Ethical Issues in Six Religious Traditions 2nd Edition

SECOND EDITION Edited by Peggy Morgan and Clive A. Lawton How do Hindus view euthanasia? Is there a ‘Sikh view’ of adver...

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SECOND EDITION Edited by Peggy Morgan and Clive A. Lawton How do Hindus view euthanasia? Is there a ‘Sikh view’ of advertising? Do Jews and Muslims share the same attitudes to marriage? What is different in Christians’ and Buddhists’ views on care of the environment? What stands do religious people take on animal experimentation? The need for a parallel study of the values held by different religious communities has never been stronger, and this book draws together authors respected in six significant traditions to explore the ethical foundations for Hindu, Buddhist, Sikh, Jewish, Christian and Muslim faiths. Each section introduces a different religion and sets the wider context within which specific, topical and often controversial questions can be asked. The following themes are then addressed as appropriate to the given traditions:

• Religious identity and authority • Personal and private • Marriage and family • Influences on and use of time, money and other personal resources

• The quality and value of life • Questions of right and wrong • Equality and difference • Conflict and violence • Global issues

The result is an informative and well-balanced examination which helps to address the issue of areas for debate between communities and any common values in society. The first edition has been a bestseller and has become the standard text for all those working in this area. This expanded edition – with two new authors – serves a growing area of interest even more fully.

The other contributors are Werner Menski, Eleanor Nesbitt, Alan Brown and Azim Nanji.

SECOND EDITION Edited by

Peggy Morgan and Clive A. Lawton

SECOND EDITION

Edited by

Clive A. Lawton is UJIA Fellow in Jewish Education and Community Development at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) and Chair of the North Middlesex University Hospital NHS Trust. He has written extensively on Judaism, the Holocaust and diversity issues.

Ethical Issues in Six Religious Traditions

Peggy Morgan & Clive A. Lawton

Peggy Morgan is lecturer in the Study of Religions at Mansfield College, Oxford and a member of the University of Oxford’s Faculty of Theology. From 2000 to 2003 she was Honorary President of the British Association for the Study of Religions. She has written widely about ethics in religious traditions and religions in the modern world.



ISBN 978 0 7486 2330 3

Cover design: Michael Chatfield

Morgan cover art.indd 1

Edinburgh

Edinburgh University Press 22 George Square Edinburgh EH8 9LF www.eup.ed.ac.uk

16/1/07 12:59:40

Ethical Issues in Six Religious Traditions SECOND EDITION

Edited by Peggy Morgan and Clive A. Lawton

Edinburgh University Press

© Individual contributors, 2007 Hinduism Werner Menski; Buddhism Peggy Morgan; Sikhism Eleanor Nesbitt; Judaism Clive A. Lawton; Christianity Alan Brown; Islam Azim Nanji First edition 1996 Edinburgh University Press Ltd 22 George Square, Edinburgh Typeset in 10/12 Monotype Goudy Old Style by Servis Filmsetting Ltd, Manchester, and printed and bound in Great Britain by Cromwell Press, Trowbridge, Wilts A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 0 7486 2329 7 (hardback) ISBN 978 0 7486 2330 3 (paperback) The right of the contributors to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

Contents

Acknowledgements A Note on Transliteration and Pronunciation Introduction

ix x xi

Section A: Hinduism Werner Menski 1. Religious Identity and Authority On Being a Hindu • Authority • Authority Figures in the Faith • Duties of Leaders • Duties of Subjects and Citizens 2. Personal and Private? Personal Qualities • Friendship • Sex before Marriage • Homosexuality • HIV/AIDS 3. Marriage and the Family The Meaning of Marriage • Family Relationships • Marriage Breakdown 4. Influences on and the Use of Time, Money and Other Personal Resources Education • Work • Leisure and its Use • Wealth • Drugs • The Media • Advertising 5. The Quality and Value of Life The Elderly • Those in Need • Reproduction • Abortion • Euthanasia • Vegetarianism 6. Questions of Right and Wrong The Purpose of Law • Sin and Sins • Punishments • The Wrongdoer and the Wronged 7. Equality and Difference Differences between People • Attitudes to Other Religions • Attitudes to Ethnic and National Diversity • Women and Men • Are All People Equal? 8. Conflict and Violence Why does Conflict Exist? • Why do Different Nations Exist? • National and Ethnic Conflict • ‘Just War’? • Contemporary Challenges • Social and Domestic Violence

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ETHICAL ISSUES IN SIX RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS

9. Global Issues Responses to World Poverty • Responses to Population Control • Planet Earth and Ecology 10. Glossary • Bibliography • Addresses

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Section B: Buddhism Peggy Morgan 1. Religious Identity and Authority On Being a Buddhist • Authority • Authority Figures in the Faith • Duties of Leaders • Duties of Subjects and Citizens 2. Personal and Private? Personal Qualities • Friendship • Sex before Marriage • Homosexuality • HIV/AIDS 3. Marriage and the Family The Meaning of Marriage • Family Relationships • Marriage Breakdown 4. Influences on and the use of Time, Money and Other Personal Resources Education • Work • Leisure and its Use • Wealth • Drugs • The Media • Advertising 5. The Quality and Value of Life The Elderly • Those in Need • Reproduction • Abortion • Euthanasia • Vegetarianism 6. Questions of Right and Wrong The Purpose of Law • Human Nature • Punishments • The Wrongdoer and the Wronged 7. Equality and Difference Differences between People • Attitudes to Other Religions • Attitudes to Ethnic and National Diversity • Women and Men • Are All People Equal? 8. Conflict and Violence Why does Conflict Exist? • Why do Different Nations Exist? • National and Ethnic Conflict • ‘Just War’? • Contemporary Challenges • Social and Domestic Violence 9. Global Issues Responses to World Poverty • Responses to Population Control • Planet Earth and Ecology 10. Glossary • Bibliography • Addresses

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Section C: Sikhism Eleanor Nesbitt 1. Religious Identity and Authority On Being a Sikh • Authority • Authority Figures in the Faith • Duties of Leaders • Duties of Subjects and Citizens 2. Personal and Private? Personal Qualities • Friendship • Sex before Marriage • Homosexuality • HIV/AIDS 3. Marriage and the Family The Meaning of Marriage • Family Relationships • Marriage Breakdown 4. Influences on and the Use of Time, Money and Other Personal Resources Education • Work • Leisure and its Use • Wealth • Drugs • The Media • Advertising 5. The Quality and Value of Life The Elderly • Those in Need • Reproduction • Abortion • Euthanasia • Vegetarianism 6. Questions of Right and Wrong The Purpose of Law • Sin and Sins • Punishments • The Wrongdoer and the Wronged 7. Equality and Difference Differences between People • Attitudes to Other Religions • Attitudes to Ethnic and National Diversity • Women and Men • Are All People Equal? 8. Conflict and Violence Why does Conflict Exist? • Why do Different Nations Exist? • National and Ethnic Conflict • ‘Just War’? • Contemporary Challenges • Social and Domestic Violence 9. Global Issues Responses to World Poverty • Responses to Population Control • Planet Earth and Ecology 10. Glossary • Bibliography • Addresses

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Section D: Judaism Clive A. Lawton 1. Religious Identity and Authority On Being Jewish • Authority • Authority Figures in the Faith • Duties of Leaders • Duties of Subjects and Citizens

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2. Personal and Private? Personal Qualities • Friendship • Sex before Marriage • Homosexuality • HIV/AIDS 3. Marriage and the Family The Meaning of Marriage • Family Relationships • Marriage Breakdown 4. Influences on and the Use of Time, Money and Other Personal Resources Education • Work • Leisure and its Use • Wealth • Drugs • The Media • Advertising 5. The Quality and Value of Life The Elderly • Those in Need • Reproduction • Abortion • Euthanasia • Vegetarianism 6. Questions of Right and Wrong The Purpose of Law • Sin and Sins • Punishments • The Wrongdoer and the Wronged 7. Equality and Difference Differences between People • Attitudes to Other Religions • Attitudes to Ethnic and National Diversity • Women and Men • Are All People Equal? 8. Conflict and Violence Why does Conflict Exist? • Why do Different Nations Exist? • National and Ethnic Conflict • ‘Just War’? • Contemporary Challenges • Social and Domestic Violence 9. Global Issues Responses to World Poverty • Responses to Population Control • Planet Earth and Ecology 10. Glossary • Bibliography • Addresses

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Section E: Christianity Alan Brown 1. Religious Identity and Authority On Being a Christian • Authority • Authority Figures in the Faith • Duties of Leaders • Duties of Subjects and Citizens 2. Personal and Private? Personal Qualities • Friendship • Sex before Marriage • Homosexuality • HIV/AIDS 3. Marriage and the Family The Meaning of Marriage • Family Relationships • Marriage Breakdown

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Contents 4. Influences on and the Use of Time, Money and Other Personal Resources Education • Work and Employment • Leisure and its Use • Wealth • Drugs • The Media • Advertising 5. The Quality and Value of Life The Elderly • Those in Need • Reproduction • Abortion • Euthanasia • Vegetarianism 6. Questions of Right and Wrong The Purpose of Law • Sin and Sins • Punishments • The Wrongdoer and the Wronged 7. Equality and Difference Differences between People • Attitudes to Other Religions • Attitudes to Ethnic and National Diversity • Women and Men • Are All People Equal? 8. Conflict and Violence Why does Conflict Exist? • Why do Different Nations Exist? • National and Ethnic Conflict • ‘Just War’? • Contemporary Challenges • Social and Domestic Violence 9. Global Issues Responses to World Poverty • Responses to Population Control • Planet Earth and Ecology 10. Glossary • Bibliography • Addresses

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Section F: Islam Azim Nanji 1. Religious Identity and Authority On Being a Muslim • Authority • Authority Figures in the Faith • Duties of Leaders • Duties of Subjects and Citizens 2. Personal and Private? Personal Qualities • Friendship • Sex before Marriage • Homosexuality • HIV/AIDS 3. Marriage and the Family The Meaning of Marriage • Family Relationships • Marriage Breakdown 4. Influences on and the Use of Time, Money and Other Personal Resources Education • Work • Leisure and its Use • Wealth • Drugs • The Media • Advertising 5. The Quality and Value of Life The Elderly • Those in Need • Reproduction • Abortion • Euthanasia • Vegetarianism

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6. Questions of Right and Wrong The Purpose of Law • Sin and Sins • Punishments • The Wrongdoer and the Wronged 7. Equality and Difference Differences between People • Attitudes to Other Religions • Attitudes to Ethnic and National Diversity • Women and Men • Are All People Equal? 8. Conflict and Violence Why does Conflict Exist? • Why do Different Nations Exist? • National and Ethnic Conflict • ‘Just War’? • Contemporary Challenges • Social and Domestic Violence 9. Global Issues Responses to World Poverty • Responses to Population Control • Planet Earth and Ecology 10. Glossary • Bibliography • Addresses General Bibliography General Addresses and Web Sites Notes on the Contributors Index

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334 343 345 346 348

Acknowledgements

The editors and Alan Brown would like to thank Trevor Shannon for his generous permission to use material from his first-edition text in the rewriting of the Christianity section by Alan Brown. Azim Nanji wishes to thank Dr Aziz Esmail, Governor of the Institute of Ismaili Studies, and Professor Abdou Filali-Ansari, Director of the Institute of Muslim Civilisations, for their thoughtful and detailed comments on an earlier draft. Many conversations with the late Dr Zaki Badawi were very helpful in clarifying several relevant issues.

