Exploring the City

EXPLORING THE CITY Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology

EXPLORING the CITY Inquiries TOlvard an Urban Anthropology

.

ULF HANNERZ

Nt'l/' )'11/1;

(:olulIlhia University Press

Contents

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hannerz, UI£. Exploring the city. Bibliography: p. 343 Includes index. I. Urban anthropology. 2. Cities and towns. I. Title. GN395.H36

307.7'6

79-29707

ISBN 978-0-231-08376-8

(pbk.)

Acknowledgments

vii

The Education of an Urban Anthropologist

CHAPTER TWO

Chicago Ethnographers

19

CHAPTER THREE

The Search for the City

59

CHAPTER FOUR

The View from the Copperbelt

119

CHAPTER FIVE

Thinking with Networks

163

CHAPTER SIX

The City as Theater: T ales of Goffman

202

CHAPTER SEVEN

Conclusion: The Construction of Cities and Urban Lives

242

Appendix: Analytical Concepts in Exploring the City Notes

325

Heferences Imlex

Columbia University Press New York Chichester, West Sussex Copyright © 1980 Columbia University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America

P

20

19 18 17 16 15 14 1;3

12 11

1

CHAPTER ONE

367

343

317

Acknow ledgments

The acknowledgments which begin a boo k, but are usually the last part of il to be written, are evidence of a part of a personal network, and of phases of

a

life career. They may document a passage through many milieux, a

\('ries of significant experiences, and a variety of dialogues, ongoing or discontinued.

Toward the end of the introductory chapter, I sketch some of the per­ \onal factors which have gone into making Exploring the City the kind of

IMlok it is, and I mention there three field experiences, in Washington, D.C., in Kafanchan, Nigeria, and in the Cayman Islands. It seems fitting 10

ma

IIl1d

ke note first of what I "learned in these places about what is urban

what is not, and to thank friends, acquaintances, and informants there

('olle c tivcly for what they did to push my understanding along. Those who were most helpful I have in some cases been able to single out, or will in I he future, in other publications. But some, due to the ethics of field work IIl1 d

publishing, will remain anonymous. It is very likely, of course, that

lIIallY

of them would find it difficult to see the links between the concrete

Ihinj.(s we were through together and some of the more abstract notions of

rill" 1( ll I o wing pages. All the same, the connections are there. Turning to academia, it is rather more often possible to discern the dirl"ct influence of particular network partners on what has gone into this

IMHlk, although reference must in some cases inevitably be made to other I'ollt'ctivilies. The most diverse and far-flung one of these consists of those

loll,·aj.(lIl·s and st ude nts who have responded to my views on urban an­ IllIopoloj.(y ill a number of seminars and conferences in the United States, (:lIl1ad ... IIll1d,·

'·'1I1 . .tlv 1111111' II

i-:r lj.(land, and Scandinavia, and allowed me to share theirs. What

a real j.(roup, although by now it may well be almost \l'alll·l\·d. wert· I he parlicipants in an urban anthropology seminar

lip IIII11T of

1 Io-pal I IIlI'nl of AnlhroIMlloj.(y, University of Pittsburgh, where I was

\·j·.IIIIIVo

1I1I'1I11lC'1

.. I Ihl" facility ill 1971· 72. Although by then I had not

viii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

ix

yet given serious thought to writing a book on the subject, this seminar

careful attention to typing parts and versions of the manuscript in a way

helped me begin arranging my ideas. Leonard Plotnicov and Keith Brown,

lilr which I am very thankful.

with whom I gave the seminar, were equally interested in discussing what

Apart from the Pittsburgh, Manchester, and Stockholm network c1us­

they saw as characteristic of urban life and urban anthropology, in or out

\l'rs, a few other persons should be recognized for the interest which they

of the seminar room, and did much to make that year memorable. I expect

have taken in this book. Through conversations or correspondence, I have

that they will recognize in this book a number of issues first brought

heen pleased to have the views of Gerald D. Berreman with regard to

up in our conversations in Pittsburgh-whether by one of them or by me,

chapter I, A. L. Epstein and J. Clyde Mitchell with regard to chapters 4

I must confess, I cannot always quite remember.

IIml 5, Jeremy Boissevain and Alvin W. Wolfe with regard to chapter 5,

Another academic excursion came at a later stage in the development of

IIlId Erving G offman with regard to chapter 6. An anonymous reader who

this book. During the spring of 1976, I was a Simon Senior Research

looked over the completed manuscript on behalf of Columbia University

Fellow in the Department of Social Anthropology, University of Manches­

Press made several helpful suggestions, only some of which I have in the

ter. Since this gave me the rather rare opportunity to spend a longer period

"IHI been able to follow. And John D. Moore of Columbia University Press

and writing without major distractions and in a

has been a most friendly editor, even as the completion of the manuscript

reading,

thinking,

stimulating milieu, I am very grateful to my then colleagues in Manchester

\VIIS repeatedly delayed.

for taking me in. John Comaroff, Chris Fuller, and Keith Hart were espe­

As it will now come before the reader, Exploring the City is a somewhat

cially helpful as conversation partners. Because the role of the Manchester

different book from that which I first expected to write, when I began the

department has been so prominent in the development of anthropological

project of organizing my view of urban anthropology. This is partly because

urban studies, however, the advantages of that period also varied from

I rl'alized, after a while, that the time would seem to move ever farther

something as concrete as specialized library holdings to a rather less tangi­

1I111'ad of me, like a mirage,

ble but still real sense of a proper ambience for my concerns.

vny wide scope originally intended. And it would hardly fit between two

� hen I could expect to finish a volume of the

Y et it has naturally been in my home department, at the University of

mvers anyway. Even as it is, Exploring the City is not a very small book. It

Stockholm, that I have had the greatest opportunity to try out various ideas

IIlIlY be that I will find other opportunities to deal with issues and materials

over the years during which this book has been in (not always lineal) prog­

tlllit IIIUSt now be left out. But another reason why the book has perhaps

ress, and that the book has also taken shape in other ways. Seminars on

npallded a little here, contracted a little there, and struck out in some

Urban Anthropology, Personal Information in Social Relations, Career

dlll",t iOlls which I had not first thought of, has of course been the ongoing

Analysis, and Cultural Analysis between 1970 and 1978 have been espe­

IlIlhll'lIl'e of friends and colleagues. It will not, I hope, be the end product

cially useful in this regard, and the participants in these constitute another

"lillY dialogues with them, as I wish to have many of them in my network

rather tightly-knit group which I must thank collectively. Stefan Molund,

\\'111'11 I lI10 ve on to other aspects of the anthropological study of cities. Whatl'ver merit this book may have, then, I think I should share with

Kristina Bohman, and Tomas G erholm have also at one time or another been through various chapter drafts and have often helped me clarify my

I h,,\,· who have helped and encouraged my undertaking. Unlike a handful

assumptions and straighten out my argument through their criticisms, also

"I 11·,1'111 au thors, however, I think it would be unfair of me to suggest that

bringing illuminating ethnography and other references to my attention. A

I h,,·,,· \\'ho have offered such support should also be prepared to take a part

group of colleagues, present or former graduate students of the depart­ having been among the best guides an urban anthropologist could have,

IIII' I,iallll' Ii,r ih va rioll s faults, The convention that this burden should III' , jill .. .' I I.y lilt' alit hor alolle is one which I accept. After all, if this were .1 IHH,k Ihal illY fri"lIIls alld colleagues would wholeheartedly want to be

when I have visited them in the field, in cities in three continents. And

.1·.·...

ment, again including the three JUSt named, also have my gratitude for

four conscientious assistants in the department, Kerstin Lagergren, Ulla J:orsJll'rg hiiman, Cunnel Nordstrom. and Lena Haddad. have given their

.. I

' 1,11"d \\,11 h. \\'0111.1 II1I'Y not have written it themselves?

III .. tI ... 1 \\'.IV·, ;1', \\'1'11. Wilting tl'lIds ill the end to be a lonely undertak1111(

I I ... ,... 111111'" 11''1""'''' I hay"� I'011 lid for till' lI10st pa rt during periods

x

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

away from the entanglements of urban life, in a secluded summer house with a garden full of weeds and aged fruit trees, with visiting cats and a resident hedgehog, in southern Sweden. This, perversely, is where this book on urban anthropology was begun, and this is where I now reach its completion. Even for a committed urbanite, it may finally be acknowl­ edged, the country may have its uses. Utvalinge, April 1980

ULF HANNERZ

EXPLORING THE C ITY Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology

CHAPTER ONE

The Education of an Urban Anthropologist

Only a liule morc than a decade ago. there was hardly an urban anthropol­ Uky. A concern with urbanism as a part of civilization, and an interest in defining its properties cross-cuhuraJly, had already taken a handful of .cholars to Timbuktu and other faraway places. But as late as in the early 19605 one student of comparative urbanism could remark that anthropol­ OJtlsts were "a notoriously agaraphohic lot, anti-urban by definition" (Benet

1963n:212).

Only in that decade did the tendency of anthropologists to go

10 cities (or simply to remain in them) become really pronounced. There wuc several reasons for this. In the exotic societies to which anthropol­

Ilkl,!S habitually gave most of their attention-and which they were now

I"-llming to describe as "the Third World"-people increasingly left the ,lIIages for new and mushrooming urban centers, and the students of their Uves could hardly disregard the fact. In the United Stales, many anthro­ f'(llogisls were more di�tly louched by developments at home. In the

19505, Ihe American self-image had been one of an affluent, homogenized

1111115 society; intellectuals complained of an excess of mediocre con­ furlllism. In the 1960s, ethnicily and poverty were rediscovered, and more ,l,ell than not they were defined as "urban problems." In Europe al the

11I1IIe: time, International labor migration, and to a lesser extent an inAux of r fll8,ces from political upheavals, were changing the character of many cit-

14)1. There was

3

search for new understandings, and anthropologists felt

Iher could play a pMt In it. They had specialized in "other cultures" but hltr which olhers might frown upon. In the small community each

of the�e people might have been the only person of a J.:ind, and the IlI nhlllt!' uf conformit), would have hindered expressions of what would Ihe'll I�' lIlt'r� kllo(yncracy. PArK {Iealt less effectively, however, with just

111.11

wlllli It WII" IIHlt l>fOplc !"rouJtht to I n te ract over. l Iere he tended to fall

26

C H ICAGO

ETHNOGRAPHERS

back on an individual psychology, treating personal inclinations to one kind of behavior or other 35 more or less given. Thus the city was seen more as a permissive than as an actively shaping influence-it tended 10 "spread out and Jay bare to the public view all Ihe human characters and traits which are ordinarily obscured and suppressed." By now we would probably wanl to push our inquiry rather further into the social-structural deter­ minants of behavior in the city. To describe the separate "moral regions" or "social worlds" became one of the major tasks of the Chicago sociologists. But the fact of the coexis­ tence of these worlds in the city could also lead to further questions about the relationships between them. In a passage which could by itself seem enough to stimulate mueh research, Park gave a glimpse of one way in whieh they could interact: The processes of segregation establish moral distances which make the city a mo�aic of Hnle worlds which touch but do not interpenetrate. This makes it possible for Indj�lduals to pass qUickly and easily from one moral milieu to

another, and encourages the faSCinating but dangerous experiment of 1i�'ing at the same lime in se\'cral different contiguous, but otherwise widely separated, worlds. (Park 1 952:47)

This facet of cultural organization in the city, however, was to a much greater extent left unattended by his followers in the years to come. One might perhaps see the writings on the "marginal man," launched in 1923 by Park himself, as taking up this thread. although many of them lost themselves in a quagmire of inadequate conceptualization. But here as elsewhere in their work on the moral order, Park and the other Chicagoans tended to lea\'c behind them unfinished business rather than failure in de­ veloping an understanding of urban life.

As with P L A N T S : The SPA T I A L O R D E R of the C I T Y There was rather more systematic effort i n illuminating what was seen as the other major dimension in urban life-indeed in all human life-that of the raw struggle for existence. Already in his first major paper on tht· city Park had noted the extremely varying characteristics of the neigh­ borhoods; he could also witness that these characteristics did not remain stable over time. In the words of one of his students (Zorbaugh 1929:235), an observer of the Chicago scene in the early twentieth century could sec how

C H ICAGO

ETHNOGRAPHERS

27

f�,hlonable residential streets have become the heart of the rooming house dis­ Idct; rooming houses ha�e become tenements, tenements ha\'e been reclaimed rur studios and shops. CrotJp has succeeded group. Iht world of fashion has become the work! of furnished rooms. and into this world have come the slat­ 'tmly residents of the slum. Tht Irish Kilgllbbin has become the Sw�ish Smo�y UoJlow; the Swedish Smoky 1101l0w, a Unle Sicily; and now Linle "'Icily becomes a Negro quaner.

P"rk reAected on these changing patterns in a series of papers in which h\1 dC\'elopcd his "human ecology." This was an analytical perspective where the peculiarly human phenomena of consensus and communication Wt!lt

of negligible importance. and where the inspiration from social Dar­ winism was obvious. There was a stratum of human life in which people 11'lId(..'(1 to behave like other IiYing things, a "subsocial" or "biotic" stratum where L"Ompetition was the basic form of coexistence. While such tenden1 111. might or might not be checked by higher-order factors, such as moral l un�l r:tlnts, they had a great impact in shaping the modern city. Park j'HHld the analogy with plant ecology particularly fitting and elaborated on III ut ility for urban studies of such concepts as dominance, symbiosis, and '"\: '(uion. Most m i portan\, however. was competition . and he saw it as a thlll l>Ctition for space. Thus the strongest inhabitants of the urban envi­ It,ument would occupy the most advantageous locations, and others would IIlI'u�t to their demands. Over time, the former might expand so that hthers would have 10 relocate. The principle of symbiosis, according to whiCh different inhabitants could benefit mutually From coexistence in an IIHllrQnmenl, was a modifying factor in the general scheme. f'hrk's own writings on human ecology were mostly statements of general 1 111t1 Iples coupled with apt illustrations. It fell to younger associates of his, 1'.lrli ulllrly Roderick McKenzie and Ernest Burgess, to elaborate on the ' Ililcepis nnd show practical applications. The latter especially did so wit hl n Ihe Chicago context. As human ecology was conceived as a sociology ilr �pn 'C (U1d since competition was the major force of regulation, il was \ill(lcl'.tood that the various human activities would be distributed accord­ hiM 10 IUlld �alues. From this Burgess deriv(.'

-0 ::;; �

'ScIfl...

"" '".. ....

-

........

.

:::: ...,

-' v '4 ,.,,," O �v.. 1:

...

�O"lt\.s

;:.(3...\,. pcals IllOSt to anthropo qualitative data, but also ng i ect l g 1,,,,, 1 hi. (�)"h. . about the wisdom of ne was h",I . _,.. kf In IIlllkh\K socIology �clcntll1c. And science, ;11 thc lime,

30

CH I C A G O E T H N O G R A P H E R S

31

ClIlCAGO E T H N O G R A P H E R S

big on measurement. So around 1930, a t the University of Chicago and elsewhere, what was termed urban sociology began 10 grow away from eth· nography.

