentation of the sample parishes indicates that we cannot handle them as a uniform group. In the interpretation of research results and in comparisons between parishes the different backgrounds of the parishes may be reflected in the research results.

6 Materials and Methods

6.1

Data sources

In this study the Evangelical Lutheran Church parish record data from Ovamboland, northern Namibia, were used as a primary source. Parish records include several different registers – for example, list of deaths, births, marriages, and migration – and they also include a main register where people are listed by family. Finnish missionaries started their work in Ovamboland during the 1870s. The earliest registers are from the 1880s, when the first Christians were baptized. In the central parts of northern Namibia, about 30–40 per cent of the estimated total population were members of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the 1950s. In the 1990s, the proportion is about 70 per cent. Until the 1940s notes on parish records were written on forms sent from Finland.

6.2

Methods

The family reconstitution method (family histories) was used in collecting data from the microfilmed registers. This method was developed by French scholars M. Fleury and L. Henry, who in 1965 published a manual on how to use parish registers in population research (Fleury and Henry, 1965). Almost at the same time the family reconstitution method was introduced in England (Wrigley, 1966: 96–159). However, studies based on family reconstitution have been done since the 1950s in France, England, Germany, Sweden, and several 40

Materials and Methods 41

other countries. Nowadays there are also computer programs which are able to construct individual life histories based on parish register data (Bideau and Brunet, 1993: 116; Reher and Schofield, 1993). In Finland this method was used for the first time during the 1970s. In particular, fertility transition since the 1870s has been studied with the help of family reconstitution in Finland (Notkola, 1989). The Namibian parish registers have been organized basically in the same way as the parish registers in Finland. This means that there is a so-called ‘main book’ or family book in the parish available which includes all the members of the congregation at a certain point in time. After marriage, a couple can be found in the main book. This main book or family book includes also the names of children of both parents and all vital events after the marriage. The main book includes also the children born before marriage. From every year there are also lists of births, deaths, baptisms, and migration and lists of marriages. These so-called ‘history books’ can also be used in family reconstitution. In particular, the data from the main book and from the list of deaths was double checked because all deaths from the list of deaths were not mentioned in the main book. In every parish there are several main books but just one was used at a time. In every main book all the families of the congregation are listed and the family can be followed from one main book to the next one. In this study the family reconstitution was started from the time of marriage and from the lists of marriages. The basic follow-up unit was the couple. In every parish there was the list of marriages from each year. In this marriage book the names of couples were listed. The book also included the wedding day of the couple. From the marriage book the couple could be followed to the main book. In the main book the birthdays of couples could be found. From the same period of time the names of the children and birthdays of children were also collected. This information was taken mainly from the main books but also the list of births from every year was used. The first marriage cohort was that of 1925 and the last one was the 1985 cohort. The death of parents or children was followed in the same way. Baptism information, migration information, and information regarding expulsion from the congregation, was also collected from parents or children. The parents were followed to their deaths or to the last available main book. The information on


the list of deaths was compared to the information from the main book. The last available main book was usually from the 1980s. In the same way as parents were followed, the children of the couples were also followed. In this way there are two kinds of data, one being based on the follow-up of the couple (adult data) and the other on the follow-up of the children. The data entry and the main reconstitution work was done at the University of Joensuu in Finland. Fertility analysis was based on general fertility rate, total fertility rate, and age- specific fertility rates. The de facto follow-up female population (the population enumerated on the basis of those present at a particular time) was estimated for every follow-up year by age. The follow-up of women started from age 15 or from baptism if they were older than 15 years when baptized. If there was no information about the date of baptism, the follow-up started from the date of marriage. The calculated total fertility rate was not fully comparable to the normal total fertility rate. In addition, the death of a spouse was not taken into account. The risk population is consistently the present female population based on family reconstitution. In analysing fertility based on the census data and the demographic health survey, demographic methods developed for the purposes of developing countries were used (United Nations, 1983). Fertility estimations from data of the Namibia Population and Housing Census, 1991, was done by using the Brass method, based on comparison of period fertility rates with reported average parities called the P/F method, and indirect child mortality estimation was done by using Trussel’s variant of the original Brass method (United Nations, 1983: 32–7 and 81–5). Direct calculations of age-specific fertility rates from retrospective birth histories in the Namibian Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS), 1992, were also done (Verma, 1980). The mortality analysis was also based on the de facto population. The age-adjusted mortality rates were used for adults. In mortality analysis the expectation of life values were based on the model life tables (Brass et al., 1968: 88–139; Coale and Demeny, 1983). In analysing the mortality data the Brass logit life-table system was also used (United Nations, 1983: 17–18). In generating model life-tables both general standard and so-called African standard was used. These were calculated for two periods, 1925–54 and 1955–85.


Basically, the conventional two-parameter life-table system was used. However, it could be supposed that the infant mortality and childhood mortality 1–4 years, based on observed data, was too low. Due to this fact the infant mortality values and childhood mortality values were calculated based on Coale–Demeny model life-tables (South and West Model). Based on age-specific mortality rates for ages 5–34 (for 5-year age groups) the Coale–Demeny mortality levels were estimated. The average mortality level of these was calculated and this estimated value was used in calculating infant mortality and mortality for ages 1–5. After age 5 the empirical values were used. However, in the West Model and for the period 1955–85, just the infant mortality value was estimated because the empirical value of the mortality of children (1–4 years) was higher than mortality of children (1–4 years) based on the West Model. Like the fertility and mortality analysis, the migration analysis was based on the de facto population. In the investigation of the rate of inter-community and inter-regional out-migration in the sample parishes, returning migrant workers from the central and southern parts of Namibia were excluded from the analysis because of their temporary stay outside Ovamboland. The follow-up population was composed of the married couples in the sample parishes between 1925 and 1985. The migration data include moves during the marriage and after the dissolution of the marriage, and also moves that occurred for the follow-up population before the date of marriage. The children of the couples were excluded from the data. The aims of the migration analysis were: (1) to investigate the spatial patterns of migration flows, and (2) to investigate the causal factors behind moves. The spatial analysis of migration concentrated on internal migration and focused on inter-community migration within the former Ovamboland region. In addition, interregional and international migration were considered. Parish records did not enable intra-community migration to be investigated, except for the Oshigambo parish until 1966. The shortest distance of movement that was registered in the parish records was a move from parish to parish. The causal factors for moves were approached by focusing the analysis on ethnic, age, and socio-economic selectivity of migration. In addition, special emphasis was laid on the connection between the dissolution of marriage and migration. Owing to an almost


complete absence of comparative research from Namibia, the aim of the analysis has been to outline changes in the development of migration and the socio-economic and cultural role of migration in the Ovambo communities in the twentieth century. Comparing the results of migration analysis with other migration studies has been difficult because long-term migration analyses in SubSaharan Africa are rare and are based on different kinds of data and methods.

6.3

The data

The data were collected from parish registers by using the family reconstitution method. The follow-up was started from the marriage of a couple. The follow-up of first marriage cohorts was started in 1925 and the last marriage cohorts included were from the year 1985. The whole data included 8125 marriages. The number of marriages excluded due to poor knowledge of marriage information was 993 (based on the criteria of the reconstitution), and the number of marriages excluded because the couple was not mentioned after marriage in parish registers was 574 (Table 6.1). These numbers cannot be added together because the numbers are not exclusive. Due to the poor follow-up information, altogether 1106 couples were not included in the final data. In the final data the number of marriages was 7019. There were differences between parishes in the proportion of excluded marriages. The proportion was the lowest in Elim (9.0 per cent) and the highest proportion was in Tshandi (16.5 per cent). The proportion of excluded marriages was higher in later marriage cohorts than in the marriage cohort 1925–35 and in the cohort 1936–45. One possible explanation for this is that in the 1930s when the congregation was small, the Christian population could be easily followed but later on the task was no longer easy. 6.3.1

Fertility

The total number of childen whose birthday was known was 28 983 during the follow-up period but all of these could not be included in the final data (Table 6.2). There were 664 women whose birthday was unknown. These women had 577 children (Table 6.2). In the fertility analysis, these cases were excluded. If the birth year alone was known, it was taken that the birthday was 30 June.

45

Table 6.1 Marriages and excluded marriages by parish and marriage cohorts 1925–85 in parish register data in Ovamboland Years

1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 1976–85 Total

Elim Total

Excl. A

Excl. B

Final

Total

Excl. A

Excl. B

Final

259 354 611 495 262 165

10 1 42 9 9 82

10 9 59 20 23 21

247 345 546 475 235 83

90 83 202 240 189 118

11 4 13 17 36 49

3 1 3 4 18 22

79 79 189 222 153 69

2146

153

142

1931

922

130

51

791

Year

1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 1976–85 Total

Okahao

Total

Oshigambo

Total

Excl. A

Excl. B

Final

Total

Excl. A

Excl. B

Final

87 165 458 453 583 304

3 3 82 33 80 89

4 4 72 23 25 17

80 158 366 420 503 215

141 255 387 472 340 232

6 7 74 27 9 91

7 8 74 39 19 –

134 245 313 430 318 141

2050

290

145

1742

1827

214

147

1581

Years

1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 1976–85

Nakayale

Tshandi

Total

Total

Excl. A

Excl. B

Final

Total

Excl. A

Excl. B

Final

111 99 214 392 240 124

15 14 27 49 59 42

5 6 6 24 30 18

96 85 187 343 181 82

688 956 1872 2052 1614 943

45 29 238 135 193 353

29 28 214 110 115 78

636 912 1601 1890 1390 590

1180

203

89

974

8125

993

574

7019

Total = The number of marriages in the data Excl. A = The number of marriages excluded by incomplete information about marriage Excl. B = The number of marriages excluded due to no information after the marriage (couple present just in one main book) NOTE: Excl. A & Excl. B are not exclusive Final = The number of marriages after the two exclusions

46

Table 6.2 Births and excluded births by birth cohort in parish register data in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Years

Elim

Nakayale

Total Excl. A Excl. B Excl. C Final

Total

Excl. A Excl. B Excl. C

Final

1925–39 1940–49 1950–59 1960–69 1970–79 1980–92

967 1201 1728 1948 1150 443

3 – 1 – 4 8

36 23 9 – 2 1

263 138 76 52 25 22

667 1040 1642 1896 1119 412

327 359 762 1133 624 325

13 4 – 2 1 2

3 – – – 6 4

40 28 24 35 27 13

271 327 738 1096 590 306

Total

7437

16

71

576

6776

3530

22

13

167

3328

Years

Okahao

Oshigambo


Total


Final

1925–39 1940–49 1950–59 1960–69 1970–79 1980–92

282 666 1337 2314 2384 1090

4 15 35 17 17 18

15 35 11 5 4 8

50 69 132 572 774 88

214 548 1159 1720 1589 976

420 588 1087 1649 1494 705

– – 1 6 15 14

212 79 31 2 1 –

27 53 59 37 25 13

181 456 996 1604 1453 678

Total

8070

106

78

1685

6206

5943

36

325

214

5368

Years

Tshandi

Total


Total


Final

1925–39 299 1940–49 365 1950–59 898 1960–69 1156 1970–79 841 1980–92 441

6 1 10 6 1 –

31 7 9 10 26 7

41 41 151 111 46 18

221 316 730 1029 768 416

2295 3179 5812 8200 6493 3004

26 20 47 31 38 42

297 144 60 17 39 20

421 329 442 807 897 154

1554 2687 5265 7345 5519 2788

Total

24

90

408

3480

28983

204

577

3050

25158

4000

Total = The number of births in the data Excl. A = The number of births excluded due to the poor follow-up of marriage (based on the information of reconstruction) Excl. B = The number of births excluded due to the missing birth date of the mother NOTE! Excl. A & Excl. B are not exclusive Excl. C = The number of births excluded because the mother was not in follow-up at the time of birth Final = The number of births on which the fertility analysis is based Obs.: There were 223 children whose birthday was missing and 206 children were born before the year 1925 or after the year 1992. These children were also excluded


The mother had to be mentioned at least in two main books. Otherwise the woman and her children were excluded from the data. In addition, those women and children were excluded if, according to the parish register information, the follow-up of the marriage was poor. These women had 204 children. There were also 3050 children who were excluded due to the fact that the mother was not in follow-up at the time of birth. Altogether there were 1321 women, and these had 775 children who were excluded from the analysis before the follow-up. The total number of excluded children was 4048. Of these, 223 were children whose birthday was unknown. The others were excluded because of deficiencies in the information concerning the mother. This figure included also those children who were excluded because the mother was not in follow-up at the time of the birth (Excl. C in Table 6.2). More women and children were excluded from older birth cohorts. There were also differences between parishes. The proportion of excluded women and children was higher in Okahao, Oshigambo, and Tshandi than in Elim and Nakayale. In the fertility analysis the follow-up of women was started from the fifteenth birthday or after the baptism of women. If the time of baptism was unknown, the follow-up was started from the date of marriage. The follow-up was ended if the woman was expelled from the congregation or she migrated, but started again if the woman came back. If the migration time of women was not known these women were not included in the data, but if women migrated to the parish before marriage and the exact time was not known, the follow-up starts from marriage. The follow-up was ended at the time of death or at the fiftieth birthday. 6.3.2

Mortality

Adults There were altogether 15 877 men and women in the data. The number of women was 7995. In the mortality analysis altogether 1321 women were excluded. There were 664 women whose birthday was unknown. Secondly, the person had to be mentioned at least in two main books and the follow-up had to be complete. The number of those women whose follow-up was poor was 1099 and these women were excluded. The same system was also used for males.


There were 7882 men in the data. There were 1551 men whose birthday was unknown and there were 1106 men whose follow-up information was incomplete. The total number of excluded adult men was 1673. In analysing the time trends in mortality, the mortality of adults between 20 and 59 years was analysed. The lower age boundary of 20 was chosen due to the mean age of Christian marriage. The mean age of marriage in this data set was between 20 and 30 years. Mortality before marriage cannot be analysed in the adult population. Due to poor follow-up information the follow-up of adult male mortality ended at the sixtieth birthday and among females it ended at the thirty-ninth birthday. It was considered that the quality of data becomes less precise when the time of follow-up becomes longer. It can easily be seen from the data that the proportion of very old people still living in the research area is high. However, it is assumed that this information is not true. In calculations of follow-up time (person years), the follow-up was not started before marriage age, and expulsions from the congregation or migration information were taken into account. The number of adult deaths, after all exclusions, was altogether 1436 during the follow-up, but the total number of adult deaths in the data was 1603 (Table 6.3). In a time series analysis the first mortality rates have not usually been calculated before the year 1930 because the number of deaths was too small to calculate.

6.3.3

Mortality of Children

The mortality calculations for children are presented for age groups 0–1, 1–4, and 5–9 years. The total number of children born during the follow-up was 29 870. From these, the children of those families whose follow-up information was incomplete have been excluded from the basic data. In addition, there were 208 children who were born before the year 1925 or after the year 1992. These children were not included in the data. If only the birthday of the mother was unknown and the child was born during the marriage, the child was included in the mortality data. All those children whose birthday or date of baptism were missing were excluded. The number of children whose birthday was missing was 229 and the number of

Table 6.3

Deaths by parish and age among parents in parish register data in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85)

Age

Elim

Nakayale

Okahao

Oshigambo

Tshandi

Total

Men

Women

Men

Women

Men

Women

Men

Women

Men

Women

Men

Women

15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–

– 2 12 22 27 23 19 25 29 24 92

3 13 17 24 19 10 6 7 5 9 38

– 1 10 11 14 19 15 14 15 6 22

1 5 1 8 9 3 2 1 – 6 9

– 1 12 29 22 26 38 30 22 16 54

– 18 24 15 26 10 15 11 9 4 14

– 1 6 22 24 28 22 38 29 29 59

2 12 21 18 16 7 8 9 9 8 22

– – 6 13 12 18 16 16 15 10 44

1 7 6 16 8 7 6 – 4 4 10

– 5 46 97 99 114 110 123 110 85 271

7 55 69 81 78 37 37 28 27 31 93

Total

275

151

127

45

250

146

258

132

150

69

1060

543

49

50

Table 6.4 Children and excluded children by parish and birth cohort in parish register data in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85, including adopted children) Years

Elim

Nakayale


Total


Final

1925–39 1940–49 1950–59 1960–69 1970–79 1980–92

967 1202 1728 1954 1160 462

280 146 77 52 29 30

6 8 19 19 11 2

25 21 21 19 9 1

656 1027 1611 1864 1111 429

330 360 763 1135 642 336

57 32 24 38 32 15

– 3 5 – 5 4

21 24 69 203 403 153

252 301 665 894 202 164

Total

7473

614

65

96

6698

3566

198

17

873

2478

Years

Okahao

Oshigambo


Total


Final

1925–39 1940–49 1950–59 1960–69 1970–79 1980–92

287 666 1340 2323 2401 1125

66 90 167 591 794 110

1 6 9 5 4 2

18 23 87 285 898 493

202 547 1077 1442 705 520

420 592 1095 1675 1533 731

92 67 63 44 40 27

2 – 2 5 4 1

26 29 66 87 57 10

300 496 964 1539 1432 693

Total

8142

1818

27

1804

4493

6046

333

14

275

5424

Years

Tshandi

Total


Total


Final

1925–39 301 1940–49 367 1950–59 900 1960–69 1166 1970–79 848 1980–92 461

57 42 162 118 51 18

3 – 12 42 70 54

7 4 28 30 35 22

234 321 698 976 692 367

2305 3187 5826 8253 6584 3115

552 377 493 843 946 200

12 17 47 71 94 63

97 101 271 624 1402 679

1644 2692 5015 6715 4142 2173

Total

448

181

126

3288

29270

3411

304

3174

22381

4043

Excl. A = missing, mother not in follow-up or missing birthday of mother Excl. B = missing baptism day Excl. C = missing, incomplete follow-up of child, based on information from reconstruction Final = the number of children on which the mortality analysis is based Obs.: There were 229 children whose birthdays were missing and 208 children were born before 1925 or after 1992. All these children were also excluded


those whose baptism day was missing was 304. In addition, there were 3174 children who had incomplete follow-up (Table 6.4). Altogether 3411 children were not included in the mortality follow-up because the mother of the child was born during the time when she was expelled from the congregation, or the child was born during a migration time, or the child was born before the marriage, or the follow-up was incomplete. The mother’s follow-up information had to be complete before the child could be followed. There were clear differences by parish in the proportion of excluded children. The highest proportion was in Okahao, where about 45 per cent of children could not be included in the mortality analysis. The lowest proportions were in Elim (10 per cent) and in Oshigambo. The number of dead children in the data was 2870 and among these 2237 died between ages 1–9 (Table 6.5). The follow-up of the child started from the marriage of the parents, or from the date of baptism, or from the date when child was at the age of 1 or 5. In analysing infant mortality the follow-up was started from the birth of the child. Only the time when the person was a member of the congregation was included in the calculations. The criteria were based on the follow-up information of the mother. The follow-up ended if the mother was expelled from the congregation, if the mother or child migrated, if the mother died or the child died, or if the child exceeded the age limit. Due to the cultural factors it was supposed that the follow-up information on children was incomplete if the mother died (see Tuupainen, 1970: 81). Table 6.5 Dead children by parish and age in parish register data in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Age

Elim

Nakayale

Okahao

Oshigambo

Tshandi

Total

0 1–4 5–9 10–14 15–19 20–24 25–

267 211 75 32 39 28 53

128 133 33 14 17 13 18

247 221 86 29 27 45 56

220 236 77 46 33 30 90

112 143 48 19 12 9 23

974 944 319 140 128 125 240

Total

705

356

711

732

366

2870


6.3.4

Migration

The migration analysis concentrates on inter-community and interregional migration of adults. In addition, the migration data includes 50 international moves between South West Africa/Namibia and Angola and South Africa. The term ‘inter-regional migration’ covers moves between Ovamboland and other regions of South West Africa/Namibia. By ‘inter-community migration’ is meant moves between the different Ovambo communities. ‘Intra-community migration’ includes moves between different parishes within a community but not short-distance moves within a parish. The first reason for the exclusion of intra-community migration from the analysis, except for Oshigambo parish (1925–65), was that in Ombalantu until 1942, Uukwambi until 1943, Uukwaluudhi until 1954, and Tshandi until 1963 one parish covered the whole community, which meant that any intra-community migration could not be registered. Another reason for the exclusion of intracommunity moves from the analysis was that, owing to the extension of settlement and the growth of the density of population in inhabited areas, new parishes were split off from the so-called ‘mother parishes’ in every community. The division of a ‘mother parish’ meant that part of its members were technically transferred to a new parish, a process that usually took several years. In parish records these people were registered migrants, although they did not move anywhere. Therefore it was impossible to make a difference between ‘real moves’ and ‘technical moves’. Oshigambo was the only one of the sample parishes where intra-community migration could be investigated on longer time frame because it remained undivided the longest, until 1966. The migration data include moves of the follow-up couples. The criterion for selecting a person to follow-up was the date of marriage. The parish record data contain information of moves of a person after baptism, which means that moves before the date of marriage are also in the data. Children of the couples have been excluded from the analysis because they usually moved with their parents. Another reason for excluding children from the analysis is that all children of the couple did not necessarily live with their parents but lived as foster children with their relatives. In the parish registers, living as a foster child was normally not registered as a move. According to the NDHS, 1992, 53 per cent of Ovambo households had foster children.


In this survey foster children were those under age 15 living in households with neither their mother nor their father present (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993: 9). Entries in parish records were made only about moves between parishes, not within the parish. When a person moved, they had to ask for a ‘notice of removal’ from their parish and take it to the new parish to which they had moved (Ambomaan evankelis-luterilaisen kirkon järjestyssäännöt, Ordinance of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Ovamboland, 1924, 1929, 1938, Hha:2, NAF). There were altogether 15 877 men and women in the data of whom 7995 were women. The total number of inter-community and inter-regional moves was 3760 (3532 migrants) during the follow-up period, but not all of them could be included in the final data. In the migration analysis the same method was used to exclude cases whose follow-up information was incomplete, as in the fertility and adult mortality analysis. There were 1111 moves (1018 migrants) that were excluded from the analysis due to poor follow-up information. The total number of moves in the final analysis was 2649 moves (2514 migrants). Of the total number of moves 1914 (1843 migrants) were made by males and 735 (671 migrants) by females. In the migration data the same person might have moved several times during the follow-up. Only 5 per cent of the follow-up persons moved more than once. The follow-up of moves was continued until 1992. The reason for the great imbalance between sexes among migrants was that, of the 1914 moves of males (1843 migrants), 1421 were interregional moves. The majority of the inter-regional moves were made by Ovambo migrant labourers who were non-Christian when they left Ovamboland for migrant work but were baptized during their stay in the police zone and had joined local Lutheran Churches there (see sections 10.2.1 and 10.5.1 in Chapter 10). When they returned to Ovamboland, they were registered as in-migrants in the parish where they settled down. However, not all men who were baptized in the police zone did join the local parishes in Ovamboland but in fact returned to the traditional religion (see, for example, MMC at Oshigambo, 20–21 January 1925, Hha:9, NAF). When the interregional and international in-migrations of males are excluded from the analysis, the number of moves of males is reduced to 493. Among females, only 11 cases were classified in the category of inter-regional

54

Table 6.6 Moves and excluded moves by parish, marriage cohort, and sex in parish register data in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85) FEMALES Years

1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 1976–85 Total

Elim

Nakayale



26 54 63 35 20 30

1 7 19 3 6 25

2 3 – – – –

2 4 3 1 – 3

21 40 41 31 14 2

51 41 57 51 35 19

7 5 11 16 20 15

– 2 – – – –

7 3 4 2 2 –

37 31 42 33 13 4

228

61

5

13

149

254

74

2

18

160

Years

1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 1976–85 Total

Okahao

Oshigambo



33 31 59 64 73 57

4 5 13 9 46 40

3 2 – – – 1

2 1 6 6 3 –

24 23 40 49 24 16

38 50 39 22 23 14

– – – 3 2 12

22 17 – – – –

– 1 4 2 3 –

16 32 35 17 18 2

317

117

6

18

176

186

17

39

10

120

Years

1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 1976–85 Total

Tshandi

Total



55 36 44 63 43 30

14 13 17 27 24 19

3 4 – – 2 –

2 3 2 5 4 2

36 16 25 31 13 9

203 212 262 235 194 150

26 30 60 58 98 111

30 28 – – 2 1

13 12 19 16 12 5

134 142 183 161 82 33

271

114

9

18

130

1256

383

61

77

735

Total = The number of moves between communities in the data Excl. A = The number of moves excluded due to the poor follow-up of marriage (based on the information of reconstructor) Excl. B = The number of moves excluded due to the missing birth date Excl. C = The number of moves excluded due to the follow-up Final = The number of moves on which the migration analysis is based

55

Table 6.6

continued

MALES Years

Elim

Nakayale



1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 1976–85

53 138 248 184 50 13

– – 3 – 2 4

4 36 19 – – –

13 10 75 25 3 1

36 92 151 159 45 8

80 48 65 83 63 17

6 – 1 – 2 6

– 4 – – 1 –

12 4 8 9 9 3

62 40 56 74 51 8

Total

686

9

59

127

491

356

15

5

45

291

Years

Okahao

Oshigambo



1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 1976–85

19 22 70 158 201 80

– – 4 – 3 8

– 6 1 – – –

1 3 8 7 11 8

18 13 57 151 187 64

42 86 138 140 93 25

– 2 – 1 2 –

23 17 4 1 – –

3 10 10 35 20 4

16 57 124 103 71 21

Total

550

15

7

38

490

524

5

45

80

392

Years

Tshandi

Total



1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 1976–85

47 32 55 115 99 40

3 1 2 3 8 7

11 – 2 – 1 2

4 1 16 50 23 4

29 30 35 62 67 27

241 326 576 680 506 175

9 3 10 4 17 25

38 63 26 1 2 2

33 28 117 126 66 20

161 232 423 549 421 128

Total

388

24

16

98

250

2504

68

132

390

1914

Total = The number of moves between communities in the data Excl. A = The number of moves excluded due to the poor follow-up of marriage (based on the information of reconstructor) Excl. B = The number of moves excluded due to the missing birth date Excl. C = The number of moves excluded due to the follow-up Final = The number of moves on which the migration analysis is based


in-migrants. When considering the group of Ovambo migrant workers as a whole, the migration data do not include any information about Christian migrant labourers who left for the police zone or about their return because their stay in the south was considered temporary. The general problem related to inter-community moves – both seasonal and permanent – was that not all moves were entered into parish registers. The problem of under-registration of moves showed up in parishes when the main book – the ‘family book’ – became full and had to be rewritten. When transferring parishioners to the new main book, ‘lost souls’ (those who had moved, died, and those who had deserted Christianity) were eliminated. Unfortunately, it is impossible on the grounds of the parish record data to give any reliable estimate of the proportional share of unregistered moves among all moves in the migration data. The number of unregistered moves increased during the last decades of the study period. Due to urbanization in the Oshakati/Ondangwa area – which began in the 1970s – people have moved from rural areas to urban centres (see, for example, Pendleton et al., 1992: 15, 104–5; cf. research results from Kenya, Migot-Adholla, 1977), but have retained their membership of the parish of their native place or their earlier place of residence. The same problem concern also moves from Ovamboland to the former police zone. Even before Namibia’s independence whole families had moved to urban centres in central and south Namibia (see, for instance, von Garnier, 1986: 4–6), but had retained their membership in their ‘home parish’ in Ovamboland because ELOC/ELCIN had not established parishes in central and south Namibia. In addition, after the intensification of the Namibian liberation struggle in the 1970s, people who left Namibia to join SWAPO in exile did not register their moves (Peltola, 1995: 122). Therefore the figures presented dealing with inter-community and inter-regional migration are lower than they were in reality. 6.3.5

Other data sets

Administrative and missionary records were used, especially in the interpretation of research results. During the German colonial period Ovamboland remained outside direct colonial rule. Although indirect rule was the leading principle of governance during the South African colonial period, a few South African officials were stationed in Ovamboland.