A Note on Transliteration and Pronunciation

Most technical terms in original languages are italicised and linked with glossary entries. Where a word is commonly used but is nevertheless explained in the glossary we have italicised its first appearance to signal that there is a glossary entry, for example Roman Catholicism. A few terms, such as guru, brahmin, imam and rabbi, are used as accepted English terms without italicisation in the text except for their first appearance. For Indian languages, both classical and modern, there exists an internationally accented scientific system of transliteration. This involves many diacritical marks and it is therefore not always used, with the result that readers are confused. You could find ashrama written as as´rama, ashrama, ashram, ashrama or in other forms. In this text, all diacritical marks except the sign for vowel length on a, i and u have been avoided. All other vowels are long. You should note that all vowels are best spoken as in German. So the vowel in bhakti sounds like that in ‘bus’, but the consonant is aspirated as in ‘why’; atman has the sound of ‘father’. Note that i/ı sound like ‘it’ and ‘eager’, and u/u like ‘put’ and ‘mood’. Accents in Punjabi differ from those in Hindi and Sanskrit; so guru in the Sikhism glossary has an accent which it does not have in the Hinduism glossary. The Buddhism section contains both the Sanskrit and Pali forms of words as appropriate. The Arabic transliterations are given without aspirants and vowel accents. Unless otherwise indicated, the translations of primary texts are the author’s own.

Introduction

The first edition of this book has been a best-seller and a decade later Edinburgh University Press invited the editors to work on a second, enlarged version. This has involved including extra sections and expanding others with reference to new issues and developments during the last ten years. Two new authors have joined four of the original team to complete the book and we are confident that this second edition will be as useful and relevant as the first. Both editions have grown out of the conviction that crossing the frontiers of faiths, languages and races can enable people to deepen their understanding of issues that are important to us all. We live in an age when many different groups, particularly in Europe and North America, are expressing serious concern about human values – about how we should live, how we should treat each other and how we should treat our world. This concern is one for all citizens, but is being articulated particularly by politicians, members of the caring professions, in education and in discussions between members of different faiths. Often the most rigorous and challenging answers come from people of faith rooted in religious traditions. They challenge each other with their different language worlds and starting points, but also startle us with answers that express values which are often shared. The central aim of this book is to make available the basic tenets of six so-called ‘world’ religions, six major religious traditions – their beliefs, experiences and convictions – in which these shared values are grounded. We acknowledge that many other religious traditions and secular world views than the ones we have included have important contributions to make to this debate and their omission is not one of principle but of space. Bahais, followers of Confucius, Daoists, Jains, those who practise a Shinto path and Zoroastrians, for example, also have important positions on the issues under discussion. We also acknowledge that it is the people of faith rather than the ‘isms’ of the systems that negotiate the traditions and make the choices, and that these are almost infinitely varied. This variety is found within traditions as well as between them (see section 1). Any context has its strengths and weaknesses. It is sometimes suggested that the treatment of values and ethical issues in the Western world, even when faiths come together, is dominated by a Christian or post-Christian agenda, and that this is a weakness. From this standpoint any list of common topics such as those to be addressed in this book may be seen to reflect the concerns of the majority culture, which may be secular or religious, rather than minority faiths; the concerns of the West and not of other parts of the

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world. Examples of this bias of concerns can be seen in any distinctions made between public and private lives and the inclusion of any focus on gender and issues such as surrogacy, homosexuality or euthanasia. It might well be suggested that each faith should set out its own themes and group them in its own way. This is a viewpoint with which the contributors are sympathetic and comments have been included on the appropriateness of terms that are used and whether or not those within a tradition have anything to say on the topic so labelled. It would not, however, have produced a text which would be as useful when considering the question of shared values in the European and North American as well as other contexts. The text therefore does arise in a Western context, and the contributors, some of whom are members of the faiths about which they have written, accept that this is the case. It is also a major strength of the book that this has been done. For it is precisely the tensions between context and the world views of the various faiths which force reflection on assumptions and convictions which within that context are generally taken for granted – for instance, the private–public classification. The topics were chosen for a variety of reasons. They provide an opportunity to focus on issues that are important within religions, even though in different ways or to a different degree. They are also being raised in professional groups and have been placed in some way or other on syllabuses in educational institutions. However, the editors have always kept an eye on any artificial moulding of material or traditions. As indicated above, writers were asked to point out where any terminology or emphasis is not that used within a particular faith, or where there is as yet little material or debate on a particular topic, for whatever reason. For example, the section on Buddhism has used the heading ‘Human Nature’ (see B.6.b) instead of ‘Sin and Sins’, which would not be appropriate terminology for Buddhists in this context. At the same point (see D.6.b), the Jewish author writes that ‘the overarching concept of Sin is not really present in Judaism’. In the Sikh section on euthanasia (see C.5.e), it states that ‘this is not a subject on which Sikhs have made any religious pronouncement’. What is apparent, though, is that questions on the agenda in a Western context are drawing more and more response from the traditions whose roots have been until quite recently in quite different societies. Addressing these questions is part of the transplantation process of religious communities and not an artificial task. The diaspora communities are now making a significant contribution to public debate. Each section has an introduction in which the concerns and emphases of each faith are explained in their own terms and in their own way. These passages ‘set the scene’, and hence prevent the common structure from moulding the material in an artificial way. There are also differences in the length as well as the contents of sections and this gives each faith an additional opportunity to show the balance and emphasis of concern for members of the traditions within it. The editors are very aware that there have been attempts, such as that linked with the 1993 centenary celebrations of the 1893 Chicago Parliament of Religions

Introduction

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(see Küng and Kuschel 1993), to try to identify a ‘global ethic’ to which all religions might agree and with a statement that many groups signed. This is an interesting enterprise but of another kind from the task undertaken in this book, where the contributors are attentive to differences even though working within agreed areas of concern. All of the writers have academic expertise in their given faiths and are sensitive to the kind of debates outlined above. They are also either members of the faith communities or have worked closely with those communities and are respected by them. They have tried at all times to reflect the viewpoints of believers and belongers, of those who are insiders to the traditions. In doing this they have used ancient scriptural and other more contemporary written sources, and tried at all times to reflect the variety of views that exist on the many controversial issues within the different traditions. These varieties are to do with different historical contexts and the new diasporas, the geographical and cultural arenas in which members of faiths increasingly find themselves. Many of the issues are on the frontiers of debate in the faiths and there may be no such thing as a fixed or final view. Interpreters and interpretations are many and have varied authority. It is often as important to understand how decisions are made and how guidelines are being laid down as to know what is being decided. Readers are encouraged to seek further views through meeting members of faith communities and through further reading, including looking at journal and newspaper articles and web sites. The lists of addresses and bibliographies at the end of each section and the book as a whole facilitate this further exploration. As has already been mentioned, there are other important religions and communities that are not discussed here for reasons of space, rather than from any suggestion that they are not important. The viewpoints of these communities add further diversity and emphases to debates on ethical issues. As a result of the stimulus that this book gives, readers are encouraged to find out, for example, about Jain attitudes to animals, Daoist approaches to the environment, Bahai attitudes to peace, Zoroastrian (Parsi) views on other religions and marriage, Confucian attitudes to social responsibility or Rastafarian attitudes to drugs and poverty, the attitudes of members of indigenous religions such as the first nation peoples of North America to issues of identity and authority, the attitudes of any of the new religious movements derived from older tradition towards women, or humanist attitudes to euthanasia, to name but a few possibilities. Priorities and populations vary, even in the so-called ‘Western’ world. In the USA responses to the issues by the African-American populations are crucial and would add yet further perspectives to the material. Also not discussed may be some aspects of political behaviours which are claimed to be manifestations of a religious tradition. We have allowed our contributors to determine what is beyond the pale and fully endorse the view that not everything done in the name of a religion is a true representation of that tradition.

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The section on each religion is presented separately as a free-standing and integral piece of writing. This is another way of trying to see each tradition in the round and in its own terms. If the themes had been dealt with across each religion and one at a time that would have given the reader much less sense of how aspects of a religion’s viewpoint are part of a whole. As the text stands, cross-reference where needed is indicated and also facilitated by the index and the common structure used for each faith. Each religion begins with an introduction to what it means to be a member of that religion, with its own authorities, norms, ideals and interpreters. There is no particular significance in the order of the religions being presented, but it seemed sensible to group together those which began in India and are often referred to as the ‘Indian’ traditions, the Hindu, Buddhist and Sikh faiths, though the modern state of India includes many others that both began and have been transplanted there. The other group is the so-called Abrahamic faiths which are the Jewish, Christian and Islamic traditions. USING THE BOOK This book is intended for a wide audience. Experience from the first edition suggests that it will both inform and support discussion in many arenas. It can be read through section by section as a thematic introduction to a tradition. It can also be used to explore an issue across any two or more faiths by using the headings or the index or preferably both. Ethical issues are an area of increasing interest. This is obvious from media attention, the increase in publications covering ethical issues and the popularity of courses in ethics in schools and universities. The growth of interest runs parallel to the many practical and ever more complex day-to-day challenges and decisions that have to be made in people’s lives, sometimes at high speed. This book, therefore, might be used for reference by those in the media, as a basis for training sessions by the caring professions, as substantial research material by teachers and students or as a stimulus for reflection by interfaith groups or indeed by individual faiths for whom such material is sometimes hard to find in a single source. There are various ways in which a reader might proceed to do any of the following: 1. Read a section on an individual religion as a rounded introduction to a world view within which ethical decisions are made. This material complements in a rooted contemporary way material found in other introductions to these religious traditions. 2. If more is wanted, lists of references at the end of each section can be used to extend work on a particular tradition or a theme within that tradition. For example, there are whole books on women in Buddhism, marriage and divorce law in Islam or Jewish approaches to medical ethics.