The C H I C A G O S T U D I E S " A N T H R O P O L O G Y I t seems justified to suggest, then, that two kinds of urban studies were created in Chicago; conceh·ed in unity but drifting apaTI in terms of present-day markers of disciplinary inclinations. One became more nac­ rowly sociological, and there is an unbroken line of descent from it 10 much present-day urban sociology. The other was more anthropological. It may be held that it can become part of the ancestry of urban anthropology only by adoption; in passing, we may note that the connection is a little stronger than this. When the urban research program got under way, the divorce between

Anthropology. the science of man, has been mainly concerned up to the I)resent with the study of primith·e peoples. But civilized man is quile as inter­ esting an objeci of inVl.'Sligation, and at the same lime his life is ITIOre open to {)bs(rvation and study. Urban life and culture are more varied, subtle and l-omplieated, but the fundamental motives are in both instances the same. The ,lUne patient m('thods of observation which anthropologists like Boas and lowie ha'·e expended on the study of lhe life and manners of the North Amer­ Ican Indian might be ('ven more fruitfully empJoycd in the investigation of the CUSloms, beliefs, social praclkc$, and general l"Onceptkms of life prt'valenl in Uttle Italy on the lower North Side in Chicago, or in rerording the more .oph isticaled folkways of the 'nhabitant� of Greenwich Village and the neigh­ borhood of Washington Square, New York. ( Park 1952: 15)

Yel Park certainly also had other sources for an ethnographic approach

HI urblln life-his journalistic experience was one of them, the literary nat­

uIIIIIs111 of Zola, Dreiser, and Upton Sinclair was another-and what is im­

JllJrlClllt is not just intellectual genealogy. The JXllnt, rather, is that wher­ the original

.....cr

inRuences came

from,

and where...er

they

went

sociology and anthropology had not yet taken place at the UniverSity of

Immediately afterwards, many of the studies turned out rather like the

Chicago. Only in 1929 was a separate department of anthropology es­

llrblln IInthroJXIlogy of toclay. This is not so much true as far as explicit

tablished. It is not so wKlely known that Leslie White was a product of Ihis

throry is concerned, but more true when it comes to choice or methods and

joint department, since his later evolutionary anthropology bore Iiltle ob... i­

II/Illes, and to the fonn of presentation. The methoclological hauery of

ous resemblance to the concerns of the Chicago urbanists. White has later

thC'k Chicagoans was similar to that of anthroJXIlogists in emphasizing ob­

commented that Park was the most stimulating teacher he had at Chicago,

.llrvlltK>n of social phenomena in their nalUral setting but including also in­

although he did not quite know what he learned from him (!\.t:Il , howe\'cr, that a girl took a liking to a partner, and one way "I I'li l,rtulng Ihl5 was to give him free dances, that is, without collccting

hi, Ildet. Out Ihls practice had 10 be hidden from the management. The

l"IIt'I hud III code of I.'Onducl ror Ihe girls, tile girls had one of their own, I4h,l ,1I('i1. WI! morc effectively enforced on the floor.

C H I CAGO ETHNOGRAPHERS

Who were these girls? Often they were apparently already rather de­ tached from the controlling inRuences of family and neighborhood before,

53

kinds of needs were met by the taxi-dance hall. It was a convenient way of

'''!joying

feminine company for transients who had no time to make ac­

by various routes, they entered the taxi-dance hall. Many had grown up in

IJuAlntances through conventional channels. It was a way of spending a

incomplete families, and considering their youth, the fact that about two­

fll"ht on the town for young men of ethnic groups which kept their own

fifths of them had gone through a di\lOrce might be surprising. In most

young female members under strict family surveillance. It provided relief

cases, their parental families lived in or near Chicago, but there were also a fair number of immigrant girls. Cressey noted that there were hardly any

or middle-aged single men for whom well-meaning acquaintances would

lend to suggest much duller female company. But clearly, the taxi-dance

Italian girls, or girls from the Jewish ghetto, but that there were some gi rls

hlill also found many of its patrons in stigmatized groups who were not

from the Jewish area of second settlement (Lawndale or similar areas) and

l{)llll>etitive. Among these were the Orientals; and the Filipinos made up

girls took new "professional" names for use in the hall. if Cressey's camou­

Ihe larger number of these, at least one-Sfth of the entire patron popula­ lion according to Cressey's estimate. The Filipinos suffered racial discrimi-

change from Slavic to French, Anglo-Saxon, and Celtic names. 9

Or the Filipinos arriving in the United States during the 1920s only about

a rather large proportion of girls of Polish background. A great many of the Raged list of such names is a true indication, this tended 10 involve a One of the most notable sets of findings of Cressey's study involved the social mobility of the taxi-dance girls. Unlike the typical occupational ca­ reer, that of the taxi-dance girl went downward rather than upward. Cer­ tainly, it could become stabilized at some point; but there was, Cressey

1IIIIIon and thus had great difficulties Snding company of the other sex, and

one III fifteen was a woman. The fact that taxi-dance haHs also existed in tile Philippines could have been an additional reason for the readiness of IIIcn from there to seek them out in American cities. I�or the categories of men who could not easily establish contacts with

felt, a pattern of decline. The first step in\lOlved a move from a dissatis­

women through other chanm:,ls, it was natural that they would sometimes

factory situation in conventional society into the world of the taxi-dance

Wlnl! to take their relationships to the taxi-dance girls beyond dancing.

hall, where the newcomer might well enjoy popularity and prestige. If, as

time passed on, she could no longer maintain her status, however, she might seek to reestablish it in new circles-at a less competili...-e dance hall, for example, or by accepting the attentions of patrons of lower status, such as the Orientals who made up a considerable part of the taxi-dance hall population. She could only maintain her popularity with the latter,

I he management of the dance halls would nonnally discourage such con11e1S. but they occurred anyway. Occasionally they led to marriage. but IllOre often the relationships thus formed would be more or less mutually

1II I1,loitative. Among those which involved sexual affairs Cressey delineated

Ihree types: those where a girl became for a perioo the mistress of one lIum; those where a kind of shorHenn polyandry was established, with

however. as long as they did not regard her as "common." The next down­

_Clv(rsl men contributing to the support of one girl, while aware of one

ward step might be to the cabarets of Chicago's Black Belt, and the final

Another's existence or even friendly with one another; and overnight dates.

move might be to prostitution in a black neighborhood. The paUern thus

"uell relationships could obviously mark a step on the downward career to

involved a move from low personal esteem in a sphere of higher prestige to

11llmitution. But this was not always the consequence, nor did all taxi­

high esteem in a sphere of lower prestige. This could be seen as a short upward mow; but once inside the new sphere, the girl was liable to suffer continuous decline.

About the patrons Cressey was less able to offer systematic information,

partly becausc the men Rowing through this institution made up a rather varied group. There wcrc hoboes and workers, businessmen from out of town, and once-only slummers from higher social strata; Filipinos, Slnv!, Greeks, Chinese, Mexicans, black sheep from uppcr-cl3ss families (but no real blacks); the dwarfl,.'eriod they would again move on 10 something else.

PHERS

C H ICAGO ETHNOGRAPHERS

Many of them maintained some sort of contact with their families, and Cressey even described them as leading "double lives," shielding their fam­ ilies from knowledge about their occupation. Although he formulated a typ­ ical career pattern as a downward movement, he also noted that the ano­ nymity of urban society made it possible for both taxi-dance girls and

55

Ir one considers each study by itself, it actually turns out that the

t hlelif«> School had more or less the pioneers in virtually all the kinds of

,,,,,lenl anthropologies in the city which we are used to by now: studies of F lhl iIe enclaves, gang studies, studies of deviant occupations, studies of be­ II�Y'or In public places or of public entertainment, studies of mixed neigh­

prostitutes to move back and forth between these livelihoods and positions

j�l, houds. But they share with many of the urban ethnographies of a later

in conventional society. The patrons of the taxi-dance hall, of course, were

",'I"(lIllon that "certain blindness. " The shortcoming may seem surpris­

drawn from many circles, and the proprietor's network might include poli­

lult, In view of Park's interest in the passage of persons between different

ticians and law enforcement officers. It could all be a matter, naturally, of

11\4)".1 milieux.

what is meant by the "isolation" of a social world. But considering this va­ riety of outside links, we could as well consider

The Taxi-Dance Hall

a

P()ulbly the Chicagoans were sometimes closer to a breakthrough in this Mlt'li than later scholars have often been. One way in which this is true is

pioneering study of one of these nodal institutions where many urban

Ilwlr awareness of the time dimension. Relationships between different

worlds meet.

.rjl,l11CnlS of urban society may frequently be understood as relationships

'Illerging over time, and as Short (197I:xliv) has noted, "the Chicago �dIlJOI, more Ihan any other, developed a sensitivity to process." Park's

The C H I C A G O S C H O O L in RETRO S P E C T In his introduction to a new edition of Shaw's

The Jack-Roller,

HI( c relutions cycle, Thrasher's tracing of the gang from play group to poli­

Howard

Becker (1966) has commented on the way in which the Chicago studies

II{. or organized crime, or Cressey's interpretation of the stages of the taxi

,lIweer's career are examples of this. If the Chicagoans had given greater

form a mosaic-again this metaphor---each one of them a piece contribut­

Irlo�nhlon to the relative open-endedness of these developmental se­

ing to the whole and serving as background reading for the others. When

IIuCflCC�, the variable passages of groups and individuals through the urban

one comes to the part of that life history where Stanley, the jack-roller, engages in stealing with other boys, one may recall Thrasher's discussion of gangs and theft, and when for a time the scene of his life is Wesl

.'111,,1 structure could have been better illuminated.

' I he fact that they got no further, under circumstances which would .rflll

10

have been propitious, is perhaps best understood against the back­

Madison Street, one can turn to Anderson for a more detailed description

"fwnd of :1 general weakness in the group in the analysis of social organi­

of this hobo "main stem." This is cooperative ethnography; if the mosaic

,illoll, where developments lagged behind those in ecology, and also in

does not form a picture of Chicago as a whole, then at least we gel a broader picture of the urban environment of any particular group or insti­ tution than we can normally find in any single study. The achievement is worth noting because it has scarcely been paralleled elsewhere. In la�ge part, however, it is up to the reader to Ferrel out for himself the facts on which to base this wider-scope understanding. The authors them­ selves tended rather to exaggerate the isolation of the social world they studied-as David Matza (l969:70-71) has put it in his important critique of the Chicagoans in

&coming Deviant,

"there was a certain blindness to

ovcrlap and connection," to the fact that, fur example, deviant groups "ex­ iSled in the context of conventional America, drew sustenance from Ih;ll

milieu, dispensed services to it, recruited persons from i t , lind frequcntly

delivered re llClilanl dc\1:tlors b:tck 10 il.··

tiM;lfll psychology. The interplay between ethnography and conceptual

I(IIlWlh never really worked very weU. The ethnographic contributions of 1 1.t' 'hh:llgO School have sometimes been described, with an explicit or im­

Illkh refercncc to Park's past, as "mere journalism." Such a judgment at I II�I underestimates Park's own learning-as we have seen, his academic tlII pc',lcllce was far from parochial, and he had a profound sociological II1IM)(lnlllion. While many of his ideas remain of considerable interest, how­

I'\lel, II Is truc thai not all were really taken any further by his followers.

I II('Y ne/n, And education, the lower class included all others. Con-

78

THE

tact between the fwo strata was minimal insofar as the elite limited its interactions to the necessary ones with servants, astrologers, musicians, merchants, and craftsmen. Furthermore. people tended to signal their status through dress. style of speech, and in other ways, so that approp­ riate understandings of deference and demeanor could be maintained. Anonymity, to the extent that it is a matter of social category rather than personal identity, was not a characteristic of the preindustrial city. Within the lower class, of course, there were gradations of rank. but none as importan t as the gap between the classes. Occasionally merchants could COllvert wealth into inHuence and even make a way for themselves or their descendants into the privileged class. One reason the elite tried to keep them at a distance and to limit their inHuence, however, was that merchants, through their contacts with all sorts of people, including stran­ gers, could be a threat to the existing order. Entertainers, as well, were regarded as a more or less subversive element. Below the richer merchants were a vari�ty of traders and craftsmen, as well as unskilled laborers-servants, messengers, load carriers, animal drivers, ditch diggers, and others. And mixed with these, of course, beg­ gars. petty criminals, and others of indeterminate means of livelihoo:l. The typical form of organization among these lower-class occupations (even thieves and beggars) was the guild. Depending on the requirements of the occupation. it served various purposes, such as control of business oppor­ tunities, regulation of recruitment and occupational socialization, control of internal conHict. and mutual aid. The constituent business units them­ selves were small. The technology hardly gave much room for economies of scale in the crafts. Due to the circumstances of their livelihoo:l, lower-class people could not easily maintain large households and close family ties. The poorest might even lack any family connection whatsoever. Among the elite, on the other hand, �xtensive networks of kin were of major importance for maintenance of group cohesion in general and for recruitment to office in particular. The offices held by the elite tended to merge with their per­ sons, and fields of authority were vaguely defined. There was little notice­ able class conHict--elite divisiveness and external threats were at limes more significant. Perhaps it should be said also that the lower-class was actually even more dividC(l. Its economic organization crentcd little overllil cohesion, it could be split by ethnic as well as sectllrilm diversity. (md It lacked the homogenizing Innuence which

a

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elite. The lown criers, story tellers, street singers and actors tended also to 5hape links of knowledge, beliefs, and values which tied lower-class pe+ lion that it is practical to han> differenl functions grouped logether rather than scattered, it is likely that one of these groceries will locate as a neigh­ bor of the furniture store. Working on in this manner, one arrives at a hierarchy of central places. In the highest-order place, one or more functions are provided with such high thresholds that they cannot exist in any additional place in the area concerned. In second-order places those functions are located the thresh­ olds of which are next highest, yet low enough so that more than one can be squet:zed in within the area served by the highest-order place. And SO forth. Apart from those functions which are most demanding as to market size and which therefore define the place of a center in the hierarchy, it

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tmerging in part through an interplay with its rural surroundings as well 115, directly or indirectly, with other centers. Hetuming to the terms of a Wirthian definition of urbanism, one might lily that central place theory refers to the cumulative ordering of heteroge­ neity-if the different functions are seen, in a slightly different perspelillI(' dOnlu!u:! Involvc

r(,'(lIstrlbutlon nnd market exchange tie the livelihoods of large numbers of

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people together through complemcntarities of production and consumption, and the household can no longer be regarded as more or less self-sufficienl. On the basis of what has been said before, this would seem to have oc­ curred under all conditions of urbanism, although its forms would vary greatly. Generalizations on the issues with which we arc dealing here run a risk of being too crude. Yel it may be reasonable to suggest that the principles of redistribution and market exchange do not, on the other hand, in them­

selves entail a differentiation of the other part of the domain of provision­ ing, the work relationships, from the domain of household and kinship.