The most valuable collection of administrative records for this study was the Archives of the Native Commissioner of Ovamboland (NAO). They include information related to socio-economic, medical, and political issues in Ovamboland. Restructuring of the administration of native affairs in South West Africa in 1954 led to the suppression of the Office of the Native Commissioner of Ovamboland (NC). The tasks coordinated by the Native Commissioner were divided between several other departments. After 1954 the most important archives dealing with Ovamboland were the Archives of the South West Africa Administration (SWAA), the Chief Bantu Affairs Commissioner of Windhoek (BAC), and Owambo Government: Economic Affairs (OVE). Change in the administration discontinued the long tradition of annual reporting of different fields of administration. In addition, the content and exactitude of administrative reports clearly worsened after the restructuring of the administration. The poor quality of administrative data caused problems especially when investigating the socioeconomic development in Ovamboland since the 1970s. The unpublished administrative records were supplemented by published annual reports dealing with the government of South West Africa. They were presented by the Government of the Union of South Africa to the Council of the League of Nations. In addition, reports of various national commissions (for example, the Report of the Commission, 1964) and development plans related to Ovamboland were used. The Archives of the FMS in Helsinki are the largest uniform collection of records dealing with socio-economic and cultural change in Ovamboland. For this study the most valuable collection at the Archives of the FMS was composed of the minutes of the missionary conferences (MMC). At the annual meeting every missionary presented their annual report of the mission station where they were working. These annual reports include information not only about the internal state of the parish but also on political, social, cultural, economic and ecological conditions. The highly informative value of the annual reports of missionaries started to decline after the 1940s. An important reason for this was that when the administrative responsibility of parishes was transferred from missionaries to Ovambo ministers, missionaries might have continued observation of political, cultural, and other


issues as before, but they did not write about them in their annual reports. For the evaluation of the validity of the parish record data, the results from the 1991 Population and Housing Census as well as from the 1992 NDHS were used (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993; Republic of Namibia, 1993a). Additional regional census material given by the Central Statistics Office of Namibia was also used.

7 Quality of Data

Several different kinds of problems arise when parish records are used. First, the data include only the Christian population, and the population development of the Christians might be quite different from the other part of the society. During the 1930s the proportion of the Christian population of the whole population was already about 40 per cent in Ondonga, (Oshigambo, situated in this area), but in other areas the proportion was much lower. During the 1950s the proportion of the Christian population was at least 40 per cent, and in Ondonga the proportion was over 50 per cent. Although we can suppose that the Christian population was in various ways removed from the whole population, the proportion of the Christian population is starting to be so high that they form the majority in the research area after the 1950s and, in that sense they represent well the whole population in the research area.

7.1

Missing birth dates

There are also clear deficiencies in the data. One of the most serious issues is that the birth date is not always reliable and it is sometimes missing, especially for the adults prior to 1940. In these data about 0.8 per cent of the birth dates were missing among children, but among the adults the rate was clearly higher. The number of missing birth dates among children was 229. The number is so small that the missing birth dates of children are not a problem in the study. In

59


Table 7.1 Missing birth dates of parents by marriage cohorts and parish (marriage cohorts 1925–85, percentages)

Women

Cohort

Elim

Nakayale

Okahao

Oshigambo

Tshandi

Total

1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 1976–85

7.2 3.8 7.1 2.0 1.9 13.9

1.2 1.3 1.5 1.3 6.9 29.9

8.6 8.2 14.4 2.9 3.4 8.9

68.9 13.9 20.8 4.3 0.3 0.4

17.3 3.2 2.4 6.6 19.2 18.7

21.1 7.0 10.6 3.5 5.3 11.6

5.3

6.2

7.1

12.7

10.4

8.3

1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 1976–85

12.2 21.8 19.3 18.9 26.2 50.3

2.5 8.7 6.6 8.8 20.4 42.4

21.5 10.0 17.5 7.4 12.5 29.0

66.4 33.2 22.3 18.6 2.4 39.7

27.3 14.1 12.6 13.0 25.5 35.5

25.9 20.9 17.3 14.0 15.5 37.9

Total

22.1

14.6

15.2

24.6

19.3

19.6

Total Men

addition, the distribution of missing birth dates among parishes was quite even. In the case of adults, the number of missing birth dates was 2215. There were 1551 males and 664 females whose birth data were missing. In the whole data the proportion of missing births dates among males was quite high – 19.6 per cent. The same figure among females was just 8.3 per cent. In the case of females the proportion was highest among the oldest birth cohorts. Among males the proportion of missing birth dates was about 38 per cent in marriage cohorts 1976–85 (Table 7.1). It seems to be that for some reason, particularly among males, the reliability of the data, measured by missing birthdays, declined during the 1970s and 1980s. There were also differences in missing birth dates by parish. The lowest proportions were found among females in Nakayale and Elim. Among males, proportions were lowest in Nakayale.

7.2

Age at baptism and missing deaths

One problem with parish records is that children deceased before baptism do not appear (Feltz, 1990). This fact affects both the

Quality of Data 61

Table 7.2 Mean age at baptism (in months) among children by birth cohort and parish, parish register data, Ovamboland Elim

1900–29 1930–39 1940–49 1950–59 1960–69 1970–79 1980–92 Total

Nakayale

Mean

(N)

Mean

(N)

Mean

33.9 7.1 8.5 3.9 3.7 2.6 3.5

(206) (805) (1201) (1728) (1948) (1150) (443)

21.9 2.7 3.4 3.4 2.3 3.0 3.4

(79) (269) (359) (762) (1133) (624) (325)

30.6 7.4 5.1 4.6 6.0 4.6 7.7

(81) (232) (666) (1337) (2314) (2384) (1102)

5.6

(7481)

3.3

(3551)

5.8

(8116)

Oshigambo

1900–29 1930–39 1940–49 1950–59 1960–69 1970–79 1980–92 Total

Okahao

Tshandi

(N)

Total

Mean

(N)

Mean

(N)

Mean

(N)

22.6 6.6 9.3 9.9 8.2 5.4 4.1

(156) (324) (588) (1087) (1649) (1494) (705)

10.1 3.1 5.3 8.9 4.4 5.1 6.7

(80) (238) (365) (898) (1156) (841) (460)

25.8 5.9 7.0 5.9 5.2 4.3 5.7

(602) (1868) (3179) (5812) (8200) (6493) (3035)

7.7

(6003)

5.9

(4038)

5.9

(29189)

childhood mortality and fertility figures. Infant mortality and childhood mortality rates are probably too low. Because of this the level of infant mortality and childhood mortality was estimated based on Coale–Demeny model tables and on adult mortality rates (see section 6.2 in Chapter 6). In addition, among older ages, the observed mortality rates were also too low (see section 9.1 in Chapter 9). Although the data were doublechecked from the main book and from the list of deaths, it was still evident that all deaths did not appear. The mean age at baptism among children was about 6 months, and it seemed to be slightly higher among the first birth cohorts. There were no great differences between birth cohorts since the 1930s (Table 7.2). The lowest age of baptism was in Nakayale and the highest in Oshigambo. In the adult population the mean age of


baptism was among men about 18 years, and among females the figure was about 12 years. The mortality and fertility were analysed among the baptized children, and the mortality follow-up was started after the marriage date of parents.

7.3

Sex ratio

The male/female ratios at birth were clearly under 100 for almost all birth cohorts. The normal or the expected figure of the sex ratio at birth is above 100 for nearly all countries, for which relatively complete data are available, and between 104 and 107 in most such countries (Shryock et al., 1976: 109; see also Katzenellenbogen et al., 1993: 968). Figures indicate preferential registration of girls (Table 7.3).

Table 7.3 Sex ratio at birth (boys/girls) by birth cohort and parish, parish register data, Ovamboland Elim

1900–29 1930–39 1940–49 1950–59 1960–69 1970–79 1980–92 Total

Nakayale

Ratio

(N)

Ratio

(N)

Ratio

108 84 97 97 105 98 93

(206) (804) (1201) (1728) (1948) (1150) (443)

147 91 91 100 97 101 99

(79) (269) (359) (762) (1133) (624) (325)

145 117 91 96 101 97 93

(81) (232) (666) (1337) (2314) (2384) (1102)

98

(7480)

98

(3551)

98

(8116)

Oshigambo

1900–29 1930–39 1940–49 1950–59 1960–69 1970–79 1980–92 Total

Okahao

Tshandi

(N)

Total

Ratio

(N)

Ratio

(N)

Ratio

(N)

111 99 88 93 97 95 87

(156) (324) (588) (1087) (1649) (1494) (705)

95 97 110 86 94 89 80

(80) (238) (365) (898) (1156) (841) (460)

116 93 95 95 100 96 90

(602) (1867) (3179) (5812) (8200) (6493) (3035)

94

(6003)

91

(4038)

96

(29188)

Quality of Data 63

This might be the case because the Ovambos are a matrilineal tribe (Tuupainen, 1970: 30-2). Another possibility could be that the infant mortality was higher among boys. The mean age at baptism among children in the data was about 6 months and all children who died before this age might not be included in the data. Due to one or the other of these facts, the sex ratio was under 100 (Table 7.3).

7.4 Other factors related to the reliability and validity of the parish record data Administration of the parishes required the development of a registration system of parishioners. The registration system was adopted from the Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Church and followed the Scandinavian tradition of population registration. The earliest notes in parish registers in the Ovamboland region are from the 1880s. Parish registers were kept ‘unofficially’ in the parishes established by the FMS until 1906, when the first instructions related to the organization of parishes were given (Ohjeita Suomen Lähetysseuran lähettejä varten, Instructions for Missionaries of the FMS, 1906). However, the first official ordinance prescribing the management and regulations of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Ovamboland came only in 1924. A subsequent revision in 1929 defined in detail the structure and content of parish registers and thus established uniform practices throughout the region (Ambomaan evankelisluterilaisen kirkon järjestyssäännöt, Ordinance of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Ovamboland, 1924, 1929, 1938, Hhc:2, NAF). Smaller revisions to registration practices were made again in 1937 and some have also been done later (MCG at Oshigambo, 17 July 1937, Hha:15, NAF). An excellent characteristic of the parish records is that the principles of the registration system have remained basically the same since the very beginning. Even though principles and instructions for keeping the records have been the same, there exists variation in the parish record data between parishes. One important reason for variation has been the Christian tradition of the area. If a new parish was established in an area where there was no Christian tradition, the baptized people were not able to absorb the Christian faith in a short while. Therefore parishioners might behave in a way – such as marrying a second wife – which was not allowed for Christians, or leave the congregation


without telling anybody. The lack of Christian tradition complicated in a noticeable way the keeping of parish records. Individual distinctions between people who were responsible for keeping the records also partly explain the variation of the parish record data between parishes. Until the mid-1930s the keeping of parish records was mainly the responsibility of Finnish missionaries. However, this did not mean that the same meticulousness would have been followed in all parishes in the registration of congregational events. For example, in 1929 the missionary Mr Aho, who followed the missionary Mr Tylväs as the head of Elim parish, noticed that Tylväs had not made any notes in the parish records since 1924. He had created his own registration system and had taken his notes with him when he had left the parish. Luckily the notes were retrieved, and congregational events were registered afterwards in the proper record books (Aho to the Church Government in Ovamboland, Elim, January 1929, Hha:10, NAF). This was the most serious example noticed of negligence in the keeping of parish records. An important reason why scrupulousness in keeping parish records varied between parishes was the background of the missionaries. Only a few of the Finnish missionaries were clergymen and used to keeping parish records. After the mid-1930s the administration of congregations and the keeping of parish records was transferred gradually from Finnish missionaries to Ovambo ministers (see, for example, MCG at Oniipa, 23 April 1936, Hha:14, NAF). During the transitional period Finnish missionaries guided and supervised Ovambo ministers in all kinds of administrative work. The result was that transfer of the management of parishes from Finnish missionaries to Ovambo ministers did not reduce in a noticeable way the reliability of the parish record data (see, for instance, MMC at Onandjokwe, 22–23 February 1939, Hha:17, NAF; MMC at Oniipa, 21–22 January 1942, Hha:19, NAF). Another important aspect which has to be taken into account in the utilization of parish records is the validity of the data. In 1933 Christian parishes included about 26 per cent of the estimated total population of Ovamboland, in 1951 about 34 per cent, in 1960 about 53 per cent, and in 1991 about 66 per cent. At the end of 1991, ELCIN had 433 936 members, of whom about 24 000 were members of parishes located outside the former Ovamboland region (Statistical Tables of the Finnish Mission Field in Ovamboland/ELOC/ELCIN, 1933–91, AEL).

Quality of Data 65

Table 7.4 1978

Members of the ELOC and the total population in Ovamboland,

District

Total population

Members of ELOC

ELOC members of the total population (%)

Ondonga Uukwanyama The other Ovambo districts

115890 150960 138387

95480 88560 82861

82.6 58.7 60.0

The whole Ovambo region

405237

280179

69.1

Sources: Statistical Table of the Evangelical Lutheran Ovambo-Kavango Church (ELOC/ELCIN), 1978, AEL; Owambo: Konsep Verslag, 1982: 17

The problem of validity increases further when examination is moved from the regional to the district level. This concerns especially the registers kept before the 1950s. In the southern and central parts of Ovamboland, where most of the established parishes were located, the percentage of the Christian population was noticeably higher than the average for the whole region. For example, in 1933 about 39 per cent of the population of Ondonga and 26 per cent in Uukwanyama were Christians, whereas in the other Ovambo communities the proportion of Christians varied from 10 to 14 per cent (Statistical Table of the Finnish Mission Field in Ovamboland, 1933, AEL). Distribution of the Christian population was most uneven in the western and eastern parts of Ovamboland, where the network of parishes was sparse. One parish might cover the whole district, as did Ongandjera, Uukwaluudhi, Ombalantu, and Uukolonkadhi and Eunda until the 1950s and 1960s. The uneven distribution of the Christian population in different parts of the Ovamboland region could still be noticed at the end of the 1970s. In considering the share of ELOC/ELCIN members, especially in Uukwanyama, we have to keep in mind that ELOC/ELCIN did not have a monopoly in spreading Christianity: Anglicans also had parishes there. Counting together the members of ELOC/ELCIN and the Anglican Church, the share of the Christian population increases, noticeably in Uukwanyama. The same is true also for the other Ovambo districts where the activities of the Catholic Church are concentrated. In addition to questions of validity, several other problems were encountered in the adaptation of the family reconstitution method (family histories) to the parish record data. One of the problems


encountered was that up to the 1950s a great number of the new members of parishes were baptized in adulthood, which is reflected in the data used in this study. The second problem is related to children who died before baptism and do not appear in the parish record data. In many cases, the long lapse between birth and baptism complicated the definition of the age of children. In parishes where distances from the remotest villages to the mission station or branch station were long, the lapses between birth and baptism were longer than in the vicinity of the mission station. The next problem is related to the early disappearance of the followup of couples. In several cases the couple disappeared from the parish registers soon after the date of marriage without leaving any traces in the registers. Some of these people might have moved away from the parish without registering their move, and some might only have left the Christian way of life and returned to traditional religion. It was characteristic of parish records during the first half of the twentieth century that they included a number of ‘lost souls’ whose death and, in most cases, migration were not registered. However, the number of these ‘lost souls’ did not at any time grow very large. Normally they were eliminated from parish records when the main books were rewritten. The rewriting of parish records reduced the number of parishioners in the Oshigambo parish from 3868 in 1944 to 3565 in 1945. According to the missionary Mr Saari, most of these ‘lost souls’ had migrated from Oshigambo to Portuguese Angola or to the central and southern parts of present-day Namibia (MMC at Ongwediva, 9–10 January 1946, Hha:20, NAF). The pitfalls presented are not characteristic only of the ELOC/ELCIN parish record data, but similar problems have also been identified, for instance, in the records of Catholic missionary organizations (Feltz, 1990: 119–26). Despite the weaknesses and problems presented, parish records are a first-hand source for virtually everything that has to do with social life in Christian parishes. No other comparable data exist which cover as long a time frame as the parish record data.

7.5

Conclusion

According to the analysis of missing birth dates, baptism dates, and sex ratio, the quality of the data seemed to be much the same in all

Quality of Data 67

parishes. Differences were small and the errors were not systematically concentrated in one parish. The quality of the data also seemed to be relatively similar throughout the whole research period, although the results from the first marriage cohort are probably not as reliable as from later cohorts. Birthdays were missing most often from this cohort and the proportion of the Christian population was smallest during that time. One additional problem is the small number of deaths in the adult population, which might affect the reliability of the results. In particular, among women the number of deaths was small. In addition, Ovamboland was the area where labour migration was a normal phenomenon. This might also affect the reliability of the registration of vital events. This means that the levels of mortality and fertility have to be considered carefully. However, there is no reason to suppose that the quality of the data changed enormously throughout the research period. In particular during the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s the data are also large enough that the development of mortality and fertility can be analysed well. As for childhood mortality, the infant mortality and mortality for children 1–4 are probably too low due to the fact that many children died before baptism and are probably not included in the data. The level of fertility is also too low for the same reason. The differences in baptism age by parish or research period were not great if the period before 1930 is not taken into account. This was one reason why the mortality and fertility figures were mostly presented only starting from the 1930s. When considering migration an unsolved question is, how many of the rejected follow-up persons moved without registering their move in their ‘home parish’. Another problem related to the parish record data since the 1970s is that many people have retained the membership of their ‘home parish’, although they have had a permanent residence outside their ‘home parish’ or ‘home community’. Therefore the rate of inter-community migration is too low and has to be interpreted as more suggestive than exact. Another problem related to the migration data is that they do not enable the investigation of short-distance intra-rural movements that are the most common type of moves in rural areas (Oucho and Gould, 1993: 263).

8 Fertility

8.1

Fertility in Ovamboland, 1925–85

The parish register data suggest that in Ovamboland in northern Namibia there was both a clear decline and an increase in fertility during the period 1930–85 (Figure 8.1). There was an increase in fertility during the 1930s in Ovamboland, but this was probably

Figure 8.1 Total and general fertility rate (ages 15–49) in Ovamboland, 1925–85 (5-year moving average, marriage cohorts 1925–85) General fertility rate 0/00

Total fertility rate 10

300

8

240

6

180

4

Total fertility rate 5-year moving average yearly values General fertility rate 5-year moving average yearly values

2

1930

1940

1950

1960

68

1970

1980

120

60

Fertility 69

because the follow-up only started from the year 1925, there were few women in older age groups, and the calculations were not reliable during the first years of follow-up. Based on the general fertility rate, we can suppose that fertility was on a quite stable level between 1925 and 1935 in Ovamboland. The total fertility rate was about 8 during the 1930s and started to decline at the end of the 1930s. During the 1940s it was about 6, and at the end of the 1950s the rate was slightly under 6, starting to increase at the beginning of the 1960s. During the 1960s it again reached almost 7 and it remained approximately at the same level during the 1970s and 1980s in Ovamboland. The general fertility rate and the total fertility rate behaved in a quite similar way. The level of the total marital fertility rate was about 10 children during the 1930s in Ovamboland. The total marital fertility rate declined during the 1940s, from 10 to about 9. In the mid-1950s it started to increase again and since the beginning of the 1960s it has been close to 10 (Figure 8.2). The small changes in marital fertility rate could also be seen in Coale’s Ig (Index of marital fertility). In an historical population the values of I g in Europe have been between Figure 8.2 Total marital fertility rate and Coale’s Ig in Ovamboland, 1934–85 (5-year moving average, marriage cohorts 1925–85) 14

Total marital fertility rate

Coale’s Ig

1.4

12

1.2

10

1

8

0.8

6

0.6 Total marital fertility rate 5-year moving average yearly values Coale’s Ig 5-year moving average yearly values

4 2

1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

0.4 0.2


0.63 and 0.85 (van de Walle and Knodel, 1980: 17). These figures from Namibia, from 1935 till 1977, were at the same level. Taking into account that missing children were not included in the data, the value of Ig in Ovamboland has probably been consistently between 0.6 and 0.8. The slight increase of fertility during the 1960s and the 1970s could also be seen in marital fertility. According to the total marital fertility rate, it might be that the first signs of fertility transition could be seen at the end of the 1970s in Ovamboland. Marital fertility started to decrease in the parish register data.

8.2

Fertility by age

The age-specific fertility rates confirm the picture received from the development of the total fertility rate. A high fertility can be seen in almost all age-specific rates during the 1930s (Figure 8.3). The decline in fertility during the 1940s and 1950s happened especially in younger age groups before age 30. During the 1940s, 1950s, and also later, the fertility rates were highest among those women who were 25–29 or 30–34 years old (Figure 8.3). In SubSaharan Figure 8.3 Age-specific fertility rates by period in Ovamboland, 1925–85, and in Subsaharan Africa (marriage cohorts 1925–85) 350

0

/00

300 SubSaharan Africa 250 200 150 100

1965-85 1945-64 1925-44

50

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34 Age groups

35-39

40-44

45-49

Fertility 71

Africa fertility is normally highest among women aged 20–29. Fertility increased slightly at the end of the 1960s and during the 1970s in the research area. This increase could be seen among women aged 15–34 years. Among older women the fertility remained at the same level consistently throughout the whole research period. Robinson has calculated age-specific natural fertility curves for subsaharan African countries (Figure 8.3; Robinson, 1987: 64). The fertility curve for SubSaharan Africa was based on the experience of 12 countries, mainly from the 1960s and 1970s. The total fertility rate in these countries was about 7.5. The comparison of the age-specific fertility curve between SubSaharan African countries and parish register data showed that, especially for the age groups 15–24, the fertility in parish register data was clearly lower than the natural fertility curve (Figure 8.3). This was probably due to the higher mean age of marriage in Ovamboland compared to SubSaharan Africa. In the age group 25–29 years, fertility in Ovamboland was almost at the same level as in general in SubSaharan Africa. The other possibility which might explain the lower fertility among younger age classes is the fact that there are more missing children before marriage than in marriage. In fertility calculations, the follow-up of women was started from the fifteenth birthday or after their baptism. If the time of baptism was unknown, the follow-up was started from the date of marriage. Children born between baptism and marriage are most likely to disappear. In older age groups – 30–34 and 35–39 and up to the age 50 – fertility has been higher in Ovamboland than in SubSaharan Africa. Comparing fertility in Namibia to the fertility of other southern African countries during the 1980s, fertility among the older age groups in Namibia was at a higher level, and it was at a lower level among the younger age groups (Cohen, 1993: 32). This phenomenon is very similar to what we found in the parish register data. The conclusion from high age-specific fertility in older age groups is that fertility in Ovamboland has been close to the natural fertility and the couples have not used contraception or abortion. Among those natural fertility countries in SubSaharan Africa less than 10 per cent of the couples have ever used contraception or abortion (Robinson, 1987: 58). The lower fertility in younger age groups


Figure 8.4 Age-specific marital fertility rates by period in Ovamboland, 1925–85, and among Hutterites (marriage cohorts 1925–85) 0

/00

500 Hutterites 400

300 1965-85 1945-64 1925-44

200

100

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34 Age groups

35-39

40-44

45-49

in Ovamboland compared to the natural fertility pattern is probably a consequence of the later first marriage age in Ovamboland than is general in SubSaharan Africa or in southern Africa (van de Walle, 1993: 135–6; Cohen, 1993: 32). In addition, if fertility has declined in Ovamboland, it has declined only in the younger age groups. Age-specific marital fertility showed similar pattern to normal age-specific fertility (Figure 8.4). During the 1970s and 1980s, agespecific marital fertility rates among women 20–34 years were clearly higher than earlier in Ovamboland. The increase in fertility during the 1970s could also be seen in marital fertility. Evidently there was an actual increase in fertility during the 1970s in Ovamboland. On the other hand, there is slight decrease in fertility among older women in the marriage cohort 1965–85, but the number of women in this cohort among older age classes was small and it is difficult to say how real this decline has been. The pattern of the fertility has remained almost the same. The exception was the fertility curve for the years 1925–44. Marital

Fertility 73

fertility was lightly lower among younger women and slightly higher among older women. However, from these small differences we cannot conclude that the pattern of fertility changed in Ovamboland during the research period. A comparison of marital fertility in Ovamboland to that of the Hutterites showed that the fertility was clearly lower than the agespecific fertility among Hutterites (Figure 8.4; figures for Hutterites are based on Newell, 1988: 46). The earlier comparison showed (Figure 8.2) that by measuring the fertility level by using Coale’s Ig, fertility in Ovamboland has been at least as high as in historical populations in Europe or even slightly higher. Although marital fertility in Ovamboland was clearly lower than fertility among Hutterites, the results from Figure 8.4 are in agreement with that.

8.3

Fertility by parish

Fertility development was quite similar in all parishes. Fertility declined in all parishes from the 1930s to the 1940s and 1950s, and after that it remained at the same level during the 1970s and during the 1980s (Table 8.1). There are some differences in fertility between parishes. Usually fertility has been highest in Elim and in Nakayale. The lowest fertility was in Oshigambo and Tshandi. Total fertility rate was about 5–6 among marriage cohorts 1925–54 in these parishes, which was quite a low level compared to Elim, Nakayale and Okahao, where the total fertility rate was between 6 and 9 during that time. There is no evident explanation for this difference.

Table 8.1 Total fertility rate for women 15–49 years by parish and period, Ovamboland, 1925–84

1925–34 1935–44 1945–54 1955–64 1965–74 1975–84

Elim

Nakayale

Okahao

Oshigambo

Tshandi

Total

9.1 6.8 6.3 6.4 6.3 6.6

6.0 7.3 6.0 7.3 7.0 5.8

6.0 6.7 6.2 6.5 6.3 6.0

5.5 5.9 5.0 5.6 6.7 6.5

4.7 6.3 5.0 5.8 6.1 5.8

6.4 6.7 5.9 6.3 6.4 6.3


8.4 Proximate variables: age at first marriage, birth intervals, and the proportion of childless women The framework used in this study in trying to understand the high fertility in Ovamboland is based on a framework where it is assumed that socio-economic, cultural, and environmental variables affecting the fertility are doing so through intermediate fertility variables. The level of fertility in a population is directly determined by a set of biological and behavioural factors called the intermediate fertility variables or the proximate determinants of fertility. These factors are, in turn, a function of socio-economic, cultural and environmental variables which are the indirect determinants of fertility. (Bongaarts, 1981: 112) These so-called proximate variables have been classified in the following way: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

proportion of reproductive period spent in marriage; contraception; abortion; postpartum non-susceptibility; frequency of intercourse; sterility; spontaneous intrauterine mortality; and duration of viability of ova and sperm.