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3. Since the reader is also encouraged to think in terms of people of faith and their decision-making process, not just systems, the address lists on individual religions support the possibility of meeting people and exploring a tradition through personal contact. There are also contact details to organisations such as The Interfaith Network UK which can put you in touch with communities and organisations. 4. The above process is also relevant for exploring more than one religion. 5. If the reader’s main interest is a specific issue, then both the thematic listings and the index can facilitate access to approaches very specifically for comparison and as a stimulus to debate and the development of further questions. For this reason each issue is identically numbered in each section. This has the disadvantage of appearing to force a common tenplate of priorities and values on each tradition, but the editors feel that the disadvantage of this is outweighed by the advantage of facilitating comparison across traditions. So to summarise, the reader has explanatory text in the main part of the book relating to six religious traditions and with reference to a wide range of issues. There are also suggestions for further reading at the end of each section and at the end of the full text. Important, too, is the support given for making contacts with members of different faiths, in both the lists of addresses given at the end of each section which are religion specific and more generally at the end of the book. Each section also has a glossary of terms. THE THEMES 1. Religious Identity and Authority Being a member of one religion or world view rather than another is often a matter of people’s country of birth, their general cultural background or the particular family from which they come. In this case the attitudes of that religion are absorbed gradually, becoming both as much a part of people’s lives as the language they speak – something with which they feel ‘at home’ and towards which they have considerable loyalty and affection. Nevertheless, there are people who find that at some stage in life they want to change from the religion they grew up in to another religion or world view which they feel is a better expression of what they really think or how they want to live. In addition, there are more and more people who grow up with no religious background at all, in what are usually called ‘secular’ societies. These people may never want to commit themselves to a religious view of the world or may become attracted to a religion and embrace it, often through meeting people whose ideas or way of life impress them in some way. Many members of religions emphasise that it is not enough simply to believe certain ideas: a religion is a whole way of life. This is obviously a very

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important perspective for a book on ethics and so inevitably it is one which the authors have taken into account. Of course, not all members of a religion can or do follow the ideal path of life that the religion teaches, and hence many sections in this book contain examples of the gaps between theory and practice, or ideal practice and reality. Every reader will be able to bring to mind examples where the dominant voice of a tradition may teach a certain ideal but where individuals within that tradition have felt guided by their individual consciences or the pressures and possibilities of personal circumstances and do not feel able to live the ideal. Examples might be Roman Catholic Christians on abortion or some methods of contraception; Hindus on non-violence; Sikhs on the consumption of alcohol; Jews on interreligious marriage; Muslims on caring for elderly parents; or Buddhists on suicide. The authors also set out to give expression to the diversity that exists within all religions, a diversity which often has something to do with where the religion is being lived. There is now a great deal of research on the changes to religious lives brought about by diasporas transplanted from their traditional environments. For example, Hindus or Muslims in Britain may make different decisions on marriage or family life from those in India or Saudi Arabia, and their religion provides for that possibility; Buddhists in Tibet may make different decisions about eating meat from those in Switzerland; Sikhs in the Punjab may find their struggle for justice of a different kind from Sikhs in Canada; some Jews in the USA may have a very different attitude to international politics from Jews in Israel; Christians in Africa may have very different views on gay rights from those in North America. On top of this, all religions are made up of different groups, schools, denominations and sects and these often disagree strongly with one another, creating tension between members of different groups. There is also the feeling that belonging to a religion is like being part of a worldwide family which transcends other barriers. As civil legislation in various countries and internationally enters more and more the territory which was traditionally reserved to religions – for example laws about marriage and divorce or gender equality – religious communities are being forced to respond. One of the distinctive features of religions is the belief that this life and the world as we know it are not all there is. This does not detract from the importance of acting for the good of other people in the world, but it does mean that there is a further dimension to people’s actions and the fruit those actions bear, a dimension unseen by other human beings. This makes teachings about karma and rebirth, heaven and hell, afterlife and the kingdom of God an important part of ethical discourse. There are this-worldly social orientations to teachings and also other-worldly factors to beliefs and actions. In some traditions these challenge each other. The religions in this book all have substantial collections of written texts or scriptures on which they draw for help in making ethical decisions. All these texts have a certain authority, even though believers describe it in

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different ways. Some texts, for example, have the status of revelation or ‘givenness’, while others derive their authority from being collections of traditions or the reflections of distinguished teachers on important issues. These texts may be interpreted in different and even conflicting ways by different groups and individuals within traditions. Nearly every community, both secular and religious, has leaders. It is often instructive to discover how these leaders are chosen and by what kinds of qualities they are judged. Throughout history too, communities have tried to establish whether leaders are above the law or within it. Particularly important for communities who live under leaders of a different religious or secular tradition is the question of the appropriate attitudes towards such leaders: what duties do subjects or citizens owe, and what are the qualities to be looked for if these leaders are elected? In the context of religious communities, it is important to discover the relationship between religious leaders, the tradition and the community’s original inspiration which is often in the form of texts. In addition to texts, there are many people whom members of religions consider to be great ethical examples. These might be great figures at the origins of the religions, such as Moses, Sarah, Muhammad and Khadijah. They might be later historical figures such as Ashoka or Guru Gobind Singh. They might be wellknown figures from the twentieth century, such as the Dalai Lama, Aung San Suu Kyi, Dietrich Bonhoeffer or Mother Teresa of Calcutta, or they might be people who live without any fame or publicity but whose lives of quiet love, self-sacrifice, bravery, honesty and loyalty to their faith greatly influence their families and friends. You may know such extraordinary ordinary people in your own neighbourhood, and they are often women. 2. Personal and Private? The title of this section needs a question mark because the distinction that is often made in the Western world between people’s public and private lives is not one sustained in many cultures and religious traditions. This is pointed out very clearly in the sections on Hinduism, Sikhism and Islam particularly. People are seen in these cultures as essentially parts of a family, probably an extended family unit and a wider community. What they are and do is a part of the community’s life, honour or blame. They do not make their decisions on such an individualistic basis as do many people in the secular West. Nevertheless, religions offer guidance on the kind of qualities (see 2.a) that should be admired or cultivated by individuals, even though they go about making their decisions in two broadly different ways. Some traditions lay down fairly clear guidelines and advice. They offer models, particularly early figures or founders, as prime examples of the kinds of qualities to be encouraged. Other traditions provide a looser kind of guidance, with inspirational

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ideas, parables and messages from which individuals can draw their own conclusions as to how the ideal life should be led. Most of the religious traditions seem to agree that humility is a necessary quality, as are honesty, kindness and wisdom. Wisdom here is not the same as cleverness or even education; honesty is not the same as bluntness; kindness is not the same as sentimentality and is a less misleading term than love. One of the reasons for cultivating the personal qualities described in this section is so that the relationships one establishes with others are not only enriching but also inspiring. The way an individual relates to friends is perhaps the easiest test of the kind of moral life that she or he conducts. For some religions, though, friendship is only a halfway house to the love of humanity as a whole, which is implied in the concept of the human race as one family. In others it is the highest form of human relationship, the one which sets goals and challenges and also provides a model of the kind of relationship that could be achieved either with God or with all humankind. Best friends and early friends are often very important in people’s lives. Every community has proverbs and sayings about the need to choose or have good friends and about the danger of having bad ones. In some, though by no means all, people’s assessment of ethics and moral principles, relationships with friends need even more discussion than those with family members since people have the right to choose their friends. Therefore it is not only important how people behave towards a friend, but also how they go about gaining one in the first place, not to mention maintaining the friendship once it has been achieved. In most cases religions talk about friendships between people of the same sex. Nevertheless, this provides an intimation of the ideals in heterosexual relationships before marriage (see 2.c) and which should continue within marriage (see section 3). This is especially important since for some, the most fulfilling friendship they will ever have is with their partner in life. Throughout history people have tried to anticipate or experiment with the preliminaries of this relationship through sex before or outside marriage. Since many religions place great stress on marriage, this is an area in which religious traditions may want to present strong views. What is also stressed is the importance of the family. While the pattern of the family and one’s responsibilities to it may differ from religious community to religious community, and sometimes, depending on cultural contexts and individual interpretations, even within the religions, it would still seem to be true that the responsibility of bringing forth new life is regarded as a serious one. Before the advent of what is seen as ‘safe’ sex for people in some parts of the world, there seems to have been particular concern about the consequences to the woman, either in terms of her reputation, her economic security or her emotional stability of bearing a child without a man to support her in its upbringing. It is technically possible now in most parts of the world for a woman to ensure that she does not have a child through sexual intercourse. It is also more possible in these same contexts for a woman to bring up a child