The unit of production could still, relatively frequently al least. be a unil of consumption, even if one no longer produced what one consumed. As Sjoberg had it, the people of preindustrial cities may often combine home and place of work. With the coming of industrialism, one consequence is that the domain of provisioning fur many becomes more fully autonomous, involving both a separate setting and a separate collection of people engaged in interaction over work. )O Another consequence, obviously, is that provi­ Sioning relationships between consumers and at least some of those engaged in production more often become indirect, mediated by (among others) the managers and owners of the means of prOOuction. The differentiation of the domain of reereation (even conceptually a rather tricky business, as this could tend to become a residual category of relationships) cannot be as easily related to social transformations. Even in modern western cities, it is often less than fully differentiated, as most people spend some, and some people just about all, of their "free time" in

the circle of household members and kin. Others remain in the company of colleagues even after working hours are over, although the activities of work and play may be sharply distinguished. We need a theory of leisure, and perhaps a quite pluralistiC theory at that, to account for the relath'e social separateness that leisure life sometimes achieves, and for the links between other domains and the choice of fonns of recreation. Yet we can­

not take on the topic here. J I

The last two of our five domains, made up of roles and relationships of neighboring and traffic, can be seen as covering different stretches along a continuum of relationships of propinquity. The former are relationships of stable propinquity. The likely consequence of such stability is that the in­ dividuals in\'Olved extend personal recognition to one another. More sub· stantive activities may be highly variable. with regilrd to both form nlK! ex-

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tent. There are places where all the people living close to one another are kin, and think of themselves as such. In that case, the domain of neighbor­ Ing may not be differentiated as involving a particular kind of relationship. Otherwise, neighbor relationships would seem to be a recurrent featurc of human settlements, in one shape or other. Where it is differentiated, the

de­ Intensity of neighbor relationships may depend, for one thing, on the to seem also gree of exposure of people to one another, so that they would ia­ be affected by such a differentiation of settings as goes with a different also he home, his kmger no is work of place man's a tion of domains. As

becomes less visible around the neighborhoOO where the home is situated. Uke the relationships of domesticity and work, on the other hand, those of neighboring may be extended into the domain of recreation. al Traffic relationships, fur their part, are involved in situations of minim at hips relations being of e borderlin the on be Interaction and may seem to each all. The participants mny not even be aware that they are "taking cn­ not ideally other into account"; they are unfocused interactions,

counters in Coffman's (1961b:7-8) sense.11 Either one or both partici­ pants-if only two are invoLved-are uninterested in drawing the attention of the other. One manages a traffic relationship by avoiding sidewalk colli­ of siems; by following the rules for standing in line, taking the end position tely in the queue as one arrives, without crowding the individual immedia other's the on claims ary unnecess through offense front; by not causing not senses, as through odor or noise (however these may be defined); by e determin to order in seeking eye contact, except possibly momentarily care in takes how more intensive forms of contact can be forestalled. One let the rela­ these or innumerable other ways, that is, if one wants to interac­ particular each in But ip. relationsh tionship pass as only a traffic one take to made to be have tion, only very limited arrangements may y generall is but safcly through it. The time pcrioo involved may vary , crossing a brief-a split second fur not bumping into somebody at a street interac­ few hours with a stranger in the next seat at a concert. And as the no as­ make ants particip the ed, tion, whatever there was of it, is conclud sumption that they will ever meet again. two seem Among the five domains of roles which we have identified, provision ing especially significant in making any city what it is-those of may have center urban an that function any to und tramc. Corresponding mix of ive distinct less or more within tile wider social sySlcm, there is a Through serving. l)fQvisionlng rtiationslilps, I)Urtiy city forming. partly city

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the former, in general terms, the city as a collectivity receives its re­

r:c

sou es

Ihrough the Jalter they 3re internally reallocated. What is pri­ : manly Involved in that sense of "urbanism as a social order" which we

�

f�und la ely

�issing in Wirth's essay is an understanding of the organiza­

tion of thIS mIX. As far as traffic relationships are concerned, there is the remark

�Y Max Weber in The Cit, ( 1 958:65). echoed by Wirth, that one

could think of the urban community as "3 locality and dense settlement of dwellings forming a colony so extensive that personal reciprocal acquaint­

ance of the inhabitants 15 lacking." It is nOI, of course, lacking among all of them. But traffic relationships hardly exist where other terms 3rc available for the definition of physical co-presence, where everybody is a kinsman or a co-worker or a neighbor or a playmate, or is present for the purpose of

II

some recognizable interaction of provisioning. In short, they are a pure form of meetings among strangers, a result of the crowding of large

�umbers of people in a limited space. Although a stranger may also appear In the small and rather isolated village (and perhaps cause great excite­ ment). he is an urban commonplace.)) Much of the social science research on cities is now, as it has been in

most periods during the past century. concerned with the phenomena of the domain of provisioning. Given the cross-cultural scope of anthropology. . one obVIOUS question here for its urban practitKmers is what functions are

� in the social and spatial organization of centricity in a society with a parttcular cultural tradition, and what their social forms. In tradi­ tional �ndian SOCiety, as Pocock noted, it was in the city that the caste sys­

involv

are

tem With Its refined division of labor could be observed in its most devel­

oJX"CI constellations. Yet in this context one must also be aware that afler the "universal oekumene," in Ihe phrase used by Redfield and Singer, urban systems in different parts of the world have become in some ways more alike. An analysis of the domain of provisioning, however, can in itself be only a part of an urban anthropology. However far the differentiation of do­

�ains has proceeded. all cities are multi-domain social structures; our posi­

. that an anthropology which attempts to be of the city rather tIOn here IS than merely In the city should try to deal systematically with precisely this

fact. To do justice to both the differentiation and the coherence of the urban social structure, in other words, we should investigate the forms lind degrees of interrelationship among roles. nol only within but 01 porticulorly-among domoins. H

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CITY

In fnct '

To get a better grasp of the implications of this programmatic statement. it may be useful to consider what our overview of domains suggests with respect to the size of role inventories and role repertoires in the city. The fact of greater domain differentiation in itself would seem to entail an increase in the size of role repertoires-with each new domain that emerges, a minimum of one new role is added. But repertoires may grow further if there is internal variety within domains, and a person can be the incumbent of several roles belonging to the same domain. Role inventories, naturally, increase in size along the same lines. If different people have different roles within the same domain, however, this further enlarges the role inventory of the community. A domain-by-domain rundown illuminates the argument further. In the domain of provisioning, the politico-economic division of labor in the city may tend to increase the role Inventory significantly, since people make their living in unlike ways. If one assumes that each person has only one job. on the other hand, the contribution to the size of the role repertoire may not be so great. Variations are clearly possible here, however. Com­ munities with central 'Place functions might have proportionately many roles in this domain, with a minimal number of incumbents of each, while communities devoted to serving one particular function with reference to the wider society may have a great many incumbents in at least some of its roles. There is the additional possibility of occupational multiplicity, more often found in some cities than others. In the domain of household and kinship, it does not seem probable that the number of roles performed in internal relationships woukl ncrease i by much in the city. If Wirth is correct (which in this case he may be some­ times, but not always), kinship roles outside the household would rather lend to be accorded less social recognition. The household roles performed externally, in relationships of proviSioning, on the other hand, probably Increase in number, to some degree reflecting the variety of the provision­ ing domain. There is likely to be a fairly high degree of replication of rep­ ertoires in this domain, with roles occurring in a rather small number of stundard clusters. Roles of recreation may come in very large numbers in urbnn life, but probably-as we have already implied-more in western and industrlnl cities than in non-western and preindustrial. Where they hllve Ihelr greatest impact, they can increase individual repertoires consid­ crllbly (C:5pccilllly In the case of jX.'Ople contenl to be dilcttanles), and also t ht vurlubillty of rCI)Crtoircs. With nelll.hlxlr roles and traffic roles, it be-

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comes a rather subllc question of conceptualization how many kinds [here may be. Docs one perform different roles, for example, silting nexi to a siranger at a SOCCe r game and in an opera house, or for that mailer on a bus? On the answer to such questions depends the contribution of these

domains to the size of both role repertoires and role inventory.

�

�

In gene al, iI uld seem fair to say, cities probably ha\'c comparatively large role inVentOries; or to put it differently, a great many different kinds of siluslkms OCcur in urban life. But the size of the inventories vary be­ tween kinds of urban communities. Equally significantly. some urbanites have larger role repertoires than others-they get themselves into more dif­ ferent situations. Perhaps the differences between repertoire sizes are one

�

of the nOiable f cts of urban life. We can also see that within a repertoire, roles may be differently weighted in one way or other. We spend much more time in some of them, or get into them more oflen, or think they are

�

�

m re importan than other roles. In another turn of phrase, the role reper­ . tOire can be said to have liS core and its periphery. Our suggestion, then, is that we should attend more persistently, in urban anthropological analysis, to the ways in which city people combine . roles mto repertoires. At the one extreme, we could imagine the case where roles woukl be completely segregated. Assembling a person from

�e wide and varied �

role inventory would be an act of perfect brfcolo�.

Th s person ,",,'Ould go on to think and behave in one situation in a way which WOUld ha�'e nothing to do with what goes on in another, and the way . up resources or call upon them would establish no linkages he would bUild either. At the other extreme we would find the person with a repertoire so highly integrated that no role could be exchanged for another. We may find it a little less likely that we will find the individual with the perfectly randomized role repertoire in real life than the one with the wholl}' determinate repertoire. Bul in between we come across the great

":hose lives are made up of different ·mixtures of determinacy and , fr�e var�atlon. In congruity with what was se and none in which each man shall Ih'e under his vine and his own fig shall make him afraid.

�

Just because individuals are within convenient reach, furthermore, it docs not mean that they always arc or want to be on view, or available for

So the conditions underlying the equation of man's use of space would

interaction. Where too much accessibility is a problem, privacy becomes a

have changed. Although no longer very constrained by a relationship to the

l'aIUt�. For what activities or relationships protcction is sought, however, or

lund, his interdependcncy with other human beings could continuc with­

against whom , is also a mailer of social organization. The built urban envi­

alit much attention to distance. Thc city could pasS away, while it might

ronment serves as one component in this regulation of access. Sjoberg, we

sccm as if the urbanl1.atkln of thc countryside would continue. Indeed we

�

remember, noted the inward-turning houses of the elite in thc preinc.lus­

may be moving ill this direction, but not equally quickly in all partS of t e

trial city. Some kinds of actil'ilies are assign!.,,1 space to which
these others. For each variable, the measurements were dichotomized, so

lyzing the rules for a fair fight, etc.," and more specifically, that "most of

that half of the men are classified as "high" and the other half "low." The

the African network literature seems completely bogged down In methodol­

four classifications for each man were regarded as a measure of the differen­

ogy because it has failed

tial degree to which he was tied into the entire network of relationships.

tive theory."

to attack important questions of broader substan­

When at this stage the direct as well as the indirect relationships among the

The humanist hesitancy 15 a matter of personal preference. There are

participants n i the dispute were mapped, it turned out that Abraham could

different styles in doing anthropology. Leeds's critique appears to point to

capture the support of many who by the nature of their direct relation­

morc serious practical difficulties in the development of network studies

ships to the disputants would seem uncommitted, through his strong re­

with the dIscipline. However admirable the intensity of their analysis may

lationships to inRuential third persons.

A C()I1lpressed account like this could hardly do justice to Kapferer's rich

be, the tlulre appnrattls of interactional and morphological variables and IIICMurelllCIIU 15 n t easy to move about In the social structure. 1 0 There

o

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187

may be a danger that as one continues to strive toward maximum precision,

hut more fundamentally, according to Gluckman, it is a way of expressing

network analysis is adapted to less and less of human life-it becomes a

and affinning norms. Through gossip, one can bring injury to enemies and

case of theoretical and methodological involution rather than evolution. It hardly seems necessary, however, to proceed with network studies only in this direction. A great deal has been claimed for network analysis

sanctions against defaulters within the group. One can also keep intruders out, as they do not have the accumulated knowledge about people and their past conduct which is the foundation of gossip as a noble art.

during its years as an anthroJXIlogical growth industry (and also an inter­

Basically the same message is restated in network terms in a brief paper

disciplinary one, now with a journal and an international society of its

by Epstein (1969), in the Manchester genre of case studies. Tapping a

own}-that the network concept is the equal of "role" and "class" in the

rather dense network including mostly white-collar workers in Ndola,

struggle to understand society in general, that it is to the anthropology of

another of the Copperbelt towns, he got the story of the affair of Charles

complex society what genealogy has been to the study of traditional kin­

and Monica from several sources. Both were members of a rather sophis­

ship-based society. Perhaps there is something to these assertions. But pos­

ticated and prestigious circle; Monica's husband Kaswende was nol. Ep·

sibly they may be validated most successfully by a normalization of network

stein was impressed with the fact that the news about the affair, and

thinking, whereby the set of concepts involved would pass into the general

Kaswende's Violent reaction to it, had spread so effectively through the

vocabulary of all anthropologists, to be used with just that intensity and

network, and also with the fact that there was hardly any negative com­

completeness which the occasion calls for, like the other major concepts

lIlent on the adultery involved. Most commentators seemed rather to come

just mentioned. For our purposes, we thus prefer to emphasize flexibility

out on Monica's and Charles's side, taking the vicw that Monica was too

rather than rigor and exhaustiveness. As we try to find out more about how

attractive a girl for Kaswende anyway. In conclusion, Epstein suggests that

network ideas can help us throw light on urban life, methodological de­

the close-knit network of. sophisticates used this piece of gossip to define

mands may at least temporarily adopt a lower profile. We may count link­

their own nonns and their separation from the mass of unskilled, unedu­

ages as far as we find it useful and interesting; morphological variables

cated urbanites. If the new urban centers of Africa have not yet formed

(which seem to be the most important contribution of network analysis to

classes acting corporately as stable groups, the flow of gossip through dense

anthropological conceptualization) will be applied in a piecemeal fashion as

networks at least allows their members to begin defining a separate iden­

we find them illuminating in handling the problem at hand, rather than as

tity. (This, then, was one instance where the emergent class structure be­

an indivisible set. This is the kind of thinking with networks of which

came a focus of attention in a Copperbelt study. )

some further diverse examples may be worthwhile.

Epstein still makes relatively little use of network concepts in his in­ terpretation. He notes that it would have been interesting to trace the gos­ sip out of the dense cluster at the center (i.e., the "effective network")

The GRA P E V I N E : G O S S I P and N E T W O R K

toward the periphery, to see how it changes character and e\'entually

Although several anthropological writers had had one thing or another to

peters out, but his data did not suffice for this. Nor does he discuss explic­

say about gossip as part of commuDity life, they did so mostly in passing

Itly the relationship between the intensity of gossip and the fonn of the

until 1963, when Max Gluckman's essay on goSSip and scandal sparked a

network. Such questions were of some concern as I myself explored the

series of studies with more sharply focused interest in the subject. Despite

possibilities of

Gluckman's position in the midst of the Manchester milieu where network

In II black neighborhood in Washington, D.C. (Hannerz 1967). The ques­

analysis flowered, this essay did not make use of network concepts and

a

network analysis of gossip on the basis of field experiences

lion whether gossip serves to maintain cohesion was in this instance seen

generally remained within the framework of structural-functionalism. Gos­

IlS n question of social colltrol--can people, by maintaining a steady Bow of

sip, in this view, serves primarily to maintain the unity of groups, espe­

III£orl11ntlon nbollt third persons, ensure their confonnity to norms?

cially the relatively exclusive and well-bounded ones such as clitcs, profes­ sions, or minorities. In an O\'crt sense, of course, it is talk about people;

In this casc, the nnswcr was partly negative. For one thing, in the

Irouilled conditions of the �hctlo, far from everybody was ready to indulge

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i n gossip. One might rather not become too involved with others, particu­ larly as these might resent intrusions into their personal lives. This. of

course, has Iitlle 10 do with network form. Furthermore, however, such at­

THINKING

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189

though it may be more precise to view the perspectives as complemen­ tary . 1 1 This is the transactionalist view of gossip, emphasizing how indi­ viduals manipulate gossip to forward their own n i terests. Information

tempts at nonn enforcement as might follow from gossip could fail if the

management becomes the key concept. The participant in gossip wants to

netv.'Ork sector involved could not be sure of the allegiance of its members.

get information; he may also want to make the information he contributes

T�e ghetto community could be seen as one interconnected network of

flow in particular directklns, and in a particular form. If in his first article

varying density. In an existence ridden with problems, people would live

on this theme Paine mentions networks only in passing, a later paper

according to rather variable working (as OPplsed to ideal) norms, and indi­

( 1970) draws more directly on the idea, while also placing gossip in a wider

viduals would tend to be surrounded mostly by people of similar normative

context of analysis of informal communication. With this paper we return

alignments. Yet many personal networks would evince some internal diver­

to Norwegian coast society; yet this time not to Barnes's Bremnes, but to

sity in this respect, and for other individuals again the possibility existed of

the more northerly viUage of Nordbotn. It is a small community, with a

reconstructing the network to find support for other nonns. In this situa­

generally dense network, where people generally have a good view of one

tion, goSSip could sometimes lead to norm enforcement; but it could also be

another·s relationships. In this Situation, it is particularly the village entre­

a catalyst for cutting off or attenuating relationships to people insisting on

preneurs who have an interest in manipulating information, although they

norms to which it had become undesirable, inconvenient, or simply impos­ sible to conform. But gossip in the black ghetto, I also noted, was not always of the nor­

are not necessarily equally skilled at the game. Paine discusses the advan­

tages and disadvantages of direct and chain messages in terms of certainty

and speed (which may remind us of Mayer's distinction between "hard"

mative (and mostly invidious) kind on which Gluckman had based his

and "soft" election campaigns), the occasional advantages of "unsigned"

argument. Much of what passed along the ghetto grapevine was simply in

messages (rumor) over "signed" (gossip), and the difficulties in a small

the character of news, and again this could be seen against the background

community of getting an "unsigned" message underway and keeping its ori­

of network form. Many ghetto dwellers, particularly young adults, ac­

gin unknown. The high network awareness, naturally, often makes it pos­

cumulate fairly large networks. These are not necessarily very dense; and

sible to figure out from where a piece of information started its course. Yet

this would tend to limit gossip, as people are probably more likely to gossip

if there are problems involved in having information passed on, there may

about mutual acquaintances. What is more important here, however, is

also be difficulties if one tries not to have it transmitted further. If one

that there is often only a low frequency of interacHon in links e\'en within

confides in someone else, others may have noticed enough of the interac­

fairly dense net\o\o'Ork sectors. In other words, many relationships may be

tion to wonder what is going on. And if one confides in more than one, it is

seen as latent. Thus long periods may pass without two acquaintances (or

difficult in a dense network to know where to trace a breach of confidence.