In this study there is no direct information of all proximate variables. The reproductive period in Christian marriage can be studied. The problem, however, is that the reproductive behaviour in SubSaharan Africa is not always closely connected to Christian marriage. Marriage could just be one stage in a long process and the actual reproductive behaviour might have started much earlier (Pebley and Mbugua, 1989: 341; Oppong, 1992: 78–9; Bledsoe and Pison, 1994: 10). In addition, there is no information about the use of contraception in the parish register data, but according to the fertility analysis it can be deduced that contraception has not been used widely in Ovamboland. Postpartum non-susceptibility is a

Fertility 75

product of several factors such as breast-feeding habits and taboos regulating reproductive behaviour after the birth of a child. The only variable available is the birth intervals, which can be used to estimate if there has been some exceptional reproductive behaviour that has affected postpartum non-susceptibility. From parish register data it is also possible to calculate the proportion of childless women by age. 8.4.1

Age at first marriage

The mean age at first marriage has been high among Ovambos. Among the marriage cohorts from 1925 to 1945 the mean age at first marriage among males was about 25–26 years and among females about 20–21 years (Table 8.2). In the marriage cohort 1946–55 the mean age at first marriage was 28.0 years for males and 23.2 years for females. Since the 1956–65 marriage cohort, among males it has been almost 30 years and among females about 24 years. If we compare the changes in marriage age to the changes in fertility rates, it can be seen that approximately at the same time as fertility declined in Ovamboland, the mean age at first marriage increased (Figure 8.5). However, the fertility decline probably started slightly earlier than the increase in marriage age. In any case, one reason for the decline in fertility was also the increasing marriage age during the 1950s in Ovamboland. One possible explanation for the decline in fertility and increase in marriage age was that during

Table 8.2 Mean age at first marriage by sex and period in the parish register data, Ovamboland (persons baptized before age 15, marriage cohorts 1925–85) Men

Women

Mean

(N)

Mean

(N)

1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 1976–85

25.0 25.8 28.0 29.6 29.6 30.0

(40) (136) (279) (468) (417) (275)

20.0 20.8 23.3 23.9 23.4 25.3

(87) (314) (653) (943) (837) (624)

Total

28.9

(1615)

23.5

(3458)


Figure 8.5 Mean age at first marriage by sex and marriage cohorts, 1925–85, in parish register data in Ovamboland (persons baptized before age 15)

the 1950s the role of labour migration changed. The number of labour migrants increased considerably and migrant workers from Ovamboland remained longer periods in south Namibia (see Chapter 10). Also, according to the NDHS, 1992 (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993: 50), the median age at first marriage for women in the northwest (Ovamboland) region was 23.2 years. This figure is close to those obtainable from the parish register material. Compared with other African figures, the average age at first marriage in Namibia has been high. According to van de Walle (1993: 135–6), the singulate mean age at marriage in most countries in SubSaharan Africa was close to age 20. In addition, the proportion of unmarried women is considered to be high in Namibia, but according to the NDHS, 1992, almost all women in northeast Namibia in the age group 45–49 were married but in the northwest region the proportion of never-married was 14 per cent (Raitis, 1995: 112). The proportion of polygynous unions was high in the whole of northern Namibia but it was particularly high in northeast Namibia (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993: 49). All these features of marriage in Namibia show that additional studies are

Fertility 77

needed for a deeper understanding of marriage behaviour in Namibia and in Ovamboland. In this study, only Christian marriage and fertility in Christian marriage are analysed, and this probably makes it easier to understand the results of the study. However, it is clear that the mean age of first marriage has been high in Ovamboland. 8.4.2

Birth intervals

One possibility in the evaluation of fertility trends is to analyse the birth intervals. It can be seen very clearly that at the same time as fertility declined during the 1950s, the birth intervals became longer, and when the fertility increased at the end of the 1960s, birth intervals became shorter. In particular in the second and third birth interval this development could be seen more clearly than in other birth intervals (Figure 8.6). The differences were not great by parish. The development in Oshigambo and probably also in Tshandi differ clearly from the others, with birth intervals longer at the end of the 1940s than in other parishes. Both in Tshandi and in Oshigambo, fertility was lower at that time than in other parishes. Figure 8.6 Median of second and third birth intervals in months, by parish, 1930–88, in Ovamboland (5-year moving average, marriage cohorts 1925–85)


In the NDHS, 1992, the median number of months since the previous birth after the second and third birth was 31.6 months in the northwest region and 34.6 months in the northeast region (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993: 24). In the parish register data the comparable figure was about 28–30 months. The short birth intervals in Ovamboland reflect quite well the fact that the population of Ovamboland did not use any form of contraception during the study period. It can be estimated that birth intervals should be about 30 months if the only factor affecting the postpartum non-susceptible period were breast-feeding (Bongaarts, 1981: 124). Based on the idea that the mean period of breast-feeding could be 18 months, the birth interval, according to Bongaarts, should be slightly under 30 months in Ovamboland. At the beginning of the 1990s the median duration of breast-feeding in the northwest region was 17.5 months and in the northeast region it was 22.3 months (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993: 119). In the parish register data, birth intervals were about 28–30 months (Figure 8.6). Birth intervals became longer during the 1950s (Figure 8.6). However, there is no reason to suppose that the breast-feeding habits changed during that time in Ovamboland. An increase in birth intervals due to an increase in breast-feeding is not likely to happen. Some other reasons than the increased length of breastfeeding explain the increased birth intervals and the lowering of fertility during the 1950s. 8.4.3

The proportion of childless women

Sterility is one proximate variable which affects the level of fertility in SubSaharan Africa. In some parts of SubSaharan Africa the prevalence of infertility has been high. However, there are great differences by country in sterility. Measured by primary sterility (the proportion of childlessness among women who married before reaching the age of 20) the proportion of childless has been 1–12 per cent in SubSaharan Africa. The average figure seemed to be approximately 3–6 per cent. There is also some evidence that the prevalence of sterility has declined in SubSaharan Africa during the 1980s (Larsen, 1994: 459–74). In Ovamboland the proportion of childless was at the same level as or lower than in other parts of SubSaharan Africa (Table 8.3). Among women married before age 20, the proportion of childless

Fertility 79

Table 8.3 Proportion of childless women in Ovamboland at age 45, by marriage age and marriage cohort, compared to historical populations in Europe

15–19 % N

20–24 % N

Ovamboland Age at marriage 25–29 30–34 % N % N

1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75

2.7 2.2 3.4 3.6 0.0

0.0 4.2 6.3 3.6 1.3

0.0 14 28.6 3.3 30 18.2 7.4 216 11.4 4.5 176 6.4 5.2 134 0.0

Total

2.7 187 4.1 1205 5.6 570

37 90 29 28 3

62 190 384 418 151

7 11 35 47 29

35–44 % N

%

Total N

20.0 5 3.8 0.0 12 3.9 22.2 9 7.0 19.4 36 4.8 13.6 22 3.5

125 333 673 705 339

8.5 129 15.5 84 5.1 2175

Historical populations in Europe, no contraception (%) Age at marriage 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 Menken & Larsen, 1986: 147–56 Trussel & Wilson, 1985: 284 Notkola, 1989: 191

6

9

16

30

64

5 6

9 5

17 8

25 22

62 61

was about 3 per cent. The number of women who could be followed to age 45 was small by marriage cohort, but it seemed to be that the proportion of sterile women was higher among marriage cohorts 1946–55 than later or earlier. The decrease in the proportion of sterile women might be one factor in the fertility increase in Ovamboland during the 1960s. It is also possible that low fertility during the 1950s might be connected to the increased proportion of sterile women in Ovamboland. However, the changes in proportions of sterile women have been small, and it also means that the fertility effects cannot be large. If these proportions of childless women are compared to the figures from other countries, we find that the proportion of childless women in Ovamboland was almost the same as in historical populations of Europe (Table 8.3). During the 1880s and 1890s the proportions of childless women in Finland were about 5–8 per


cent among women who married between the ages to 15–34 (Notkola, 1989: 191). The figures from Ovamboland were close to these (Table 8.3).

8.5 Fertility recorded in parish registers compared to that in other studies The results from the parish records can be compared to the results of the NDHS and to those of the Namibian Housing and Population census. The fertility measurements are not fully comparable. The parish records give fertility values for the end of the 1970s or they describe the situation at the beginning of the 1980s. The census material and survey data describe the fertility situation at the end of the 1980s. Indirect fertility estimations from the data of the Namibia Population and Housing Census, 1991, have been done by using the Brass method, based on comparison of period fertility rates with reported average parities, also called P/F ratio method (United Nations, 1983: 32–7). The fertility measurements in the NDHS, 1992, were based on direct fertility calculations (Verma, 1980). From the NDHS, it is not possible to calculate fertility estimates by parish due to the small number of women in each parish. From the NDHS data for the northwest and northeast regions, the total fertility rate 0–4 years before the survey for rural, Protestant Oshiwambo was 6.8. According to the census material the total fertility rate for the northwest region was 6.9 (Table 8.4). Although the calculation techniques were not the same, the level of fertility in both studies was quite close. The total fertility rate in Ovamboland was 6.3 in the parish register data for the years 1975–84. Compared to the total fertility rates from the NDHS or from the 1991 census data, the fertility was at about the same level in the parish register data. If total marital fertility rates from parish registers are compared to marital fertility rates from the 1991 census, the differences in fertility levels are small (Republic of Namibia, 1994: 71; Figure 8.2). It seems to be that, based on different research material, the picture of fertility is consistent. The total fertility rate has been close to 6 and the marital total fertility about 8 during the 1980s in Ovamboland. It is important to note that fertility figures based on parish register material give the

Fertility 81

Table 8.4 Total fertility rate in Ovamboland by parish, based on the Namibia Population and Housing Census, 1991, Namibian Demographic and Health Survey, 1992, and parish register material, 1975–84 Parish register, 1975–84 Oshigambo Elim Nakayale Tshandi Okahao Ovamboland

6.5 6.6 5.8 5.8 6.0 6.3

1991 CENSUS***

NDHS 1992*

6.4 5.7 5.6 5.1 5.6

Ondangwa Oshakati Northwest** Namibia

1991 CENSUS*** 7.0 6.8 6.8 5.4

7.7 6.5 6.9 5.9

*Rural Protestant, Oshiwambo-speaking population **Northwest region = Oshakati and Ondangwa ***Indirect method based on P/F ratio

same kind of picture of fertility as we can find from NDHS, 1992, and from the 1991 census.

8.6 8.6.1

Why fertility decreased and increased High fertility in Ovamboland

The first question is why fertility has remained so high in Ovamboland. The fertility in Ovamboland has been constantly close to the natural level of fertility. The population has not been using contraception or abortion. During the 1950s and earlier, no information about contraception methods was given to the population (Saloheimo, Interview, 4.1.1996). From the 1960s there is no information about this matter. Contraceptive services are not mentioned either in the report of the Department of Foreign Affairs (Republic of South Africa, 1971) or the South West Africa Survey (Republic of South Africa, 1967). From hospital statistics from the 1980s we find that contraception work started during the 1980s. Both in the Oshakati hospital and in other hospitals there were activities called family spacing. In hospital work both the pill and Depoprovera were used as contraceptive methods (DHW, AR 1984/1985, AP 15/4, NAN). There were 22 595 (1.4.1984–31.3.1985) family-spacing visits and 20 514 doses of Depoprovera were given. The figure for the period 1983/84 was 6735 doses. The pill was also used, but the figures were not at the same


level as in the case of Depoprovera. However, it seemed that the period 1984/85 was exceptional and it might be that there was some kind of family-spacing campaign during that time in Ovamboland because during 1985/86 Depoprovera was used in a lesser amount (DHW, AR 1985/1986, AP 15/4, NAN). In any case, it is clear that before the 1980s the use of contraception had been exceptional in Ovamboland. The high mean age of first marriage in Ovamboland also needs some clarification. Traditionally, marriage has been highly valued among Ovambos and it was considered shameful not to be married (Taube, 1947: 119). Practically all women were living in marriage or in a relationship representing marriage. In Ovamboland marriage ratification was exercised (Tuupainen, 1970: 58). Tuupainen differentiates between the patrilineage lobolo, and marriage ratification custom practised in matrilineal societies. Ovambos are matrilineal. In Ovamboland the lobolo custom was called ‘ongombe yohango’ (Tuupainen, 1970: 58). Compared to lobolo, the legal status of a matrilineal marriage ratification custom was probably lower than in a patrilineal society, but still during the 1950s and 1960s ongombe yohango is even among Christians the real ratifier of the marriage. The wedding ceremony performed by a minister or civil servant is not considered perfect in the minds of the aandonga. The union is legal only after the giving of the ox; in this respect the function of the institution has remained unchanged. (Tuupainen, 1970: 62) There is some evidence that the value of this present given to the mother’s brother was quite high. During the 1950s the salary of man in migrant work for one and a half years was not in all cases enough to pay for this present (Saloheimo, Interview, 4.1.1996). The high cost of the present might be one reason why the marriage age of men has been high. An additional factor has been that in earlier times the man had to be able to carry salt from Etosha to Ovamboland. ‘It was thought that a man who had endured thirst, hunger, a heavy burden and wild animals would be able to take care of his home and family too’ (Tuupainen, 1970: 98). Later, migrant work in diamond mines or other work outside Ovamboland was probably seen as comparable work to

Fertility 83

the fetching of salt. When signing the first working contract, most migrant labourers were unmarried. Men worked one or two contract periods before they married (ANCO, Granting the leave to Ovambos in the zone to proceed home, Oshikango, 16 August 1941, NAO 5, 2/1, v. 4, NAN; see also section 10.3.2 in Chapter 10). Both money and physical maturation were needed before a man was able to marry. In some other studies it is also suggested that the most important reasons for marrying late were economic (see Banghart, 1969: 126). Migrant work was one of the most important reasons why the mean age of marriage has been high in Ovamboland. In the case of females the explanation for the high marriage age is not as evident as for men. The girls’ initiation rite, Ohango, has been very important in Ovambo society (Tuupainen, 1970: 45). Those women who became pregnant before initiation might even have been killed (see, Herman Bueckling to NC, 20 February 1949, NAO 71, 32/7, NAN). The initiation rite was still used during the 1950s in Ovamboland but, due to Christianization, it was losing its significance. The strict rule of initiation might have shifted the start of sexual life and marriage to an older age. The other factor which might have affected the late marriage age was the sex ratio in Ovamboland. In early childhood there were already more women than men in Ovamboland (Table 7.3). The education of the population was already quite good compared to that of other African countries during the 1950s and 1960s. About 50 per cent of children were estimated to be in school (Report of the Commission, 1964: para 1034). Education might be one factor why the mean age of marriage has been comparatively high in Ovamboland. One additional factor which has probably also affected the high fertility in Ovamboland has been child fostering which has been a normal practice in Namibia (see McDaniel and Zulu, 1994). Although at the country level we cannot find any high correlation between the high level of fostering and high fertility, we can suppose that the burden of children in Ovamboland could have been reduced by fostering, and fostering might have been one factor which has affected the stable level of fertility in Ovamboland. In addition, we have to take into account that the level of the total marital fertility rate is probably slightly too low. The reason is that the data probably do not include all children who died; data


included only the baptized children. Based on childhood mortality (1–4 years) and model life-tables (see Chapter 9), infant mortality was estimated to be about 60–180/1000 during the research period. In the research material the observed infant mortality level was about 40–90/1000. It can roughly be estimated that the completed mean family size in the parish register material would be about 0.5 children higher if the missing dead children had been added. The mean age at baptism has been the same throughout the whole research period from the 1930s to the 1970s, so it is possible that the proportion of missing children remained the same during the whole research period. Another possibility is that, due to higher childhood mortality, the proportion of missing children was higher during the 1930s and 1940s. Age-specific marital fertility curves have not started to change form, which means that fertility transition had not started in Ovamboland during the study period. The high mean age at first marriage and the long mean time of breast-feeding have been the main factors affecting the fertility level, keeping the total fertility high but lower than 7. 8.6.2

Decreasing and increasing fertility

There was a clear decline in fertility during the 1940s and 1950s. This could be seen both in the total fertility rate and in the marital fertility rate. At the same time birth intervals too became slightly longer. The proportion of childless women increased and also the mean age at first marriage increased. The decline was particularly clear among women aged 15–34. This means that the factor which was affecting the fertility decline was also affecting the marriage age and the proportion of childless women. The analysis of fertility showed consistently that the fertility declined during the 1940s and 1950s. There are several possibilities why fertility declined during the 1940s and 1950s. One of the main explanations is the role of migrant labour. The increase in contract labour affected the level of fertility due to lower frequency of intercourse. During the 1950s the nature of out-migration changed. Before the 1940s the number of recruited migrant workers varied annually between 2000 and 4000 men, but started to increase sharply during the second half of the 1940s (DS, AR 1949, NAO 65, 21/14, NAN). In 1960 the number of

Fertility 85

recruited migrant workers reached 15 000, and in 1974, 36 000 (see Table 10.8). In addition, the migration data (section 10.3.2 in Chapter 10 and Figure 10.6) showed that the contract work period of men before they married tended to lengthen during the 1950s. On the other hand, fertility increased slightly during the 1960s, and this cannot be explained by migration figures. However, for the decrease in fertility during the 1950s, the increase in the number of recruited migrants from Ovamboland is a good explanation. At the time when fertility was increasing during the 1960s, the proportion of childless women was decreasing (see Table 8.3). The increase in fertility can probably be partly explained by the lowering of infertility during the 1950s and 1960s. According to the written sources, sexually transmitted diseases have been present in Ovamboland since at least the beginning of the twentieth century (see, DS, AR 1932, NAO 36, 26/8, v. 7, NAN). Although sexually transmitted diseases have been quite prevalent in Ovamboland, they have also been cured quite effectively. In particular, syphilis was treated (2000–4000 patients per year during the 1940s and 1950s). Syphilis was treated by using injections (NAB, Dismuth, and Acetylarsen) (DS, AR1953, NAO 65, 21/14, NAN). The treatment was effective and the Ovambo population was very willing to have the treatment, and both women and men knew that the cause of childlessness was, in most cases, sexually transmitted disease (Saloheimo, Interview, 4.1.1996). The price for the treatment was 3 shillings and 6 pence. The presence of venereal disease was also checked during the examination of recruits for migrant work and those having venereal disease were rejected (DS, AR 1939, NAO 36, 26/8, v. 2, NAN; DS, AR 1944, NAO 37, 26/8, NAN). The fear of rejection made it obligatory to treat the disease before the man was able to work outside of Ovamboland. During the 1950s penicillin and streptomycin began to be used in treatment of both syphilis and gonorrhoea (DS, AR 1953, NAO 65, 21/14, NAN). In addition, the number of those treated seemed to be increasing. It might be that due to the better drugs the venereal disease situation in Ovamboland improved at the end of the 1950s and also the proportion of childlessness among women due to sexually transmitted disease decreased at the end of the 1950s. As early as the year 1940, 357 pregnancies were treated (monitored) in Finnish Mission hospitals (DS 1940, NAO 37, 26/8, part III,


NAN). The Finnish Missionary Society (FMS) started the maternity institution system in 1955 and the first clinic was also opened in Onandjokue Hospital in 1955. In 1957, 537 children were born in maternity institutions (annual reports of the Finnish Mission 1957, 1960 and 1964, HEA 22, 1/16/96, NAN). This means that the proportion of women whose pregnancy was followed was already quite high among the Christian population in the 1950s in Ovamboland and also in the 1940s. Because of antibiotics and maternity institutions, the burden of sexually transmitted diseases was able to be reduced and fertility probably increased. Altogether, the improved health care system during the 1960s might be one explanation for that (Chapter 9). There is also some evidence that the fertility of the Herero (living in northwestern Botswana close to the Namibian border) has increased dramatically in recent decades due to the elimination of sexually transmitted diseases (Pennington, 1992: 505–6). There was a slight increase in fertility during the 1960s in Ovamboland. At the same time as fertility increased among women the proportion of extra-marital births also increased. In first marriage cohorts the proportion of extra-marital births was about 5 per cent, but in later marriage cohorts the proportion was between 6 and 13 per cent (Table 8.5). The increase in the proportion of extramarital births was a clear sign of the loosening of the traditional society, initiation rite, in Ovamboland at the end of the 1960s. It means that probably other values linked to sexual behaviour had already started to change during the 1960s.

Table 8.5 Proportion of women with a child born before marriage, by marriage cohort, Ovamboland (women married before age 24)

1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 1976–85 Total

%

(N)

5.1 5.1 6.6 6.9 10.2 13.5

(195) (566) (801) (1030) (736) (222)

7.5

(3550)

Fertility 87

The escalation of the civil war in Namibia during the 1970s might also have affected fertility behaviour. Labour migration became more free during the 1970s and recruited migrant workers could travel more freely back to Ovamboland (see Chapter 10). In addition, it was no longer necessary to stay in migrant work continuously for one and a half years before returning. Couples could meet more often than earlier. However, fertility remained quite stable level during the 1970s in Ovamboland.

8.7

Conclusion

Fertility in Ovamboland has been close to natural fertility and couples did not use contraception or abortion before the 1980s. The mean age at first marriage in Ovamboland was high: among males about 25–30 years and among females about 20–23 years. One reason for the high marriage age in Ovamboland was that marriage ratification was exercised (a present from the bridegroom to the bride’s kin). The other important reason for the high marriage age was the migrant work and later, probably also, the education of children (see section 9.4.2.2 in Chapter 9). It seems that the most important factor affecting the changes in fertility in Ovamboland during the 1950s and later have been the changes in the number of migrant workers, which have caused changes in marriage age and in birth intervals. It is also important to note that the introduction of modern medicine has kept the proportion of childlessness low among women.

9 Mortality

Infant mortality and childhood mortality 1–4 years and 5–9 years were analysed separately. In addition, adult mortality for males aged 25–59 years and females aged 20–39 years were analysed. In analysing the mortality development the different age limits for males and females were used. The reason was that age-specific mortality figures for males after age 60 were unreliable and for females they were unreliable after age 40. In the case of adult males, the observed values deviate clearly after age 65 (period 1925–54) and after age 60 (period 1955–85) from model life-table values. Among females there is the same kind of phenomenon but observed values already deviate from model values after age 40. It can be supposed that the reliability of the data among males is poor after age 60, and among females after age 40. This is taken into account when expectation of life values are calculated (see Figures 9.1 and 9.2). The main aim of a chapter on mortality is first to describe the mortality in Ovamboland during the period 1930–80, and secondly to try to explain why mortality has declined rapidly in Ovamboland since the 1940s. The level of mortality was estimated by using Brass’s logit model life-tables (United Nations, 1983: 17–18). Due to missing deaths, both the infant mortality and childhood mortality (1–4 years) were clearly proportionally lower than the mortality at other ages. Based on the observed level of mortality, the Coale-Demeny model lifetable mortality level was about 15 during 1925–54 if childhood mortality (ages 1–4) was analysed, but the average observed CoaleDemeny mortality level for ages 5–34 was about 9. Mortality at level 88

Mortality 89

Figure 9.1 Age-specific death rates based on observed values and model lifetables in Ovamboland among males, 1925–54 and 1955–85 0

0

/00

1925-54 Brass logit model life table derived from ages 5-64

200

150

1955-85 Brass logit model life table derived from ages 5-54

200

150

empirical values African Standard South α=0.10, β=0.79 & e0=39.4 African Standard West α=0.05, β=0.84 & e0=41.6

100

/00

50

empirical values African Standard South α=-0.50, β =0.71 & e0=60.9 African Standard West α=-0.58, β =0.83 & e0=62.1

100

50

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

Figure 9.2 Age-specific death rates based on observed values and model lifetables in Ovamboland among females, 1925–54 and 1955–85. Brass logit model life-tables derived from ages 5–39 200

0

/00

200

1925-54

160

empirical values

1955-85

empirical values

120

African Standard South α=-0.04, β =0.77 & e0=44.7 African Standard West α=-0.10, β =0.89 & e0=46.9

40

0

/00

160

120

80

0

80

African Standard South α=-0.61, β =0.64 & e0=64.8 African Standard West α=-0.69, β =0.81 & e0=65.3

40

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70


15 is much lower than at level 9. The same phenomenon was also found for the years 1955–85. Because of this the mortality values for ages 0–4 were estimated based on Coale–Demeny South and West Models. These values were based on the average mortality levels for ages 5–34.

9.1

The level of mortality

Among males the expectation of life at birth, based on Brass’s logit model life-tables, was estimated to be about 39–43 years during the period 1925–54. From 1955 to 1985 male expectation of life was about 61–63 years. Expectation of life figures for females were higher than for males. During the first period female expectation of life was 45–48 years, and for the period 1955–85 it was 64–65 years. Based on these results both male and female mortality has declined clearly in Ovamboland between the periods 1925–54 and 1955–85 (Figures 9.1 and 9.2). An indirect estimation of mortality from the data of the Namibia Population and Housing Census, 1991, showed that the estimated mortality levels were between 18 to 20 (Table 9.1). According these levels, the life expectancy at birth for females was approximately 63–67 years, and for males it was 59–64. The differences by parish were small. If we compare these results, l 15 and l20 values, about

Table 9.1 Total mortality level and the reference time before the survey in Ovamboland by parish. Indirect mortality estimation based on Trussel’s variant of the original Brass method, from data in the Namibia Population and Housing Census, 1991 Okahao

Tshandi

Nakayale

Elim

Oshigambo

lx

C-D

Ref.

C-D

Ref.

C-D

Ref.

C-D

Ref.

C-D

Ref.

l2 l3 l5 l10 l15 l20

18.1 20.3 18.8 19.2 19.8 18.5

1.8 3.1 4.7 6.6 8.93 11.9

19.6 19.7 19.3 19.3 19.1 19.5

1.9 3.5 5.5 7.8 10.4 13.5

18.8 19.2 18.9 18.6 18.7 19.7

2.1 3.0 4.0 5.2 7.0 10.0

19.6 17.9 18.9 19.5 19.0 19.1

2.1 3.7 5.8 8.1 10.7 13.7

20.1 18.1 17.6 17.6 18.0 17.8

2.1 4.2 6.8 9.6 12.6 15.6

C-D = Coale-Demeny mortality level, West Ref. = Reference period, time before the survey

Mortality 91

10–15 years before the survey, to the expectation of life values from the parish register data from the period 1955–85, we find that the results are quite close to each other. According to the Central Statistics Office, the estimated life expectancies for Oshikoto, Oshana, Ohanwena, and Omusati were between 59 and 63 years among males and 63–67 years among females, based on 1991 Census (Republic of Namibia, 1994: 80). Compared to the other areas in southern Africa these life expectancy values during the period 1955–85 in Ovamboland, or later in Namibia, were quite high.