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on her own. Nevertheless, it would still appear that most religious communities consider that to have a sexual relationship without ever having any interest in having children and of both partners accepting intercourse if you are fertile without at least the general possibility of conceiving a child during the duration of the relationship is almost a contradiction in terms, since part of the function of having sexual intercourse is to do with having children. Many religions seem to agree that the physical act of sexual intercourse in the appropriate loving context is a ‘high’ act rather than a ‘low’ one. It is usually linked with the procreation of children or the expression of a pure lifetime’s love between two individuals. It would also appear that there is an attitude emerging on the part of the liberal wing of several communities that, while sex before marriage is still technically unacceptable, if it is performed by two individuals who intend to marry, it is less unacceptable than if performed by two individuals who have no intention of any particular mutual commitment. For some religions, marriage is the norm and celibacy discouraged. But some communities teach that it is better not to be involved in the sexual act in any context and that sexual desire needs to be sublimated or ennobled. Celibacy is then an important ideal and may be seen as the highest way. These different views co-exist side by side within some religious traditions as well as between traditions. Still more problematic for most religious traditions has been sexual activity with a member of the same sex. Deep relationships with people of the same sex are often set up as the highest form of friendship but many traditions seem to have deep taboos against homosexual, gay and lesbian activity. Recently it has been stressed that even those traditions that feel most strongly about the subject do not condemn the homosexual, but the actual sexual activity. While that may seem to some like a very subtle line to draw in real life, it does at least make clear that the kind of abuse, ridicule and even physical attack that many homosexual men, for example, may experience in some societies cannot be justified by appeal to any of the religious traditions represented in this book. In some religious traditions the ethical stance is by no means clear cut (see B.2.d and E.2.d) and there is considerable debate which invokes strong argument and feelings. As has already been indicated, not all religious traditions have articulated clear positions on all issues included in this text. In respect of HIV/AIDS, some groups do not want to acknowledge the growing problem (see, for example, C.2.e), others see chastity as the only way forward (see, for example, A.2.e) and others emphasise the overriding approach of compassion towards sufferers without more explicit ethical comment. 3. Marriage and the Family Marriage is one of the four rites of passage or stages of life marked by some religions, albeit in different ways and with different emphases. The other three

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rites usually listed are at birth, puberty and death, though Hindus have a longer list of samskaras (see A.3.a) and Buddhists do not consider all these stages as religiously significant in the same way (see B.3.a). Hindus also have another list of stages of life for the twice born. Some religions think of marriage as a path to follow for those who cannot be celibate and cannot devote all their lives to religious matters in an ascetic way. In these religions, married life is usually acknowledged as a lower path than that of a monk, nun or world-renouncer. Other religions view marriage as the norm, and getting married as a fulfilment of the religious life. Whether it is seen as the recommended way or a lower path, and whether there is a religious ceremony or not, all religions take marriage very seriously because it forms the most basic unit in society into which children are born and nurtured in the faith. Most faiths emphasise that it has much wider implications than the attraction, personal happiness and fulfilment of one man and one woman. This is expressed in various ways: for example, in accepting or approving a system of arranged or assisted marriages where the extended family is involved in the process of choice and commitment and the support of a couple. Marriage can be seen as one of the sacraments of a religion, accompanied by special religious ceremonies in a place of worship and/or in the presence of a priest (see, for example, A.3.a and E.3.a). Alternatively there may be emphasis on a publicly celebrated social contract with witnesses (see, for example, F.3.a). Some marriage ceremonies have similar features wherever a religion is transplanted, but some are entirely dependent on the social customs, as well as the legal requirements, of a particular country. Not all religions insist on monogamy, although they say that believers must observe the law of the country in which they live. They all have a strong sense of an appropriate and ideal relationship between a wife and husband, of the importance of having children and of mutual help in their different roles. A marriage begins or extends a family unit, and family bonds are some of the most important in people’s lives. The relationships between parents and children are emphasised particularly in religions because the child’s early spiritual as well as physical and emotional life is nurtured within the context of a family. But many religions embrace an obligation to respect and care for not only the closest family members but the extended family of grandparents, aunts and cousins as well. This may have something to do with the traditional societies in which most of the religions began, but it may also express a deep understanding of the network that is needed to sustain the life of an individual. The principles of respect, obligation and love emphasised in marriage are also frequently extended to the wider family of the religion. All these relationships are seen as an enrichment as well as a responsibility. They give security and help at crucial stages in people’s lives, as well as mutual obligations. The personal qualities that are needed for family relationships are

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also those which the religions encourage in the wider world (see section 2.a). It is important also to ask whether there are ever situations when the demands of a religion might challenge and override the commitments people have to their families and how these are resolved, as for example if someone becomes a Buddhist or Christian monk or nun. However, family permission is required for a person to enter the Buddhist monastic sangha even if the person is technically ‘of age’. There are now also many people who live single lives and their place in the community needs to be considered. Religions may have very different approaches to these questions in different circumstances. When people enter into marriage, all religions have a strong sense of the importance of marriages that last a lifetime and ensure a stable home life for the whole family unit. This is the ideal set before those about to be married, and to which members of the religion give their support. If a couple are encountering difficulties the extended family and the wider religious community will usually do all they can to help them, and to encourage them to stay together. There may be a stronger sense of the rightness of staying within a marriage than in Western societies at large which may accept more easily divorce as the lesser of two evils if a marriage is unhappy. People now often debate what is meant by a family and whether the unit in which one lives, whatever the mixture of human beings, counts as a family group. Members of religions may be sympathetic to this idea of what is meant by a family, emphasising that loving and supportive relationships are the touchstones of family communities, or they may be very critical of new ways of living together. There may also be considerable tensions between religious ideals and the custom of the land in which a member of a religious community lives, between the traditional sense of being a part of a community and modern individualism. When traditional marriage relationships do break down, there is often both compassion and realism in what is allowed by many religious groups, and in the last resort, practical arrangements can almost always be made for a divorce to take place. The reasons why a divorce may be permitted, if at all and the difficulties involved in the process, will vary from religion to religion, and the nature of divorce will depend on whether the original marriage was a purely legal contract or a sacramental act. Like the original marriage, it should be acceptable to the laws of the country in which the couple are resident. 4. Influences on and the Use of Time, Money and Other Personal Resources Education in the broadest sense is without doubt the main medium by which any culture or tradition transmits its values to others, particularly the next generation. There is a clear difference of opinion as to whether education in a faith should be given intensively to the leaders so that they can lead others

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effectively, or whether it should be given on a more widespread basis so that everybody has a fair knowledge of what the values might be and what is expected of them. In the UK there is also a debate about faith-based schools in the general education system and whether these divide communities and potentially breed ignorance and subsequent prejudice against the ‘other’ or whether they allow potentially vulnerable religious communities to transmit their values coherently in the face of an otherwise pervasively secular culture. Whatever the preferred solution, it seems generally agreed that education is not primarily about developing skills to fulfil jobs or to become an economically productive member of society but more about developing the correct attitudes and personal qualities to be a fine human being. This is an attitude shared by people with religious as well as secular ideals. In trying to work out what should be taught as well as to whom it should be taught, every culture finds itself defining its major values and teachings. In many cases these are based on central and important texts and the understanding of them. What is particularly instructive is the wide variety of methods of teaching and learning that the different cultures have arrived at over the centuries. Methods of education vary from learning by heart sacred texts and doctrines to discussion of why those in a tradition think and act as they do and whether modern contexts should effect change. As well as the influence that families and education have on people’s values there is also the influence of the media and the power of advertising in people’s lives. The media can be used for good purposes or to manipulate the minds and attitudes of people. Propaganda has always been used in societies, including by religious groups. Religious communities as well as media moguls can be accused of manipulation and indoctrination in respect of the needs of the young. Mass printing and publishing and the electronic media mean that more people can be influenced more quickly and therefore more potential harm can be done. Advertising presents another aspect of the potential misuse of these resources. Obviously a manufacturer or seller has the right to inform people of the goods or services available. However, with the increased power of the media and a growing understanding of how the human mind works, modern advertising can manipulate so that it is not offering the buyer an opportunity, but rather implanting an instruction to purchase the item in question. This clearly presents major moral and ethical challenges, and many societies have attempted to work out codes of practice. In addition to radio, television, magazine, newspaper and telephone advertising there is now the world wide web as a propaganda tool as well as a neutral information highway and genuine educational resource. Various ways of regulating that by national and international laws are now frequently under discussion. While the traditional teachings of the religions discussed in this book were established long before advertising and the world wide web were a

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major issue, there seem to be some guidelines that can be drawn from the ethical teachings embedded within them. Although it has been said that education is primarily about wisdom rather than skills, each tradition nevertheless lays great stress on the importance of individuals playing a constructive part in society. This does not necessarily mean that the work done by each person must be of economic value but it does mean that everybody must contribute in some way or other to the success and improvement of the world in which they live. Besides the production of goods and services, people might be expected to work as teachers, religious professionals or even thinkers for the betterment of society. All the religions discussed in this book have at some time or another felt it important to enable certain individuals to devote almost their undivided attention to thinking and to extending their own learning for the enrichment of the society in which they live. This is also considered to be work. The performing of a useful task is seen not only as important to society, but also to the individual in so far as it increases self-respect and dignity in the eyes of others. Any tendency to judge a job’s worth by the money it earns is more alien to these religions than to society at large, where it is an important indicator of value. Many of the most valued jobs and workers in and for the community do not earn anything at all but give their time and skills in an entirely voluntary way. Also Buddhist monks and nuns, for example, live entirely on the offerings of members of the lay community and are valued for their contribution to that community. In Judaism the concept of leisure is enshrined as an absolute value through the concept of Shabbat. Any idea of leisure as self-indulgence seems alien to the religions and there is a greater sense that the time when an individual is not involved in his or her job might be spent not only on self-enrichment but also on social interaction and the enrichment of others. The balance between these two sides of the coin – work and leisure – is seen differently by the different religious traditions. It is an important issue for modern technologically developed societies which are struggling with the apparent lack of jobs in relation to the number of people who wish to have them. It seems to be the message of all the traditions that every individual should have the opportunity to work. It is interesting that in relation to the Buddhist monastic tradition’s way of life, meditation is called ‘the work of the monks and nuns’ and there is a similar attitude to the Christian attitude of contemplative prayer as ‘opus Dei’. On the other hand, the leisure that people have is that time which is in contrast to the work that they do. The balance seems to be important. At the moment employment and unemployment trends in Western countries seem to have produced a situation where some people are overworked all the time and some people have enforced inactivity and the indignity of unemployment. There may be some people who have excess leisure as a product of their wealth. The religions disagree as to whether or not individuals are to be