even "friends") running into each other. But through gossip, they may

Such are the problems of information management.

keep informed about each other at least a little more regularly, learning perhaps about changes of jobs, addresses, marital status, or life style in general. Normative judgments, which mayor may not be a part of such in­

M A U - M A U I N G .nd F L A K CATC H I N G

formation, may then not be very important. What is significant is that peo­

Whether availing itself of network analysis or not, gossip has become a

ple get a map of their changing social environment which helps them to

{Illite respectable research topic among anthropologiSts in recent times.

steer their course. Here, then, gossip is primarily about people, only sec­

Our next example of the possible uses of network thinking, on the other

ondarily or nOI at all about norms. At this point, my interpretation came closer to the second major strand in gossip analyses, that first set forth in more general terms by nobert

Paine ( 1 967). Paine describes his view as an aiternlilive to Gluckmon·s. 01-

hand, does not draw on anthropological work but on an essay by Tom

Wolrc. IC(I(II118 exponent of the New Journalism. By being coupled in book rorm with the celebrated "nooical Chic," the essay we are interested in hCIC, " Mfluo MnuhlM, tI,e Fink Catchers," has perhaps become somewhat

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neglected. As a study in social organization, however. it is quite enlighten·

for the decision-making bureaucrats do not want to make themselves too

ing, whether or nol it is overdrawn as ethnography.

accessible to mau-mauing. Hence enter the flak catcher. The job of the

This is a satire of the late 19605 poverty program In San Francisco. The

Aak catcher in the bureaucracy is to receive people making demands, suffer

bureaucracy was expected to support community organization, but did not

hostility and humiliation, and not make commitments-to make it clear to

know the community (and, onc may suspect, had nOI given much thought

the visitors, on the contrary, that he is in no position to commit his supe­

to in what sense there was one). It was supposed to work with the

riors or the bureaucracy as a whole to any line of action. In other words, to

grassroots leadership, but did not know where to find it. So, in Wolfe's in­

decrease reachability. The Aak catcher, too, is a kind of broker, since he stands at the nexus

terpretation, there was a wide open field for entrepreneurship; Going downtown 10 mau-mall Ihe bureaucrats gol 10 be the routine practice in San Francisco. The po�'crty program enoo�,�d roo to go in for mau-mauing. They wouldn', have known whol to do without it. The bureaucrats at Cily Hall and in the Office of Economic Opportunity talked "ghetto" all the time, but they didn't know any more about what was going on in the Western Addi­ tion, Hunters Point, Potrero Hill, the Mission, Chinatown, or south of Mar­ ket Street than they did about Zanzibar. They didn't know where to look. They didn 't even know who to ask. So what couk! they do? Well . ,hey used the Ethnic Catering Service . . right . . They sat back and waited for you to come rolling in with your certified angry militants, your guaranteed frustrated ghello youth, looking like a bunch of wild men. Then you had your test confrontation. If you were outrageous enough, if you could shake up the bureaucrats so bad that their eyes froze into iceballs and their mouths twisted up into smiles of sheer physical panic, into shit-eating grins, so to speak-then they knew you were the real �s. They knew you were the right studs to give the p(werty grants and community organb.:ing jobs to. Otherwise they wouldn·' know. (Wolfe 1970:97-98) .

between the public and the real holders of power and channels contacts be­ tween them. There is probably a tendency, however, to regard a broker as

someone who facilitates contacts among persons, groups, or institutions who are otherwise not within easy reach of one another. The flak catcher, If we may phrase it harshly, is an antibrokerj his purpose in life is to

limir

contacts. Perhaps the metaphor of "gatekeeper" has the more appropriate connotations, although it is not too exact either. We have encountered something like this before, in Adrian J\byer's IInalysis of the difference between patronage and brokerage. Since a patron dispenses his own limited resources while the broker deals in somewhat uncertain promises. the latter can in a way be more generous in his trans­ IIctions than the fonner. Consequently, Mayer notes, a patron may find it useful to insert a broker as a buffer between himself and his clients, which

would allow for a network of wider range and some insulation from the TeI)Crcussions of failed transactions.

Mau-mauing, then, i s an art of net.....ork manipulation. When people in

The flak catcher, who can take a lot of beating without swinging the

one cluster of relationships wish to contact people in another cluster but do

gAte open, and the kindly broker who is always ready to establish contacts

not have established and time-tested links across the gap, they will honor

At such a low tariff that practically anybody can afford it, are of course only

the demands of a broker. (A Lroker, of course, Is a person with a particular

two poles of a continuum (or perhaps some more complex heuristic device),

kind of network range, including at least two quite different kinds of pe0ple

in his network and more or less monopolizing contacts between

them­

To arrive at a more complete understanding of how separation is overcome

In II network, or achieved where it is not automatically produeed in social

mauing is a particular kind of brokerage, for it is really only brokerage

I)rocesses, one might construct a more elaborate array of broker forms. Broker 10Yllhles, ability to deliver. and the objectives of the actual holder of

claimed. In the absence of any means of checking the effectiveness of

resources in releasing Ihem, could be some of the variables included in

channels, at least over the short term, the party seeking contact is suscep­

.uch concepluallzation.

direct contacts which cut him out are negligible or non-existent.) But mau­

tible to such claims.

The structure of mau-mauing and flak catching, meanwhile, provides an

So far Wolfe's reading of the mau-mauing part of the equation, restated

cxnmple of how a network interpretation can involve both institutional and

in more general network terms (which are certainly duller, but probably

IIOIl- 1115111uliol1l1l sectors-the latter primarily serving as the backgrot.!lld

more useful for purposes of analysis and comparison). There is solne net­ work manipulation going on from the bureaucratic side

liS

well . however,

for mUII-l1Il1l1lng, t he former beil1g the habitat of the flak catcher. It could

hu I Ak�1 I to show, too. the InterplllY between normative control and per-

192

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193

sonal information within relationships as the smoothest role enactment of

He therefore went from Syracuse to Leone, a town where he had pre­

the Oak catcher may entail a subtle display of conflict between personal

viously worked and where he had useful contan between them, this may be what

Cooling thc Mark Out" ( 1 952). The archetype of Ihe IIlllrk Is OIlC l>llrty In

one could f1IKI objectionable nbout Coffman's perspeclive. Ritual sharp

The Presentation of Self can

214

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O F GOFFMAN

practices seem to be everywhere in interactions. It is possible to St.'e this as a very cynical view of society, with The Presentation of Self as a do-il-your­ self manual . ' l But it is an understanding which can be !tirned upside down. The cynic then becomes an outraged moralist warning us thai the ritual means we ha\"c for caring for each other while still keeping the wheels of society turning also lend themselves to misuse; a misuse of the public funds of personal symbolism. The same book then becomes a guide to the unmasldng of the villains. 1 � Both interpretations ha\'l� their ad­ vocales-and that is the wa�' it may remain, for Coffman does nOi seem to care to make his readers too comfortable.

TOTAL I N S T I T U T I O N S I n much of Goffman's work the exchange of messages about self and other appears to occur in a sort of isolation . As he occupies himself with the ground rules of the ritual order in everyday life, one may not be told much about what people hope to get out of their interactions apart from deference, or about who wins if the consensus of ritual should break down. It may be in his abstracting of situations from structures and his separating communicati ...e activities from material life that Coffman comes especially close to Simmers "fonnal sociology." 10 There can be little doubt that this has produced new insights into recurrent features of social in­ teraction. Even a largely favorable commentator (Collins 1973: 142), how­ ever, can express concern o...er a concentration on microproperties of face­ to-face behavior, making "Coffman territory" less than it might have been-"from a revolutionary theorist in the grand tradition, he has become the baron of a prospering but remote province." For some purposes, one may dearly want to know what are the mutual inAuences between people's particular positions and movements in the social structure and their participation in the ritual order. It is in one of the earlier of Goffman's published works that such an analYSis has so far been most evident, in that the distribution of power within a specific insti­ tutional setting figures very l'Onspicuously in it.ll This is Asylums (196Ia), a collection of essays based on his research at St. Elizabeth's Hospital. The mental hospital. Coffman proposes, belongs to a wider dass that can be termed lotal institutions. Other instances are prisons, boarding schools, army barracks, and monasteries. (More recently, it has been colllmcntt.'(1 that the slave plantation is yt:l anolher example. 22) Obviollsly they arc not

C ITY A S TIIEATER: TALES OF GOFFMAN

215

alike n i every way. but as a type the total institution is characterized in particular by its barriers to contacts between inhabitants and the work/. outside. It contrasts with the predominant tendency in modern urban soci­ ety where the individual sleeps, plays, and works in different settings. with different people. under no obvious overall plan. I n the total institu­ tion members do all these things more or less together, in a tightly regi­ mented way where as a rule they are all treated alike. But what we have just called members, and could as well call inmates, are only one of the two major categories of people Involved. There is a bask dichotomy between Inmates and staff. For the latter, control of the lives of the inmates is work only, eight hours a day. Sleep and piny for them belong in the outside soci­ ety. The relationship between staff and inmates is one of extreme inequal­ ity and great social distance. There is reciprocal stereotyping and a regime of one-sided bureaucratic surveillance. As Goffman (196Ia:9) puts it, "two different social and cultural worlds develop, jogging alongside each other with points of official contact but little mutual penetration. " Total institutions, he goes on to say, are natural experiments on what can be done to the self. T.he inmate may arrive with a sense of who he is which has up to this point had its rather stable underpinnings in his nor­ mal daily round of activities. In the case of mental hospital patients, this sense of self may already have become problematic, so that sometimes they have themselves sought hospitalization. Subcultures in American society apparently differ in the amount of imagery and encouragement they offer for such self-analysis. Goffman notes that It seems to be one of the doubt­ ful cultural privileges of the upper classes. Anyhow, with the entry of the Inmale into the total institution, some radical shifts begin to occur in his "moral career, " the sequence of changes in his beliefs concerning himself and significant others. Not only is his old context of life lost to him, but he Is under the almost total power of the staff, which tends to ignore any dif­ fercnces between him and other inmates, particularly those deriving from thdr previous existences outside, now defined as irrelevant. There is an admission procedure, including taking a life history, photographing, weigh­ Ing, fingerprinting, assigning numbers, searching, listing personal posses­ .Ions to be plllcC(1 in storage, undressing, bathing, disinfecting, haircut­ ting, Issuing institutional clothing, instructing concerning rules, and nnlgnlng 10 cricnce, although it need not be confined to such concerns. Our reason­

ment of alarm in traffic relationships, there is also the ugly element of

ing hns two main parIS, but they are more like the siues of one coin.

physical terror. Violence is stage two, as the unknown other turns out to

There is, to begin with, the sense of self as a construct of human con­

be a mugger, a rapist, or a sniper. Not only a face may be lost, but a life.

�clouslless-the construct which Coffman in a Durkheimian mood shapes

In

Relntio,1S in Public,

as reviewers have concluded, Coffman has (.'Orne a

Into

II

little deity. Under what conditions are people most likely to become

long way, from the drawing-room niceties of deference and demeanor 10

prt.'OC'Cupkd with such entities-are they variables, or are they constants?

the dramaturgy of "crime in the streets."

A IIJllcmcnt by IlIlOthcr of eoffman's ancestral figures, George Herbert Mend ( 1967: 140), can l >Cthllps serve liS a lead here: "The self, as that

222

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223

which can be an object 10 iUelf, is essentially a social structure, and it

customs and assumptions, and have an incomplete and unfocused collec­

arises in social experience." This is a central tenet of symbolic interac­

tive self-image as a people. Moreover, situational involvements within Bak­

lionism, and although Coffman's view of the formation of Ihe self Is per­

haps just a little elusive, we will trust that it is sufficiently similar 10 fit

taman society are little differentiated. People participate

as

"whole per­

sons" in most interactions, and there are not many ways of being a whole

reasonably well into our argument. An individual's conception of who he is

person. So on an individual basis, the contrastive road to a sharply delin­

or what he is like, although hardly wholly determined by his contacts with

eated sense of self is not ver)' passable either.

others, is thus born in interactions and continues to feed on them. To

In the rather more complexly constituted community of Fox Indians de­

some degree, conceivably, an awareness of self is always there, but oflen il

scribed by Gearing (1970:133 ff.), people can indeed differentiate situa­

exists quietly, causing no problems. Its creation and maintenance can be a

tions and tend to think of themselves and each other in something like role

routine process. Then under particular circumstances, this awareness can be heightened, the self calling for more conscious attention and reflection.

terms. But these roles are not put together so as to make up any great vari­

ety of individuals, and as their lives &Q on, people move hctween roles in

We can try to identify such circumstances, it seems, in terms of a "con·

much the same way. So the Fox, according to Gearing, do not tend toward

trast model" and a "deprivation model." Both are relevant to our thinking

introspection concerning their life histories. They take for granted that one

about urbanism. The contrast mooel relates to the experience of diversity

/ife is like another, and that experiences are shared. This is also empha­

in urban life. City dwellers can be put together in a great many different

sized by Paul Riesman (1977:148

ways, from the multitude of activities, alignments, and perspectives which

herding and farming Fulani of the West African savanna. The FuJani

can serve as construction materials. They fashion their conceptions of self

could fully understand one another, and toward the end of his stay Ries­

from these; but in their meetings with others composed in a diO'erent way,

man as well, to the exteot that they shared exposure to the same condi­

ff.)

in his personal ethnography of the

their self-awareness may be intensified by the observation of the difference

tions. At the hcginning of that stay, on the other hand, they seemed to find

between self and other. Not that the full range of differences is necessarily

him by definition unknowable and unpredictable, a total stranger of whose

put on display�ften there is rather a tendency to play them down-but

experiences they had no idea.

intentionally or unintentionally. some of them are necessarily re\'ealed.