9.2

Mortality decline

9.2.1

Infant mortality

Although the problem of missing children has affected the infant mortality figures, it is possible to analyse the trend of infant mortality in Ovamboland. It is assumed that the proportion of missing children has remained the same through the follow-up. The principles of calculations were the same as for childhood mortality.

Figure 9.3 0

180

Infant mortality in Ovamboland, 1926–92 (5-year moving average)

/00

160 140 120 100

5-year moving average yearly values

80 60 40 20 1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

1990


Infant mortality clearly declined from the 1930s to the 1940s (Figure 9.3). In the parish register material the infant mortality was approximately 100 per 1000 during the 1930s. During the 1940s it declined to 50 per 1000 and remained at the same level during the 1940s and the 1950s. The second decline happened at the end of the 1950s. Although the level of infant mortality in this research material is unreliable, the decline in infant mortality was very clear and it can be supposed that major changes took place in the health situation of children from the 1930s to the 1950s and also during the 1960s. 9.2.2

Childhood and adult mortality

Childhood mortality at 1–4 years and 5–9 years were analysed separately. In addition, adult mortality for males and females was analysed for 1930–85. The mortality development of males was analysed among males aged 25–59 years and females aged 20–39 years. The main result both from the analysis of adult mortality and that of childhood mortality was that mortality clearly declined in Ovamboland during the 1950s. The mortality decline was quite Figure 9.4 average) 0

Childhood mortality in Ovamboland, 1929–90 (5-year moving

/00

40 35 1-4 years 5-year moving average yearly values 5-9 years 5-year moving average yearly values

30 25 20 15 10 5

1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

1990

Mortality 93

Figure 9.5 Age-adjusted death rates (direct standardization, standard population males or females in the research area, 1940–70) for males aged 25–59 and females aged 20–39 in Ovamboland, 1929–90 (5-year moving average) 0

20

/00

18

Males 5-year moving average yearly values Females 5-year moving average yearly values

16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

1990

similar among both children and adults. The decline was also the same for both women and men. It started at the end of the 1940s or at the beginning of the 1950s, and mortality declined steadily during the 1950s. The decline continued approximately to the middle of the 1960s and since then there has not been any decline in mortality. It might be that recently mortality has slightly increased (see Figures 9.4 and 9.5).

9.3

Differences in mortality by parish

Differences in mortality by parish were small. In addition, the number of deaths was quite small for the analysis by parish. It seemed that in Nakayale childhood mortality tended to be higher than in other parishes, in particular during the 1960s and 1970s (Table 9.2). Based on 1991 Census, the mortality of Nakayale had not increased (see Table 9.1). In parish register data the decline of mortality in Nakayale was not also as clear as in other parishes. There is no evident explanation for this, but one possible reason is


Table 9.2 Infant mortality, childhood mortality (1–4 and 5–9 years), and adult mortality (25–39 years), by parish and period, Ovamboland, 1925–92 (‰); adults and children of marriage cohorts 1925–85 Infant mortality rate Elim Nakayale Rate D Rate D 1925–39 106.8 48 71.2 1940–49 46.2 36 58.0 1950–59 54.4 65 39.2 1960–69 41.1 59 61.5 1970–79 15.7 14 102.3 1980–92 18.5 6 40.3

Okahao Oshigambo Tshandi Rate D Rate D Rate D

Total Rate D

13 101.8 14 92.6 19 135.7 24 102.5 118 14 56.2 21 88.3 31 61.5 16 58.8 118 20 78.0 62 86.3 51 31.5 16 59.5 214 47 48.7 50 30.6 31 21.1 16 40.6 203 16 53.5 27 40.7 40 34.9 16 37.7 113 5 63.6 17 26.3 13 14.1 3 30.9 44

Child mortality rate (1–4 years) Elim Nakayale Rate D Rate D


Total Rate D

1925–39 1940–49 1950–59 1960–69 1970–79 1980–92

23.8 16.9 17.4 8.5 9.7 7.5

16.1 19.0 15.9 9.9 6.9 5.4

8.1 15.6 12.6 6.2 4.2 4.3

10 46 58 39 19 9

8.8 21.8 19.0 14.9 12.1 7.1

5 17 33 45 10 5

10 20 55 40 30 15

22.6 25.2 19.4 12.4 7.8 5.0

12 34 45 55 40 16

32.3 21.6 14.4 10.9 4.8 4.5

15 19 26 34 12 8

Child mortality rate (5–9 years) Elim Nakayale Rate D Rate D


1925–39 1940–49 1950–59 1960–69 1970–79 1980–92

9.4 11.8 6.1 3.3 2.6 5.3

3.8 2 4.3 10 2.8 11 1.8 11 1.4 8 1.7 5

– 0 4.3 3 2.2 3 3.7 10 3.9 5 2.6 2

2 9.1 2 9 10.0 11 14 7.6 15 15 3.1 13 12 2.6 16 11 1.1 5

5.3 10.1 4.0 3.0 1.1 1.1

52 136 217 213 111 53

Total Rate D

1 7 6 8 3 3

4.8 7.2 4.4 2.8 2.1 2.0

7 40 49 57 44 26

Adult mortality rate (25–39 years) (direct standardization, standard population males and females in research area, 1940–70) Elim Rate D 1925–39 1940–49 1950–59 1960–69 1970–79 1980–92

6.0 6.7 6.0 3.6 0.8 5.4

Nakayale Rate D

13 24 41 27 4 10

D = The number of deaths

7.7 8 6.7 7 3.7 11 2.6 11 2.4 6 5.4 7

Okahao Oshigambo Tshandi Rate D Rate D Rate D 12.2 7.3 5.2 5.0 3.7 2.7

10 16 28 34 23 12

5.3 7.4 7.6 2.4 3.7 3.4

2 14 38 17 20 11

10.1 8 7.7 10 4.4 14 3.4 15 1.8 6 2.7 6

Total Rate D 7.8 41 7.4 71 5.6 132 3.5 104 2.7 59 3.5 46

Mortality 95

that Nakayale is situated close to the Angolan border and the distance to Onandjokwe Hospital is a long one. In addition, the role of the Christian religion has not been as powerful as in other parishes. The mortality development in Nakayale supports the idea that mortality among the Christian population has been lower than mortality among traditionalists. In adult mortality there was no clear difference by parish. A more important fact, however, was that the decline in mortality could be seen in almost all parishes. Although the level of infant mortality based on parish register material was probably unreliably low, infant mortality had already declined during the 1940s among all parishes (Table 9.2). Childhood mortality also declined, not during the 1940s but during the 1950s or 1960s. Again, the decline took place in all parishes. The same type of development was to seen in adult mortality. Mortality declined in all parishes during the 1950s or 1960s (Table 9.2).

9.4 9.4.1

Why mortality has declined Causes of mortality decline in Europe and in Africa

The latest articles about childhood or adult mortality in Africa have concentrated on describing the mortality development (Hill, 1993; Timæus, 1993). The main issue has been on the direction in which mortality in SubSaharan Africa has developed during the last 20–30 years. According to Hill (1991 and 1993), childhood mortality has declined in both East and West African countries. This started during the 1950s. In the parish register data we find a similar decline. For adult mortality it is not possible to find a similar clear decline in mortality in all countries as for that of childhood mortality. However, a rapid reduction in the death rates of adults has been achieved by many West and Central African countries (Timæus, 1991b). In Namibia, also, adult mortality declined. However, in the African context it is difficult even to clarify how real the described mortality development is. This means that both writers, Hill and Timæus, do not give any explanations as to why mortality has decreased in SubSaharan Africa. There is more information about infant and childhood mortality than about adult mortality. In adult mortality it is even unclear what are the leading causes of death in SubSaharan Africa.


In the case of infants it is supposed that the leading causes of death during the neonatal period are low birth-weight, birth trauma, prematurity, congenital defects, and tetanus. Among children of 1–4 years measles, diarrhoea, acute lower respiratory infections, malaria, and malnutrition are said to be leading causes of death in SubSaharan Africa (Ewbank and Gribble, 1993: 25). Although mortality decline in Africa has not been studied at country level, theories are presented as to why it has declined. The starting point in Africa as well as Europe is the work of Thomas McKeown. McKeown has in particular studied the dramatic decline in mortality since 1850 in England (McKeown, 1976). The main idea in McKeown’s theory is that he rejected the importance of medical intervention in trying to explain the mortality decline and he suggested that more important than medical intervention were the improvements in nutrition and standard of living. McKeown also rejected the idea that there was a decrease in the virulence of microorganisms during the mortality decline. According to McKeown, improvements in standard of living caused lower exposure to infection and increased capacity for resistance. The role of modern scientific medicine was small. The main critique of McKeown was made by Szreter (1988). Szreter does not want to challenge McKeown’s basic idea about the role of modern medicine, but he puts more emphasis on the idea that the role of social and medical intervention in mortality decline might be more important than McKeown supposed. It should be emphasized that the argument is not that improving nutrition and living standard were entirely unimportant in accounting for the mortality decline, but that the role of a battling public health ideology, politics, and medicine operating of necessity through local government, is more correctly seen as the principal causal agency involved. (Szreter, 1988: 36) Public health programmes or social programmes including water sanitation, clean water supplies, improving housing conditions, improving working conditions, and food programmes might have been very important for the mortality decline in England. The idea is that economic growth as such does not improve the living conditions of

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people but it needs to be supported by particular social or public health programmes. In the African context this means that the mortality decline in SubSaharan Africa could be linked to the improvement in the economy of these countries. Improvement in the economy has helped some African countries to start special public health or social programmes to improve children’s health in the country, or the aim has been to improve the water situation in the country. The role of modern medicine, however, might be quite different in an African context than during the nineteenth century in England. The decline in mortality mainly took place after the 1950s in Africa. In the analysis based on country level data, Preston (1975) concluded that factors exogenous to a country’s current level of income probably account for 75–90 per cent of the growth of life expectancy for the world as a whole between the 1930s and 1960s. Income growth per se accounts for only 10–25 per cent (Preston, 1975: 237). This analysis, however, did not include very many African countries. Although Preston did not ignore the role of improved living standards, he indirectly supported the idea that the most important factor in mortality decline has been the adoption of public health technology (vaccination, sanitation, insecticides, and so on). There are also some studies on the country level (for example, of Mauritius and Sri Lanka) which have shown that the role of public health intervention has been vitally important (Gray, 1974: 205–29; Meegama, 1985). Mosley has presented a general framework of the linkages between mortality and various socio-economic and other factors (Mosley and Chen, 1984: 24–45; Mosley, 1985: 189–208; see also Gray, 1989). The basic idea in Mosley’s work has been that the improvement in socio-economic factors (education, housing) at the same time affect many intermediate factors (nutrition, quality of hygiene, and so on), and these in general improve the health situation. The improvement in socio-economic factors breaks the vicious circle of malnutrition and infection. On the other hand, Mosley, in presenting the medical science approach, showed clearly that in certain situations the therapeutic medical technology can also be effective. In the same way it can be concluded that those programmes based only on medical technology which do not take into account the appropriate factors in socio-economic development


(for example, mother’s education) are probably not very successful (Vallin, 1992: 419). One good example of the effect of a health care system is the mortality decline in Kerala in India. Many of Kerala’s socio-economic indicators have been behind those of India as a whole but the mortality has been one of the lowest in the country (Caldwell, 1986: 194–200; Nag, 1988: 258–62). Expectation of life at birth in Kerala was about 45 years between 1951 and 1961, but during the period 1971–81 it was as much as about 61 years (Kumar, 1993: 105). ‘Among the most important factors in this decline has been the development of a health care system that provides the majority of the population with ready access to medical centers’ (Kumar, 1993: 105). It is also supposed that Kerala’s success relates to its high level of basic education. According to the 1991 population census, the level of literacy among women is very high, about 80–100 per cent (Kumar, 1993: 103). There are also examples from Africa showing that the rapid decline of mortality is due largely to the introduction of health services. In Senegal (in Mlomph), mortality declined rapidly during the 1970s after the introduction of health services during the 1960s (Pison et al., 1993; Cantrelle et al., 1986: 89–94). One of the important factors in Senegal was an anti-malaria programme. An antimalaria programme was started in 1975. In particular it promotes regular intake of chloroquine for everyone during the rainy season (May–November). The dose given is 12 –2 pills a week for children, and 3 for adults which corresponds to 5 mg/kg. Chloroquine is distributed monthly and free of charge for young children and pregnant women when they come to the health centre for growth surveillance or antenatal visits. (Pison et al., 1993: 74) The same kind of rapid mortality decline can be found also from a small area (three villages) in the Gambia. Infant mortality declined from 93 to 40 per 1000 from 1976–77 to 1980–81 (Lamb et al., 1984: 913). It was concluded that health and nutrition interventions have made great contributions to reducing mortality. Vallin, in his comprehensive survey, discusses the possible factors explaining the decline of African mortality (Vallin, 1992). The main factors in mortality decline according to Vallin, are malnutrition (a

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vicious circle of malnutrition and infection), mother’s education, urbanization, and the role of ethnic factors. All of these factors Vallin examines critically and he finds arguments which support the importance of each of these factors. But he also says that ‘Thus, the diversity of the African situation is so great as to throw into question even such a well-accepted finding as the link between education and child mortality’ (Vallin, 1992: 430). Primary health care strategies adopted by WHO and governments have been the most disappointing (Vallin, 1992: 431). If anything can be concluded from Vallin, it is that general and good explanations for the African mortality decline cannot yet be given. In addition, Vallin is not convinced that health will soon make rapid strides towards improvement in Africa. From this point of view it is quite surprising to find such a clear and early mortality decline in Ovamboland, and it is even more important to try to understand the causes of this mortality decline. In the next section the role of malnutrition, education, and the health services provided are examined for explanations of the decline of mortality in Ovamboland. 9.4.2 9.4.2.1

Causes of mortality decline in Ovamboland Malnutrition and epidemics

Famines have a long history in Africa. From Ovamboland there is written evidence about famines as early as the nineteenth century (Siiskonen, 1998). The drought of 1837–41 culminated in a famine in 1841. The next major drought occurred during the years 1876–79. According to missionaries, there were severe droughts during the periods 1899–1901 and 1907–11. The next famine, in 1915, encompassed all of Ovamboland, owing to total crop failure caused by inadequate rainfall and the socalled grass worms, which ate all kinds of grass species and millet and sorghum (Siiskonen, 1998). The 1915/16 famine was the most serious one in Ovamboland for the last 150 years. It was estimated that over 20 000 people died out of Ovamboland’s total population of about 100 000 (see Chapter 10). The war between German and South African troops in 1915 over the South West African territory increased the victims of the 1915 famine. Starving people did not get any additional grain, whereas in 1911 Finnish missionaries had received about 10 000 kg of grain to be distributed to starving people (Siiskonen, 1998).


There were no outbreaks of serious regional epidemic diseases in Ovamboland during the study period. The biggest risks for the expansion of epidemic diseases were during the famine relief works when hundreds of poorly nourished people had gathered for dam-building schemes. The colonial administration succeeded in preventing the expansion of local epidemics – which broke out from time to time – into regional epidemics by quarantine regulations (movement restrictions, closing of schools). For instance, in 1932 Ovamboland was quarantined from the rest of South West Africa because of an outbreak of the plague (MMC at Onandjokwe, 13–14 January 1933, Hha:12, NAF). In 1942, schools were closed for about two months to prevent the spread of an infectious meningitis epidemic (MMC at Onandjokwe, 20–21 January 1943, Hha:20, NAF). According to the parish record data and reports of missionaries and colonial authorities, local epidemics did not increase movement of population within Ovamboland. After 1915 and before the end of the 1920s famines were usually avoided by using the grain stores collected during years of good harvest and by trading for foodstuffs, especially with grain, when droughts struck (Siiskonen, 1998). Chiefs and the richer headmen stored enough, as a rule, to last them over at least two seasons. At the end of the 1920s grain supplies failed owing to a drought, which commenced in 1928 and lasted until the end of 1933. Because of the famine in Ovamboland, the South African administration organized a relief programme during the second half of 1929. The relief programme employed starving people. The main work was building dams. In Ondonga, Finnish missionaries were mainly responsible for conducting the programme (Siiskonen, 1998). The water question in Ovamboland has always presented difficulties. The only solution of the difficulty was the construction of dams, and it was decided that this would be the most suitable and useful form of relief work that could be undertaken. Thousands of natives were employed, and by the end of the year twenty dams had been completed in the Ondonga area and twelve dams in the Ukuanyama country. (Union of South Africa, 1930: para 455) During the period 1928–33 there occurred several drought years. Connected to the famine and probably also to the relief work during

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December 1931, plague was identified in Ondonga, and during the year 1932 the disease was spread also to the other parts of Ovamboland (Union of South Africa, 1932: paras 667–86). The spreading of the epidemic was stopped by quarantine regulations and through disinfestation of the kraals (Union of South Africa, 1932: paras 703–8). Because of the plague, Ovamboland was quarantined from the rest of South West Africa (MMC at Onandjokwe, 13–14 January 1933, Hha:12, NAF). It seems that famines, together with disease epidemics, usually caused clear peaks in mortality in Ovamboland. There was also at least one epidemic of influenza followed by measles and malaria, which can be seen also in the parish register mortality figures. In 1938, a wave of influenza passed through the country; this was followed up by an epidemic of measles which together with its after effects claimed many lives, especially amongst the younger members of the community. This in turn again was followed by the malaria season. These three diseases more or less overlapped and the general health for the period under review cannot be described as good. (Union of South Africa, 1939: para 551) There was an infectious meningitis epidemic, and in 1942 schools were closed for about two months to prevent the spread of the disease (MMC at Onandjokwe, 20–21 January 1943, Hha:20, NAF). According to the Native Commissioners’ reports, the rainfall in 1941 and the two following years were so unsatisfactory that Ovamboland found itself in the throes of serious famine. In addition, the crops in 1946 were in many parts a total failure. Relief works were again conducted in September and October. In Ondonga two new dams were built, and one in Uukwanyama (NC, AR 1947, NAO 21, 11/1, NAN). Two thousand bags of mealie meal, and 500 bags of mealies were brought up from the Union, and sold, or distributed, to needy people. No deaths from starvation were confirmed (NC, AR 1948, NAO 21, 11/1, NAN). Although the famine was not extremely bad, the mortality figures in the parish register data seem to be increasing at the end of the 1940s (Figs 9.4 and 9.5). The probable cause of the mortality increase was primarily the famine which physically weakened the people (DS 1946, NAO 37, 26/8, NAN).


Due to the dam building and road building, and also to the direct food help, the power of famines was decreased and they were no longer as bad during the 1940s as they had been during the 1920s and 1930s. In addition, it can be assumed that the food situation became better still during the 1950s. The improvement in nutrition is probably one of the main reasons why mortality declined in Ovamboland during the 1950s. During the South African colonial period famine relief works formed an important new element in the coping strategy for famines. Thanks to relief efforts there have been no bad famines in Ovamboland since the 1920s. One factor in the improvement in the socio-economic situation was the increase in the number of labour recruits during the 1940s and 1950s (DS, AR 1946, NAO 37, 26/8, NAN; DS, AR 1953, NAO 65, 21/14, NAN). Since the mid-1940s, migrant work was the most important permanent source of income for many households (see section 10.5.3 in Chapter 10). Those working outside Ovamboland were able to help their relatives. For example, the year 1953 was also a drought year and ‘the Ovambos at work were advised to send their relatives food supplies, with the result that about 3000 bags of mealie meal etc., have come to hand up to date’ (NC, AR 1953, NAO 61, 12/2 v. 2, NAN). It can be estimated that about 30 per cent of adult males were absent at certain point of time in the late 1960s (Banghart, 1969: 97). At the end of the 1950s the water situation improved. During the 1950s, storage dams were constructed throughout the territory. In 1954 intensive development of water supplies was started. First, the programme aimed to provide adequate supplies of water for local communities by constructing excavation dams. Secondly, the water canals from the Cunene River were constructed. The first, the Oshakati Canal (Okatana Canal), was completed in 1960 (Director of Water Affairs, 1968: 35–42). The third phase of the water supply was completed during the 1970s when water was pumped from the Cunene River through a pipeline as far as Oshakati and Ondangwa (see also section 10.5.1 in Chapter 10 and Figure 10.11). At the same time as the Government improved the road network, it also improved the communication system. The telephone line between Ondangwa and Oshikango was completed in November 1945. The two Finnish Mission hospitals at Onandjokwe and

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Engela, and the two SWANLA stores at Onandjokwe and Omafo, were also connected (NC, AR 1945, NAO 21, 11/1, NAN). 9.4.2.2

Educational work done by missionaries

The basis of the educational system in Ovamboland was built up during the 1920s and 1930s. Finnish Mission schools were mainly responsible for education in Ovamboland to the end of the 1950s. At the same time as the missionaries were working in the field of Christianization they also educated the Ovambos. Most of this work was of a biblical nature and local people were taught in their own languages. During the year 1923 there were 5073 scholars and pupils in the Finnish Mission schools. The number of European teachers was 7, and the number of ‘native teachers’ who passed through the full course in the Mission training school was 32. In addition, there were 224 other teachers (Union of South Africa, 1925: para 111). However, probably most of these school activities were just confirmation classes. During the 1930s the educational work progressed and in the year 1938 the number of pupils was already about 4600, excluding confirmation classes. The number of teachers was 211. The total number of Finnish Mission schools was 79. In addition, there were 6 boarding schools with 10 European teachers. Regarding the educational activities the Mission reports: we have build in the last year 23 school houses in different Owambo tribes. For the new schools we got also 29 new teachers who passed their examinations in the Oniipa Teacher Training School. Nevertheless the schools are still in many districts too far from one another. In many villages it is impossible for the people to get to school because of the way to walk. (Union of South Africa, 1937: para 421) The number of students in the school in northern sector was 13 185 in the year 1945, and the total number of mission schools was 113. Of these schools 87 were Finnish Mission schools. In the year 1955, the number of Mission schools was increased to 151, and the total number of pupils was 16 026. Due to the fact that Mission schools were gradually converted into community schools, the total number of Mission schools in the year 1962 was 103 but the total


number of schools was 215 and the number of pupils was 32 248. In 1962, the number of schools in Ovamboland was 148. It was estimated that in 1962 about 49 per cent of the potential school-age population was actually in school in Ovamboland (Report of the Commission, 1964: 226, 249). It is difficult to evaluate the nature of the education given, but according to Saloheimo, in missionary schools practical skills were also taught. Hygiene education was given at least for those who visited missionary clinics (Saloheimo, Interview, 4.1.1996). According to earlier studies, it has been suggested that the role of better education in the mortality decline is important, although the link between education and child mortality has not always been clear (Vallin, 1992: 431). In Ovamboland, mortality was declining at the same time as the education of children improved. It is not possible to evaluate what has been the direct role of improved education for mortality decline, but education is one of those infrastructural factors which had an effect on the mortality decline in Ovamboland during the 1950s and 1960s. However, it is unlikely that education can account for the sudden fall in adult mortality after the Second World War.

9.4.2.3

The development of health services

In addition to improved nutrition and education, the one other main cause of the mortality decline in Ovamboland was the improved health care system. Before 1960 health care in Ovamboland was based almost totally on the work of missionaries. Particularly active was the Finnish Mission. The first medical doctor (Dr Selma Rainio) trained in Finland started her work in Ovamboland in the year 1909; the first hospital was opened in Oniipa in 1911 (Taube, 1947; Soini, 1953; Sixty Years of Medical Mission, 1968). The only mission operating in Ovamboland was the Finnish Missionary Society during the 1920s. In the year 1923, 10 missionaries were working in Ovamboland, and 1 physician and 4 nurses (Union of South Africa, 1923: 14). The Mission hospital treated 354 patients and 1925 outpatients during the year 1923 (Union of South Africa, 1923: 56). Malaria was one of the main diseases prevalent in the area. One of the important features was that quinine was distributed free of charge: ‘Quinine was

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issued free to all the Native reserves and communities in the malaria zone through Magistrates, Native Affairs Officials and Missionaries’ (Union of South Africa, 1923: 59). As early as 1928 the number of those treated in hospitals or in semi-hospitals was 20 950 (Union of South Africa, 1928: para 651). The principal diseases treated by the missions in Ovamboland were, according to the hospital statistics for 1928, the following: malaria 3962, influenza 2810, other respiratory diseases 1654, diseases of the eyes 2321, injuries 1233, venereal diseases 1245, and other diseases 5082 (Union of South Africa, 1928: para 651). During the year 1927 the total number of those vaccinated in Ovamboland (in hospital) against smallpox was 5286. In addition to these, 1353 were vaccinated by the District Surgeon and missionaries in the Ondonga and Uukwanyama district during the course of the year (Union of South Africa, 1927: para 256). These statistics show that medical work was started quite early in Ovamboland. Dr Rainio died in 1938. In that year there were 2 large hospitals and semi-hospitals or clinics at every one of the Mission stations. At these centres 42 000 patients received treatment during the year 1938. In Ondonga there was 1 hospital at Onandjokwe and various smaller centres where quinine could be obtained free of charge and where minor ailments were treated. These centres were situated in Oshigambo, Onajena, and Olukonda. The other Finnish Mission Hospital was in Engela. Smaller semi-hospitals were situated in Uukwambi, Ongandjera, Uukwaluudhi, and Ombalantu. In addition, the Anglican Mission and the Roman Catholic Mission had their own small hospitals in Ovamboland. The main hospital was situated in Onandjokwe. Both Anglican and Finnish Missions were subsidized by the Government (the costs of quinine issues free to Natives during the 1920s was £120 per year), and all missions received free medicine from the administration for the treatment of malaria, venereal diseases, leprosy, and so on. The Finnish Mission was the only mission at that time equipped for the treatment of tuberculosis patients. During the year 1938 the Finnish Mission also received material from the administration for the building of a proper operating theatre at Onandjokwe (Union of South Africa, 1939: paras 556 and 559; see also DS, AR 1939, NAO 36, 26/8, v. 2, NAN).