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allowed to accumulate wealth. The debate has a remarkably contemporary ring to it. Some suggest that since wealth can corrupt and provoke the evils of greed and selfishness, everyone should be allowed to have approximately the same amount and that the collective wealth should be shared for the good of society. Others argue that if individuals with the right kind of initiative are allowed to accumulate wealth, their affluence, if properly controlled and guided, can serve to benefit those less well-off than themselves and enhance the quality of a community’s life with charitable activities. One thing seems clear as far as these religions are concerned. Wealth is always given in trust to the individual and must be used responsibly and morally. The wealthy individual automatically has a responsibility to those who are poor, making the (compulsory) paying of taxes or the (voluntary) contribution to charity an absolute responsibility rather than an act of goodwill. Even those religions which agree that individuals have every right to accumulate wealth are nevertheless quite clear that there are correct and incorrect ways of accumulating it. Some money, however good the cause to which it is given, will be ‘dirty’ because of the way in which it has been earned. One way in which some of the richest people in the world have achieved their wealth is through drug trafficking. This is widely seen as a way of life that exploits other people since it encourages and then trades on people’s addiction. While there seems to be a case to be made by some of the traditions for the use of certain drugs or alcohol to heighten spiritual or mystical awareness and certainly to ease pain in the case of illness, when it involves the abuse of an otherwise healthy body it is roundly condemned. Certainly when people slip into addiction which can lead eventually to sickness, death, loss of personal autonomy and their destruction as individuals with integrity, each of the religions speaks out strongly to condemn. What individuals do in this as in other examples affects whole communities. It is a seeming paradox that drug abuse is a problem of the very rich and very poor. It would appear that people turn to drugs out of boredom or despair. In either case perhaps some of the approaches to work and leisure could help to resolve the drugs problem that the world appears to face. 5. The Quality and Value of Life The major religious traditions of the world all teach that human life is of great value and should be respected whether the individual is elderly, handicapped, sick, poor, dying or, in some cases, not yet born. In some ways they go even further than this and say that the life experience of some of these people may bring them especially close to the heart of their religion, in a way that the experience of youth, physical fitness, intellectual ability and wealth do not. The religions also teach personal qualities (see 2.a) which give priority to the practical care of the poor and sick. These include a sense of justice,

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unselfishness, generosity, love and compassion. In the light of this a whole range of reproductive technologies in addition to abortion raise very deep questions with which religions are struggling to engage. These focus on the origins of life and the status and nature of human life in particular. The attitudes of single religions, such as Christianity in the UK or Islam in Saudi Arabia or Buddhism in Thailand, have sometimes permeated whole societies and influenced their laws on financial assistance and health care for those in need, and their attitudes to abortion and euthanasia. In other societies such as Singapore the existence of a plurality of religions has underpinned what might be called a ‘caring’ attitude and a respect for life, even when there is disagreement about the exact moment the human person comes into being. But religious people are now in the minority in many dominantly secular societies where people may value material success and a busy, efficient life in paid employment rather than anything else. These attitudes are more and more the norm and make the elderly, handicapped and poor feel useless and social failures. This attitude also affects those who are home-based carers such as many parents, particularly mothers, and those who look after elderly relatives. There is also a high level of scientific experiment and technical achievement which enables people to have safe abortions for social reasons, and which present death as a medical failure instead of the natural and acceptable end to life. Religious people are affected by and interact with these attitudes in many different ways and often share with humanists the attempt to improve values in their communities. As well as affirming the dignity or value of human beings, religions also have something to say about other forms of life on the planet (see also 9.c). Food laws including vegetarian and vegan orientations and carefully prescribed systems of animal slaughter for meat have a respected place in many religious traditions. 6. Questions of Right and Wrong The law of the land in most countries is a secular legal system enforced by police, judges and a penal system. Because religions are ways of life as well as belief-systems, they too have ideas about how people should behave and what should be done when they behave badly. They also have their own teachings about justice and a way for people to show that they are sorry for what they have done. But one of the main characteristics of religion is its sense that order, truth and justice are ultimate cosmic values and realities, not just human ideas. They are part of the way God wants things to be, to put it in theistic terms, not just the creations of human societies. They are the very nature of Enlightenment and Wisdom, to use other terminology. There is obviously a great deal of overlap between what religions and the law of the land discourage – for example, theft and murder. The ideas of a religion about what are good and bad, right and wrong ways of behaving have

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often affected a society in which that religion has been a majority presence for a long time – for example, Christianity and the law of monogamy in Europe. Religious people are in any case almost always encouraged to obey the law of the land in which they live, except where they believe that the law is unjust or inhumane. Then they may feel that they have to make a protest, preferably, though not always, in a non-violent way, against injustice and seek to change things through the appropriate channels of that society. In these ways religions tend to think of two levels of law. There is the ultimate law, which some see as karma and others as the Will of God, and which, for example, may condemn all killing and see it as bringing serious punitive consequences. Then there is the lower law of a nation or state which asks soldiers to go to war to protect their country (see 8.b), or which inflicts capital punishment for serious crimes such as murder. Whilst murder is wrong, not all killing is murder and most traditions would argue that there may sometimes have to be actions which are justified as a lesser evil because of the circumstances. Another example is that religions see punishment as a matter for God, who is both just and merciful; or as part of the law of karma, which is based on the intention, the attitude and heart of a person, not just on their external actions. Repentance and forgiveness are then always a possibility between people and God, or between human beings. In human society, however, the state inflicts punishments for crimes, based mainly on external actions and with some reference to motive and intention, but independently of the issues of forgiveness and reconciliation. Crimes about which the state legislates are termed illegal. The religions have their own technical terms for what is considered wrong in their traditions. The Christian term is ‘sin’ but one should beware of using that term to translate the related concepts of other religions. We have indicated this by giving section B.6.b. a different title. Other related terms are the idea of what is and is not meritorious, making good or bad merit. Teaching about what is right and wrong is also related to beliefs about life after death and how a person’s present life affects their future state. 7. Equality and Difference People often point out that religions cause conflict and divide people (see section 8). In any consideration of the ethics of religious communities this challenge must be met. If religions create hatred and evil then their claim to present moral or ethical standards is almost totally undermined. It is necessary to examine what they have to say about differences between people. It would be facile to pretend that there are no differences, and quite clearly the different religions are in themselves responding to different kinds of cultural perceptions, experiences and attitudes. While some find it relatively easy to accommodate the fact that people are infinitely varied, it is sometimes harder to find a way of coping with other

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religions as such, which often claim not only to know a different truth but sometimes exclusively to know the truth. It is interesting to note that there can be more problems in attitudes towards those religions closely related, who are considered in some way to be heretics or seceders, than towards those religions at a distance. Religions vary in their attitudes to diversity of views. It is perhaps more common to conflict with members of one’s family than with people who are strangers. Related to this, but on a more political or social level, is the attitude of one community towards people of other races or nations. Some religions see themselves as very definitely relevant to all races or nations, while others are rather more restricted to a particular community or group. This has not prevented the large communities from breaking down into sub-groups related to race or nation, nor has it prevented the rather more restricted groups from opening up to embrace others not of their original community. Unless religions can provide an adequate and dignified response to these groupings, which sometimes conflict, they will be criticised as not able to teach much in the way of ethics. Perhaps an even more fundamental split in humanity is that between the sexes; religions, like all cultural groups, have been challenged by the modern movements for women’s equal rights, often called feminism. These seek to show how patriarchal religions as well as other social groupings are. The questions that are asked involve the nature of the relationship between the sexes and gender-determined roles. Are the sexes of differing status, of differing purpose, or merely different? Many religions have been influenced by the cultural environment in which they have operated, but equally many cultural environments have been influenced by the religions which operate within them. It is very hard to trace whether the contemporary experience of women is a product of local religious ideas, or whether the religious communities can offer something in the context of modern feminism. Overarching all these issues is the question of whether or not all people are equal and if so, what is the purpose of different religions and how does one deal with the various ways in which humanity tends to divide itself? Once again, and by easy reference to common knowledge, one can see that religious teachings have often been used to aggravate the sense of the inequalities between people, and to support the claims of one group against another and used power based on ethnicity, colour or gender inappropriately. Is the religion being correctly interpreted in such a case, or is it being misused? Another important issue, as touched on previously, is the relationship between the secular civil and human rights movements and traditional religions and whether, as some humanists might argue, the secular movements present the challenge of a more advanced international ethic. This section, with its various topics, points most specifically at the heart of the potential humaneness of religions, and their claim to moral and ethical insights worthy of being considered even by people of other religions or no religion at all.

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8. Conflict and Violence All the religious traditions have different ways of looking at the origins of and reasons for conflict but these all relate in some way to the absence of the personal qualities laid out in 2.a. and the issues of sinfulness, disobedience and wrong actions explored in section 6. Sections b and c within this topic imply that the existence of different ethnic groups and separate nations is in some way a problem. Our experience of nations is as competitors and enemies rather than as collaborators and friends (7.c). The competition may be for trade, land, resources, olympic medals or ideological superiority. People tend to mean by a nation a humanly created nation-state rather than an ethnic grouping with an inherited common culture (7.a). Such a nation often has quite artificial, arbitrary geographical boundaries and separates related groups of people such as Sikhs in the Punjab or ethnic Germans in central Europe and the Kurds in Turkey and Iraq. Many are relatively modern. So the answer to the question of why different nations exist is most commonly given in historical, social, geographical and nationalistic, rather than religious, terms, though there are some examples linked with religion as with the partition of Pakistan in 1947 (see F.8.b) and the creation of the state of Israel in 1948 (see D.8.b). The majority of the nation-states of today contain a diversity of cultures and religious groupings within them. They are plural, multi-cultural and multi-religious. It is possible for a nation to affirm this variety as a microcosm of the varied world in which we live. Members of religions might then feel secure living side by side. However, there is sometimes a tension between religious beliefs and practices and commitment to separate nation-states. The state may be oppressive of the religion of some religious groups or be intolerant of customs which to religious people are essential to the practice of their religion. Examples of the latter are the wearing of the hijab by Muslim women and girls or the carrying of the Sikh kirpan, which might count as an offensive weapon, or the obligation on a Jewish person not to work during the twenty-five hours of the Sabbath, which is from sunset on Friday to nightfall on Saturday. There may be a desire to create and live in a nation in which one can follow one’s religious life and its ethical ideals with the minimum of compromise. This desire may lead to a radical reform of a nation from within (as in the case of the Iranian Revolution) or the setting-up of a new nationstate – as in the case of Pakistan in 1947 and the Sikh desire for a homeland, which would be called Khalistan (see C.8.b). Religious beliefs may emphasise that fellowship with co-religionists in other nation-states transcends national divisions and loyalties (see F.8.b). There may be a deep awareness of the final unity of all humankind whatever their religion or race (see 7.b and c), and a desire for the global village to see itself and act as one world. All of these views are reflected in this section.