Where self and other arc not habitually in clear contrast, it would seem,

There is the fu rthcr fact that the individual's social invo!\'ements in the

empathy comes naturally. Where again and again they arc understood to be

highly differentiated urban structure may vary somewhat unpredictably

different, however, another empathy may result: a preparedness not only to

o\'er time, so that he may also be more likely to ponder the difference be­

see what is unique about one's own situation, but also to take on a dif­

tween past and present sel\'es. The contrast model, that is, may work ooth

ferent person's experience vicariously, and perhaps under some conditions

internally and externally, resulting in a sense of individuality much like

even to be actively curious about it. With the contrastive self, to rephrase,

that which Simmel (1955) described when he wrote about each individual

goes an awareness of the contrastive other. This, evidently, is the "mobile

standing at his own uni in other kinds of tics liS

rcmurried. (This may be where change of relationships is actually least

well. Sometimes one may recruit a business associate this way. More often it will be someone to share leisure activities with. Where one finds a neighborhoOO intenSively and reasonably hflrmonl­

ously involved in its own internal relationships, this usually seems to be

due to its particular chemistry of inside and outside roles of neighbors, 1\1

least somc of its people havc lime over for neighborliness; people know

household domain are things quite the same, for he has divorced and tharacteristically urban, since there are traditional rural societies with high freq uencies of dh'Orce; not least the Rhodes-Livingstone anthropol­ ogists have told us this.) The potential for personal change in the dty, then, mlly hardly be rivaled in other community fonns. We may call this the fluIdity of urban life. SYlltcmntlc lind concerted efTorl5 by anthropologists to study the tem-

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poral dimension of social relations have mostly been devoted to the domes­

strained by the roles he already has and the relationships connected with

tic developmental cycle and to the social reAections of maturation. In a

them. The degree of predictability, however, and the amount of personal

small-scale society, this may cover much of whal is involved. If we looK al

control exercised, are variable. One may describe as a "careerist" an indi­

urban society in role terms, on the other haoo, we could consider the theo­

vKtual who is preoccupied with career management, with the direction and

retical possibility that the variability which can be observed between indi­

timing of phase changes in his future. If he is successful, each phase

vidual repertoires at one time could occur within one repertoire over time.

wouki be entered because it was chosen over that preceding it, in whate"er

Here the changes in kin roles may be the most predictable ones, as in the

domain would be involved. (But, of course, an unsuccessful eareerist is

analytically quite well-conceptualized. developmental cycles. The passage

still a careerist, while not all with successful careers need be careerists to

through provisioning roles has also been a focus of research, although

any great extent.) Such a career could come in different versions. Let us

mostly in the SOCiology or more or less bureaucratic organizations. About

change and stability in recreational and neighboring roles less seems to be

look at a couple from the domain of provisioning. One of them could be seen as an orderly progression through phases ABCDE. This would be the

known, and also about the ways roles out of different domains are linked in

normal sequence, so that to get from A to E, one would at least be likely to

change.

pass through B, C, and D. When the careerist is aware of this, his major

Fluidity is not just change between roles, however; it is also change in

motive for entering B or C might be that unsatisfactory as these could be in

relationships and networks. New alters may appear in old roles, others arc

themselves-perhaps worse than A-they must be passed on the road to

dropped. Some remain or return. As single-stranded relationships become

the more desirable D and E. (But one could risk getting stuck in them.)

multiplex and vice versa, a co-worker becomes a co-worker and a friend,

Planning many phases aheacl like this may be possible where there is an

then changes jobs but remains-sometimes-a friend. In one phase of his

life, ego has a lot of varied contacts with alters who do not know each

acceptably reliable organizational chart open to inspection, as in a bureau­ cracy. This career could perhaps also be laid out within the provisioning

other. In another phase. the density of his network may have become

domain alone. so that each phase consists more or less of one role, and per­

much higher: its range may or may not have changed at the same time.

formance in it is the criterion for further phase change. Our second form

One should not exaggerate such variations over time. Total flux may be

of career management is a little more complex. In one of the better-known

rare, for more people it is partial. and for some city dwellers nothing much

anthropological career studies, Anthony Leeds ( 1 964) depicts the mo"e­

may seem to ha\'e changed over a lifetime, or at least not since they arrived

ments of individuals through the expanding opportunity structures of

at adulthood. But the full dh'ersity of urban lives is hardly completely un­

urban Brazil. Under strong international inHuence, new roles open up

derstood unless one also has an Ktea of the varied ways in which they

before there is an organized supply of people to fill them. To be able to

change as time passes. The key concept in our perspective toward fluidity

make the best use of such a situation, one should be well-informed. well­

in social life is career; not in the everyday sense of more or less rapid. more

connected, aoo prepared to pick up the relevant skills as one goes along.

or less linear upward occupational changc, which is only one kind, but. 10

Oflen, the result will be that one juggles a number of provisioning roles at

try a general definition. the sequential organization of life situations.6 As

the same time. As one embarks on a carecr, one needs a

examples show, one could limit a career analysis to the roles of a Single

51)ringboard. This could take many forms; making the right marriage.

trampoiim,

a

domain. As the definition implies, one may also try to think holistically

minor but preferably Aamboyant political activity, conspicuous involve­

about the way all the domains are made to fit together in a way of life

ments in journalism or sports. The important part is to begin to establish a

through time.

reputation. in circles as wide as possible. The careerist spends a lot of time

We certainly do not expect careers to be wholly unpredictable. Deter· minacy in the construction of role repertoires actually tends to imply

sequentialily. At no point, it would seem, is the individual able 10 mllkt! a fresh Slart in assembling an entire new repertoire, bUI he Is IIIways

COil

seeking Information, and spreading information about himself.

News

mcdla and kin connCClions are Important hcre. He also spends time simply

fidlPlg.

promenading with his ears open, running into people in coffee

house. or

book Slort!l.

III \hls manner he makes his way into various roles,

C IT I E S AND U RBAN L I V E S

273

but continues looking around aJl the same, also using these roles as vantage

perspective. Sometimes, the unit in focus may be a particular relationship,

points. At some stage he begins joining diques made up of people with

analyzed for the Interplay with a wider network surrounding it. What we

complementary roles who can help look after one another's interests. For

have described before as unilateral encapsulation offers one example­

the successful careerist there are different such cliques at progressively

something one could caU a "dependent career" can result if one person's

higher points on the ladder, finally perhaps of national scope.

life is to a high degree under the continuous Influence of what happens to

This is no simple ABCDE pattern. Each phase apparently involves nurs­

a certain other person. A spouse, children for some time, and perhaps a

ing simultaneously a number of chances for onward movement, and only in

private secretary may firx:l themselves in this jXlsitton, arx:l may turn into

the next phase, stochastically, it may be revealed where the career might

vicarious carcerists as a consequence. "Cherchez lD femme" has become a

lead to thereafter.1 There is furthermore an active management of roles

starx:lard plot for careers in western society.

and relations back and forth among domains, kinship, recreation, and

We should also ask of our larger, conventional units in the anthrojXllogy

provisioning. Although for career analysis one needs a phase concept, try­

of particular domains how they are affected by career facts. In neighbor­

ing to demarcate a phase in a tangle of fits, spurts, and false starts like this

ing, Huidity varies a great deal. There are urban villages, spiralist quarters

may be no simple matter.

like Whyte's Park Forest and Bell's housing estate In Swansea, and Zor­

Springboard jumping and open-eared promenading, however, are as

baugh's Chicago "world of furnished rooms," all marked by their particular

much the work of a careerlst as the quest for merit of a lieutenant intend­

rates of mobility. Changes of residence may be generated by phase changes

ing to become captain, colonel, and general. Other careers take form with­

in another domain, as in the spiralist case, or the reason may be found in

out much planning, and phase changes may not proceed from worse to bet­

the neighborhood itself. Janowitz (1952) has coined the concept of "com­

ter. People may be pushed out of roles when the resource base melts away,

munities of limited Iiability"-when the)' are not to one's liking, one can

or when alters no longer offer themseh'es to keep certain kinds of rela­

withdraw from tbem. This was in a studY' of American suburbia, and it

tionships going (which is sometimes the same thing). Careers may hap­

may be questioned whether they are as prevalent in urban life elsewhere.

hazardly take ahernative forms-ACEDB, AEBDC, CEBDA. These are

Probably not, but on the other hand there may be some danger that we un­

the unfolding fates of people not in control, like Nels Anderson's hoboes.

derestimate the fluidity of preindustrial or non-western cities. Work by

again, slaughterhouse worker-jail in­

Hobert Smith (1973) on historical data from wards in two Japanese urban

mate-steelworker-tramp---robber-political crook. For Cressey's taxi­

communities shows remarkable residential instability in the eighteenth and

For Jurgis Rudkus in

The Jungle,

dance girl, short-term gains interspersed with long-term decline as the

nineteenth centuries, and La Fontaine (1970:1 33) also makes a point of it

young woman shifted among categories of customers, establishments, and

in her study of contemporary Kinshasa. When conflicts between neighbors

roles. Where the careerist strives for ABCDE, the taxi-dance girl got

fiare up, she states, they are often resolved by the departure of one of the

EDCBA.

parties from the housing unit. For this reason, probably, hostilities and

Career analysis may offer some of the most poignant InSights into the

suspicions in this arena seldom take the fonn of witchcraft or sorcery IIC­

different ways that urban lives can be shaped. It can show with some par­

cusations. A survey showed that few people had lived in the same place

ticular clarity what happens as a phase change in one domain reflects on

throughout their stay in the city, and whatever might have been the rea­

others; how different segments of a person's role repertoire and network

IOns ror these movements, many Kinshasa people thought of it as an attrac­

can be "out of phase" with each other, for instance, and make contra­

lIve aspect of urban freedom.

dictory demands which are only to be dealt with through more or less radi­

areer conceptions can be taken further yet, to show in more general

cal rearrangements. The model case is that of occupational success des­

terms what Iluidlty can do to urban life, This touches again on that dif­

troying old kinship and friendship links. The sjXltlight on adjustments or such kirx:ls occurring as people make their way through a Auid soclet), also shows, howe\'er, that career analYSis need not be a wholly ego-ccl1lcrcd

ference betwttn two anthropologkal perspectives referred to in chapter 5,

InlCfI)rcting the growth of interest in network analysis-the difference be­

tween frtlng 1)t.'Oplc as IlllOnymous and conformist personnel, dutifully

I

I I

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27 5

enacting one role at a time, and seeing them as individuals with minds of

narrower links in roles where they do not remain long (and do not expect

their own, trying to bend social organization to suit their own circum­

to remain long), so that the number of links which accrue from each phase

stances and purposes. In this particular context, the latter point of view

in the career becomes smaller. This takes us to another fact of life in a

suggests· that it does matter to the social order who the incumbents of roles

fluid society. Personal disclosure by ego, and an interest in it on the part of

are, where they have been before, and where they may be at some later

aiter, may take time and a sense of commitment which may be absent

time, because they are people with memories and plans.

when a relationship is part of a career. An example of how this could affect

A somewhat abstract example of this is the long-term effect that the ca­

society may be found in those provisioning relationships which are often

reer organization of lives may have on network morphology. If ego moves

held to function best when they are extended beyond the fleeting rela­

through many roles, he will pick up a great many alters over time. If links

tionship-involving medical attention, social welfare, education, law en­

do not altogether lapse (and this is clearly an imjY.)rtant condition), the ego­

forcement, for example-but which in fact are often limited to one or a

centered network in the fluid society will be cumulative; it will increase its

few encounters because the individual in the provisioning role thereafter

range over time. Friendship developed out of some other relationship. we

moves into another career phase. Less conspicuously, one may expect that

noted at one point before, may remain after that other link is broken.

there are many other contexts as well, of a more or less institutional na­

Under a sociaJ arrangement where all people remain in all strands of their

lure, where the individual's degree of involvement is related to tacit no­

multiplex relationships continuously, there would be greater general mul­

tions of phase duration, and where this influences overall functioning.

tiplexity. In the fluid society, single-stranded and multiplex tics alternate

\Vhile his involvement in a current career phase may be somewhat lim­

over time. Surely old relationships may be retained in only a minimal way.

ited, the individual in a fluid society may at any one time have some con­

They may shrink into largely latent acquaintance, or mere recognition. But

cern for the possibility of changing his situation and thus continuously

as long as there is no return to mutual ignorance, the link could be said to

scans his environment for new opportunities in roles and relationships.

exist in some way as a social fact. With this increasing range in personal

Usually he may do so at a low level of awareness, as an unplanned and

network ought to go, theoretically, a greater density in the total network of

unrecognized part of ongoing life, but this scanning can also have some

society. In the fluid society as compared to an equally complex society

forms more or less its own. In different contexts we have mentioned some

where "everyone stays in his place," to rephrase, we would find at anyone

of them-the bar in Hansen's town in Catalonia, jUting in Leeds's Brazilian

time a relatively low multiplexity combined with higher density, although

cilies, small-print advertising (jobs, accommodations, personal). We could

perhaps with many latent links. B

add singles bars in urban America to the list. These, then, are institutions

The social consequences of this state of affairs could include a special

of the fluk! society. It may also have its peculiar idioms, called into use

kind of particularism in the fluid society, as people act with some attention

when a change is about to take place, or is at least to be tested. There are

to relationships fanned in previous phases of their lives, or residues of such

tlmcs when it is appropriate to send out feelers while preserving anonym­

links. If two persons, identically located in the role structure as synchroni­

Ity; some advertising is like this. There are circumstances where one wants

cally perceived, compete for the favor of a third person, he who has had

to reject invitations to join one relationship, but not so brusquely as to hurt

another kind of contact with this third person in an earlier phase may re­

another onc which is already a going concern. There are occasions when

ceive preferential treatment (or its opposite). The particularistic criterion

of the fluid society is "Haven't I seen this person somewhere before?"'

someone has to be shifted delicately from one role to another, in a change of phase to which he might object, as in Coffman's "cooling the mark out."

Such network consequences of changing role repertoires would not come about, it is true, if people marched perfectly in Slep through their inter­ connected careers, so that actual relationships could continue, however

In general, these actual or potcntial phase changes may be critical mo­ ments, situations where much can depend on the successful presentation

redefined. But this would seem like a vcry hypothetical situtlfion. A father

(lr ,elf or mutually supportive ritual exchanges. But they can also be con­ finned by more relflxed rites of passage, like send-off parties for departing

more reasonable qualification to the proposition that changing careers leads

Iplrnllsts,

to wider-range nctworks would be that pt:oplc miltht dc\'elop fewcr

uud

':lukllty CUll thll� hnvc hs

n SOCiHI Hnd cultural 1'0nns. lubrication for

()w

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the machinery of careers. I t may have it-s states of feeling-nostalgia can

ian careers, in a society borrowing heavily from external models, it could

be typical of personal as well as social change. Another aspect of fluidity is

be merely a gleam in the eye of an expansive captain of industry, com­

that ideas derived from the perception of careers can become part of cul­

merce, or bureaucracy, a role looking for an incumbent.

ture, available for more general usc. An obvious example is the way they

We should not disregard the fact, however, that the city dweller some­

arc interpreted as indices of individual character and competence. Occupa­

times does not pick a role off the shelf but prOOuces it in his own work­

tional careers are especially important as carriers of such meaning. Some­

shop; and this opportunity to innovate within the role inventory may in one

one who moves rapidly upwards is bright, someone who moves slowly may

way or another be related to the nature of urbanism. It appears possible to

be dull but still trustworthy. He who moves rapidly sideways is unstable,

distinguish at least three factors underlying such role making.

and moving downwards is a sign of personal inadequacy. Such judgments

The relative rigidity of definition on the part of certain other roles,

may be correct or incorrect. They may be given to disregarding conditions

coupled. with an assumption of the substitutability of incumbents, is one of

which may make it difficult to control careers at all. The interesting fact is

them, These roles may be so discomforting to the people recruited into

that they can be imported from one domain into another, where such in­

them that they must be balanced with other roles which can offer a greater

dices may not exist, although the information is held relevant.

sense of satisfaction. And if roles of the latter kind do not already exist,

One additional point may be made about time and social organization. As

they are created. This is the argument of the deprivation model of self­

long as we are not dealing with social change in itself, we lend routinely to

consciousness discussed briefly in chapler 6, and suggested as an explana­

assume that surrounding the individuals working toward their own goals,

tion particularly for the growth of new recreational roles in contemporary

there is sti l l a relatively stable institutional framework. This under­

industrial-bureaucratic urban society. But roles of the first kind can also

standing may be useful enough, but there are times when the organizations

sometimes in a way "Io!ie touch with reality." They may look fine on a

themselves are set up on a temporary basis, both on a small and a large

chart without actually doing the job they are supposed to do, and so cannot

scale. The contemporary western city is a prominent habitat for such out­

stand alone in the long run. So additional roles grow up around them as a

fits. TofAer ( 1970: 1 1 2 IT.) has coined the concept of adhocracy for tenden­

support structure.

cies of this sort in modern bureaucracies, Mcintosh (1975:42 ff.) notes the

When we speak of "informal structures," we very often have in mind

importance of project organization in contemporary professional crime, and

roles of these kinds, and the relationships formed among them. "The an­

we may remember the "ganging process" in Thrasher's Chicago. This adds

thropologist has a professional license to study such interstitial, supple­

yet another reason for taking an interest in the fluidity of urban life.

mentary, and parallel structures in complex society and to expose their relation to the major strategic, overarching institutions," Eric Wolf ( 1 966:2) has proposed.. We have indeed come upon them repeatedly. Thra­

M A K I N G ROLES

sher's interpretation of the emergence of youth gangs, quoted i n chapter 2,

Thus far we have largely stuck with the idea that roles can be seen as

resembles Wolf's characterization even in the choice of wording. The most

more or less ready-made things in themselves; available, as it were, for

obvious instance otherwise is the "underlife" in Coffman's total institu­

inspection and acquisition in the great supermarket of society. As we take

tlOIlS. We may see these structures as basically defensive devices by which

on one of them, we may be able, perhaps, to modify it slightly from a stan­

I>copie try to ward off the damages which could be inflicted upon them by a

dard or average form in order to make it fit snugly into the rest of our rep­

social setup which they cannot control. As Wolf points out, that setup is logically, if not temporally, prior to them. It is, of course, possible that the

ertoire, but in essence it remains the same role which we see recurrcntly

roles which come about in this way themselves will stabilize and become

modeled in the life around us. This point of view seems useful enough for many purposes. There arc even occasions when a role can exist as an idea within

11

society even before

anybody has taken it upon himself to enact i t . In the cllse of U:l'(l s's BrUIII

pnrl of nn nvailable role inventory. But it seems as if, in no small part, they Me AgA in nnd IIgain gellcralt.>d anew.