At the beginning of the 1940s the development of missionary work was slow due to World War II in Europe, and in the reports of the Native Commissioner this is also mentioned. However, at the end of the 1940s medical care developed rapidly. During the 1940s there were usually one or two Finnish doctors in Ovamboland and at the end 1950s 4 physicians were present. There were vaccination campaigns against plague and against smallpox. About 10 455 persons were vaccinated in the Finnish Mission Hospitals, and antirabies vaccination was performed where considered desirable. Labour recruits (10 967 men) were vaccinated by the District Surgeon with anti-plague vaccine before they proceeded south (DS, AR 1944, NAO 37, 262, NAN). The other vaccination campaign was organized against smallpox during 1945, and 53 979 persons were vaccinated during 1945, 18 718 during in 1946, and all labour recruits since 1947, and the campaign continued during the year 1947 (DS, AR 1949, NAO 65, 21/14, NAN). In 1949, about 40 000 out-patients were treated for malaria. Quinine was free, and it was given always to children with fever and also for pregnant women suffering fever (DS, AR 1950, NAO 65, 21/14, NAN; and Saloheimo, Interview, 4.1.1996). In 1949, 3435 syphilis patients were treated (DS, AR 1950, NAO 65, 21/14, NAN). Injections were given: Acetylarsen, Bisantol, Arsen and Dismuth (DS, AR 1953, NAO 65, 21/14, NAN; and Saloheimo, Interview, 4.1.1996). Tuberculosis patients were isolated at the end of the 1940s. The first X-ray apparatus was in use at Onandjokwe Hospital at the end of the 1940s. In addition, based on hospital statistics, about 350–400 women were given pre-natal treatment in the main hospital. It can be estimated that as early as the end 1940s about 10 per cent of all pregnant women were in contact with the hospital (see also Chapter 8). At the beginning of the 1950s there was the main hospital in Onandjokwe as well as 8 other hospitals and 9 semi-hospitals. Education of local nurses was started, and there was 15 who were working by 1952. The number of European nurses was 13 during 1955, and the number of local nurses was 27. In addition, the number of students in the nursing school situated in the Onandjokwe Hospital was 19 (MMC at Olukanda, 14–15 June 1953, Hha:24, NAF). The number of nurses increased quite rapidly during the 1950s and in 1960 the number of native nurses trained by

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Table 9.3 Medical personnel, and health care given by Finnish Mission medical personnel, during the year 1952, by parish Doctors Onandjokwe 1 + 1 chemist Onajena Oshigambo Engela Endola Ohahuohu Ondobe Eenhana Omundaungilo Ongwediva Elim Ongandjera Tshandi Uukolonkadhi Nakayale 1 Kaokoveld

Nurses In-patients European/‘Native’ 5/8 1/1 0/1 3/5 0/1 0/1 0/1 1/1 0/1 1/3 0/1

2911 748 2701

11939 8172 3396 12074 3368 2227 3336

320

1561 1041

0/1 1/1 1/1

Out-patients

819

1381 949 8090 1860 6616 1146 4931 1252

Source: MMC at Olukonda, 14–15 June 1953, Hha:24, NAF.

Finnish missionaries in Ovamboland was as many as 133 (Report of the Commission, 1964: para 659). In most cases the medical work of mission semi-hospitals was done on an out-patient basis (Table 9.3). During the year 1955 there also started weekly neo-natal care in the hospital. The number of visits during the first year was 912 (Saloheimo, AR 1956, HEA 22 1/16/96, NAN; see also Saloheimo, AR for 1957, 1960 and 1964, HEA 22, 1/16/96, NAN). During the 1960s vaccination work was started in the mothers’ clinics and a mobile mother care clinic also was started (Kalliokoski, Interview, 24.1.1996). There were 20 missionary clinics working in Ovamboland in 1962. Each clinic was under the supervision of an Ovambo auxiliary nurse and the clinic was periodically visited by a doctor (Report of the Commission, 1964: para 677). Penicillin and streptomycin began to be used at the beginning of the 1950s (DS, AR 1953, NAO 65, 21/14, NAN). During the 1950s new malaria drugs were in use and medical personnel were able to use them (Saloheimo, Interview, 4.1.1996). Vaccination campaigns were continued during the 1960s. There was a smallpox and diphtheria


vaccination campaign in 1962 (Director of Health Services, 5 March 1962, HEA 39, 2/5/5, NAN). There was also an immunization programme against poliomyelitis. About 46 000 persons were vaccinated between 1960 and 1961 in Ovamboland (Polioveldtag Ovamboland 1963, HEA 38, 2/5/3, NAN). There was also a mobile X-ray programme at the end of the 1960s (Diseases Tuberculosis Ovamboland, HEA 47, 2/5/10/20, vol IV, NAN). A malaria control programme (spraying with DDT) was started in 1965 (Diseases Malaria Ovamboland, HEA 50, 2/5/12/20, NAN). There is also some information about the causes of diseases treated in Onandjokwe Hospital during the 1950s. In her report to the missionary society, Dr Anni Melander reported that the total number of in-patients in hospital in the year 1951 was 3513. There was a meningitis epidemic in Onajena during that year and there were 122 meningitis cases treated in hospital (7 died in hospital). The number of malaria cases treated was 11 842; there were 1154 anglystoma cases, 121 lung tuberculosis, 38 other tuberculosis, 11 diphthery, 8 leprosy, 73 dysentry, 13 rabies, 94 whooping cough, 125 purpura haemorrhagic, 1784 eye diseases, 393 ear diseases, and 63 births. As can be seen from the reports, the malaria was causing very heavy work for the hospital personnel (MMC at Olukonda, 14–15 June 1953, Hha:24, NAF). The missionary societies received no subsidy from the administration for their health services prior to 1934 (Report of the Commission, 1964: para 610). In the year 1940 the subsidy from the Government to the Finnish Missionary Society (FMS) was R1000; in 1950 it was R7128; and in 1960, R16 772. In addition to the money, the Government also gave medicines, and the level of funds for these was about the same as the other support. It was estimated that the FMS contributed about R109 500 in the year 1960 to health care both in Ovamboland and in Okavango. In the same year the total expenditure by the Government for health services given to mission hospitals in whole northern sector was R90 956. The main part of this subsidy was for medicine (R51 382). The total expenditure for the health services in South West Africa in the year 1960 was R1 258 700 (Report of the Commission, 1964: para 611). Taking into account that almost half of the population was living in Ovamboland, the proportion of funds given by the Government to Ovamboland was quite small. According to these figures the health

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care given in Ovamboland was almost totally based on the work of missionaries. In the Northern Sector medical services were supplied by the missionary societies, viz. the Finnish, the Roman Catholic, the Anglican and the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Missions. In addition to the subsidy received by them from the Adminstration, they themselves apparently make a larger monetary contribution towards health services. Practically all the medical and nursing personnel are recruited from among missionaries. A governmental medical officer was temporarily available at Ondangua (for 2 years) and Runtu (for 8 years). (Report of the Commission, 1964: para 596) The estimated population in Ovamboland at the beginning of 1950s was about 190 000 (see Table 3.1). The number of the Christian population was about 80 000. The health care given by missionaries could not reach the whole population of Ovamboland but, on the other hand, health care was given not only to the Christian population. In any case, the number of medical doctors per population cannot be considered to be high enough. On the other hand, the idea of medical care given by missionaries was not based on the number of medical practitioners. In most cases the care was given by nurses in small missionary stations. These stations gave also free medication but in serious cases the patients were transported, if possible, to Onandjokwe or to some other main hospital. Taking into account that the actual geographical area of Ovamboland was not very large, this kind of system was quite suitable. In addition, the outbreak of some epidemic could be limited quite quickly due to a good transportation system.

10.5

Conclusion

It is clear that mortality declined during the 1950s in Ovamboland and it might be that the decline started earlier, during the 1940s. The more problematic question is that why it declined (see Figure 9.6). Ovamboland was an important source of its work force for the rest of South West Africa. It was important for the Government to limit the power of epidemics, and the Government


supported work which increased the growth of population. The role of missionaries was also important for the same reasons. The missionaries were interested in helping the socio-economic situation in Ovamboland for humanitarian reasons, but at the same time they wanted to Christianize the area. One good tool in this work was health care. There were no severe famines in Ovamboland after the 1920s. The nutritional level improved due to relief work, and dam building, and also the increase in migrant labour had the same effect. The causes of mortality decline during the 1930s and 1940s have to be closely linked to the improved nutritional level. At the same time, we have to remember that there were no serious conflicts among different tribes and the political situation was stable. The chief mortality decline happened during the 1950s and this mortality decline can be supposed to have been mainly caused by the improved health care system. The health care system was mainly based on the idea of preventing the disease epidemics. With the help of the missionary health care system the Government was also able to carry out the vaccination programme. It can be

Figure 9.6

Background factors:

Need of workforce

Causes of mortality decline in Ovamboland during the 1950s Increase in labor recruits since 1940s Relief work since 1930s Dam building since 1930s

Finnish Missionary Society Improved education 1930s and 1940s

Improved nutrition during 1930s and 1940s

Better sanitation

New health care system 1910-60 Christianization

Malaria preventation - free medicine since 1930s Vaccination programmes since 1930s, mainly during 1940s Antibiotics during 1950s Mother care during 1950s Preventation of epidemics

Mortality decline during 1950s

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hypothesized that the most important direct cause for the mortality decline in Ovamboland was the health care system built by the Finnish missionaries (Notkola et al. 2000). The FMS also developed a good educational system in Ovamboland. It is not possible to evaluate the direct effect of education on the mortality decline, but it is clear that the improved level of education of mothers influenced infant mortality and the threshold of using health services was lower due to improved education. One additional factor supposed to be linked to mortality decline has been urbanization, but in Ovamboland there was no clear urbanization before the end of the 1970s.

10 Migration

10.1

The rate of mobility in the marriage cohorts

The rate of mobility covers inter-community, inter-regional, and international out-migration from the sample parishes in the marriage cohorts (1925–85) since the date of marriage. Intra-community migration was excluded from the analysis. The analysis of outmigration since the date of marriage covers only little more than Figure 10.1 Female out-migration rate in Ovamboland since the date of marriage, 1925–92 (5-year moving average, marriage cohorts 1925–85) 0

5-year moving average yearly values

1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

112

1980

1990

Migration 113

Figure 10.2 Male out-migration rate in Ovamboland since the date of marriage, 1925–92 (5-year moving average, marriage cohorts 1925–85) 40

0

/00

30

20 5-year moving average yearly values 10

1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

1990

half of the migratory histories of the sample population. Among the follow-up population, 41 per cent of the moves of females and 48 per cent of the moves of males (returning migrant workers are excluded) occurred about a decade or a shorter time before the date of marriage. Characteristic of out-migration after the date of marriage in the marriage cohorts was the sharp decline in the rate of mobility during the late 1940s and great periodic variation before the 1950s. Until the mid-1940s, the rate of out-migration varied between 10 and 20 persons/1000. Out-migration of females was higher than of males throughout the study period. During the late 1940s the rate of out-migration declined very sharply to the level of 5 persons/1000. The lowest was the rate of mobility during the second half of the 1970s. However, at the beginning of the 1980s the rate of mobility started to increase again among both females and males. Before the mid-1940s annual variation in out-migration was great among both males and females. Annual variation in out-migration did not disappear after that but peaks were no longer so sharp. The last peak in out-migration occurred at the beginning of the 1980s.


When interpreting the rate of mobility in the sample parishes we have to take into account that 13.7 per cent (1106) of the couples were excluded from the final data due to poor follow-up information (see Table 6.1 and section 6.3 in Chapter 6). Did all the couples rejected from the follow-up move out of the parish? It is very obvious that some of these men and women moved out of the parish without registering their move, some had only abandoned the Christian way of life and returned to traditional religion, and some had died, but their deaths were not registered. For example, when the main book of Oshigambo parish became full and parishioners were transferred to a new main book in 1945, the number of parishioners was reduced from 3868 in 1944 to 3565 in 1945. According to the missionary Mr Saari, some of these ‘lost souls’ had moved from Oshigambo to Angola or to central and southern parts of Namibia (MMC at Ongwediva, 9–10 January 1946, Hha:20, NAF). Because of the lack of more detailed information, it is difficult to estimate more precisely how great a proportion of the couples rejected from the follow-up moved and their destination. Comparison of the rate of mobility in the marriage cohorts with the migration statistics compiled annually in the Lutheran parishes in Ovamboland was impossible for many reasons. First, intra- and inter-community migration have not been separated in the vital statistics; however, most of the moves occurred on an intra-community level. A second problem related to the comparison of vital statistics to the marriage cohort data is the establishment of new parishes since the 1940s, which led to the division of old ‘mother parishes’. In the migration statistics a great number of moves were only technical transfers of people from parish to parish. The third constraint to comparison is that vital statistics include also the moves of children, who normally followed their parents. The fourth constraint to comparison is that the total numbers of parishioners presented in the vital statistics at the end of the year were not comparable to the parish register data. Owing to many problems related to the vital statistics of Lutheran parishes, migration analysis based on the follow-up population is more reliable. As a whole, the migration data illustrate well annual variation and long-term trends in the rate of mobility among adult population after the date of marriage, from the mid-1920s to the beginning of the 1990s, because there was no noticeable change in the timing of

Migration 115

moves. More than 40 per cent of inter-regional and intercommunity moves were concentrated in the time before the date of marriage throughout the study period. In reality, the level of the rate of out-migration after the date of marriage was higher throughout the study period than presented in Figures 10.1 and 10.2. Therefore, the figures presenting the rate of mobility have to be interpreted as more suggestive than exact.

10.2 10.2.1

Migration flows Inter-regional and international migration

In African rural societies, intra-rural movement has been the most common type of population movement (Oucho and Gould, 1993: 263). However, in the sample parishes migration from urban areas (police zone) to rural Ovamboland was statistically the most frequent type of migration (1432 moves). Of the total number of moves in the migration data (2649), inter-regional moves (1488), of which most were urban–rural moves, cover 56.2 per cent of all moves. When the urban–rural moves of males are excluded from the analysis, of which almost all were seasonal moves, the migration data include 735 moves of females and 493 moves of males. Moves of females were 1.5 times more frequent than moves of males. Of these moves almost all were intra-rural until the 1970s. When considering migration flows, moves before the date of marriage are also included in the analysis. Inter-regional migration between Ovamboland and the police zone (see section 2.3 in Chapter 2) was very strictly supervised throughout the study period. According to the policy of ethnic and racial segregation practised by the South African administration, the African population was not allowed to move freely from their native reserves – called from the late 1960s ‘homelands’ -– but to make only temporary visits to the police zone. Therefore, registered migration from rural areas to urban centres in the police zone was marginal. Only able-bodied Ovambo men were allowed to leave the native reserve temporarily for migrant work. After the expiration of the contract they had to return to Ovamboland before they could re-offer themselves for recruitment (Tötemeyer, 1978: 161). In the migration data, only 56 people, of whom 35 were women, moved outside Ovamboland. All but 3 out-migrants were married


Table 10.1 Inter-regional migration in Ovamboland, 1925–92 (marriage cohorts 1925–85)1

Men Women Total

Out-migration from Ovamboland

In-migration into Ovamboland

21 (Before marriage 1) 35 (Before marriage 2)

1421 (Before marriage 1414) 11 (Before marriage 10)

56 (Before marriage 3)

1432 (Before marriage 1424)

1

The table includes international migration: • Male immigrants before the date of marriage: 17 South Africa, 3 Angola , 2 Ombandja (Angola) • Male emigrants after the date of marriage: 3 Angola, 10 Ombandja (Angola) • Female emigrants after the date of marriage: 2 Angola, 13 Ombandja (Angola)

when they moved. Half (28) of these moves were international moves. Permits to move from Ovamboland were granted only in special cases (see, for example, ANCO, Application for permission for Ovambo female, Hilda Shishiveni, to enter Police Zone for the purpose of marriage, Oshikango, 21 April 1950, NAO 52, 4/13, NAN). International migration in Ovamboland was a problematic question. Legislation prohibited Ovambo people from moving abroad. However, along the northern border between South West Africa/Namibia and Angola the colonial authorities were unable to control the movement of population (see, for instance, NC to the Secretary for SWA, Ondangwa, 14 September 1952, NAO 62, 13/1, NAN). The northern border divided the economically unified Ovamboland into two parts. Seasonal peaceful movement of people and cattle between the Ovambo communities located on both sides of the Namibian–Angolan border was frequent until the intensification of the liberation struggle in the 1970s (see section 10.4.2 below). The migration data included only 33 moves between Angola and Ovamboland, of which 28 were out-migrations from Ovamboland. The most popular destination in Angola was the Ovambo community of Ombandja. An important reason for the low number of registered moves between Angola and the sample parishes was that the most important

Migration 117

area of destination and the area of origin for migrants in Ovamboland was Uukwanyama. Unfortunately, the migration data do not include information from Uukwanyama. Migration between Angola and Ovamboland in the sample parishes was greater than registered in the parish registers. The parish record data do not include, for example, information about returning migrant labourers from the Angolan fishing industries or coffee plantations as they do from the diamond fields of the police zone of South West Africa/Namibia. It is very probable that some of the non-Christian migrant workers were baptized as Catholics during their working period in Angola. Even though the colonial authorities were aware that Ovambo people left for migrant work in Angola, they were not able to stop it or give any estimate of the number of workers recruited from Ovamboland (NC, Underaged natives proceeding to Angola for employment, Ondangwa, 17 December 1954, NAO 74, 35/1, v.4, NAN). When considering movement of population between Ovamboland and Angola, Ovamboland was the receiving area, according to observations by colonial officials and missionaries (NC, AR 1942, NAO 20, 11/1, v.14, NAN; MMC at Engela, 24–25 January 1952, Hha:23, NAF). Figure 10.3 In-migration rate of males outside Ovamboland before the date of marriage (5-year moving average, marriage cohorts 1925–85) 40

0

/00

30

20

10 5-year moving average yearly values 1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980


The registered inter-regional migration consisted mostly of inmigrants from the police zone to Ovamboland (see also Figure 10.4). These urban–rural migrants were Ovambo migrant labourers who had been baptized in the south during their contract period. In the category of in-migrants into Ovamboland also were 22 international male immigrants, of whom 17 came from South Africa and 5 from Angola. Immigrants from South Africa were Ovambo men who had been recruited for the South African gold mines, especially the Rand Mines near Johannesburg (NC, AR 1945, NAO 21, 11/1, NAN; NC, South West Africa native labour proceeding to the Rand via the Okavango native territory, Ondangwa, 8 June 1950, NAO 74, 35/2, NAN). The background of the immigrants from Angola was unknown. Migrant labourers who were baptized during their contract period in the police zone (17 in South Africa) were first registered as members of the congregation near their working place because German missionaries and the Evangelical Lutheran Church took care of Ovambo migrant labourers in the south until the mid-1950s. When their working contracts expired and the migrant labourers returned to Ovamboland, they were registered as in-migrants in the parish of their place of residence (MCG at Onajena, 16 February 1937, Hha:15, NAF). The Ovambo-Kavango Church, in collaboration with Finnish missionaries, started work among the migrant labourers in the police zone in the 1950s, after which some of the migrant workers were baptized directly in the parishes of the Ovambo-Kavango Church (Minutes of the Administration of Ovamboland Mission Field at Engela, 17 June 1954, Hha:25, NAF). If the baptized migrant labourer wanted to make a new contract he was no longer registered as either an out-migrant or an in-migrant in the parish record data when he left or arrived in Ovamboland. With the exception of 7 men, in-migrations from the police zone occurred before marriage. Figure 10.3 focuses attention on the in-migration rate of males outside Ovamboland before the date of marriage among the unmarried, follow-up, male population. The objective of the analysis is to investigate the role of migrant work in the Christianiazation of adult males. Before the 1940s the number of recruited migrant workers from Ovamboland varied annually between 2000 and 4000 men, but started to increase sharply during the second half of the

Migration 119

1940s (NC, Annual reports, 1924–1945, NAO 18–21, 61, NAN). In 1966, about 20 000 migrant workers were recruited from Ovamboland (Banghart, 1969: 52), and in 1974 the number of recruited workers reached almost 36 000 (Arbeidsburo te Ondangwa Jaartal 1974, OVE 20, 5/22/3, NAN). The in-migration rate of males followed the increase and variation in the recruitment of migrant labourers from Ovamboland until the 1950s. Figure 10.3 illustrates that migrant work among men before marriage increased slowly until 1945, but turned into a sharp increase during the late 1940s. In interpreting Figure 10.3, we have to note that it illustrates only migrant workers who were nonChristians when they left Ovamboland, and that the number of migrant workers who were Christians when they left Ovamboland increased throughout the study period. Furthermore, the start of the work of the Ovambo-Kavango Church among migrant labourers decreased the number of in-migrants from the police zone because migrant labourers baptized by Ovambo ministers and Finnish missionaries during their stay in the south were directly registered in the Ovambo parishes from the 1950s and were no longer registered as in-migrants. The decline of the rate of in-migrant males from the police zone in the 1950s was also related to the spreading of Christianity in Ovamboland, and the concentration of recruitment of migrant workers in communities where the Christian influence had been most long-standing: Ondonga, Uukwanyama, and Uukwambi. Accordingly, the new rise at the beginning of the 1960s illustrates the extension of the recruitment of migrant labourers from the central parts of Ovamboland to the western Ovambo communities where the proportion of the Christian population was lower than in the central parts of the region (SWANLA, Notes on visit to Ovamboland, 25 July–1 August 1950, NAO 73, 35/1, v.2, NAN). In 1945, about 5 per cent, and in 1965 9 per cent, of migrant labourers recruited from Ovamboland were from Ongandjera. The corresponding figures from the main areas of recruitment were: Ondonga in 1945, 32 per cent, and in 1965, 32 per cent; Uukwanyama in 1945, 31 per cent, and in 1965, 28 per cent; and in Uukwambi in 1945, 15 per cent, and in 1965, 15 per cent. According to recruitment figures, no noticeable change occurred in the order of the recruitment areas (NC, AR 1945, NAO 21, 11/1, NAN;


Banghart, 1969: 52; see Table 10.8). However, since the 1950s the proportion of in-migrants from the police zone to the parishes of Elim and Okahao was many times greater than the proportion of recruited migrant labourers from Uukwambi and Ongandjera. In the 1960s the destination of the moves was the Okahao parish for 42 per cent (N = 360) of in-migrants from the police zone, even though only about 9 per cent of migrant labourers were recruited from Ongandjera. During the whole period under consideration the most popular areas of destination for in-migrants from the police zone were the parishes of Elim, Okahao, and Oshigambo. The migration data indicate that in-migration into Ovamboland was totally connected to migrant work and the spreading of Christianity. In the mid-1960s the Ovambo-Kavango Church increased the efficiency of work among migrant labourers by sending more of its own ministers and evangelists to the police zone. In 1967, 5 Ovambo ministers and 20 evangelists were working in the south, in addition to one Finnish missionary (MMC at Onandjokwe, 10–13 February 1967, Hha:38, FELM). During the 1960s the Ovambo-Kavango Church concentrated more on preparing young men for confirmation than baptizing non-Christians. In 1968, 406 young Ovambo and Kavango men were baptized in the police zone and 686 confirmed (Ihamäki, Annual Report of the South West African mission field for 1968, Oniipa, 8 February 1969, Hha:39, FELM). The sharp decrease of the in-migration rate from the police zone since the late 1960s reveals that the Ovambo-Kavango Church took care of the Ovambo migrant labourers in the police zone. The cause for the sudden sharp peak in the rate of in-migration from the police zone in 1982 was that returning migrant labourers, especially from the western Ovambo communities, were baptized only when returning to Ovamboland and were registered in-migrants, which had been rare during the previous 5 years. The last peak in the rate of in-migration indicates clearly that since the 1960s all migrant workers had not been Christians. Migrant work has been an important channel in the spreading of Christianity among young Ovambo men from the 1920s until today. The migration data show that permanent and registered legal, inter-regional migration between Ovamboland and the other parts of South West Africa/Namibia was rare. The data also reveal the efficiency of the policy of racial segregation practised by the South

Migration 121

African administration in South West Africa/Namibia. Only male migrant labourers were allowed to leave Ovamboland temporarily. Until the 1970s working contracts lasted from 12 to 24 months, after which labourers had to return to Ovamboland where they had their permanent residence (see, for example, Notes of discussions at Grootfontein on 4 and 5 September 1949, concerning Native Labourers’ Commission’s report, NAO 73, 35/1, v.2, NAN; Kooy, 1973: 89–104). 10.2.2

Inter-community migration

Typical migration in Ovamboland was rural–rural migration. In this study the main emphasis was on inter-community migration. Longterm approaches to intra-community migration in the sample parishes were not possible, with one exception, Oshigambo parish (see the next section). The migration flow maps also describe interregional and international moves (see the previous section), but the emphasis of analysis is on inter-community migration flows. A characteristic of inter-community migration is that people move only short distances. In all parishes, most of the intercommunity moves occurred between the neighbouring communities and concentrated in the frontier zones. For example, migration between Ondonga and Uukwambi was confined to the frontier villages between these communities, while movement between the eastern parts of Ondonga (for example, Oshigambo) and Uukwambi was not common. In addition, migration between Ondonga and Uukwambi was concentrated between the parishes located in the frontier zone: Elim, Oniimwandi, and Oshakati from Uukwambi; and Olukonda, Oshitaji, and Ondangwa from Ondonga. The areal classification ‘other areas of Ovamboland’ includes moves to the communities of Uukolonkadhi and Eunda located in the northwestern corner of Ovamboland and the moves when the exact destination of the move in Ovamboland was unknown. From the parishes located in the western part of Ovamboland – Nakayale and Tshandi – moves to Uukolonkadhi were frequent, but rare from the eastern parts of Ovamboland in normal conditions. The most important area of destination for out-migrants in absolute figures was Uukwanyama, which attracted people from all parts of Ovamboland and also from the Angolan side of Ovamboland. Another attractive area in Ovamboland was Ongandjera, but its


Figure 10.4 Inter-community migration flows by parish and sex in Ovamboland, 1925–92 (marriage cohorts 1925–85) FEMALES

Solid arrow = after the date of marriage Dash arrow = before the date of marriage

Migration 123

Figure 10.4 FEMALES

Continued


Figure 10.4 MALES

Continued

Migration 125

Figure 10.4 MALES

Continued


attraction was restricted only to the neighbouring western Ovambo communities. The out-migration rate was highest from Nakayale and Tshandi parish, but distances of moves were short there also. The inter-community migration in Ovamboland was restricted to the neighbouring communities and largely circumscribed within a radius of about 50 km. The migration data illustrate that the most densely populated parts of Ovamboland did not attract inter-community migrants. Most inter-community migrants were looking for a new place of residence from the sparsely populated frontier areas between communities. The lively movement of population between the western Ovambo communities demonstrates that access to land was not as big a problem there as it was in the most densely populated parts of the region (see Director of Works, Water supplies: Ovamboland – progress report, Windhoek, 25 August 1949, NAO 101, 43/1, NAN; MMC at Eenhana, 13–15 January 1959, Hha:30, NAF). 10.2.3

Intra-community migration

Except for Oshigambo parish, the study of intra-community migration was not possible in the other sample parishes in a longer time frame. The first reason for the exclusion of the other parishes from the analysis was that they covered the whole community – Nakayale until 1942, Elim 1943, Okahao 1954, and Tshandi 1963 – which meant that any intra-community migration could not be registered. In Ondonga there were already 6 parishes at the beginning of the 1920s. The second reason was that when the division of these ‘mother parishes’ was started, it was a continuous process, which meant a technical transfer of parishioners from the ‘mother parishes’ to the newly established parishes. Of the sample parishes, only Oshigambo remained undivided until 1966. A comparison of inter- and intra-community out-migration in Oshigambo parish shows that only 22 per cent of out-migrants of the follow-up population moved from Oshigambo to outside of the Ondonga community between 1925 and 1965. Inter-community moves were distributed quite evenly throughout the study period. Migration between Oshigambo and the other Ondonga villages concentrated on parishes located closest to Oshigambo: Onayena (south of Oshigambo), Oniipa (southwest of Oshigambo), and Oshitaji (west of Oshigambo). Excluding the

Migration 127

Table 10.2 Out-migration of females and males from Oshigambo parish to the other Ondonga parishes and outside Ondonga, 1925–65 Out-migration to the other Ondonga parishes N %

Out-migration outside Ondonga N %

Total N

%

Males Females

57 147

72.2 79.9

22 37

27.8 20.1

79 184

100 100

Total

204

77.6

59

22.4

263

100

returning migrant workers from the analysis, females dominated inter-community migration. Analysis of intra-community migration in Oshigambo reveals that the frequency of moves of females was even higher in intra- than inter-community migration. In absolute figures, intra-community moves by females were 2.6 times more frequent than moves by males in Oshigambo parish, whereas in inter-community migration the difference for females was reduced to 1.7 times. It is obvious that the pattern of intra-community migration and the proportion between intra- and inter-community migration did not differ noticeably between Oshigambo and the other sample parishes. 10.2.4

What do the migration flows demonstrate?