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Some of the above points are highlighted when nations go to war against each other. Many religions teach some form of non-violence as an ideal, and members of religions have often refused to fight (see 8. a, c and d). They maintain that their refusal to be involved in the killing of others is more important than blind loyalty to a nation-state or even more than its defence, if it is threatened by others. This has never been an easy option since people who take this stand might be imprisoned or expected to undertake dangerous tasks in war zones, such as working with ambulance crews. Some religions teach that war might be acceptable and even obligatory in certain circumstances such as self-defence or to end tyranny or oppression (see 8.d). If war becomes necessary, then careful conditions are traditionally laid down about how it should be waged, with as much respect given to civilian life and property and the humane treatment of prisoners, for example, as possible. Nuclear, chemical and biological warfare is of quite a different kind from traditional warfare. It is not just a matter of degree and the number of people that would be involved in the present and the future, but also of its indiscriminate nature (see 8.e). These are just some of the contemporary challenges that those with religious perspectives are needing to consider. Many of the issues involved in discussion of war and peace overlap those involved in violence and non-violence amongst individuals. It is often more difficult for members of religious traditions who have high ideals for family life and communities (see 3.b) to acknowledge the existence of violence and conflict within the home and that members of their communities are involved in other forms of social violence. The ethics of some religions stress that families, societies and nations are no more than a collection of individuals, and that the best way to secure peaceful co-existence is to tackle aggression, hatred, greed, jealousy and so forth, on an individual level. 9. Global Issues The modern awareness of the world as a ‘global village’ has brought to everyone’s attention the problems of people around the world. Only a century ago it was possible to be fairly ignorant as to what was happening just a few hundred miles away, but nowadays it is almost impossible to ignore what is happening on the other side of the world, particularly when the happening is a crisis of some sort. There is much evidence to suggest that what is called the ‘north–south divide’ in the world demonstrates an injustice of monstrous proportions. Most of the countries in the northern hemisphere are relatively affluent and frequently waste a large amount of the food and resources that they have available, simply because they cannot consume them all. Meanwhile many of the countries in the southern hemisphere are starved and impoverished. Thousands of people die of famine, disease and natural disasters against which they cannot afford to establish proper defences. The problem of world

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poverty seems to be one which is to do with justice rather than resources, and challenges to solve it belong equally to all people. Some people have blamed the poverty in the less technologically developed countries on the tendency of their populations to grow faster than those in the more affluent countries of the northern hemisphere. This is by no means a total explanation and in some ways a complete red herring. Nevertheless, each community is challenged by the situation to develop an attitude towards the growth of the world’s population and the fact that humanity possesses the capacity to control or reduce its numbers, if it so wishes. Should people, as it were, ‘trust in God’ and carry on producing children? Should people engineer a certain population size, in line with economic realities? A third possibility is, of course, to try to adjust economic realities to suit the size of population. As with other issues, the questions overlap those asked and the answers given where reproduction is considered in section 5.c. Whatever the approach, the size of population in some impoverished countries has been seen as a major problem, and it is worth considering that the other side of the problem is the diminishing size of the populations of affluent countries. In time there is a fear that either there will be an insufficient workforce, or there will not be enough people to support the elderly, who through medical advances are living longer. Here again there is overlap with the discussions in sections 5.a. and b. All this awareness and concern about global problems encourages a view of the world as a completely interrelated whole as one world. Perhaps it was space travel and the images of planet earth from the moon, spaceships and satellites that most dramatically established for all people that the world is a single unit spinning in space, and that everything that happens in this one place will eventually have an impact on everywhere else. The development of concern for the environment, for ecological systems, for the conservation of fish stocks, for fossil fuels, and the attempt to prevent the atmosphere from deteriorating still further are all demonstrations of a growing awareness that regardless of differences, every community finally bears a relationship with and responsibility to every other community. And the family of related beings is not only a family of human beings, but of humans in their interdependence and relatedness to all other forms of life. Even though this may not have been a major preoccupation in the days of the establishment of the main religious traditions, if they are to be relevant to the modern day they must say something about how human beings should respond to the concept of the world as a whole and its natural needs, in the light of the growing human capacity to affect the way the world progresses. As they look back as well as forward in their scriptures, traditions and interpretations of these, many people of faith feel confident that their voices are not only relevant, but also forward-looking in this regard.

A. Hinduism Werner Menski

A.1. RELIGIOUS IDENTITY AND AUTHORITY A.1.a. On Being a Hindu The simple questions ‘Are you a Hindu?’ and ‘What makes you a Hindu?’ lead both the curious enquirer and the Hindu individual straight into a maze of interrelated concepts which one could not hope to describe adequately in a few words. The answer, even if the individual has thought about this point before, is bound to be something like ‘Of course I am a Hindu, because I was born one’, or ‘My parents and my family are Hindu, we are all Hindus.’ Quite often one will hear ‘I am born in India, so I am a Hindu.’ But nowadays, not all Indians are Hindus, and a growing number of Hindus are born outside India, notably in the UK and North America. Clearly, it cannot be the birthplace alone that determines a person’s religion. Being born into a particular family, however, does remain important. This seems to be the same in all religions: the young ones grow up absorbing, more or less completely in traditional societies, the value-system of their families, and thus become almost automatically adherents of the religion of their ancestors, elders and peers. For Hindus, there is no formal point of entry into the group of ‘the believers’. Indeed, inclusion by ‘belief’ has never been appropriate for Hindus in their sense of belonging to a tradition. A young Hindu need never formally pledge his or her allegiance to Hinduism. That one is born a Hindu is, therefore, quite sufficient to the average member of this faith as an answer to the question ‘What makes you a Hindu?’ Some ‘entry ceremonies’ have been devised for converts to Hinduism, but it is still sufficient to simply adjust to a Hindu way of life (whatever that may be) and gain recognition that way. Similarly, one could not simply stop being a Hindu by declaring oneself unreligious or ‘of no religion’. Wearing Western clothes, abandoning traditional dietary rules, neglecting or giving up worship of Hindu deities, all this may be seen by some as signs of ‘Hinduism in danger’. But none of this means that those concerned have stopped being Hindu. In India, one would not cease to be counted as a Hindu unless one formally declared one’s allegiance to another religion, for example, converted to Islam, Christianity, or another faith. The same is true elsewhere.

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Because it does not constantly require confirmation of allegiance, Hinduism seems to make it comparatively easy for its followers to remain Hindu. Conversely, for a non-Hindu, the adoption of a Hindu way of life could well lead to recognition as a Hindu, particularly if the individual concerned has become a recognised and accepted member of a particular social group, for example through marriage. Hinduism is, thus, clearly as much a way of life as a religion and Hindu individuals have a great deal of freedom to find their own path. It has been said that ‘there are as many Hinduisms as there are Hindus’ (Kanitkar 1987:7) and the same author emphasises: The practice of Hinduism varies in different regions of India and in different sections of society in the same region. Village Hinduism is different from the middleclass urban variety and the practice of the faith outside India is modified and adapted to suit social and economic conditions overseas.

While Hindus remain at all times subject to overriding concerns of a broadly ‘religious’ nature when considering what is appropriate in particular circumstances, the religion as a whole offers considerable flexibility in ethics and values. This has, over time and among the various Hindu communities all over the world, created what can sometimes seem a confusing diversity of practice and belief. Yet all of this is part of one religion, Hinduism. Unlike other world religions Hinduism cannot be defined by a central authority or dogma deriving from one spiritual entity or one scripture. Hindus know the theistic concept of the one supreme deity, monotheism, and will often talk about God, while referring to a particular chosen Hindu deity. In practice, then, Hinduism is polytheistic and sectarian. Hindus have agreed to disagree over the very fundamentals of religious belief out of a tacit acknowledgement of the limits of human knowledge. As a result Hinduism puts more emphasis on experience and action than belief, its ethical foundations being marked by an almost limitless plurality. To the individual Hindu in India, this was rarely a problem. Hindus in other countries, however, are beginning to find it difficult to ascertain their identity as Hindus. It is often so cumbersome to maintain what is conceived of as a Hindu way of life, because there seems to be no formula to guide you. Like all religions, Hinduism is concerned with the relationship between the individual and the spiritual – a relationship which is seen in various ways. This makes Hinduism as a religion complex and somewhat confusing to study. Having no single belief-system and no one holy book as a focus, it is not concerned to divide the world into believers and non-believers. Essentially, Hinduism is concerned with the world, indeed, the universe as a whole, and in that context with the role and place of the individual. Hindus are thus firmly placed as tiny particles of the universe, whether they are aware of this or not. Being part of a larger whole all the time, not being able to declare oneself an independent individual contributes as much to the ‘Hinduness’ of