I I' !lOme role mAking Is defensive, nOI (III of it need lJc. The second factor

278

C I T I E S A N D URBAN L I V E S

C I T I E S A N D URBAN L I V E S

-

of which w e may usefully be aware i s thai the variability of role repertoires can ilself be a mother of invention. The more there is of such relatively free variability, Ihe more likely would it seem to be Ihat an individual can combine his dh'erse experiences and resources in unique ways and place them in new contexts, thus taking a lead part in creating situations which have not occurred before. The imagery of entrepreneurship seems to be the point here. Think of each situation, as it more normally occurs, as a sphere of its own, with a rather routinized flow of resources and experi­ ences. The person who can combine situations and break down the har­

279

where he had recently large part of what he could absorb in the prison y version. What one been. Now he was in practice, in a rather ordinar cultural amalgama­ coonter new of might argue is that later, in the world e delinquent, juvenil former tions in Southern California in the 196Os, the in winning es success thief, and panderer had some of his temporary by giving original sym­ friends, inRuencing people, and living off the land furthermore be bolic shape to some of his old skills; among people, it could experience itive compet thus and able noted, who often did not have compar themselves.

and finally closed down. Overall. the domain of provisioning became more

thirdly, by the Role innovation in the city would seem to be favored, . There is, of possibility of pushing the division of labor forever further im that the Durkhe and Darwin from up course, the idea which Wirth took tion and competi s concentration of people, like other organisms, increase sim­ more rather enl...'ourages specialization as a way out of it. But perhaps le, one can ply, among the large number of people conveniently accessib the most desiring into enticed be can Illso find sufficiently many who of feasid threshol the above it esoteric or minuscule service, thus raising

fragmented. Yet the city did not reaJly seem to be doing worse than before.

bility.

riers between his respective involvements in them in a novel way may find a new role taking form at the confluence. Such original combinations can also be made from elements drawn togethcr over timc In a zigzagging career. Bryan Roberu' ( l976) account of economic change in the provincial Peruvian city of Huancayo can be read to exemplify processes of this kind. In the face of increasing metropolilan dominance, Huancayo's own relatively large-scale textile industry declined

New small businesses proliferated. set up frequently by people who had originally come in from the countryside to work in mines and factOries. In some such businesses. Roberts notes. "a whole migration career Is re­ flected in contemporary activities." A clothing workshop can take over ma­ chinery from the bankrupt factory where the owner was once employed and at the same time use village contacts to " put out" work, recruit other workers to the town, and distribute products. One tends to find a great deal of such combinative innovation in the "in­ fonnal sector" of Third World urban communities. Perhaps as a more oul­ of-the-way instance of turning old experiences into a new role, we could remember the notorious Manson gang of the late 1960s California. Charles Manson was another of those individuals with a career following no dis. cernible pattern, unless one is retrospectively read into the disastrous form of group leadership which he developed. According to Sanders ( 1 972), one of the chroniclers of the gang, Manson had been in and out of corrective institutions since his early tcens. A decade or so later, he had acquired II rather complete jailhouse education. By the late 19505, one could follow him jumping from one means of livelihood to another: busboy, hurtender, freezer salesman, service-station attendant, TV producer, phlll), "1)1 1111) talk," about the means u5ef.1 in controlling prostitutes, had indt.'ed been

II

•

of things A visitor to a Third. World city may again marvel at the kinds In a sector." l "infonna the in e enterpris that can be turned into an feet and hands the around hover Nigerian beer bar, free-lance nail cutters a with boy teenagc of customers. Outside a Colombian amusement park, a bahuru­ a bathroom scaJe offers to weigh the passers·by. In an Indian street,

a "man of many disguises," uses the very heterogeneity of the city as finally and another, after type urban one dramatic resource, impersonating Ber­ c1lliming his reward from an amused and astonished audience (cf.

plya,

reman 1972:577). If, on the other hand, a shantytown dweller from Africa or Asia should come to London or New York, another set of specializations which he had never imagined would undoubtedly seem equally remark­ Ilble-pct fashions, interior decoration consullancies. nalu­ EXllctly when a role is new or just a variation of an old one may rully be rather ambiguous, although we may not need to go into such ques­

Ikllls of coneeptullI practice here. What seems more significant is that ur­ in bClnltes can go on feeding new items into the role inventory where, s. repertoire own their j)rlnclple. others can then also draw upon them for And e. Once the prototype has been made. mass production may commenc an in, instituted is role new one As tualing. klf·peqJe be could S S Ihe Ill'OCC 10111)111 uruclure !lilly grow nrolmd It. As nn original combination is suc-

280

C IT I E S AND URBAN L I V E S

C I T I E S AND U RBAN L I V E S

cessfnl and draws more people into it, someone sees a different slice to cut

tried to deal systematically with cultural complexity as an analytical prob­

out of it and breaks away with yet another specialization. Some cities, of course, may have a greater potential for such ongoing development than others. "The fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one big thing." the Greek p1et Archilochus had it; there are urban isms which arc

281

lem. Some of those who seem to contribute significantly to such an analy­ sis, furthermore, do not define their work in these terms, and write with little or no reference to one another. We are concerned here with meaning; something that can be perplex­

more like foxes and other which arc more like hedgehogs. 9 The former

ingly subtle, not quite tangible, almost imperceptibly shifting, perhaps

seize on variety, play around with it, and thus crcate morc of it. The latter

never easy to handle in an analytical argument. To try to grasp the prob­

invest heavily in one single line and push on with that. Jane Jacobs' book

lems involved, we may begin with the old anthropological conception of

( 1969) is an argument in favor of fox-like urbanism,

human beings as both thinkers, occupied with moral and intellectual af­

The Economy of Cities

with small enterprises which keep combining and segmenting, 1 0 The con­

fairs, and doers, solving practical problems. In the latter aspect, they arc

trast between Birmingham and Manchester is one of her illustrative

fundamentally acting on meanings to deal adaptively with their environ­

cases-the former with small, changing establishments. the latter with

large ones which find it difficult to adapt to new circumstances and which

ment. In the former aspect, they try to understand and evaluate, and here they are concerned with the opinions of their fellows. More often than not,

therefore decline. The company town in this sense becomes the ultimate

anyway, they prefer approval to censure, and they are somewhat anxious

urban hedgehog, planned from the beginning with a role structure devoted

that their ideas should not be entirely quixotic. So they draw on social in­

to one purpose and thereafter unwilling to be distracted by others. Perhaps

tercourse to establish meaning. The two aspects of human life continu­

the orthogenetic city of Redfield and Singer was also more like a hedgehog,

ously interrelate, of course. But they interrelate in more problematic ways

the heterogenetic city a fox.

In some social contexts tban in others. A last visit, at this point, to the ideal-type folk society. Meaning tends to

Th, S O C I A L O R G A N I Z A T I O N of M E A N I N G Hitherto. as we forecast in the introduction, we have been mostly con­

be unusually transparent there. The array of situations with which people have to deal is small, and the same people in time become involved in most of them. In other words, the role inventory is quite limited. At the very

cerned with the ordering of social relations in urban life. The combination

least, it may be differentiated only by age and sex, and roles assigned to

and recombination of roles and the arrangement and rearrangement of

males or females on the basis of age will then be assumed by everyone of

thropology is also centrally concerned with culture. In the end, we ought

snme situations, they could even independently come to similar under­

to give some thought to what kind of cultural analysis urban anthropology

stnndings. But, in addition, they see and hear each ether dealing with

networks arc first of all themes in a relational rendition of the city. But an­

needs. I I It is now quite a widespread fashion, outside anthropological and

the appropriate sex as the life cycle moves on. As people face much the

them. This is of practical use to people as doers, since they can thus pick

sociological circles as well, to describe life in a complex society as made up

up ready-made solutions 10 problems. At the same time, they gel proof that

of a variety of cultures. They are generational. such as youth culture; eth­

others regard these solutions as realistic and morally acceptable, since

nic, like black culture; occupational, as the culture of dance musicians; in­

these others arc indeed themselves drawing on them.

stitutional, exemplified by the culture of bureaucracy or even "the cuhurc

Meanwhile, hack in the city as we have seen it, things can get much

of the White House" during a particular administration; class cultures,

more complicated, In the highly differentiated and yet coherent social sys­

like the culture of poverty; deviant cultures, like that of transvestites or

tem, It would seem, meanings drawn from the individual's own situational

tramps; or countercultures, as in the case of the hippies. And surrolilldil1�

CllIllCrlencc and meanings taken over from others in communication stand a

such islands of the culturally different are entities with designations like mass culture, popular culture, or mainstream culture. Much ethnography has come out of this concern with diversity. Buther fewer writers hllve

�I'clltcr chance of drifting apart.

Fllced with the problem of how the individual extracts meaning from the

rOlll111cII workl surrounding him, we mny try to arrive at an answer by

282

VES

counlerpoint. O n the one hand. there i s the favorite theme of tl>e sociology

of xnowledge-a person's conception of reality depends on his place in soci­ cty. 1 l Familiar �'ersions emphaSize particular sorts of piacemcni. such as class position or occupation. But these 3fC usually overall judgments which can be qualified in various ways. Here we take it that the individual draws experience from all the situations he is involved in; there is an intake, big or small. into his consciousness through each of his roles. To push this "sociology of knowledge" theme to its logical limits, however, one may have to see him as having the experiences characteristic of his situational in­ volvement, and pondering their interpretation, in intelle-they have been left in print much as offered by Ihe IlIrOl'll1lllll, without much serious attempt at anal-

t llClY were

312

CITIES

AND U R B A N

LIVES

ysis. Systematizing the study o f careers, one would tend to work with the life histories more actively, and evoh'e crileria for comprehensiveness in collection 10 which little thought has been gh'en so far. One would also worry over biases and gaps which retrospective accounts of lives almost inevitably contain, and see if they can be dealt with (for instance. by find. ing collateral information from another source). The other methodological dimension on which some brief comments ought to be made relates to the size and complexity of the city. The uncer­ tain or blurred boundaries of many units of study is not only a character­ istic conceplual problem of urban anthropology but can also be a source of practical difficulties in the field worker's daily life. Network chains run on without a visible end, new faces keep showing up while others drift out of the picture unpredictably. One way of handling this problem, as we have seen, has been to avoid it as far as JXIssible. By concentrating on the en­ capsulated groups of the city, urban anthroJXIlogists have tried to shut out such noise from the systems of information they are building. This has also meant that the anthroJXIlogists themselves, as participant observers. have tended toward encapsulation as a mexle of field existence. (Possibly having another. non-field existence alongside, in a kind of double life.) In the end. however. the problem must be confronted if we are ever to have a more complete picture of urban life. Once we begin to take more in­ terest in the varied ways of being an urbanite. or in the study of urban wholes, we may also involve ourselves as field workers with the networks of the city in other ways. At times we may become network Integrators; probably there are other times when we prefer to lea\"C our various alters' networks as they are, largely unconnected with each other. so that field work entails a segregativity in which we parcel ourselves out among several distinct field contexts. The only mode of urban existence that would seem to fit ill with the goals of the field researcher is that of solitude. But even as he takes on the task of dealing with less comfortably man­ ageable units, an anthroJXIlogist cannot be everywhere in the city at the same time, and cannot know each of its inhabitants. He may still want to find out about what goes on out of reach of his individual field of direct and intensive observation. One part of the solution to this kind of problem may lie in a qualitalive­ quantitative mix; perhaps the most obvious form of triangulation. Forevcr II topic of debate in urban anthropology, it has its type advantagcs and hs type uncertainties. While subtle forms of thinking and nctlng may them

CITIES AND

URBAN

LIVES

313

selves hardly be accessible to extensive modes of data formation, one may hope to get some sense of their distribution obliquely through survey ques­ tions about related maUers. Similarly we may wish to get some under­ standing of the aggregate effects of certain modes of action which we have been able to observe at close quarters. And we may indeed feel, after ac­ quiring some measure of cultural competence, that it is possible to formu­ late intelligent questions on certain issues and get valid responses to them even from uller strangers. But we are aware at the same time of the dif­ ficulties that may arise. There may be gaps in the reasoning which tries to connect data of different types, the field worker who tries to be both a reasonably unobtrusive participant observer and a survey data collector may have troubles with his presentation of self, or It may simply be hard to find the time to gather data both wide and deep. Since these difficulties vary with field situations and definitions of prob­ lems, generalizations are often not very illuminating_ Leaving the topic aside with these few comments, we may approach the issue of extensive coverage from another angle, that of the social organilation of research. The qualitative-quantitat�ve mix by definition entails an uneven coverage. By simply involving more people in the research activities, more intensive co\-erage of some sort can be given to a greater portion of urban life. But how to do so is perhaps a question to which urban anthropologists could profitably give more systematiC attention_ On the one hand there are the urban anthropologist's more intensive relationships with specific inhabitants of the field, on the other hand there Is the collaboration between profeSSional researchers. With regard to the former, to begin with, are there any special consKierations involved in working with informants in urban studies? Possibly, in a more homogeneous community these individuals tend to be chosen more on the basis of personality characteristics: they should be ob­ servant, somewhat inclined toward introspection and at the same time rea­ sonably verbal, and they should have a good rapport with the field worker. In II complex structure such as that of the city, one may also become morc acutely concerned with the need to choose them strategically to pro­ vkle complementary perspectives toward social life. along its various axes of differentiation. Perhaps in order to extend coverage, urban anthroJXIlogists furthermore tend to use inmrmants more in lieu of observation, rather than parallel to olm(vatkm, So far, however, there has been little discus11011 In urban IlnthtlJllOIoKY of Ihe wAyS such inrormant panels are recruited

;14

C IT I E S

AND

URBAN

LIVES

CITIES AND

U RBAN

LIVES

;15

(see Hannerz 1976:81 fr.). One might wish as well for more analysis of the

There i s one more variety of research organization for urban studies to

further development of informant-anthropologist relationships, in their

make note of, by way of conclusion: interdisciplinary research. Oc­

personal

casionally. the form may be suitable simply for the same purpose as the

35

well as professional aspects. For one thing, to what extent do

the perspccth'cs of regular informants become anlhropologized, as they es·

other organizational types just mentioned, to extend coverage of a large and

tablish a collective system of meanings with the field worker?

complex social structure. At other times, the aim may be to combine meth­

From regular informants it may be only a short step to locally recruited

odologies and active conceptual integration as well. There are, naturally,

research assistants. At first sight the difference could seem to be that the

advantages to such cooperation. If we are to follow the arguments of

latter are paid and give more of their time than the former; as far as the

Gluckman and his colleagues concerning the limits of nal'vete. neither an­

character of research activities is concerned, it may be more important that

thropologists nor their peers in other disciplines should become too in­

the research assislants go oul of their way to find oul things they might not

volved in issues with which others can deal more competently. And active

otherwise ha\'c known so much about, in seuings where they might not

interdisciplinary collaboration would seem to be the highest form of a sci­

normally find themselves. One may wonder about the fit between the

entific division of labor.