Owing to the under-registration of moves, the results of migration flows have to be interpreted as more suggestive than exact. However, the migration data enable us to identify spatial biases in the migratory flows. Migration in Ovamboland was rural–rural migration almost throughout the study period. Urbanization in Ovamboland started only in the 1970s and has been slow. Based on the Oshigambo case, about three-fourths of all moves were intracommunity moves where the radius of move was limited to 30–40 km. The proportion of intra-community moves would have increased further if it had been possible to investigate the short-distance moves within a parish which have now been excluded from the analysis. Most of the inter-community moves occurred between the neighbouring communities and the radius of move was extended to about


50 km. An interesting aspect related to migration was that interregional and international migration remained marginal throughout the study period. The migration data confirm the effectiveness of the South African policy of ethnic and racial segregation. Those who were allowed to move legally from Ovamboland moved to urban centres located in the white farming area in the police zone but no one moved from Ovamboland to the other African native reserves or ‘homelands’ in the Namibian territory. Excluding the returning migrant labourers from the analysis, inter-community moves of females were 1.5 times more frequent than moves of males. The sex composition of migration flows differed in Ovamboland from the pattern of intra-rural migration flows in SubSaharan Africa. For example, in Botswana the National Migration Survey in 1978–79 recorded equal numbers of males and females as intra-rural movers, whereas males dominated migration to towns and commercial centres. Migration studies from West Africa show that the proportion of females in migration streams was increasing in the 1960s and 1970s (Oucho and Gould, 1993: 267). In Ovamboland, important reasons for the predominance of females in migration flows were the very late start of urbanization, the interregional moving restrictions imposed by the South African administration, and the very low diversification of the economy. In a society based on subsistence farming, labour migration, small-scale trading and handicrafts, as in Ovamboland, moves were mainly connected with access to land and marriages. The economic structure of the society partly explains the predominance of females in inter-community migration.

10.3 10.3.1

Who were the migrants? Ethnic mixing of population

During the pre-colonial era the Namibian side of Ovamboland was divided into 8 independent communities. The indirect rule practised by the South African colonial government was based on the social and economic structures of the traditional Ovambo communities. Only the small communities of Uukolonkadhi and Eunda were united as one administrative unit. The borders of the administrative districts mainly followed the traditional community borders. In addition to political and socio-economic differences, important

Migration 129

factors that have separated people living in the different Ovambo communities from one another have been kinship ties. The dialects of the Ovambo language, Oshiwambo, differ from each other, but variances in dialects do not obviate communication between members of different communities. When people were married their ethnic origin was normally recorded in the parish registers. Data presenting the ethnic origin of spouses include both persons who were living permanently in the community before the date of marriage and also those who had moved there before the date of marriage. The objective of Table 10.3 is to illustrate the mixing of the population between the different Ovambo communities and other parts of South West Africa/Namibia before the date of marriage. In about 10 per cent of the marriages under consideration, the bridegroom was from another ethnic group, and the bride, in about 8 per cent of marriages. The ethnic distinction was missing from 1038 bridegrooms and 869 brides. It is very probable that the great majority of these people were married in communities of their own ethnic group. In Okahao, and especially in Tshandi, the great number of missing ethnic distinctions would probably have increased the proportional share of bridegrooms and brides who were born in the community where they married. Despite the concentration of missing ethnic distinctions in Tshandi and Okahao, it seems that the mixing of population was more frequent in the western Ovambo communities: Ongandjera and especially Ombalantu, and probably even in Uukwaluudhi if the ethnic origin of spouses had been better noted. In Nakayale parish about 33 per cent of bridegrooms and 32 per cent of brides were not Mbalantus. The lowest ethnic mixing of population was in Oshigambo parish, where only 6 per cent of bridegrooms and 3 per cent of brides were not Ndongas. The ethnic origin of spouses indicate that mixing of population in Ovamboland between different communities and surrounding regions was minimal in the parish record data except for Ombalantu and Ongandjera, and probably even Uukwaluudhi. The only accessible comparative results of the ethnic origin of spouses are related to the marital behaviour of migrant labourers in the late 1960s. According to Banghart (1969: 129), 14 per cent of his married male informants had married members of different communities. He also emphasizes that before the increase of migrant work


Table 10.3 Ethnic origin of spouses in Ovamboland by parish and sex (marriage cohorts 1925–85) Male Parish where married Community

Elim

Uukwanyama 29 Uukwambi (1668) Ombalantu 15 Ongandjera 17 Ondonga 36 Uukwaluudhi 1 Other parts of Ovamboland 8 Areas outside Ovamboland 9 Total

115

Nakayale

Okahao

10 9 (501) 21 20 26 160 5

10 38 13 (1288) 20 80 13 17

251

191

Oshigambo 56 7

Tshandi

Total

4 (1462) 1 1 23

3 1 9 4 2 (383) 3 8

108 55 37 46 78 108 185 62

92

30

679

Female Parish where married Community

Elim

Uukwanyama 11 Uukwambi (1820) Ombalantu 5 Ongandjera 7 Ondonga 28 Uukwaluudhi 3 Other parts of Ovamboland 1 Areas outside Ovamboland Total

55

Nakayale

Okahao

Oshigambo

Tshandi

8 22 (532) 31 35 32 121 3

10 24 8 (1366) 23 70 8 8

36 3 1 1 (1522) 2 1 2

3 1 9 4 1 (389) 8

68 50 23 43 87 107 139 13

252

151

46

26

530

Ethnic distinction missing: Parish Elim Nakayale Okahao Oshigambo Tshandi Total

Male

Female

148 39 263 27 561

56 16 225 13 559

1038

869

Total

Migration 131

in the mid-1940s, marriages between members of different communities had been rare.

10.3.2

Migration and marriage

With relation to the causal factors for moves, the analysis will focus on socio-economic and age selectivity in migration. In addition to love, socio-economic issues figure in entering into matrimony. In Ovamboland, the first big economic issue to be solved by the young couple was the establishment of their own homestead and access to land (see section 10.5.2 below). The aim of the analysis of migration and marriage is to investigate the timing of moves and the socioeconomic connections related to moves. According to the constitution of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Ovamboland, the contract of marriage was entered at the parish of the bride (Ambomaan evankelis-luterilaisen kirkon järjestyssäännöt, Ordinance of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Ovamboland, 1924, 1929, 1938, Hha:2, NAF). In considering the timing of moves in the marriage cohorts Figure 10.5 cannot be considered final. The number of moves in the class migration after 5 years from the date of marriage will increase because many of the follow-up persons in the marriage cohorts (1956–65), (1966–75), and (1976–85) are still potential movers. The division of the timing of moves between different classes have to be interpreted against this background. The total number of moves of males were concentrated in the time before the date of marriage. The figures presenting the total number of moves of males are not comparable to those of females, because returning migrant labourers who were baptized during their stay in the police zone have been included with migrants. For example, in the marriage cohort 1946–55, 88 per cent of the moves of males occurred before the date of marriage, but among women, only 44 per cent. In Figure 10.5 male in-migrants outside Ovamboland were excluded. After excluding the returning migrant labourers from the analysis, moves of males before the date of marriage were proportionally more frequent than moves of females. The parish record data suggest that the peak of migration was around the date of marriage. About 31 per cent of the moves of females and about 20 per cent of the moves of males occurred between 1 year before and 1 year after


Figure 10.5 Date of marriage and migration in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85)1 40

Males

30 20 10 1925-35

1946-55 1956-65 Marriage cohort 1 Male in-migrants outside Ovamboland excluded 60

1936-45

1966-75

1976-85

1936-45

1966-75

1976-85

Females

50 40 30 20 10 1925-35

1946-55 1956-65 Marriage cohort Time elapsed from the date of marriage in years -5

-5-1

-1-0

0-1

1-5

5-

the date of marriage. Characteristic of moves around the date of marriage was that moves of males concentrated more on the year before the date of marriage and moves of females on the year after the date of marriage. Over 40 per cent of moves took place in the first two marriage cohorts, both among females and males, between 1 year before and 5 years after the date of marriage. Since the marriage cohort 1946–55, the proportion of moves concentrated in this period has decreased, especially among males. In reality, the proportional

Migration 133

Figure 10.6 Migration and marriage among in-migrant Ovambo men from the police zone (marriage cohorts 1925–85) 300 250 200 150 100 50

1925-35

1936-45

1946-55 1956-65 Marriage cohort Time elapsed from the date of marriage in years -5 -5-1 -1-0 0-5

1966-75

1976-85

decrease would be even sharper than Figure 10.5 illustrates, because the living follow-up persons of the previous 3 marriage cohorts – (1956–65), (1966–75), and (1976–85) – were still potential movers. Characteristic of the Ovambo migrant labour system was that young able-bodied men were preferred when workers were recruited. When signing the first working contract, most migrant labourers were unmarried (ANCO, Granting of leave to Ovambos in the zone to proceed home, Oshikango, 16 August 1941, NAO 5, 2/1, v.4, NAN). In the migration data before the marriage cohort 1956–65, in-migrants from the police zone moved to Ovamboland 5 years or closer to the date of marriage. Men worked 1 to 3 contract periods before they married. However, in the last 3 marriage cohorts about 65 per cent of the men who were baptized in the south were registered as inmigrants more than 5 years before the date of marriage. The migration data reveal that the contract work period of men before they married was lengthening during the period under consideration. Because Oshigambo parish remained undivided until 1966, it is possible to approach the problems of migration and marriage on an intra-community level also. In interpreting the Oshigambo


Figure 10.7 1925–65 20

Date of marriage and out-migration in Oshigambo parish,

Males

10 1925-35

1936-45 1946-55 Marriage cohort

1956-65

1936-45 1946-55 Marriage cohort Time elapsed from the date of marriage in years -10-0 0-1 1-10 10-

1956-65

Females 50 40 30 20 10 1925-35

results, we have to take into account that about 78 per cent of moves were intra-community moves. In addition, the intracommunity moves of females were 2.6 times more frequent than moves of males, whereas in the inter-community migration moves of females were only 1.7 times more frequent compared to moves of males in Oshigambo. The greatest difference between the Oshigambo case and the timing of inter-community moves in the sample parishes was that moves from Oshigambo to the other Lutheran parishes in Ondonga, or to the other Lutheran parishes in Ovamboland, were rare before the date of marriage. Among males there occurred only one intra-community move before the date of marriage. Female out-migration in Oshigambo concentrated in the first year of marriage. Moves of males were divided more evenly among the first 10 marriage years. Another noticeable difference between the Oshigambo case and the inter-community out-migration pattern

Migration 135

was the great proportional share of moves after 10 marriage years in the first 2 marriage cohorts. The main reason for the sharp decline of moves after 10 years from the date of marriage in the last 2 marriage cohorts was that, in the Oshigambo case, the follow-up was ended in 1965. If the follow-up had continued until 1992 that would probably have increased the proportional share of this class in Oshigambo parish. Therefore the last 2 cohorts are not comparable to the corresponding cohorts dealing with inter-community migration. The Oshigambo example indicates that the pattern of intra- and inter-community migration differed noticeably from each other. Compared to moves of males, moves of females were even more frequent at the intra- rather than inter-community level. Moves of both sexes were closely related to entering into matrimony. In Oshigambo parish, persons who were not compelled to move did not move before the date of marriage. The question of marriage and move was closely related to the access to land (see section 10.5.2 below). 10.3.3

Age of migrants

The age structure of male migrants is misleading compared to the age structure of female migrants and where the emphasis is on intercommunity migration. Excluding the returning migrant labourers from the analysis, the age structure of male migrants changes significantly. Generally, male migrants were older than female migrants. Migration of males were concentrated quite evenly in 2 age groups – 20–29 years and 30–39 years – though the frequency of female migrants was highest in the age group 20–29 years. Another noticeable distinction between female and male migrants was the greater proportion of young women (younger than 20 years) among movers. Accordingly, moves of persons – especially among females – older than 50 years were marginal. In-migration of males from the police zone concentrated very firmly in the age group 20–29 years. The age structure of both interregional and inter-community migrants confirms the close connection between migration and marriage. In-migrant males from the police zone were slightly older than the mean age of males at the first marriage. For example, in the marriage cohort 1956–65,


Figure 10.8 30

Age of migrants in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85)1

Males

20 10 1925-35

1936-45

1946-55 1956-65 Marriage cohort 1 Male in-migrants outside Ovamboland excluded

1966-75

1976-85

1966-75

1976-85

80 Females 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 1925-35

1936-45


Age -19

20-29

30-39

40-49

50-

95 per cent of in-migrant males were 20 years or older, and 14 per cent 30 years or older. In all marriage cohorts, about 13 per cent of in-migrant males from the police zone were 30 years or older. The increase of migrant work among young Ovambo men partly explains the rise of the mean age of men at the first marriage since the 1950s. The results of research on the marriage age among migrant labourers are parallel to Banghart’s (1969: 126) findings from the late 1960s. He estimated that the mean age of his informants at the first marriage was around 30 years. Banghart forecast that, following the increase in labour migration, the ‘tendency to marry late is bound to increase proportionately’. According to Banghart, the most important reasons for postponing marriage were economic.

Migration 137

Figure 10.9 Age of in-migrant males from the police zone to Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–85)1 350 300 250 200 150 100 50 1925-35

1936-45


1966-75

1976-85

Age -19

20-29

30-39

40-49

50-

1

The figure includes international migration: - South Africa, 17 immigrants - Angola, 5 immigrants

10.3.4

Dissolution of the marriage and migration

An insecure position and discrimination are common problems met by widows and divorced women in Africa after the dissolution of a marriage. In many countries, widows have not had any legal protection after the death of their husbands because inheritance has been governed by customary law. Not even the existence of a will has guaranteed the rights of an individual in the face of opposition from the kin group (see, for example, Moore and Vaughan, 1994: 140–64). Therefore, widows and divorced women form a special group in an analysis of the causal factors for migration in SubSaharan African societies. In analysing the connection between dissolution of the marriage and migration, the last marriage cohort, 1976–85, has been excluded from the analysis due to the brevity of the follow-up period. During the period 1925–75, 7182 marriage contracts were


Table 10.4 Moves by women after the dissolution of a marriage in Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–75) Elim

1925–35 1936–45 1946–55 1956–65 1966–75 Total

Nakayale

Okahao Oshigambo Tshandi

Total

M

W

M

W

M

W

M

W

M

W

M

W

27 30 30 12 4

72 83 80 34 10

16 9 12 5 1

33 19 43 26 17

7 14 17 5 8

33 42 69 58 36

6 18 30 20 3

27 69 73 62 23

12 7 4 5 3

26 35 30 37 19

68 78 93 47 19

191 248 295 217 105

103

279

43

138

51

238

77

254

31

147

305 1056

M = The number of moves W = The number of women

entered in the sample parishes, but due to poor follow-up information only 6429 marriages could be included in the final data. Of these marriages, 1774 were dissolved. The cause for the dissolution of the marriage was in 410 cases the death of the wife, in 976 cases the death of the husband, in 377 cases divorce, and in 11 cases the cause was unknown. When focusing the analysis on the dissolution of the marriages of women, cases where the date of the expiration of the marriage was missing were also excluded from the final data. After this exclusion the final data included 1056 dissolved marriages, 955 ended due to the death of the husband, and in 101 cases the cause of the dissolution of the marriage was divorce. Of these 1056 women, 305 (28.9 per cent) moved during the follow-up, 56 (5.3 per cent) were excommunicated, and one converted to Catholicism. The number of moves (305) include both intra- (253) and inter-community (52) moves. Moves after the dissolution of the marriage were most frequent in Elim – about 37 per cent of widows or divorced women moved – and least frequent in Tshandi and Okahao – about 21 per cent of widows or divorced women moved. Comparison of the rate of out-migration between the different marriage cohorts is problematic because especially the last 3 marriage cohorts still include many potential migrants. Moving distances of widows and divorced women were slightly shorter compared to the general intra- and inter-community migration of females in Oshigambo parish during the period 1925–65. About 83 per cent of the moves of widows and divorced women were within

Migration 139

Table 10.5 Time elapsed between the dissolution of a marriage and a move, Ovamboland, 1925–92 (marriage cohorts 1925–75)1 Time elapsed between dissolution of marriage and move

Intercommunity moves1

%

Intracommunity moves

%

All moves

%

0–4 years 5–9 10–14 15–19 20–

32 6 6 4 4

61.5 11.5 11.5 7.7 7.7

103 51 31 20 48

40.7 20.2 12.3 7.9 19.0

135 57 37 24 52

44.3 18.7 12.1 7.9 17.0

Total

52

1

100

253

100

305

100

Includes 3 inter-regional moves (to the police zone)

the community, and only 17 per cent were inter-community moves (cf. Table 10.2). The distinction in the behaviour between men and women after the dissolution of a marriage was that, for men, the dissolution of the marriage did not create pressure to move. In the migration data there were no males who moved after the dissolution of the marriage. The most important reasons why men did not move after the dissolution of the marriage were related to inheritance and property rights (see section 10.5.4 below). Migration of widows and divorced women followed the general inter-community migration pattern (see section 10.2.2 above). Uukwanyama was the destination of the move for more than onethird of the widows and divorced women. Inter-community moves of widows and divorced women were more frequent from Nakayale and Tshandi parishes than from the other parishes. From every community, most of the inter-community moves were to the neighbouring communities. The time that elapsed between the dissolution of a marriage and a move deviated noticeably between inter-community and intra-community migrants. About 61 per cent of inter-community moves occurred within 4 years of the dissolution of the marriage, but only 41 per cent of intra-community moves. Another distinctive factor between inter- and intra-community migrants was that 73 per cent of inter-community moves occurred within 9 years of the dissolution of the marriage, whereas intra-community moves were spread over a longer time frame.


Table 10.6 Age structure of female migrants after the dissolution of a marriage, Ovamboland (marriage cohorts 1925–75)1 Age when moved

Intercommunity moves1

%

Intracommunity moves

%

All moves

%

–29 years 30–39 40–49 50–59 60–

12 15 9 7 9

23.1 28.8 17.3 13.5 17.3

13 42 59 68 71

5.1 16.6 23.3 26.9 28.1

25 57 68 75 80

8.2 18.7 22.3 24.6 26.2

Total

52

1

100

253

100

305

100

Includes 3 inter-regional moves (to the police zone)

The age structure of female migrants after the dissolution of the marriage reveals that migration of widows and divorced women was not age selective. Even the older women, 50 years or more, were well represented in the migration data. However, the distances of moves of the older women were shorter than those among younger women. The even distribution of moves between different age groups is an indication of the insecure position of a woman after the dissolution of the marriage. The chances of the older women in the marriage markets were poor, and opportunities for widows to continue living on the land acquired by their deceased husband depended on the relatives of their deceased husband and on the ‘ward owners’. As a whole, moves among widows and divorced women were frequent and were related to land use and inheritance rights (for more about inheritance and land use rights, see sections 10.5.2 and 10.5.4).

10.4

Causes of periodic variation in migration

10.4.1 The connection between droughts, famines, diseases, and migration Drought has been a recurrent phenomenon in Ovamboland. The Ovambo food production and distribution system was able to survive local crop failures and separate years of drought by using grain stores collected during years of good harvest and by trading with foodstuffs, especially with grain (see, for example, NC, AR

Migration 141

1924, NAO 18, 11/1, NAN). However, the outbreak of famines could not be avoided if crop failures were regional and droughts lasted longer than one growing season. In order to measure the severity of famines which broke out during the period under study, it is worth presenting the 1915/16 famine – the most serious famine in Ovamboland in the last 150 years. The 1915/16 famine left over 20 000 people dead out of Ovamboland’s total population of about 100 000. The estimate is based on the register for deaths of Oshigambo and Elim parishes. The first indications of a widespread catastrophic drought were seen in early 1915. Rainfall at the turn of 1914/15 was very sparse and a caterpillar infestation destroyed most of the meagre harvest (Siiskonen, 1998: 229–231). The famine was called by the Kwanyama ondjala yawekomba (‘the famine that swept’) (Hayes, 1992: 199–207). In comparing the connection between out-migration and low rainfall, one further factor has to be taken into account. This is the very uneven distribution of rainfall between different parts of Ovamboland. The main reason for this is that most of the rainfall is of the convectional thunderstorm type; a single storm may precipitate a great share of the annual rainfall, but this may only be of a very local nature (Wellington, 1967: 36). In addition to coincidental variation in the rainfall, small differences in the distribution of average annual rainfall can be noticed between the various parts of Ovamboland. Near the Angolan border the rainfall is about 100 mm higher than in the southern part of Ovamboland (Ondangwa 474 mm, Odibo 559 mm) (Rainfall statistics: Ondangwa, Weather Bureau, Windhoek). The peaks of out-migration in the migration data coincided very clearly to years of drought and crop failures between 1925 and 1950. From 1928/29 there occurred a succession of drought years (with only 1 ‘wet’ year in a sequence of 5) lasting until 1932/33. This constituted the longest continuous period of drought and famine in the first half of the twentieth century. Another severe regional drought ravaged in 1940/41. Even though the 1940/41 drought lasted only one year, a famine broke out because the grain stores of households were exhausted during the previous regional drought in 1938/39 (MMC at Ongwediva, 10–11 January 1940, Hha:18, NAF; MMC at Oniipa, 21–22 January 1942, Hha:19, NAF). Even though the rate of inter-community out-migration dropped and remained on a very


Figure 10.10 Deviation of rainfall from the annual average in Ondangwa, 1924/25–1987/88

100 80 60 40 %

20 0

–20 –40 –60 *no data –80 –100 1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

low level beginning with the 1950s, almost all small peaks in the rate of out-migration thereafter were related to years of drought and famine. The last severe droughts in Namibia and Ovamboland were at the beginning of the 1980s and 1990s (see, for example, The National Drought Task Force Office of the Prime Minister, 1993). For instance, in 1982/83 the rainfall during the agriculturally critical months in Ondangwa was only 56 per cent of the average and 61 per cent in Oshigambo (Rainfall statistics: Ondangwa, Weather Bureau, Windhoek). The most important traditional coping strategy for famines and crop failures among the Ovambos was the liquidation of savings, which meant especially exchanging cattle for grain. For example, in 1929 when the famine broke out in Ondonga, grain was obtained from up to 120 km away (MMC at Olukonda, 15 January 1930, Hha:11, NAF). If households failed to acquire grain by trading, they were compelled temporarily to leave their homes (see, for instance, MMC at Olukonda, 15 January 1930, Hha:11, NAF). The great majority of ‘hunger refugees’ returned back to

Migration 143

their homes when famines receded. Unfortunately, these temporary moves were not normally registered in the parish records (Siiskonen, 1998: 232–34). The mobility of the population during the years of famine would have been much higher if the colonial administration had not relieved famines by food aid and famine relief works. Meteorologically, the 1928/29–1932/33 drought was even more severe than the 1915/16 drought, but only a few people died during the famine. In oral histories this famine has been labelled as ‘the famine of the dams’ (Hayes, 1992: 309–17). The famine got its name from a foodfor-work programme organized by the colonial administration to improve the bad nutritional circumstances and prevent the wandering of great numbers of ‘hunger refugees’. The aim of the relief work programme was to improve the water supply in Ovamboland by dam-building projects. The programme was generally well received in the Ovambo communities with a few exceptions, and it decreased in a noticeable way movement of population during the famine. For example, in Ondonga the introduction of the dam construction programme provided the most important means of stabilizing the population and preventing further larger-scale population movement and the political and economic disruption that this would have created. Missionary Mr Petäjä at Engela claimed that the programme was instrumental in preventing a repetition of the death toll of 1915/16 (MMC at Onajena, 13–15 January 1931, Hha:11, NAF). During the South African colonial period, famine relief works formed an important new element in the coping strategy for famines. Thanks to relief aid there have not been ‘famines that kill’ in Ovamboland since the 1920s, even though ecological conditions which might have caused the outbreak of very severe famines prevailed several times. Migrant work supplemented the famine coping strategies in the Ovambo communities. As early as the great 1915/16 famine a large number of starving Ovambos left for the police zone to look for food and work there (MMC at Olukonda, 22 March 1916, Hha:7, NAF). When a crop failure was threatening a community or part of it, the interest in leaving for migrant work increased noticeably among young men, according to the observations by missionaries before the 1950s (see, for example, MMC, 8 April 1926, Hha:9, NAF; MMC at Oniipa, 21–22 January 1942, Hha:19, NAF). During the


‘famine of the dams’ the colonial administration expected that ablebodied men would look for work in the south on road construction schemes launched by the colonial administration to compensate for a decreased demand for mine labour (Hayes, 1992: 329–30). Correspondingly, the vast bulk of dam labour was composed of women and children over 8 years old (MMC at Onajena, 13–15 January 1931, Hha:11, NAF). It is impossible to prove the importance of migrant work as a coping strategy for famines by a quantitative indicator based on parish records, because leaving migrant workers were not registered in any way in their home parish. Due to great annual variation in recruitment of migrant labourers between various communities and the local nature of many crop failures, it is too risky to draw a straight link between famines and migrant work on a regional level. The community level offers better opportunities for analysing the connection between migrant work and famines. The best example of using migrant work as a coping strategy for a famine is from Ondonga from the end of the 1920s. Owing to poor rains in 1928, the nutritional level started to deteriorate, especially in the eastern parts of Ondonga, and led to the outbreak of a famine the following year. In addition to traditional methods, Ndongas tried to relieve the famine by migrant work. The number of recruited migrant workers increased in Ondonga from 929 in 1928 to 1667 in 1929 (cf. Table 10.8). The Native Commissioner of Ovamboland commented on the sharp increase in recruitment of migrant workers from Ondonga in his annual report for 1929: This is due to the fact that it is the area (Ondonga) where the famine is most severe and able-bodied men who otherwise would not have left the country have been compelled to take up employment in order to earn money to provide for their families. (NC, AR 1929, NAO 18, 11/1, v.2, NAN) The role of migrant work as a coping strategy for famine has diminished since the mid-1940s when the number of recruited migrant workers started to increase rapidly. Migrant work was changing from a coincidental source of income to the most important permanent source of income for many households. According to Bruwer (1961: 86), about 38 per cent of the adult male population

Migration 145

of Uukwanyama participated annually in labour migration in the late 1950s. Famine and disease are closely related to one another and have caused large-scale population movements. However, in Ovamboland there was no outbreak of any serious regional epidemic diseases during the study period. The biggest risks for the expansion of epidemic diseases were during the famine relief works, when hundreds of poorly nourished people had gathered for dam-building schemes. Based on the parish record data and reports of missionaries and colonial authorities, local epidemics did not increase movement of population within Ovamboland. 10.4.2

Politics and migration

The collapse of Portuguese colonialism in Angola in 1974/75 totally changed South Africa’s attitude to the controlling of the Namibian– Angolan border. Until the mid-1970s, the liberation struggle of the Namibian people that had broken out in Ovamboland in 1966 had concentrated on Caprivi from where guerrillas had a supply line to Zambia. Even though there was a continuous movement of cattle and people across the Namibian–Angolan border, Portuguese military control in the area prevented the expansion of the liberation struggle from Caprivi to Ovamboland. The collapse of the government that had supported South Africa in Angola opened the whole of Namibia’s northern border to PLAN (People’s Liberation Army of Namibia) fighters (Cliffe et al., 1994: 20–21; Namibia: The Facts, 1989: 84–8). The changing of the political situation in Angola opened a direct connection from Ovamboland to Zambia, where the SWAPO government-in-exile had its headquarters and where officials for an independent Namibia were going to be trained. The changing of the political situation in Angola started a mass emigration from Ovamboland via Angola to Zambia at the beginning of 1974 (Peltola, 1995: 122). The South African colonial administration drew attention to the emigration, in July, by inviting representatives of the Churches working in Ovamboland to discuss how to stop the exodus. The superior of the Finnish mission field in Namibia, Mr Olle Eriksson, estimated that about 4000 members of the OvamboKavango Church left for Zambia during 1974. According to Eriksson, most of the emigrants were young men and women. For


example, about 30 nurses from Onandjokwe Hospital in Ondonga left for Zambia in 1974 without giving any notice (O. Eriksson, Annual Report of the South West African Mission Field for 1974, Oniipa, 16 January 1975, Hha:43, FELM). The political changes in Angola and the escalation of the liberation struggle from Caprivi to Ovamboland partly explain the sharp drop in the rate of out-migration after the date of marriage in the marriage cohorts during the second half of the 1970s (see Figures 10.1 and 10.2). At the beginning of the 1980s the registered rate of out-migration returned to the level where it had been since the 1950s. In explaining the sharp drop in the rate of mobility after the date of marriage during the late 1970s it is very obvious that some of the younger follow-up persons in the marriage cohort data emigrated to Zambia or Angola without registering their move, even though moves of single persons were more frequent than moves of married persons. People who left for exile or joined the liberation army could not register their move for security reasons. Registration of the move might also have caused extra trouble for their relatives and friends. Often, moves occurred so quickly that people did not have any opportunity to register or they did not want to inform anyone about their decision. Unfortunately, the parish record data do not enable us to estimate the number of exiles in the marriage cohorts during the liberation struggle. However, an attempt to investigate this question could be made by comparing the marriage cohort data to the lists of migrants returned from exile during the transition period to independence in 1989–90. It is worth emphasizing that leaving for exile continued in the 1980s, but the first mass exodus was concentrated in the second half of the 1970s. During the year 1989, about 45 000 exiles were repatriated to Namibia, of whom about 80 per cent resettled in Ovamboland (Pendleton et al., 1992: 4).