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a person as a particular way of life. Hindus perceive humanity as visibly and invisibly linked with all aspects of the created world, whether gods, animals, plants and other creatures. Linked with the whole universe in fact, including the unknowable creative force behind everything. The Hindu’s interlinkedness, strengthened by the concept that any activity has consequences (the karma theory), inevitably leads to a sense of the self as part of this world, inescapably tied in. For the Hindu, both these cosmological concepts and the realities of life are inseparable and they influence each other continuously and almost imperceptibly. It follows that anyone studying Hinduism has to look both at the religious literature and the popular manifestations of Hindu existence. It may turn out that many Hindus know little about the former; this does not, however, mean that they are ignorant of their religion. Hindu religious literature begins with the Vedas (c. 1200 BCE), vast collections of sacrificial hymns which are treated as shruti, ‘revealed truth’ or ‘heard knowledge’, a form of divine revelation. However, this sacred knowledge was not received by one Prophet but by an undefined group of ancient wise men or sages, who transmitted it to their pupils. This makes the origins of Hindu traditions difficult to identify and has had very important consequences. For example, belief in the divine nature of the Vedas is not a prerequisite for being a Hindu. In fact, the average Hindu has little idea of what the Vedas are, not least because they are written in difficult Sanskrit, the classical language of India. This vast literature elaborates a central concept of early Hinduism, the idea of ‘harmony’ or ‘order’, called rta or rita, a form of natural law. Observations of natural phenomena, such as the regularity of sun and moon, day and night, and the seasons, generated in the ancient Hindus a perception of their environment and themselves as governed by an invisible force with creative, preserving and destructive aspects. But disorder, like premature deaths, was also part of this created order. Hence, maintenance of balance and harmony came to be seen as an important aim of human life. A pantheon of Vedic gods, similar to that of ancient Greece, was perceived to be involved in the maintenance of this cosmic whole. Man’s task became to worship these deities, to support them through rituals and sacrifices. An elaborate system of solemn sacrificial rituals developed at this time. The Vedas were followed by layer upon layer of sacrificial and ritual literature handed down orally. Much later (c. 500 BCE) we find texts which aim to provide not only ritual detail, but also guidelines for human behaviour. In particular, two groups of works became important, the dharmasutras and dharmashastras, both handbooks of dharma or ‘righteousness’. This developed into the central Hindu concept that still rules today. The dharma texts were classified as smriti, ‘remembered truth’, but in reality they were entirely the fruit of human efforts. Dharma can be found translated as ‘religion’, ‘law’, ‘duty’, ‘righteousness’ and many other things. In fact, it is all this together. Its conceptual roots lie

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in the Vedic rta, but it goes further: dharma as ‘duty’ emphasises the systemic duty of every individual to act, in every life situation, in such a way that righteousness is achieved; in other words, to act appropriately. It is during this classical period of Hinduism (c. 500 BCE to c. 200 CE) that the concept of dharma is linked together with many other concepts to form a consistent body of Hindu socio-religious theories. What is provided in the end is a theory of the obligations of an individual according to his or her caste (varna) and stage of life (ashrama). Childhood is not counted as a stage of life. The male Hindu should enter the stage of pupil or student (brahmacarya), depending on his varna (see A.7.a), at between 8 and 12 years old. In this classical theory the lowest caste group, the shudras, as well as females, are not allowed to enter this stage. Impurity is given as a major reason, and they are thus denied access to the scriptures and to formal education in them. However, to understand Hinduism, it is necessary to learn to read such apparently inflexible rules as flexible guidelines. Clearly, what Hindus actually do is often not in line with orthodox preference. After completing a period of study in this ideal system, the male Hindu would be between about 24 and 32 years old. He should now marry and become a householder (grihastha) and partake fully in the maintenance and development of society, including as an important aspect the production of offspring. Although women are obviously crucial, at this stage this theoretical system does not seem to give them any importance. When the married man sees his grandchildren grow up (there is no definite time for this point) he should gradually withdraw from the worldly affairs that dominated the second stage of life and become what is called a ‘forest-dweller’ (vanaprastha). Again, this should not be taken too literally: here is a mental redirection, not a sudden transit but a transition process, in which the older person should gradually focus attention increasingly on moksha or ‘salvation’, that is, the spiritual sphere. Finally, when the old man finds that his end draws near, he should become a renouncer (samnyası), abandoning all concern for this life, fully concentrating on its termination. For the female Hindu, an extended period of childhood is followed by marriage, which means a transfer of the bride to the husband’s position. Thereafter a Hindu wife follows her husband’s path. For shudras there are, in this theory, only childhood and married life. It is important to emphasise that this neatly classified and predestined pattern is not a system of strict rules to be followed in every case. Rather it offers ideal guidelines which individual Hindus should strive to observe. The system also helps people to understand that no two Hindus are seen as alike, nor can they be treated in exactly the same way. Even those in the same caste or stage of life are still different, and their individual circumstances ultimately determine how they should live and what would be conducive to dharma for them. Hinduism explicitly recognises the central importance of particular

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facts and circumstances in any given situation. Therefore there are no definite rules to be followed without exception by everyone in every situation. This realistic attitude to life’s complexity is revealed by the fact that Hinduism has no central commandment that forbids killing. In fact, Hindu teaching is to the effect that sometimes killing may be inevitable and indeed necessary. A famous episode in the Bhagavadgıta shows this with great drama when the warrior-hero Arjuna is instructed by Lord Krishna about his duty to kill even close relatives in battle in order to protect dharma. How then is it possible to decide in Hinduism, and as a Hindu, what is appropriate, and who has the final say in such matters? It is important to look at this question in some detail. The Manusmriti, the most important dharmashastra, indicates the sources of dharma: ‘The entire Veda is the source/root of dharma, next the smriti literature and the practice of those who know it, then the customs of good people, and finally one’s own conscience’ (Bühler 1975: 2.6; similarly 2.12). Here is a clear-cut admission that the written sources of dharma, the ancient revealed truth itself, may provide some guidelines for human behaviour, but that in reality the final arbiter is the individual’s conscience. The above verse seems to give us a hierarchy of the sources of dharma in order of importance. But in real-life situations, if there is some doubt as to what is appropriate behaviour, Hindus would intuitively turn first to their own conscience to find a proper solution. If doubts persist, then they ought to look to the model of good people, leaders of society, elders perhaps; only if this also fails would they consult books on dharma, through experts who are presumed to live in accordance with its ideals (see A.1.b and A.1.c). As a very last resort, that is, when the complex smriti literature does not provide a solution, would they turn to divine revelation, the Vedas. Thus most decisions are reached without reference to scriptural sources and an examination of conscience is generally quite sufficient. Moreover, popular traditions of pious devotion (bhakti) lead most Hindus to approach individual deities for support and guidance in times of need. The reality of Hinduism is, thus, that the shruti literature was very early on placed on a pedestal – and ignored for practical purposes. This method of ascertaining dharma achieves several things at the same time: it allows flexibility in view of tremendous local diversities, as well as adjustability to different circumstances and situations over time and space. Further, it gives the individual freedom, but not total discretion, while ensuring that any individual action, at any given moment, remains subject to wider considerations. This follows from the concept as a whole working in the context of a cosmic religion and world view. Dharma, by placing the individual continuously under an obligation to act as a social being, as a small part of a larger whole, ensures that the repercussions of individual action, reinforced by the karma concept, remain constantly in the forefront of considerations. This need not be at the conscious level. The average Hindu is rarely familiar with the

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intricacies of the concept of varnashramadharma, but such concepts have so permeated Hindu social practice that it is possible to speak of a ‘Hindu way of life’, which manifests itself in many different ways, including forms of religious belief and practice. Since Hindus do not perceive themselves as autonomous individuals, but rather as interlinked parts of a cosmic scheme, there has not been detailed debate on individualistic human rights in traditional Hindu texts and the central concept of dharma is focused on duties rather than rights. A person’s rights are, to a large extent, determined and secured by the duties of others, illustrating the critical importance of the principle of interlinkedness. The vigorous human rights debate in India today largely feeds on Western concepts. One often finds the argument that because of the caste system and inherent discriminatory concepts, Hindu values are inimical to equality and human rights. Indeed, traditional Hindu ethics seem to emphasise equity over equality, and difference over sameness, but at the same time there is also recognition of the individual as an interlinked part of a larger whole, which is often overlooked. The resulting debates are often rather confused, as Hinduism is put under pressure to demonstrate that it can safeguard rights. Some traditional Hindus have responded by simply asserting that human rights existed in Hinduism long before the West thought about them, but this tends to be dismissed as hindutva (Hindu-ness), assertions of a political and Hindu nationalist nature. There is much work to be done to clarify such concepts and to create a sensible debate that accounts for Hindu values as part of a global framework of reference. A.1.b. Authority Hindus have early on agreed to disagree about the central authority of the cosmic universe. Put differently, they are somehow aware that ‘[t]o define God is to limit that which is unlimited and infinite. All religious language should be tentative and provisional’ (Braybrooke 2004: 13). Supreme authority rests in an invisible creative force, sometimes referred to as God or Brahma, but also perceived as the impersonal brahman, an ‘all-pervading, self-existent power’ (Stutley and Stutley 1977: 49). Brahma was apparently never prominent in Hindu worship; brahman has its equivalent on earth in atman, the essence or principle of life (ibid.: 31). The divine appears in a great number of incarnations (avatara) (see A.1.c). The same power also manifests itself in every human being, in fact in every creature, but it appears too weak now to bring about social control and to guarantee an ordered existence in the context of dharma. To Hindus, it seems that only in an early Golden Age was humankind so self-controlled that social life completely regulated itself. The matter is raised in the context of the need for ‘lawsuits’, more precisely dispute resolution (vyavahara), on which Naradasmriti 1.1–2 (Jolly 1977: 5) says:

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When mortals were bent on doing their duty alone and habitually veracious, there existed neither lawsuits, nor hatred, nor selfishness. The practice of duty having died out among mankind, lawsuits have been introduced; and the king has been appointed to decide lawsuits, because he has authority to punish.