research assistant and these situations, in terms of his entire role reper­

Even so, one may want to qualify one's enthusiasm. Quite frequently, It

toire and his role-discriminatory attributes. What are the effects, further­

appears as if the pioneering interdisciplinary work Is done by some brave

more. of the interposition of assistants between the anthropologist and

individual who has ignored the demarcations of nonnal science and put

parts of the field which ultimately he regards as his? The urban anthropo­

logical research establishment may lurn out 10 have ilS own brokers and

things together In new ways through the internal conversations in his own

mind. In anthropology, there may have been rather more of such openness

Aak catchers. The socialization of the research assistant as a paraprofes­

in recent years than there used to be. It might appear that Gluckman

sional coukl also rate more attention in the discussion of field methodology.

wrote within the context of a more consolidated and sharply bounded dis­

The Copperbelt studies of the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute offer some

cipline than that which we have now. The actual working together be­

examples, but little discussion, of the use of local research assistants. At

tween specialists across discipline boundaries, on the other hand, is not

the same time, its duster of anthropologists, as the Chicagoans earlier,

easy. Interdisciplinary team work sometimes seems to be celebrated as a

give us some idea of what can be accomplished in the way of large-scale

panacea for all problems of intellectual complexity; often prescribed. more

urban ethnography when there is some coordination of the efforts of a

seldom actually used in a successful cure.

number of professional researchers. No doubt we will continue to have the anthropologist as lone wolf in the city as well, with no more than an assis­

Be that as it may. The problems of interdiSciplinary linkages are not re­ ally ours here. conceptually or methodologically. Unless we have an under­

tant or two to aid him in his project. Some research problems can be so cir­

standing of urbanism which is rerognizably anthropological, however, our

cumscribed as to be rather easily manageable for a single investigator, and

input into such cooperation within this Ileld may be slight. We have tried

it is quite conceivable that one kind of anthropologist may even want to un­

In the past pages to take some steps toward such an understanding. It

dertake some form of whole-city anthropology singlehandedly, perhaps as

11

seems that what we have come up with also has some implications for the

long-tenn labor of love. Simply for organizational and financial reasons, for

way the urban anthropologist might practically handle his Ileld, in some

that matter, no alternative way of doing research is available for many of

ways different from traditional field work. A great deal more could be said

the people wanting to do urban anthropology. But it is unfortunate that,

nbout this, but again the continuities are probably more significant. The

except for those of Chicago and the Copperbelt, there are as yet hardly any

onthropologist in the city may become a time-conscious team member

example� of larger-scale professional team ethnography in urban communi

(sometimes), but he is still a participant and an observer. taking an in­

ties. although it has been suggested as an appropriate form for urban an

"rumcntal IIIKI eclectic view of complementary ways of finding facts. In

thropologkal work (sec Price 1973). Not least would this secm 10 be l ilt, more promising basis for taking on the study of entire diles, sketched

earlier.

a

lollj.( the IInc_

method us In concepts, there Clln well be something distinctly anthropo­

IllKlclll nhollt mlulU IIl1lhropoloAY'

•

Appendix: Analytical Concepts Exploring the City

One reader of the manuscript of this book has suggested that others might

find it useful to have somewhere a summary statement of the basic analyti­ cal apparatus used in it, preferably in a diagrammatic form, since concepts are introduced in a sort of steady Bow through many chapters. What follows, then, is an attempt to visualize, in a reasonably uncomplicated way, the understanding of how urban society is constructed, in terms of roles and relations, which has been stated in a more roundabout way in the main body of the book . Social life consists, perhaps most concretely, of situations. People in­ volve themselves in these through relatively standardized mooes of pur­

posive behavior (and also with parts of their consciousness and material

resources) which we call roles. The total array of such mooes of behavior known within some major social unit, such as an urban community, may be described as its rok

inventory.

The particular series of modes of behavior

in which one individual is involved is a rok

repertoire.

It seems practical to

see both these kinds of role collections as divided into domains (household and

kinship; provisioning; recreation; neighboring; traffic) containing

greater or smaller numbers of roles. (These concepts are discussed on pp.

100- 5.) People are recruited into situations, and into particular roles in these, in no smtiH part on the basis of what we call

role-discriminatory attributes,

cul­

IUrlllly defined characteristics of individuals which exist apart from partic­

lillir situRtion•. Such major attributes are sex, age, and (in social units which /lrC hctcrf'Ml'lIl'()wi In Ihls regard) elhnidty or race. (The notion of

318

APPENDIX:

A N A L Y T I C A L CON C E P T S

Role­

Role Inventory

discrlmimuory

Role repertoire

(by domiins)

attributes

APPEN D I X :

ANALYTICAL

CONCEPTS

ll9

who is a brown adult woman, a s opposed to say an aged blue man (the color terms stand here for any kind of ethnic designation), may be regarded In the community as fining Into certain roles within the role im'entory but

HoUKhoid ind kinship

not others. (It is, of course, often a combination of role-discriminatory at­ tributes, rather than a single one of them, that inAuences such access. )

So.

From among the roles still accessible, a role repertoire is put together, as

,.

Male

indicated by the arrows between the inventory and repertoire columns. But further problems of role access may enter

Femlilev'

in here.

The inclusion of specific

roles in the repertoire may have a detennining influence on what other Provisioning

roles the individual may or may not take on, simultaneously or at a later point

in

time. In this figure it is suggested that the household/kinship role

Ht has been important in the recruitment of this individual to provisioning

-

�

role P,. Being in this role, in turn, has allowed her to enter household/kin­ ship role H17, recreational roles R. and

Child Youth Adult

.j

Aled

Voui·

and the remainder of her role repertoire, insofar as they are known to

role

Recrnlion

access

others, at least have not dl$qualified her from them. One role in her reper­ toire, Pn-tl, is somewhat mysteriously included there but not in the role in­

within Inven-

ventory. This could possibly serve as one way of denoting some basically

-I

new mooe of behavior, in this case in the provisioning domain-an ex­ ample of "role making" as discussed on pp. 276-80. But of course, as soon

a5 it makes its first appearance in an individual role repertoire, one might

Ethnicity,

see it as also making its way into the wider inventory.

fice BliCk While Brown R,d Blue

It should perhaps be added that the number of roles enumerated in the

Neighboring

.j

and neighbor role Nt, from

roles, e.g., He, n. and Tt, it seems that her role-discriminatory attributes

able

""

R"

which she woukl otherwise have been restricted. With regard to her other

f+1El El 5]

____

5:1-

Trame

-I F1sure S. The Construction of � Role Repertoire in Urbiiln Soci ety

role-discriminatory attributes is discussed on pp. 1 5 1-56.) We may say

thai they are among Ihe faclors determining role acceu (sec p. 1 5 1). In figure 5 we can thus sec, in a highly simplified manner, how n role repertoire is assembled in these terms. in an clilllicllily hClcrO!(cl1C.'ous com muni!)' with a more or less complete dOOl(lill diffcrcnt lalK>n. I\n imli"lduu l

role repertoire in this diagram is severely limited for the sake of conve­ nicnce, although possibly the approximate proportions of the repertoire in­ dicated as falling into the different domains may not be quite so unrealis­ tic; sce on this point the discussion on pp. 107-8. In figure 6, we have taken the additional step of showing how a part of the personal network is constituted for the person (ego) with the role rep­ ertoire shown in figure 5. Her relationships to 1 3 alters are shown; to 3 of Ihese ( I I . 12, 13) she is connected only minimally through traffic rela­ tkmships. and since network analyses usually do not include such links they are morkcd herc with broken lines. But note that of these no. 1 1 is I lnkl.:d through It more tungible relationship to no. 10, so that ego' s traffic relutlonshl!) 10 her IIllly be of further significancc-see thc discussion of

.\lch (."Onnc:ctlwu ull 1 m 214-35. '1.1 fllr ('1(11" It'iun'''I'IIII'. If) I 10, this sketch of thcm may be related 10

320

•

APPENDIX:

H,

H,

P"

p..

H,

H,

N,

H'

�

i l-'H !, � I-'P, o

= •

•

R,

ecess

�l

,

N,

" I-'-

� � T,

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Index

--

--

--

--

Kurt. )19

Aarhus, 73

!bek,

Abidjan, 122

Backsuge.

JU

FrOfll$l$SC'-badslage di�t'nc·

tion

Abortionists, search for. 193 Ac«ssibilily, 110, 113-14, 1 1 5 , 116, 1 1 7-18,

Bailey, F. G., 207 Baker, Paul J., 326

192, 244

Accounu, 238, 292

!bktam.n. 222-23

Action

!bmako, 247

stU,

170, 176

Banton, Michael, :B3

Adams, f\obIort McC. • 84, 328

J\ddam$, Jane, 20

!brnu, John,

Adelman, Will�m J., 327

Bars. 67, 198-99. 275, 278, 279, �

Adhocnq. 276 Ad"frtising,

192,

215

African urbanism, 1 19-23: JU "/50 Centnl African Lubanbm: Wut Afrleln urbanism

Ageas role-discriminatoryallribute. 152,

130, 163, 164-65, 175, 176,

177. 178, 185, 189, 200. 201

ISS,

!brtdl. Gilbert D., 247

!brth, Frtdri., 153. 222, 139 Bascom. William. 120. 331 Basham, RIchard, 325

Agrotowns, 80, 89-90, 1 1 9-20

Beal$, Ralph, 9 Becker. Howanl S., 54, 58, 256. H9

Allahabad, 87

Beckford. George L, 338

245, 317

Anderson, Nels, 31-35. 45, 48, 49, 54. 56, 57, 232. 272. 327

Andes, 82

Belgian Congo. 147, 298 !kll, Colin. 17, 247. 265, 273 Bemba. 125, 131, 135, 140, 162

Anonymiry, 70. n. 1 11-- 1 3, 150. 241;$tl!lllso

!kndb, Reinhard, 326. 328

Antwerp. 110

Bensman. J05eph. 340

Suangen

AparlDeid, 336

Benet, Francisco.

I,

74. 328

!krgtr. Bennell. 2.41, 337. 338, HI

Archilochu5, 280, 340

Berger, Brlgiue, 22S

Art:hitecu. 2%

Ikrger, Pl"ler, 225, 226. 229, 283, 287

Arnold, David 0., 341

Berlin. halah, 340

Art:hival dati, 3 1 1

Berghe, Pitrre vln den. 158

Arwoff. Joel, 337

Berman, Marshall, 337

Assyrians, 48

Berreman, Gerald D., 233. 248, 279, 287

Aronson, Dan R., 335

Bernstl"in. BIIII, 295. 333

J.

1... 329

Aushi, 135

Berry. Brian

Authenticity, 225--27

BiesDeuvcl. S., 335

AWlrtneu ronluU, 230-31

Birtnbaum, Amold, 337

Aund.: w!ldler.rl, 14"

Binnlnghlm, 280

368

INDEX

Biu, I H ..!5 Bittner, Ep. 264, 339 BI_deAmerialls, 14,21,48, 52, 187-88. 199, 280, 338, 339

Blackmail, 213, 339 Btan!on. Richard E., 329 Blumer, Herbert, 326, 337 Boas. Frlln.. 31 Bogart, Roberl W., 337. 338 Bogue. Donald J.. 126 Bainev.in, Jeremy, 181. 19�93, 335, B6 BoIlanskl, we, B7 Bombay, 88 Boston. I!H-95 Bott. E1il.abeth, 16S-68, 170. 176, 177, 178, 179, 182, 229, 247, 262. 336

Doyman IsJands. 14 Centra.! African urbanism, 16, 1 1 9-62, 177,

182-85, 187, 244, 291. 299. 303, 332 Centrality in networh, ISO Central place IMory. 91-97, 100. 115. 121, 148, 243. 308, 329, 330

Ceremonial �ntcrs, 81,...85, 87, 89, 120, 3Os-6, 331 Ceylon. 9 Chain lellus. 163. 1 7 1 . 178, 194 Ch.ain migration, 267-68 Chan Kom. 336 Chemichewski. Vladimir. 7-8 Chew•. 135 Chicago. 16. 18. 19-58.63, 6&-69, 74,76, 98, 243. 244, 248, 250. 2M. 2n. 276, 305

Boulding, Kenneth. 117 Braudd. Fernand, 89-90, 95, 97 BruiJ, 271, 275, 307 Brcmnc$, 164-65, 175, 189. 200 Broken Hill, KC Kabwc

China. 82. 84, 90. 329

Broken, 171, 190-91, 199, 314. 339

Chinese Americans, 52

Brown, Rich.rd, no, 334 Browning. Harlcoy L . 329 Bruges, 87, 91

Chrinallf'r, W.llf'r, 91-95. 329. 332

Bryce·upone, Roy S. • 338 Bulmer. Manin. 289

Bureaucracy, 78. 84. 87. 88. 89, 173, 190-91, 198, 224, 225. 233. 252. 276, 277. 280

Bu�n, E.l'Int. 27-29, 57, 93, 305. 326, 327 Burke, Peter, 328 Burnet, Jean, 326 Bulterwonh, Douglas. 262

Chicago Council of Social Agf'nc'�s. 57 Chicago sociologists. 16. 19-58, 59. 65. 72. 76, 119, 130. 156, 201,...3, 241,...43, 24;, 291 , 311, 314. 32;...2 . 6, 330

Chud�ff. Howan:! P., 3 1 1 City as context. 304

City formingeconomy, 97, 105. 297. 299-300. :104, 307

City serving economy, 97. lOS, 300 Clar.f', John. 289

Class, 18,45, 77-79, 99, 140, 156-57, 165. 186, 1 87, 196-97, 229. 2'>6,265, 280. 286.

289, 290, 295. 3B-H. 340 Cbbing, 45, 69. 115, 126, no, 158. 215. 216. 237

Cakulll, 267 Cambridge (Musachu5ells). 195 Canberra. 88 DonlOn. 87 Capitalism. 74-75. 79

Carf'f'U. 54. 246. 270-76. 277. 278. 292. 295. 303. 305. 339

Carty. Jamcs T . . 326 Carn�iro. Robert L.. 328 Doro Baroja. JuliO. 63 Carlcr. Harold. 329 DoJtc, 24. 45. 7>-76. 106. 174. 2B. 339 Dost�lIs. Manuf'l. 75 c..t�rkal rclationshlp$. 141,...43. 149-50. 156. 245

CaYan. Sherr;. H7

369

I N DE X

Cobb, Rkh.an:!, !B-14 Cochail waitrf'sses, 247 Coifeo!' houses. 287 Cohen. Abn�r. 154 Coh�n, Albert K.. 285. 286, 287, 288. 290.