10.5 Causes of the long-term decrease in the rate of mobility 10.5.1

Urbanization and migration

The sharp decrease in the rate of inter-community mobility in the second half of the 1970s cannot only be explained by unregistered

Migration 147

moves to Zambia and Angola. Another important factor was the establishment of the war economy owing to the escalation of the military activities from Kavango and Caprivi to Ovamboland (Namibia in the 1980s, 1986: 38–42). The influx of the South African troops created jobs in Ovamboland – for example, in building – and catalysed the economy in the Oshakati-Ondangwa area, where urban centres were developing. According to Pendleton et al. (1992: 4, 31, 141), about 70 per cent of the interviewed people (n = 392) living in the Oshakati-Ondangwa area in 1990 had moved there for employment reasons. Family reasons, the need for land, and insecurity in rural areas had been the other important motives behind the decision to move. Despite the fact that travel in Ovamboland was concentrated on the main roads leading from Uukwanyama and Ombalantu via Ondangwa to Tsumeb in the police zone, this did not lead to the growth of urban centres along the main roads during the first half of the twentieth century. Not even the headquarters of the colonial administration (Ondangwa and Oshikango) were classified as urban centres in the 1950s. In the late 1940s plans were made to move the administrative headquarters from Ondangwa (composed of a few dozen Europeans) to Oshigambo, owing to Ondangwa’s poor water supply (Director of Works to the Administrator-in-Advisory Council (undated, 1948), SWAA 1504, A.266/48, v.3, NAN). The memorandum of the Director of Works from 1948 highlights well how great a constraint water was for urbanization in Ovamboland. Water will have to be found to serve development in the sense of the establishment of hospitals, clinics, schools and hostels, which are bound to come in future. So far as we are aware no major institution can be based so far as water supply is concerned on any of the existing settlement sites. (Director of Works to the Administrator-in-Advisory Council, (undated, 1948), NAO 101, 43/1, NAN) Due to the poor water supply system the growth of urban centres was impossible in Ovamboland up to the 1960s. Intensive development of water supplies was started in Ovamboland in 1954. In the first phase, the programme concentrated on providing adequate


supplies for local communities by constructing excavation dams. The next stage in the development was to improve the year-round water supply by constructing floodwater collecting canals which tapped the whole oshana system. The first of these canals, Okatana Canal – completed in 1960 – improved the water supply in Ombalantu and in the northern part of Uukwambi, and the Etaka Canal in Eunda, Tshandi area, and the northern part of Ongandjera (Director of Water Affairs, 1968: 35–42). The completion of the third phase of the water supply scheme during the 1970s noticeably improved the water supply in the most densely populated parts of Ovamboland. Water was pumped from the Cunene River through a pipeline as far as Oshakati and Ondangwa. The third phase of the water supply scheme was related to the building of a hydroelectric power station on the Ruacana Falls in the Cunene River (Claassen and Page, 1978: 21–2), which went into operation in 1982 (Turner, 1983: 19). The improvement of the water supply system created preconditions for urbanization. In 1968, the biggest township in Ovamboland was Oshakati (150 houses) owing to the establishment of the first large state hospital there (Director of Water Affairs, 1968: 21). Until the 1980s the urban population was concentrated almost totally in Oshakati and Ondangwa, but since then small urban centres have grown in different parts of the region (such as Eenhana in Uukwanyama and Oshikuku in Uukwambi). The growth of urban centres in the 1980s was not based on natural diversification of the economy but on a war economy and expansion of administration and informal marketing (Pallett, 1994: 22). Compared to other ‘homelands’ in Namibian territory in 1970, Oshakati and Ondangwa were the largest urban centres except for Rehoboth – the centre of the ‘homeland’ for coloureds – outside the white farming area (Simon, 1982: 241). The findings of Pendleton et al. (1992: 104–5) show that the rapid urban growth in the Oshakati-Ondangwa area started in the 1980s. Of the 514 households interviewed in the Oshakati-Ondangwa area, 53.7 per cent had lived less than 9 years at their present place of residence and only 23.9 per cent over 13 years. The great majority of the households (86 per cent) had moved to their present residence from within the community or from the neighbouring communities. Of the 68 households which had moved outside the neighbouring communities, 30 came from Angola. The great majority (77 per

Figure 10.11

The Ovambo water supply system and the proposed development in 1968

149

Source: Director of Water Affairs, 1968: map 10.


Table 10.7 Urban population in Ovamboland, 1970–91, and the growth of Oshakati and Ondangwa townships, 1970–90 a) Urban population in Ovamboland, 1970–91 Ovamboland total population

1970 1981 1991

305 600 452 000 618 100

Urban population Male

Female

Total

3500 2100 19 800

2100 2600 24 000

5600 4700 43 800

Source: Republic of Namibia, 1993b: 25–6

b) The growth of Oshakati and Ondangwa townships, 1970–90

1970 1981 1991

Oshakati

Ondangwa

2831 3684 21603

2614 1049 7926

Source: Republic of South Africa, 1978: table 1; SWA/Namibia Today, 1988: 13; Tvedten and Mupotola, 1995: 7

cent) of the households interviewed were living permanently in the Oshakati-Ondangwa area. Of those households who were residing temporarily in the research area, only about 17 per cent came from outside the Oshakati-Ondangwa area or outside the neighbouring communities. Urban centres attracted people especially from the surrounding areas but only a few from more distant rural areas. Urbanization has had an impact on migration behaviour and migration data only since the 1970s. The acceleration of urbanization explains partly the sharp drop in the rate of inter-community mobility during the second half of the 1970s because many rural–urban migrants did not register their move in their area of origin. In discussions with people living in the urban areas, it came out that many people who had moved to urban centres were still members of the parish of their previous place of residence. Urbanization is increasing the rate of mobility in Ovamboland, but in the parish record data a great proportion of this movement remains invisible. Since the beginning of the 1970s also interregional rural–urban movement of population started to increase. An important impetus for this was the contract workers’ strike in

Migration 151

1971/72. It was the first general strike in Namibia and compelled the South African administration to allow more flexibility in working contracts, which increased movement of population from Ovamboland to the urban centres in the police zone (Peltola, 1995: 111–20). Like the increasing rural–urban migration within Ovamboland, movement of population to the police zone remained invisible in the parish record data. 10.5.2

Land and the Ovambo way of life

Frayne (1992: 23), like Pendleton et al. (1992: 4, 31, 141), emphasizes that, in addition to war, other important reasons for the rapid urban growth in Ovamboland in the 1980s were the growing pressure on the land as a consequence of population growth, the severe drought in the first half of the 1980s, and inefficient agricultural techniques. Difficulties in the countryside did not become critical only in the 1980s, but urbanization offered one option to try to solve problems related to subsistence. Another option that had been used since the beginning of the twentieth century was migrant work in the police zone. Since the mid-1940s shortage of land and difficulties in gaining access to it were important factors that explain the decrease in the rate of inter-community mobility in Ovamboland. Prior to the colonial era, land in Ovamboland belonged to the hereditary kings or headmen, who had the overall power of allocating it to people in their respective areas. The establishment of the South African Administration changed juridically the system of allocation of land and other resources in native reserves and native territories. The Native Administration Proclamation of 1922 issued by the Administrator of South West Africa transferred most powers of traditional leaders to local magistrates. Despite the fact that magistrates and government officials had legal power to grant access to land, traditional leaders, through their advisory power, were still authorities to whom one went on questions of access to land. The legal framework governing access to lands in communal areas is still confused in Namibia (Fuller and Turner, 1996: 7–25). The beginning of the South African colonial period also led to changes in the political organization of the Ovambo communities. Kings were replaced in Uukwanyama (1917) and Uukwambi (1932) by councils of headmen. In communities governed by the councils of


headmen (Uukwanyama, Uukwambi, Ombalantu, and Uukolonkadhi and Eunda), the power to allot land was transferred to the senior headmen. When a senior headman died or retired, land tenure in the district of jurisdiction passed to his successor. Land tenure became a privilege of office and not a right of inheritance, because the posts of headmen were not hereditary. In those Ovambo communities where kings still exist (Ondonga, Ongandjera, and Uukwaluudhi) they have retained their ultimate right to allocate land within their jurisdiction. Independent of the system of government, kings or senior headmen have sold the rights to allocate land to headmen of wards, who have allocated the land to households (NEPRU, 1991: 555–6; Bruwer, 1961: 66–7; Gordon, 1978: 280–81). The need for land became important when a man was going to marry or was married and wanted to establish his own homestead. Land was applied for from a headman of a ward. Normally the headman charged the applicant for the right to some farm-land in the inhabited part of the community if there was free arable land available. The boundaries of the homestead, which consisted of the dwelling and fields, were fixed. If there was not free land available for a homestead, the applicant had to wait until land became available – for example, through the deaths of farmers. Until then the young married couple had to live with their relatives (see, for instance, NEPRU, 1991: 216; Kreike, 1995: 10–15; Kreike, 1996: 252–62). Applicants for homesteads wanted to get land from the inhabited part of the community that formed a unified population cluster and was located ecologically in the most fertile area of the community. If the applicant for a homestead wanted to establish a farm outside the inhabited area, he had the right to do that. At the beginning of the twentieth century kings’ and headmen’s control of allocation of land did not extend to the uninhabited areas. A person who established a homestead in the uninhabited area could clear and cultivate as much land as he could manage. However, since the 1940s kings and headmen have been extending their control of land allocation to the uninhabited areas as well (NEPRU, 1991: 550–2; Kreike, 1995: 10–15). Two important reasons why people wanted to live in population clusters before the twentieth century were, first, that there did not appear to have been acute shortages of fertile land in the ecologically most favourable areas, and secondly, it was much safer to live

Migration 153

in population clusters than in the middle of a forest (Siiskonen, 1990: 41–9). If access to productive arable land proved difficult or too expensive in the home community, one option was to seek for suitable arable land from neighbouring communities. For example, most of the migrants who moved from Oshigambo to Engela parish in Uukwanyama did not move as far as the Engela mission station near the Angolan border, but settled in the eastern and southern parts of Uukwanyama located closest to their homes. The distance of the move was under 50 km for the great majority of intercommunity migrants (Oshigambo Parish, Register for In- and Out-migrations). Access to land became a burning issue in the 1940s in the most densely populated parts of the Cuvelai floodplain because ecological conditions restricted the expansion of settlement outside the Cuvelai catchment area. Pressure for land started to grow rapidly, first in the most fertile areas. In the 1950s access to land had become an important factor regulating the marriage age of men, because husbands wanted to build their own homesteads for their families. Those who could not afford this had to stay with their relatives, but it was every man’s and woman’s desire to have a homestead (Bruwer, 1961: 123; Kreike, 1996: 286–304). An important factor that has increased pressure for land and led to a sharp decline in the rate of inter-community mobility since the mid-1940s was the breakthrough of the monetary economy in Ovamboland (NC, AR 1947, NAO 61, 12/2, NAN; MMC at Eenhana, 13–15 January 1959, Hha:30, NAF). Commercialization of the economy also affected the fees paid for the usufruct of land. Land became a significant source of income for the kings and headmen (NC to CNC, Ondangwa, 10 November 1948, BAC 39, HN 1/15/2/17, NAN). For the headmen, one way to get more income was to increase the number of wards in their district by decreasing the size of the wards. For example, in Uukwanyama the number of wards increased from 308 in 1951, to 333 in 1956, and 376 in 1965. Despite the decrease in the size of wards, prices paid for wards rose very sharply (Dr N.J. van Warmelo, Verslag oor Ovamboland, 15 December 1956, BAC 39, HN 1/15/2/17, NAN; Gordon, 1978: 281). According to Gordon (loc. cit.), an average ward cost a cow in Uukwanyama after World War II, by the mid-1950s it had risen to


2 cows plus cash, and by the end of the 1950s the price of a ward ranged from 8 to 10 cattle plus cash between R20 and R440. The ‘ward owners’ wanted to get back their increased costs by dividing their wards into smaller plots and by raising the price of the usufruct of land. In addition, the uninhabited areas were no longer interpreted as free, vacant land open to everyone without any payment. There are clear indications that kings and headmen, supported by the colonial administration, extended their grip on settlement and cultivation to the uninhabited areas. The annual report of the Native Commissioner Ovamboland of 1941 reported ‘illegal’ settlement in the uninhabited areas of Uukwambi and Uukwaluudhi, and how the colonial administration supported the headmen in removing the ‘illegal’ homesteads. The expansion of settlement to the uninhabited land fell gradually under the increased control of headmen almost everywhere in Ovamboland (NC, AR 1941, A 450, 2/18, NAN). However, in the mid-1950s the colonial authorities became concerned about the environmental impact caused by the expansion of the settlement to forest areas. Anyone, on payment of a few pounds to a sub-headman can acquire a kraal site in the heart of any forest he chooses and may take for his own use as large an area as he thinks he can manage. The new possessor of this virgin ground proceeds to clear the forests, consisting of mainly mopani trees of various ages from seedlings to large trees that are perhaps a hundred years old. … These methods of providing homes must be altered because with the increasing population they will, within the next generation, bring about a serious problem. (NC to the Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, Ondangwa, 6 November 1956, BAC 39, HN 1/15/2/17, NAN) Even though the land/population ratio is not very exact and does not take into account variation in ecological conditions between different areas, it illustrates that the size of an average homestead was decreasing very sharply. Despite the fact that there has been no noticeable change in the household structure, the number of households has grown from 18 000 in 1933 to almost 100 000 in 1991,

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which means that the need for land has more than quintupled. The settled area of Ovamboland grew from about 5500 sq km in 1920 to 19 700 sq km in 1978. A straight comparison of the settled area and population is partly misleading because settlement was expanding to more and more marginal areas where the average size of a farm has to be larger than in more fertile areas (Ovamboland Census, 1933, NAO 23, 15/2, NAN; Republic of Namibia, 1993a: 36; Moorsom, 1977: 61; Claassen and Page, 1978: 18). According to Kreike (1995: 10), the average field size on a farm varies from 2 to 5 ha. However, outside the floodplain area farms are larger than those in the floodplain. It is estimated that only about 3.7 per cent (1900 sq km) of the total surface area of Ovamboland is suitable for dryland cultivation, but only about 1500 sq km were utilized before 1987 (Adams and Werner, 1990: 144). Because no noticeable advancement in cultivation methods was made, even though the size of a homestead was decreasing, selfsufficiency in food production could not be kept in balance with demand in many parts of Ovamboland. Bruwer (1961: 74) reported from Uukwanyama in the late 1950s that, ‘even in good years, produce barely meets the demand of the growing population, and if drought occurs, the situation becomes critical’. According to an inquiry carried out after Namibia’s independence among farmers living in the central part of Ovamboland, two-thirds of the households were farming less than 2 hectares and were forced to rely on purchased foodstuffs for much of the year (NEPRU, 1991: 204). In spite of the decrease in the average farm size, prices paid for the usufruct of land have been rising at the same time. Moorsom (1977) and Gordon (1978) argue that changes in the land tenure system in the 1950s made migration unattractive and in many cases impossible due to high prices of land. Gordon summarizes the effects of the changes in the land tenure system on movement of population within Ovamboland. If people were dissatisfied with a king or headman, it was a relatively simple matter to migrate to another area in Ovamboland. With the land tenure system which developed whereby the individual had to purchase the right of usufruct, such individual mobility became increasingly restricted. Later, with the advent of


the slogan ‘development planning’, intra-Ovamboland migrations were further discouraged. (Gordon, 1978: 278). Changes in the system of land tenure and rising prices for the usufruct of land partly explain the sharp decline in the rate of intercommunity migration since the late 1940s in the migration data. In the northwestern Ovambo communities where the demand for land was lower, inter-community migration was more frequent (NEPRU, 1991: 551). The migration data show that the low demand for land and low prices for the usufruct of land promoted inter-community, rural–rural migration. Owing to slow urbanization, rural–urban migration offered a serious option in trying to solve livelihood problems only during the last two decades of the study period. 10.5.3

Migrant work and migration

The most important solution to livelihood problems in Ovamboland since the mid-1940s has been migrant work. Due to the breakthrough of the monetary economy, which was connected to migrant work, households were able to survive on smaller plots of land. Since the 1950s the share of livelihood earned from wage labour and small-scale entrepreneurship has been growing and, correspondingly, the share earned from traditional subsistence farming decreasing. The recruitment of migrant labourers from Ovamboland and Kavango was carried out by special labour recruitment organizations: the Southern Labour Organization (SLO) and the Northern Labour Organization (NLO), which were amalgamated in 1943 into the South West Africa Native Labour Association (SWANLA) (CNC to SWANLA Grootfontein, Windhoek, 26 January 1943, NAO 25, 17/1, NAN). The labour recruitment monopoly of SWANLA was disbanded only after the Ovambo strike of 1971/72 and replaced by recruiting bureaux run by the ‘homelands’ (Peltola, 1995: 111–20). Ovambo men were engaged in migrant labour in the police zone as early as the German colonial period. Between the two world wars the number of contract workers was under 4 per cent of the total population of Ovamboland. Since the 1950s the proportional share of the absent population started to increase. In 1950 about 5 per cent of the total population of Ovamboland was away on contract work; in 1960, 6 per cent; and in 1974, about 12 per cent. In the

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earlier research reports the proportional share of the absent population has been presented as higher (see, for example, Gordon, 1978: 270). The reason for this was that the SWANLA recruitment figures have been compared to the total population of Ovamboland. This is problematic because the SWANLA recruitment figures include

Table 10.8 Recruitment of migrant labourers from Ovamboland and Angola, 1926–74 Year 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1956/573 1957/583 1959 1960

From Ovamboland – – 3592 3666 2569 3215 2442 512 01 01 673 1840 3427 4939 4080 – – 4498 3534 8761 5237 6780 7983 8835 9272 10498 9860 9858 11638 11762 10785 12584 8546 13043 13267 – 14557

From Angola – – 994 19422 18802 1916 1569 1149 01 01 138 112 180 21882 3040 – – 1213 2648 4168 3390 4267 3867 6424 6569 7159 6174 6977 7096 6627 7033 8111 7176 8118 7563 – 7975

Total 3945 4350 4586 5608 4449 5131 4011 1661 01 01 811 1952 3607 7127 7120 6714 8061 5711 6182 12929 8627 11047 11850 15259 15841 17657 16034 16835 18734 18389 17818 20695 15722 21161 20830 – 22532


Table 10.8

continued

Year

From Ovamboland

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1974

13718 11966 17034 18302 19582 20395 21515 35577

From Angola 102404 10179 – – – – – –

Total 23958 22145 – – – – – –

– = No information 1 No labour recruitment owing to closing of the mines during the Great Depression 2 Includes: in 1927, 10; 1928, 6; and 1937, 1 San people 3 Figures are based on budget year, 1.4.–31.3. 4 Includes 120 Hereros Sources: NC, AR 1924–1954, NAO 18–21, 61 NAN; Jaarverslag naturellesake, 1955–63, BAC 52–58, NAN; SWANLA, AR 1956–1963, BAC 88, NAN; Arbeid: Statistiek, OVE 20, 5/22/3, NAN; Banghart, 1969: 52

migrant labourers recruited both from Ovamboland and Angola. For example, in 1951 41 per cent of the migrant labourers recruited by the SWANLA Ondangwa office were from Angola. Assuming that more than 30 per cent of adult males were absent at any one time, migrant work had touched about 67 per cent of all adult men in Ovamboland by the late 1960s (Banghart, 1969: 97). Moorsom (1977: 70) argues that at the beginning of the 1970s, between 74 and 89 per cent of all adult men had been involved in migrant work at least once. Looking at this from the point of view of the homestead, Tuupainen estimated that migrant work affected almost every homestead (about 40 000) each year at the end of the 1960s (Tuupainen, 1970: 111). Labour migration from Ovamboland differed noticeably from that in many other African countries from the very beginning, because Ovambos were not forced into migrant work by taxation or by other administrative means; instead, they went ‘voluntarily’ to labour recruiting offices. Before recruitment the applicant had to pass a medical examination and, since the 1950s, to present a Tribal Trust Fund card (ANCO to NC, Oshikango, 16 April 1948; Recruiting Officer Strachan to NC, Ondangwa, 30 January 1949, NAO 73, 35/1 v.1, NAN).