295 Co.clown. 74, 99. 100, 123, 224. 243. 297. J()7

Collectiyc behavior, 22. 24. 63. 286. 296 Collins. Randall. 214. 337. 338 Colomhi.a. 279 Colonial anlhrol)(llogy. 157-61 Colonial urbanism. 88. 119. 121-22, 291. 331. m CoI!iOn. Eliuhclh. no. 3}(1 Goonaroff. John L . H I . ))3

Commem:town, 87, 98, 100. 224. 243. 297. l<J8 Communitas. 228 Communiin t of limittd liability. 273 Olmmunity pow�r, JU Powf'l stnJClUr�1 Olmmunity 5tOOi6, 145, )(14.-5 Company IOWns, 136. 156,280 Conclrrgn, 264 Configurational approach. 306-8 Conflict. 38, 72. 78, 129. US. 137, 144, 161, 269, �, 333 Congo Reform AS!lOCiation, 23 Congf'l:SS P�ny. 170-71 Connectedn�ss, Iff Density of nf'tworh Consciousness raising, 288 Contextual paramet�n. see External det�r­ minants Contrast modd DC sdf-awarenus. 221,...24, 226

Conv�rsion. 284, 292 Cooling the �r. out, 211,...13. Z7S Copperbelt. 5« Central African urbanism Cornelius, Wayne A., 329 Coser, Lewis A., 257, 287 Count�reulture. 279, 280, 289 Coons ofjusta, 24, 67. 137-38. 294, 333 Courttown, 87. 98. 100, 224. 243, 297. 307, l<J8 Cox, OIiYer C., 328 Cravt:n, Paul. 201 Cressey, PJul G., 45, 50-54, 55, 98, 247. 272 Crime, 19,25. 39. 48, 55, 58, 78, 220, 2B, 276. 27S-79

Cubill, Tnsa, 336 Cult group5, 120, 287 Cultural amblvalf'nc�, 161. 292 Cultural analysis, 246, 28G-96

Cultural drift, 2117-88, 303 Culturality, degref'1 of. 283. 286, 293 Cultural P�$$. 25, 89. 113. 115. 28G-96, J()'

Duls. Murray S., 337 Pawf'. Alan, 202. 337 �ption, 209-10, 2 1 1,...14, 228 Deference. 21G-II, 220, 226. 264, 289. 338, 3.,

Delhi, 75, 88 Delimlt.tiono£fieldoCstudy. 144-45,24;....46 Demnnor, 21G-1I, 220, 264 Demoe:raphy. 66. 79, 146, 298 fknslty, 61, 62, 66-67 Density of networb, 164-65. 166-67, 176. I7S-SO, 199. 201. 246, 255, 256, 257. 258.

'" De/uin. Norman K_. 2211. 341

Dependency theory, 96. 329 Dependent careen. 273 Deprivation model of self-awarenf'ss, 222. 224-25. 226, 227-28. 277

DetrlbaUutlon. 124, 140--41. 143 Detroit, 14, 156

Devon•. Ely. 335 Dew.s, 170 OeWf'Y. Richan:!, 328 Dichns. Charln. 74 Dik�, K. Onwuh, 331 Phcrepmt rolf's, 207-8 Di5OrJlllu i tion, $OCia!, 22, 37. 39-40, 56, 66, 70. 291

DivisionoClabor, 24, 28. 60, 62, 84, 100, 103. 106, 107. 109, 145, 242. 279, 3 1 5

Dod: WOl'H,n, 289 Dromestk groups. 9, 65, 70, 78. 104, 125, 270 Domeltlc servants, 78. 208, 257 Domhoif, William, 196. 199 Dominant culture, 293-94, 340; IU QluJ ftflinSlream culture Dore. R. P., 262 Doublf' tlfe. 5« Mgrqatlvity Douglu, Mary, 333 Dramaturgkal pcnpectivf'. 205--14, 232-35 Dr�lser. Thtudore, 20, 31

Cultural repertoire. 291. 292 Cultural traditions of urbanism, 7S Culture concept. I I . 282 Culture of poverty, 17. 280, 290--91 Cunnison. Ian. 130

Duff, Charln, 7-8 Duncan. OtLs D., 328 Durkh�lm. Emile. 64. 68, 129,203,210,221.

Dahr. 122 Dalton, ('ot'Or�, 328 D.twlnhm, 17, 68. I I S. 279

Eames. Edwin. 325 Ea,. U!odon (Soulh Africa). 147, 16&-70.

279, 337. 338

2�7, 250

370

INDEX

EcokJgy, J.6-29, 36, 42, 43, 44, s()""S I, 57, 65, 72, 74, 84, 93, 242, 301, 327 Eddy, Elisabeth M., 325 Edinburgh. 203, 137 Elaborated code, 295 EI�fion campaigns, 170-71. )74, 189. 200, '"

Elias, Norbert, 226 Elkins, Stanley, ]� E1sMr, Henry. 326 Embarrusmenl, 212, 338 Empathy. 175, 223 Enc.psulaion, t 25>-'-58, 260, 261. 267, 288, 2119, 292, 312 Eng�ls. Frederick, 63, 64, 74, 340 Enlre�neurship, 9, 84, 87, 88, 90, 94, 278 Epstein, A. L , BO, 132, 13S-40, 141, 142, 144-47, 154, 156, 158, 177, 187, 298, 299, 300, .HZ, lB. 314 Equilibdum concepl, 124, 126, 129, 159, 332 Ethnicily, ), 3, 14,37, 48, 74, 78. 127, 128, 114-35, 140-41, 143, 146. 148, 149, 152-56, 245,256, 267,280, 317. 327, 334 Ethnogl1lphy, 8, 28, 31. 54.55,57, 1S6, 160, 213, 242. 246, 248, 280, 294, 297, 303, �S. 108-I5

Elhnomclhoddogy, 212, 295 Ethology, 2(W Ethos, W6-8 Elzlonl, Amllal, 44, 326 Eunuchs, 257 Evans·Prltchard, E. E., 144 �pIoratory .,sturn, 285 EXI�ndcd boundary towns, 85, 120, 148 Ext�ndcd.cawstudi�s, Ill-]], 117, 187, 1 1 1 EXI�mal del�rmin�nts, 145-47, 246, 298 Face·to-face int�racion, t 2Oz...20. 294 Face'work, 210-11 Fads. liS, 296 Fanotl, Frantz. 158 Faris. Robert E. L, ]26 Farm work�rs, 290 Fash"ions, 1 1 5 , 296 FlU, Sylvia F., 328 F�nc�s, 247, ]H h5lin.,r, Uon, ]]9 F�udalism. 17-79 F�u�r, uwis, 56

Filipino Americans, Sz... S3 Rnl�, M. I., 85 Rrth, Raymond. In. 176, 241 Fischer. Claude S., 328, ]040 Fischer, John L , 283 Fisher, Sethard, 341 flak cltchers, 189-92, 213, 314, 339 flanagan. William G., 321, 311 fland�rs, 81 fluidity, 246. 269-16, 295-96, 305, 310 Folk sod�ty, 59-61, 63.66. 88, 101,222, 232, 281, 321 Folk-uriNncontinuum, 64, 66, 73, 121. 201, 212, 240, 121. 328 Forge, Anthony, 241 Fort�$. M�er. I I Fosbrooke, Henry, 330 FOSler, George M., 325, 328 Fox, Rkhard G. . 296-91, 325 Fox, Robin, I Fox Indians, 223 Frank�nberg. RoIUlId, 201, 330 FranHurt, 41 Fried/JUIn, Jobn, 81 Friendship, 75, I I I , 126. 121, 143, 149, 1 5 1 , 164, 161, 229-30, 2040.252. 261,272, 214, 279, 339 FrontJt,r, 19, 32, 38. 73, 136 Frontstage-backstage dlstlnctlon, 2()6...7, 226, 232, 237, 240, 261, 291, 306, 301 Fulani, 223 Functional clauificilion or cltin, 97, 100, 109, 110, 121-22. 329 Fuslel de Coulangi!s, N. D., 85 Gamson, William A., B1

Gangs, 35-40, �5, 48, 5�. 58. 242, 2�7, 261.

216, 277, 278, 287, 296, 327 Gms, Herbert J., 5, 72. 268. 328

Gao, m

Gubet!, G. Kingsley, 333 Garfinkel, Harold, 295 Gatekeepers, 191 Gearing, Frederick, 223 Geertz, Clifford, 87. 1l3, 284 Gellner, Ernest. 327 Generativ.: cille•. 329 George Town, 14. 16 Gerholm, Tomu, HI

371

INDEX

Gerlach, Luthu P., 199-200, 319 German Americans, 37, 48 Ghetto. 3, I�, 10-44, 187-88, 213, 242, 256, 290, 306. 319 GI95er, Barney, 209, 230 GiasW'w, 247 Gluckman, Mail, 128-30, 1l2, 140-42, 143, 144-45, 155, 156. 158, 1 59,161, 162, 184, 186-88, 231-32, 239, 315, lB, 335, 336 Goffman, Erving, 17. 58, 105, 201--41, 246, 248, 250, 251, 266. 275, 277, 291, 330, 137-39 GoIdkind, Victor, 316 Goldman, Emma, 327 Gonos, George. 137 Goode, Judith G., 325 Goodenough, Ward II., 283 Goody, Jack, 328 Gopher Prairif, 308 Gossip, 186-89, 2n. 238 Gould, Harold A. . 247 GouIdnu, Alvin W., 137, 338 Gramsc;, Antonio, 341 Granovener, Mark S., 339 Gl"lIph theory, 181 G�, 85 Greek Americans, 48, 51. 52 Gregersen, 50, 337 Grillo, Ralph, 247 Grunebaum, G. E. von, 7S Guatemala City, 266, 269 Gugler, josef, 331 Guilds, 78, 86, 120 Guick, l John, 313, 3�I Gutkind, P. C. W., 2, 325, 336 GUlnava, Eugen", 328 Hall, J. A., 337 Handelman, Don, 334 Hannen., Ulf, 14, 187-88. 314. 325, 114. 338. 339, 340, 341 lianseslic League, 87 Hansen, Edvard C., 198. 275 Harries-Jonn. Pet�r, 156-51, 332, 333 Harris, Chauncy D., 97. 329 1·larrls, Marvin, 69-70, 240, 328 lIaC\l'y, David. 128 IIIUll. 154 IbU!ier, I'hlllil M. . 128

HaVlna, 262 Hawley, AITlO5, 326 Haymarhl Affair, 19, 72, 327 Henderson, Jan, 331 Hepworth. Mike, 339 HerskoylU, M�lville J., 287 Heterosen�lty, 67-70, 73, 74, 93, 98, 1 1 5 Hfterogenctlc cilleS, 87-89, 280 Hili, p, 35 Hine, Virgin" H., 199-200, 339 Hippies, 247, 280 Hoboes, 31-35, 45, 48, 54, 232, 242, 250 Holism, 3, 9. 297 HoII�man, J. F 335 Honor. 49, 212, 225. 333 Hooker, James R., 157-58, 159, 160 Horton. Robin, 327 Horwalh, Ronald J., 331 Hosclitz, Berl F., 329 Household and kinship roIn and ll'latlon· ships, 61. 70-71, 78, 82, 102, 103, 104, 1 10, I I I, 124, 126, 152, 153, 164, 165-68, 244, 247, 250, 251, 252, 253, 266, 270, 272, 289, 291, 301-2, 317, 319, 321, 329 Housewlve" 257-58, 263 How. Jame, E., 34 Huancayo, 278 Hubert, Jane, 247 Hughes. Ev�rett C., 58, 287, 326, 337, 339 Hull House, 20 Humphreys, Laud. 258 Hunter, Floyd, 196 .•

lbadan, 1 1 9 Ibn Khaldun, 87 impC'nonaIOrl, 279 Implosion of cuhull', 291, 309 Impression management, 205-9, 232, 213, 235, 240, 251 Indian urbanism, 75-76. 106, 121-22, 170-71. 193, 231. 247, 248, 279, J06, 339 Individuality. 115. 222, 230, 240 Industrial Workers of the World, 35 Industrialism. 74, 97, 104, 121. 124, 125, 162,224,252.217,278,297,330,332,336 Indus valley. 82, 328 Informal organiutlon, 173, 216-17, 277 Informal IIC("tQl", 247. 278, 279 'nformants, 181-82, 313-14

312

Integrallvitr. 255, 259, 260. Z61. 312 Interl("lional Huributts of nei....orks. J 77 Interdisciplinary �$I'nch. 31S Intenntd1arits. 192--93, 255. 257, 268, 336; we aoo BmIJogy. 333 I..dsure, �e Recreatiooal roles lely'cld, }oscph. 267 lemann. Nicholas. 339 LeopoIdvillc. Sl!e Kinshl5a le�r, Daniel, 223 lewis, Oscar, 17, 70--71 , 72, 112, 240, 2S6, .•

261. 290, 328

Kabwe(Broken Hill), 123. 124-28. 129, Ill, 136. 140. 161, 182, 244. 332

Ka£anchan, 1S-16, 331 Kalofla danCf!. 131-35, 137. 142, 158, JOS, 132, 333

Kampala. 247 Kapferer, 8ruce, 130. 182-85, 247, 132,334, '3ry I' H9 .

Strangers. I I , I ... 106, I I I. 1 12, 134-35. 143, 192. 203, 217.218,219. 234-35. 2...., 2"5. 2..8. 253, 260. 269. 309. 3n. 330, 336; sa alw Anonymity Straun, Ansl.'im. 58, 209. 230. 341 Slrodtbeck, Fred. 58 Structural-functionalism, 129. 173. 186 Suuctural relttlonshlps, 142.-"3. 149-SO. 2..5 Subcultures, 1 1 5 . 215, 283, 295 Surplus production. 77, 83, 328 Su� methodology, 9-10, 21, 3i. 131. 3 1 3 Suttles. Gerald D., 58, 2..8 . 339, 341 Swansea, 247, 265. 273 Swedish Amerlc.ns, 37. 48 Swinging. 247 Symbolic anthropJlogy. 1 2 Symbolic inlcractlonism, 12. 203. 222, 231 Symmons·S)monolewk;"l.. Kanslantin, 126 Syracuse. Sicily, 192.-93 Tax, Sol. 128 Ta)l:kiancegirls. 45. SO-54, 55. 98. 247, 2SD, zn

Taylor, Laurit. H7 Telm performances. 207 Team reseal"l'h. 314 T�hnology, 77. 79, 83, 97. 99, 117. 126, 198 Tee8'clcn. T. �.n. 330 Tenbruck, F. H., 338 Tootihuacan, 91 Tcpoztlan. 58. 70 Thcrnstmm. Stephan. 3 1 1 Thieves. 39. 78, 220. 333 Tnom..s. Willi.m. 21-23, 30, 38, 196, 325-26, 327 Thrasher. Fredcric: M., 3�. 45, 5", 55. 57. 58. 2"7, 276, 277, 321 Threshold, conC'l'pt in ('I'ntral pI� theory, 91-92, 94, 100. liS, 279. 332 Thrupp. Sylvia L, 328 Tie·signs. 217-18 Timbuhu. 1. 121. 122. 331 Tnmer, Alvin. 276 Tonnic:s. Ferdinand. 64 TOIa! inUitutklns, 204. 214-17. 226. 232, 257, 277 Tradc unions. 19. 138-40, 156, 160, 334 Traffic roIesl,ld relationships. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106, 107. 108, I I I. 112. Ill, 114,

1043. 152. 201, 218-19. 220. 244. 248. 2SO. 256, 269. 297. 302. 305. 317. 319. 3H. 329, 330 Tra\-eu, Jeffrey. 194-95 Triangulation. 310. 311. 312. HI Tribalism. s n Ethnlcity Trigger. Bruce. 328 TriJUng. Lionel, 338 Trueblood, Felicity M., 329 Tsuru, Shigeto, 67 Turner. Bryln S., 329 Turner, Frederic:. Jacbon. 1 9 Turner. Ralph H. . 326 Turner. Vktor, 130. 131. 228 Tusi" 60 Tushgtt, 23 Tylor. Edward, 3 Uaxaclun. 87 Uooerlife. 216-17, 226, 277 Uni\·crsitydepanmrnls. 21, 28. 30, 130, 199. 287 Unifcnity towns, 96. 97, 20 Urban "ililies, 5, 72, 1 12,201. 256,267, 273, 297 Uuell. J. Douglas, 325 V.lentinc, Charles. 1 7 Vatu•. Syl�il. 2"7 Veblen, Thorstein. 22 Velsen,Jllp�ln. 13O, 131. H2, 133. HI, 333 Vincent, joan. 122, HI Volkan. Edmund H., 326. 327 Voluntiry IUocilll\onS, 49, 65, 73, 126-27. 138-39. 15", 2"7, 334 Wallace, Anthony F. C., 282. 283 W.llOn, John, 329. 341 Warner. Uoyd, 17. 76. 203, 337 Washington. Booker T., 23 Washington, D.C .. 1}-14, 16, 88. 187-88. 2