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Migrant labourers had to be males, at least 18 years old, and they were classified into three categories (A, B, and C) according to their medical examination and physical fitness (Meeting of District Surgeons of Grootfontein, Okavango and Ovamboland, Grootfontein, 1 April 1948, NAO 73, 35/1, v.1, NAN). Some applicants (for example, 4.4 per cent in 1949 and 3 per cent in 1950) were rejected due to poor health (NC, AR 1950, NAO 61, 12/2, NAN). Women were not recruited as migrant labourers, and travelling passes for women and children to leave Ovamboland were issued only in very special circumstances (CNC, Native travelling passes, 13 August 1951, NAO 52, 4/9, NAN). Why did Ovambo men ‘voluntarily’ leave Ovamboland for migrant work? In the late 1960s, Banghart (1969: 1–2) investigated the socio-economic effects of migratory labour in Ovamboland by interviewing Ovambo migrant labourers (105 informants) working in the Tsumeb Corporation Mines, Consolidated Diamond Mines, in various fishing companies in Walvis Bay, and in other industrial companies in Windhoek. Selection of informants was based on a random basis. Banghart (1969: 92) classified the causes of leaving Ovamboland for migrant work into the following categories (expressed as percentages): Economic reasons • poverty, 59; • land purchase, 1; • cattle purchase, 8; • clothing purchase, 7; • tax payment, 0; • aiding family, 20; • food purchase, 0. Other reasons • adventure, 1; • domestic trouble, 0; • to get married, 4; • ward or tribal trouble, 0. Among the Ovambo people ‘poverty’ appeared to be the main cause for taking up migrant work rather than payment of taxes, as


in many other African countries. However, for many Ovambo migrant labourers ‘poverty’ did not actually mean the lack of essential items (such as food) but the lack of ‘luxury’ items (like bicycles) (Banghart, 1969: 91). Of the migrant workers interviewed (8 per cent) whose intention was to purchase cattle, the great majority were unmarried. They told Banghart that ‘they would not get married until they had accumulated enough cattle and money’. Of Banghart’s informants, 67 per cent were under 21 years old when they were recruited for the first time (Banghart, 1969: 97, 124–25). An interesting finding in Banghart’s study was that purchase of the usufruct of land was the main reason to leave for migrant work only for 1 per cent of his informants. This can be explained by the fact that 79 per cent of migrant labourers were married and 75 per cent owned their homestead. On the other hand, all single migrant labourers were younger than 35 years (Banghart, 1969: 65, 72). Of Banghart’s informants, 87 out of 105 were aged 30 or over, and 35 were over 44 years. Of the informants, 74 had served more than 5 contracts and 20 had served more than 10 (Banghart, 1969: 76–8). Banghart’s study indicates that migrant work had changed to permanent wage labour for many Ovambo men, and the acquiring of land and cattle was the main reason for migrant work only for young unmarried men. Even though many married men had been able to establish their own homestead, the migration data demonstrate that pressure for land was growing. Returning migrant labourers were older at their first marriage in relation to the average age at first marriage in the migration data. In order to earn enough money to purchase the usufruct of land and cattle, men had to spend several contract periods in the police zone. The colonial authorities were aware of the social problems caused by the continuous absence of migrant labourers from Ovamboland as early as the beginning of the 1940s but were not interested in changing the system. Many returning labourers have only one thought and that is to get back to the Police Zone. They stay at home as short time as possible and then reoffer themselves for recruitment. This type of Native, although returning to Ovamboland every two years, is

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becoming rapidly detribalized. The Headmen have very little control over them as most of them are not kraal heads. (ANCO to NCO, Oshikango, 16 August 1941, NAO 5, 2/1 v.4, NAN). By the 1950s migrant work in the police zone had become a part of the Ovambo way of life and culture. Leaving for migrant work became a sign of manhood and was replacing the traditional circumcision initiation for boys into manhood (Bruwer, 1961: 113). According to Banghart (1969: 99), a man had a higher status when he had left Ovamboland for a period of time. Furthermore, migrant work was promoting the mixing of population between different Ovambo communities. Basing his argument on several authors, Banghart (1969: 129) argues that the growth of migrant work since the mid-1940s had improved inter-community relations and increased marriages between members of different communities, which previously had been uncommon. Of his married informants, 14 per cent had married a member of a different community. Compared to inter-community migration and ethnic origin of spouses in the migration data, Banghart’s results are parallel (see sections 10.2.2 and 10.3.1 above). 10.5.4

Inheritance and migration

Inheritance in the Ovambo communities descended in the matrilineal line (Loeb, 1962: 99–111; Estermann, 1976: 103–7). Because land has been in communal ownership, it has not been inheritable. The usufruct of land purchased from the headmen of wards was personal and could not be sold or loaned further. According to traditional Ovambo inheritance rules, only movable property has been inheritable. In this respect cattle played the major role. Most of the cattle went to the deceased’s matrilineal relatives (Bruwer, 1961: 88–9). From the point of view of migration, an interesting question is how regulations related to the usufruct of land were adapted if the person to whom the land had been allotted died. According to landuse rights, land belonging to the deceased reverted to the headman of a ward, who could charge the household again for the right to cultivate and occupy the land. If the household could not afford to make a new payment, the headman could allow another person to


purchase the rights to the land. ‘The Headmen are really torturing the country’ was a complaint in the ‘native reports’ to the Native Commissioner about the land use policy of headmen (NC to the CNC, Ondangwa, 10 November 1948, BAC 39, HN 1/15/2/17, NAN). Traditional land-use rights had a particularly adverse impact upon widows, who were not able to acquire their own assets during their husbands’ lifetime. In addition to land, the widow had no rights to other kinds of property left by the husband. In reality, the relatives of the deceased husband decided if they would allow the widow to remain on the land (NCO to CNC, Ondangwa, 10 November 1948, BAC 39, HN 1/15/2/17, NAN). Dissolution of a marriage caused a time of insecurity for a woman. In the case of the dissolution of the marriage, it was the woman who moved from the homestead. The migration cohorts of widows illustrate that as late as the 1950s about half of the widows who moved, did so within 4 years of the death of their husband. Since the 1960s, moves of widows have been spread over a longer time frame after the death of their husband. The decrease since the 1960s in the moves of widows during the first 4 years after the death of the husband reflects changes in traditional land-use rights. It can be suggested that at least among the Christian population it became more frequent that widows were allowed to stay on their homestead if their husband died. This also means that the relatives of the deceased husband have not followed the traditional matrilineal inheritance rights. As early as the beginning of the twentieth century Finnish missionaries noted the unfair situation of women on a dissolution of marriage. Their recommendation for a solution to the problem was a will leaving half of the husband’s property to the widow (MMC at Onandjokwe, 24–25 January 1951, Hha:22, NAF). After the 1950s it became possible to avoid matrilineal inheritance rules by wills solemnized by the colonial administration. However, wills did not concern the usufruct of land and were not yet common at the beginning of the 1960s (Bruwer, 1961: 88–9). It is very probable that the will played a decisive role when the question of a widow’s continuing to live on at the homestead of her deceased husband was considered. According to Kreike (1995: 11), it has become a rule rather than an exception that the widow ‘inherits’ the usufruct purchased by her late husband. Male children of the deceased man are

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also allowed to ‘inherit’ the usufruct of the land purchased by their father. However, Kreike states that ‘inheritance of land is a recent innovation in the Ovambo land use system’. Bruwer (1961: 40–1) noticed in the late 1950s that widowed mothers favoured staying with their sons, but he also found cases where widows were staying on at the homestead of their deceased husbands. Many women returned to their matrilineal relatives after the dissolution of the marriage. The migration data demonstrate that the orthodox matrilineal inheritance system and the system of allocation of land have been changing in a more flexible direction in Ovamboland since the 1960s. The household survey of Pendleton et al. (1992: 46) from the Oshakati-Ondangwa area in 1990 shows changes in land-use rights. Out of 498 interviewed households, 21.5 per cent were female headed. According to the NDHS, 1992, the proportion of households headed by women was 37.4 per cent (n = 4101) (Katjiuanjo et al., 1993: 6, 9). Improved opportunities to continue living on the homestead of the deceased husband have decreased the need for widows to move.

11 Summary

The general aim of the study was to describe population development (fertility, mortality, and internal migration) in northern Namibia in the period 1925–90. Only very rough, unreliable estimates given by the South African colonial administration are currently available. The first aim of the study was to describe mortality (childhood and adult mortality), fertility, and internal migration in Ovamboland in northern Namibia between 1925 and 1990 by using parish record data. The second aim was to try to understand and to clarify the mortality, fertility, and migration development during the study period in Ovamboland. In addition, these results are compared to those given by the first Namibian census in 1991 and to the first Namibian Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS), 1992. In this study the Evangelical Lutheran Church parish record data from Ovamboland, northern Namibia, were used as a primary source. Parish records include several different registers – for instance, lists of deaths, births, marriages and migration – and they also include a main register where people are listed by family. Finnish missionaries started their work in Ovamboland during the 1870s. The earliest registers are from the 1880s when the first Christians were baptized. In the central parts of northern Namibia about 40–50 per cent of the estimated total population were members of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the 1950s. In the 1990s, the proportion is about 80 per cent. Every parish had to keep a ‘main book’ (where all parishioners were registered) and so-called ‘history books’ (registering births and 164

Summary 165

baptisms, confirmations, engagements and marriages, deaths and burials, in- and out-migration, and excommunications and readmissions). Furthermore, a special register for equipment and buildings had to be kept. Until the 1940s notes on parish records were written on forms sent from Finland. The data were collected from parish registers by using the family reconstitution method. The follow-up was started from the marriage of a couple. The follow-up of first marriage cohorts was started in 1925 and the last marriage cohorts included were from the year 1985. The whole data included 8125 marriages. The number of marriages excluded due to poor knowledge of marriage information was 993 (based on the criteria of the reconstitution), and the number of marriages excluded because the couple was not mentioned after marriage in the parish register was 574. These numbers cannot be added together because the numbers are not exclusive. Due to poor follow-up information, altogether 1106 couples were not included in the final data. In the final data the number of marriages was 7019. There were differences between parishes in the proportion of rejected marriages. The proportion was the lowest in Elim and the highest in Tshandi. The proportion of rejected marriages was higher in younger marriage cohorts than in the marriage cohorts during the 1930s and 1940s. One possible explanation for this is that in the 1930s, when the congregation was small, the Christian population could easily be followed but later on the task was not as easy. According to the analysis of missing birth dates, baptism dates, and sex ratio, the quality of the data seemed to be quite the same in all parishes. Differences were small and the errors did not systematically concentrate in one parish. The quality of the data also seemed to be quite the same through the whole research period although birthdays were missing most often from first cohorts.

11.1

Fertility

In northern Namibia there occurred both a clear decline and an increase in fertility during the period 1930–80. The total fertility rate was almost 8 during the 1930s and started to decline at the end of that decade. During the 1940s it was about 6, and at the beginning of the 1950s the rate was slightly under 6, starting to increase


at the end of the 1950s. During the 1960s it again reached almost 7 and since then it has remained at about the same level. The ageadjusted general fertility rate and the total fertility rate behaved in quite a similar way. However, total marital fertility rate started to decline at the end of 1970s in Ovamboland, and it might be that this was due to early signs of fertility transition there. According to the NDHS, 1992, the total fertility rate 0–4 years before the survey for rural Protestant Oshivambo was 6.8, and according to the 1991 census the total fertility rate for the northwest region was 6.9. Although the calculation techniques were not the same, the level of fertility in both studies was nearly the same. Based on the parish register material, the total fertility rate was 6.3 in Ovamboland in the parish register data for the years 1975–84. The difference with the census data and the survey data compared to the parish register data was just about 0.5 child per woman. Parish register material gives slightly lower fertility estimates because the parish data include only married Christian women. The lower figure in the parish register data might be due to missing births in the parish register material. Fertility in Ovamboland has been close to the natural fertility and the couples did not use contraception or abortion before the 1980s. The mean age at first marriage in Ovamboland was high; among males about 25–30 years, and among females about 20–24 years. In Ovamboland marriage ratification was exercised (a present from the bridegroom to the bride’s kin). This is one possible reason why the mean age of marriage was high among Ovambos.The second and the most important reason for the high mean age at marriage was the migrant work of men. It is estimated that during the 1960s more than 30 per cent of adult males were absent at any one time. The recruitment of migrant labourers from Ovamboland had already started during the 1920s. It seems to be that the most important factor affecting the changes in fertility in Ovamboland during the 1950s and later has been the change in labour migration. Due to modern medicine the proportion of childless women has been low.

11.2

Mortality

The latest articles about childhood mortality or about adulthood mortality from Africa have concentrated on describing the mortality

Summary 167

development.The main issue has been on which way the mortality in SubSaharan Africa has developed during the last 20–30 years. Childhood mortality has declined in both East and West African countries. This decline started during the 1950s. In the parish register data we can find a similar decline. In adult mortality it is not possible to find a similar clear decline in mortality in all countries as in that of childhood mortality. However, a rapid reduction in the death rates of adults has been achieved by many West and Central African countries. In Ovamboland childhood and adult mortality declined rapidly during the 1950s. According to the analysis, there are several different possible explanations for the mortality decline in north Namibia. There were times of drought in Ovamboland during 1930s and later, but the effect of these droughts was limited by building dams and giving direct food relief to the population. There were no more bad famines in the area during the 1940s and 1950s, and in general the nutrition level improved although the area was overpopulated. The increase in labour recruits since the 1940s also improved the nutrition level. At the same time, the level of health care improved and bad epidemics were avoided, although malaria was endemic and different kinds of infectious diseases were present in the area. In addition, the water situation improved and the general infrastructure (roads) improved. The educational level also improved, and this helped the population to understand the importance of hygiene as well as communication between medical personnel and the population. In education and in health care the native language was used, and this also helped to form a good relationship between missionaries and the local population. Mortality no longer declined during the 1970s and 1980s. Of particular importance for mortality decline was the health care system built by the Finnish missionaries. Preventive work against malaria was started (quinine was given) as early as the 1920s, and vaccination programmes were also carried out. In addition, health care was given not just in hospitals but in almost all missionary stations. The improved communication network (roads, even telephones) made it possible to prevent the spread of epidemics, and those patients suffering serious illness could be transported to hospital in a relatively short time.


11.3

Migration

The spatial pattern of migration in Ovamboland followed the general pattern of migration in SubSaharan Africa. As elsewhere in SubSaharan Africa, intra-rural movement was the most common type of movement of population in Ovamboland. However, the apartheid legislation regulating the movement of population affected the spatial pattern of migration flows. Ovamboland remained a closed area almost throughout the study period. Only able-bodied men were temporarily allowed to leave the region for migrant work in central and south Namibia, the so-called police zone, before Namibia’s independence. The registered population movement in Ovamboland was restricted to intra- and inter-community migration. The parish record data did not enable the investigation of intra-community migration (except for Oshigambo parish until 1966), which was the most common type of migration in Ovamboland based on the data from Oshigambo. Moves of short distances were also characteristic of inter-community migration. In all parishes, most inter-community moves took place between the neighbouring communities. Sparsely populated frontier areas attracted intercommunity migrants because the main reason for migration, especially for males, was access to land. The most attractive area for out-migrants in Ovamboland was the Uukwanyama community. The number of unregistered moves seems to have increased in the migration data since the 1970s because of urbanization in Ovamboland and the increased flow of population to the police zone. Urbanization in Ovamboland started only in the 1970s and has been slow. At the beginning of the 1990s only about 4 per cent of Ovamboland’s population was living in urban conditions. After the contract workers’ strike in 1971 the system allowed more flexibility in working contracts, which increased movement of population to the police zone. However, the last inter-regional moving restrictions were abolished only when Namibia gained its independence. Analysis of recent trends in inter-regional migration – that has been increasing – is problematic because ELCIN had not established parishes in the former police zone. Many people from Ovamboland are living permanently in the urban centres of

Summary 169

central and south Namibia but have retained their membership of their ‘home parish’ in Ovamboland. There were four features worth emphasizing concerning the age, sex, and socio-economic selectivity of migration. The first was the concentration of migration around the date of marriage. The greatest difference between intra- and inter-community migration behaviour around the date of marriage was that in Oshigambo parish most moves occurred after the date of marriage, whereas intercommunity moves divided more evenly before and after the date of marriage. Generally, male migrants were older than female migrants. After excluding the returning migrant labourers from the police zone from the analysis, moves of females were more frequent both on the intra- and inter-community level, which is uncommon in the SubSaharan African context. Owing to the very late start of urbanization, inter-regional moving restrictions imposed by the South African administration, and the very low diversification of the economy, Ovamboland remained, almost until Namibia’s independence, a region where the economy was based on subsistence farming and labour migration. The economic structure of Ovamboland partly explains the predominance of females in interand intra-community migration. The second feature related to migration was the connection between the dissolution of marriage and migration. An insecure position and discrimination have been common problems met by widows and divorced women in Africa after the dissolution of their marriage. This also concerned Ovambo women if their marriage was dissolved. Moves among widows and divorced women were more frequent than among other population groups and were related to land use and inheritance rights. A small improvement in the position of widows has occurred since the 1960s. The third feature related to migration was the decrease in periodic variation in the movement of population – which was normally related to droughts and famines – since the late 1940s. From the late 1920s the South African colonial administration tried to prevent large-scale population movements during famines by organizing special famine relief works. The aim of these programmes was to ensure a steady labour supply from Ovamboland to the South West African/Namibian mines and to other sectors of the economy. Political disturbances and wars have caused large-scale population


movements in SubSaharan Africa. In Ovamboland, political unrest affected the migration data from the mid-1970s, when the liberation struggle of the Namibian people was expanded to Ovamboland. The fourth characteristic feature of migration in Ovamboland was the sharp decline in the rate of inter-community mobility in the late 1940s. Since the 1950s inter-community migration stayed on a low level compared to the first 25 years of the study period. The sharp decline could not be explained by a systematic error in the primary data (such as by a sharp increase in unregistered moves). The most important reason for the sharp decline in the rate of mobility since the mid-1940s was the growing shortage of land. As a whole, the migration data emphasize socio-economic issues in explaining factors for migration. Namibia’s independence initiated a new era for both internal and international migration. Due to the repeal of moving restrictions inter-regional migration has increased rapidly. The destination for many movers is now the capital, Windhoek.

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Index Adams, F. and Werner, W. 155 Anglican Mission 29–30, 34, 35–6, 105 Archives of the Native Commissioner of Ovamboland (NAO) 57 Archives of the South West Africa Administration (SWAA) 57 Arnold, F. 2 Banghart, P.D. 24, 25, 102, 119–20, 129, 158–61 baptism age at 60–2 and fertility 71 of migrant labour 118 Bideau, A. and Brunet, G. 41 Birks, J.S. 3 births intervals 77–8 missing dates 59–60 sex ratio 62–3 Blacker, J. 3 Bledsoe, C. and Cohen, B. 21 and Pison, G. 74 Bongaarts, J. 20, 74 Brass, W. et al. 42 Bruwer, J.P. 144, 153, 155, 161, 162 Caldwell, J.E. 23, 98 and Caldwell, P. 1, 2 et al. 1, 2 Cantreller, P.D. et al. 98 Chief Bantu Affairs Commissioner of Windhoek (BAC) 57 Christianity 5–6 attitude towards 34–9 and migrant labour 118–19

missionary societies 5, 26–30, 34, 35–6, 38–9, 57, 64, 105, 107–9 spread of 35–6 Claassen, P.E. and Page, D. 25, 148 Clarence-Smith, W.G. 36 and Moorsom, R. 12 Cliffe, L. et al. 145 Coale, A.J. 1 and Demeny, P. 42 Cochrane, S.H. and Farid, S.M. 20 Cogill, B. and Kiugu, S. 21, 22, 25 Cohen, B. 1–2, 71, 72 Colson, E. 3 Cunningham, T. et al. 7 data administrative/missionary records 56–8 analysis of 42–4 availability/quality of 4, 25, 59–67 censuses 5, 17–18, 42, 80, 93 collection of 44–58, 165 family reconstruction method 40–1, 65 history books 164–5 life-tables 42–3 limitations of 4–5 main book/family book 41–2, 164 missing 60–2 sources 40, 164–5 Development of Self-Government for Native Nations in South West Africa Act (1968) 14, 16 Drechsler, H. 12 Du Pisani, A. 11, 13 education Eirola, M. 184

98, 103–4, 111, 167 11, 12

Index 185

Elim 35–6 epidemics 99–101 Erkkilä, A. 7 Estermann, C. 161 Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia (ELCIN) 5, 31, 66 Evangelical Lutheran Church of Ovamboland 63, 131, 164 Evangelical Lutheran Ovambo-Kavango Church (ELOC) 29, 30, 66, 119 Ewbank, D.C. and Gribble, J.N. 96 famine of the dams 143–4 famines 99–101, 110 and migration 140–5, 169 Feachem, R.G. et al. 3 Feltz, G. 60, 66 fertility analysis of data 42 birth intervals 77–8 by age 70–3 by parish 73 and child fostering 83 and contraception 21, 71, 74, 81–2 data collection 44, 47 decrease/increase in 1–3, 81–7, 165–6 marriage data 20, 45–6, 75–7, 82–3 and migrant labour 84–5, 87 parish records vs other studies 80–1 and polygamy 20–1 and proportion of childless women 78–80 proximate variables 20, 74–80 rates 68–70 Finnish Missionary Society (FMS) 5, 26, 27–9, 34, 36, 38–9, 57, 64, 105, 107–8, 167 Fleury, M. and Henry, L. 40 Frayne, B. 25, 151 Freedman, R. and Blanc, A.K. 1 Fuller, B. and Turner, S. 151

Garnier, C. von 56 Goddard, A.D. et al. 24 Gordon, R.J. 12, 25, 152, 153, 155, 156 Gray, A. 3 Hayes, P. 141, 143, 144 health services 96–9, 104–9, 167 Herero and Nama uprising 11–12 Hill, A. 3, 95 inheritance matrilineal 9, 161–163 and migration 161–3 Iipumbu yaTshilongo 35 Iita ya Nalitoke 36 Kambonde kaNgula 37 Katjavivi, P.H. 24 Katjiuanjo, P. et al. 20, 21, 25, 58, 76, 78, 163 Katzenellenbogen, J. et al. 62 Kooy, M. 24, 121 Kreike, E.H.P.M. 152, 153, 162 Kuczynski, R.R. 1 Kumar, B.G. 98 Lamb, W.H. et al. 98 land access to 153–5 cultivation of 155 ecology of 154 need for 152–3 and Ovambo way of life 151–6 pre-colonial era 151 pressures on 151, 153, 160 tenure of 155–156 ward owners 154 Larsen, U. 78 Lau, B. 9 Leridon, H. and Ferry, B. 1 Lesthaeghe, R.J. and Jolly, C. 2 Loeb, E.M. 161 London Missionary Society 26 Loxton, Venn & Associates 25 Lucas, D. 20, 21, 25 Lutheran Mission 26–9

186 Index

McKeown, T. 96 McNicoll, G. 1 marriage age at first 20, 75–7, 83, 87, 166 dissolution of 137–40, 169 and fertility 75–7, 82–3 and initiation rites 83 and migrant labour 75–6, 82–3, 87, 131–40, 166 parish data 45–6 and rate of mobility 112–15 Martin, G. et al. 1 Martin Nambala yaKadhikwa 37 Mbuende, K. 16 Meredith, M. 23 Merwe, J.H. van der 9, 16 Migot-Adholla, S.E. 4 migration and age of migrants 135–7, 169 annual/long-term trends 114–15 causal factors 43–4, 140–6 and Christianity 118–19 data collection/interpretation/ quality 25, 43–4, 52–6, 127–8 droughts, famines and diseases 140–5, 169 and ethnic mixing 128–31 flows 115–28 gender differences in 53, 115, 169 in-migration 53, 118–19 and inheritance 161–3 inter-community 43, 52, 56, 121–6, 168, 170 inter-regional 24, 43, 52–6, 115–21 international 115–21 intra-community 52, 126–7, 168 intra-regional 24–5 and labour 12, 24, 25, 118–19, 156–61

and legislation of movement 23–4, 116, 120–1 long-term decrease in 146–8, 150–63 lost souls 56, 66 and marriage/fertility 75–6, 82–6, 87, 112–15, 131–40, 166, 169 out-migration 52–3, 113 and politics 145–6, 169–70 and racial/ethnic segregation 23, 120–1 return 4 rural-rural 25 rural-urban 3–4 unregistered moves 56, 67, 168 and urbanization 147–8, 150–1 missionary work 26 and education 103–4, 111 in health care 104–9, 110, 167 leading objectives/goals 27, 30 success of 27–9 Moorsom, R.J.B. 25, 158 mortality 88–90 adult 22, 47–8, 67 by parish 93–5 childhood 1, 3, 48, 51, 67, 84, 92–3, 95, 166–7 data collection/analysis 42–3, 47–51 decline in 3, 5, 91–3, 109–11 infant 1, 21–2, 84, 91–2, 96, 98 levels of 90–1 major causes 22 missing data 60–2 reasons for decline in Europe/Africa 95–9 reasons for decline in Ovamboland 99–109, 167 and socio-economic factors 97–9 and urbanization 111 Mosley, W.H. and Chen, L.C. 97 Mwaala gwa Nashilongo 36

Index 187

Nakayale 38–9 Nakeke see Okahao (Rehoboth, Nakeke) Namibia Population and Housing Census (1991) 80 Namibian Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) 18, 21, 42 Native Commissioner of Ovamboland (NC) 57 Negumbo lyaKandenge 35 Notkola, I. 41, 80 Notkola, V. et al. 111

Odendaal Commission 23 Okahao (Rehoboth, Nakeke) 34–5 Oppong, C. 74 Oshigambo 37–8 Oucho, J.O. and Gould, W.T.S. 4, 25, 67, 115, 128 Ovambo Government: Economic Affairs (OVE) 57 Ovamboland colonial era 10–16 ecology 7, 9 German colonialism 10–13 pre-colonial social/economic formations 9–10 Red Line in 16 South African colonialism 13–16, 143 travelling to/from 13–14 Ovamboland Act 11–12

Pallett, J. 7, 148 parish records 5–6 and Christian tradition 63–4 parishes described 34–9 problems concerning 65–7 reliability/validity 59–67 responsibility for 64 selection of 31–3 unofficial 63

Pebley, A.P. and Mbugua, W. 74 Peltola, M. 27, 28, 29, 34, 36, 37, 56, 151, 156 Pendleton, W. et al. 25, 56, 146, 148, 163 Pennington, R. 2, 86 Pison, G. et al. 98 population density 18 estimates 17, 109 growth 1, 5, 17–18 Population and Housing Census (1991) 18 Preston, S.H. 97 Prothero, R.M. 4 Pullum, T.W. and Stokes, S.L. 2

Raitis, R. 20, 25, 76 Reher, D. and Schofield, R. 41 Rehoboth see Okahao (Rehoboth, Nakeke) Rhenish Missionary Society (RMS) 26, 27 Robinson, W.R. 1, 71 Roman Catholic Mission 29–30, 34, 35–6, 105 Russell, S.S. 4

Sai, F.T. and Nassim, J. 3 sexually transmitted diseases 85–6 Shryock, W. et al. 62 Siiskonen, H. 9, 10, 11, 38, 99, 100, 143, 153 Simon, D. 25 Slotten, R.A. 22 social programmes 96–9 socio-economic factors 1 communication networks 102–3, 167 dams, roads, canal building 100, 102, 145 and migrant labour 102 and mortality 96–9, 102–3

188 Index

pre-colonial 9–10 Sonderson, W. 22 Sparks, D.L. and Green, D. Stals, E.L.P. 12 Strasseger, R. 12 Szreter, S. 96 Taube, I. 82 Timæus, I.M. 3, 95 Tötemeyer, G. 12, 30, 115 Tshandi 36 Turner, T. 148

Tuupainen, M. 158

20, 51, 63, 82, 83,

13 Vallin, J. 3, 98–9, 104 Van de Walle, E. 72, 76 Verma, V. 42, 80 Werner, W. 9 Wesleyan Missionary Society Williams, F.-N. 10 Wrigley, E.A. 40

26

Fertility, Mortality, and Migration in Subsaharan Africa: The Case of Ovamboland in North Namibia, 1925-90

Disease And Mortality in Sub-saharan Africa

Power Sector Reform in SubSaharan Africa

Panzers In North Africa

Case in Africa (Oxford Linguistics)

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Dynamics and Diversity: Soil Fertility and Farming Livelihoods in Africa

North Africa

Women's Schooling, the Selectivity of Fertility, and Child Mortality in Sub-Saharan Africa (Lsms Working Paper) (No. 119)

The Migration of Power and North-South Inequalities: The Case of Italy and Libya

World Mortality in 2000

Determinants of fertility and child mortality in Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana

Junkers Ju 88 Kampfgeschwader In North Africa

Research for Development in the Middle East and North Africa

The Cultures of Economic Migration (Studies in Migration and Diaspora)

Trade Policy Developments in the Middle East and North Africa

Junkers Ju 88 Kampfgeschwader in North Africa and the Mediterranean

Variability in Human Fertility

Fertility and Obstetrics in the Horse

Soil fertility management in sub-Saharan Africa, Volumes 23-408

Historical dictionary of Namibia

Forced Migration in Eastern Africa: Democratization, Structural Adjustment, and Refugees

Forced Migration in Eastern Africa: Democratization, Structural Adjustment, and Refugees

North Africa And the Middle East

Mortality

In Search of Africa

Mortality

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Fertility, Mortality, and Migration in Subsaharan Africa: The Case of Ovamboland in North Namibia, 1925-90

Disease And Mortality in Sub-saharan Africa

Power Sector Reform in SubSaharan Africa

Panzers In North Africa

Case in Africa (Oxford Linguistics)

Case in Africa (Oxford Linguistics)

Dynamics and Diversity: Soil Fertility and Farming Livelihoods in Africa

North Africa

Women's Schooling, the Selectivity of Fertility, and Child Mortality in Sub-Saharan Africa (Lsms Working Paper) (No. 119)

The Migration of Power and North-South Inequalities: The Case of Italy and Libya

World Mortality in 2000

Determinants of fertility and child mortality in Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana

Junkers Ju 88 Kampfgeschwader In North Africa

Research for Development in the Middle East and North Africa

The Cultures of Economic Migration (Studies in Migration and Diaspora)

Trade Policy Developments in the Middle East and North Africa

Junkers Ju 88 Kampfgeschwader in North Africa and the Mediterranean

Variability in Human Fertility

Fertility and Obstetrics in the Horse

Soil fertility management in sub-Saharan Africa, Volumes 23-408

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Forced Migration in Eastern Africa: Democratization, Structural Adjustment, and Refugees

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