This appears to give the king or ruler (raja) (see A.1.d) some kind of divine authority as supreme arbiter. In reality, the system relies on fear of the ruler’s threat of deterrent punishment through danda, the stick or punishing rod (see A.6.c). The ideal ruler should constantly be aware of his own rajadharma, which implies first of all the protection of his subjects and the promotion of their dharma through self-controlled action. At a lower social level, the heads of villages, clans and families have control functions similar to that of a major ruler. Here again it is possible to see how the Hindu concept of macrocosmic universal Order is composed of myriad microcosmic orders. A.1.c. Authority Figures in the Faith If Hinduism has no central doctrine that forms the essence of the faith, no one supreme God, no Holy Prophet and no one holy book, it is no surprise that central authority in this faith system is diffused. There is no Hindu Pope; no lawgiver, divine or human, dominates it. Divinely inspired scripture exists in the four Vedas and some later shruti literature, seen as divine truth or knowledge (veda) which was ‘heard’ by a large number of ancient sages. Centuries later this divinely inspired knowledge, passed on orally from teacher to student, was collected in new works based on the recollections of their authors, therefore classed as smriti, what was ‘remembered’. These works constitute the main body of Sanskrit writing from the dharmasutras of c. 800 BCE to smriti works composed in our day. Since it is impossible to identify any one central authority figure in Hinduism, it has been called, with some justification, a group or family of religions rather than one religion (Sontheimer and Kulke 1989). But there is a unifying bond despite the confusing mass of Hindu sects, schools of philosophy, incarnations and regional manifestations of the faith. This is the ancient presumption of a pre-existing ordered whole (rta or rita), a kind of Law of Nature, which is simply there at all times (see A.1.a). It later turns into the immensely flexible concept of everyone’s duty to do the right thing at all times (dharma). The Sanskrit literature provides ample moral and spiritual guidance on this, so do the various incarnations (avatara) of deities, like Rama, Krishna or now Sai Baba and other leaders of the faith. No such Hindu bearer of authority, however, can claim to present the only truth, exclusively valid rules or universally applicable models, unless they are put in very general terms which can be interpreted flexibly. In the context of dharma, in

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order to maintain the necessary flexibility and adjustability to new circumstances, no two situations are seen as alike, and no rules are fixed once and for all for the varied daily life situations of Hindus. Having said that, the power of guidelines and of model figures and their example can be strong. The heroic Arjuna in the Bhagavadgıta, clearly unnerved by the prospect of having to kill his relatives in battle, is unequivocally told by Krishna that it is his dharma as a kshatriya to go and fight them, regardless of the result, because he acts for the protection of dharma (see A.1.a). For Hindus, this implies a general duty to act appropriately and less for one’s own benefit. However, this does not answer the question, in any given circumstance, of what is the right thing to do. Thus, individual Hindus constantly have to balance their own personal interests and wider concerns. A.1.d. Duties of Leaders The guru’s example (see A.4.a) shows that any leader figure has a particularly large responsibility for those under his or her supervision and guidance. Life at the top is thus more difficult than for the ordinary Hindu, since it involves additional, potentially very strenuous duties. High standards of model behaviour and self-control would be expected of leaders of the faith as well as parents, teachers, and generally anyone in a position of responsibility for others, like the manager of a joint Hindu family. The dharmashastra literature appears to see monarchy as the normal form of government. Whoever had the ‘power of command’ (kshatra) became the ruler; clearly, he need not be a kshatriya by birth because the function of ruling would make him into one. The texts are not concerned with how anyone becomes king, but concentrate on the duties of the ruler (esp. Manusmriti 7.1–226 and the Arthashastra). The ruler or king (raja) is seen as necessary to maintain social order (see A.1.b) and the ruler’s first duty is protection of the people against outside aggression and internal chaos (matsyanyaya or ‘shark rule’, see A.6.c). The happiness of the king lies in the happiness of the subjects (Arthashastra 1.19.34–5), and he should behave like a father towards all people and is sometimes viewed as a deity. Although seen as independent from his subjects (Naradasmriti 1.32–3), the Hindu king is not an absolute ruler, because he operates within the contexts of rajadharma, a complex set of duties rather than rights. Significantly, several verses emphasise the ruler’s duty to uphold the laws of castes, guilds, certain localities and stages of life, that is, to recognise local customary laws, which form the basis for much of Hindu law also in the present time. The royal legislative power is therefore severely restricted, almost nonexistent. Because Order is pre-ordained in the form of dharma, the ruler’s duty is to oversee and improve the administration of legal processes, not to make law. Dispute resolution is discussed in detail because the ideal of

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dharma is constantly endangered by selfish behaviour and the ruler has power to punish the offender (Manusmriti 7.19–22). But Hindu rulers have no absolute authority: they must try to determine punishments that fit the crime and are just. It is also considered important that the ruler should be accessible to anyone with a grievance. This was perhaps meant as a guarantee of fundamental human rights, although many Hindu rulers abused their powers – further evidence of constant tensions between ideal and reality. Naturally, the ruler was responsible for efficient administration of his realm and protection of his people. The texts also place him under the constant obligation to support and honour learned brahmins. Modern India is officially a secular republic, while Nepal is the only Hindu kingdom in the world today. However, in practice, under a Western-type constitution, India today is a ‘democracy with Hindu characteristics’ and many Hindu concepts of government continue to be applied, although they often operate at a subconscious level. The fact that modern India combines a somewhat dynastic pattern of leadership with democratic elections shows how important leader figures continue to be. The functioning of modern India’s democracy, much to the surprise of Western specialists, owes much of its success to the concept that those in positions of power are accountable to those whom they rule. The ancient Hindu notion of the ruler as a servant of dharma is clearly a strong force also in modern India. A.1.e. Duties of Subjects and Citizens The svadharma of Hindus in positions of inferiority would inevitably include an element of obedience to elders and other superiors, particularly the ruler or king. Good examples set by leaders were to be followed and are an important element in ascertaining dharma (see A.1.a). The merits and demerits of the subjects were said to pass on to the ruler (Manusmriti 8.304–5), providing an added incentive to control the subjects. The ruler was to be supported with taxes (up to one-sixth of income, according to some sources), but brahmins who were Veda experts could claim exemption from taxation. The duty of obedience is prominent, probably taken for granted and thus not often expressed in the texts. Manusmriti 7.12 warns that whoever hates the ruler will soon be destroyed. His coercive force of punishment is embodied in the punishing rod or danda (see A.1.b). Some texts (e.g. Manusmriti 7.15–25) contain elaborate comments on this subject. Reality was often far away from the ideal of the shastras. Should a ruler be unjust and oppressive, the requirements of an individual subject’s dharma and the duty to obey such a leader or elder would inevitably clash. Oppressed subjects tormented by a leader’s injustice were not required to suffer in passive obedience. The moral right to oppose a wicked and tyrannical ruler appears to be accepted, although the texts do not discuss this topic in detail from the viewpoint of the subject. They do however (see Arthashastra 1.20–1) go into

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much detail as to how a ruler should protect himself against being killed by enemies; it is not always clear whether these are rivals or dissatisfied subjects. While there were few, if any, constitutional checks on the royal power (ancient assemblies may have played some such role), the most powerful sanctions against bad rulers were of religious and spiritual nature. Manusmriti 7.34 states the obvious when it insists that the fame of a bad king will diminish. Verses 7.27–8 say that an unjust ruler will be destroyed through his bad actions; destruction is the fate of an oppressive king in vv. 7.111–12. Injustice also destroys the judge (v. 8.14), whether a ruler or a deputy. Such statements show that, apart from revolutions or public uprising, cosmic forces were believed to take care of grave violations of rajadharma. Similar concepts existed in ancient China, where the Emperor’s ‘Mandate of Heaven’ could be forfeited if there were grave disharmonies and disorders. Similarly, Hindu subjects might blame any disasters on the king and a rival would be quick to step in. Ancient Indian history is not without reason so very confusing on the topic of who ruled what part of the country at what time. The ancient concepts, often in disguise, operate in modern India, too. The collapse of British rule in India appears in no small measure due to the fact that Mahatma Gandhi showed it to be morally wrong. Modern Indian governments, under democratic Western-style arrangements, promise equality before the law for every Indian citizen, but also take much account of gender and caste inequality. There is a latent awareness, nowadays expressed by some thinking Supreme Court judges, that if subjects see the government as both distant and not acting dharmically (righteously), they would begin to ignore their obligations as subjects, base their actions on their individual concerns, and endanger public security and the public good. The subtle and multi-facetted interaction between the private and the public is evident in this field, too. A.2. PERSONAL AND PRIVATE? A.2.a. Personal Qualities It could be argued that lack of central Hindu authority and the great variety of written Hindu sources would support almost any statement that might be made here and in the following sections. However, certain general ideas are quite clear and apparent. Dharma as well as artha, the acquisition of wealth or power, do not exist independently but are always perceived as interlinked. Flexibility of rules is maintained, as we have seen, by the constant consideration of individual facts and circumstances. If some general rules are specifically given here, we must be aware that they are not necessarily binding for all times and in all cases. Obviously the personal qualities of a Hindu depend a lot on a person’s background, innate qualities and environment. The Hindu focus on the duties of a person, rather than on individual rights, means ideally that any

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Hindu would constantly appear to be under an obligation to consider the needs of others. There is the constant expectation to be ‘good’. The Brihadaranyka-Upanishad, in part 5.2, brings this into a short formula: ‘da da da’, translated as ‘be subdued, give, be merciful’ (Limaye and Vadekar 1958). Manusmriti 3.72 puts it in different terms: ‘But one who does not feed these five, the gods, his guests, the people he is bound to maintain, the ancestors, and himself, lives not, though he breathes’ (Bühler 1975: 88). Some texts appear to contain a catalogue of Hindu ethical values. Manusmriti 10.63 puts this in wider terms: ‘Abstention from injuring (creatures), veracity, abstention from unlawfully appropriating (the goods of others), purity, and control of the organs, Manu has declared to be the summary of the law (dharma) for the four castes’ (Bühler 1975: 416). There have been many attempts to define such a list of universal duties applicable to all life situations. Reciprocity is an important element in the Hindu system of obligations, despite the stress on duties. Quite realistically, many texts emphasise that the motivating force in human life, and in this world in general, has been, and continues to be, desire. Manusmriti 2.2, for example, reads: ‘To act solely from a desire for rewards is not laudable, yet an exemption from that desire is not (to be found) in this (world): for on (that) desire is grounded the study of the Veda and the performance of the actions prescribed by the Veda’ (Bühler 1975: 29). Innumerable texts promise rewards for certain actions, for example Manusmriti 2.5: ‘He who persists in discharging these (prescribed duties) in the right manner, reaches the deathless state and even in this (life) obtains (the fulfilment of) all the desires that he may have conceived’ (Bühler 1975: 29–30). There is, thus, a strong moral force moulding behaviour to obtain future rewards. In family relationships, too, this underlying concept is at work. Young Hindu children have as yet few duties, but many expectations may rest on them (see A.3.b). This may be especially true of little boys, who are often pampered and may today not learn to grow up as responsible people. At an early age, Hindu children (if their family is prosperous) may have the almost unlimited privilege of being cared for, to the point of being spoilt. The older child, however, is soon trained to take responsibilities, above all in the family context. Many poor children in India have to work from a very early age to survive and support the family. Adult Hindus, women in particular, often work in selfless devotion for both young and old members of the family. Many old Hindus tend to look confidently into the future, because it will in turn become the duty of those they once cared for to look after them. The joint family system, when operating smoothly, softens problems over lack of personal qualities and gives a tremendous sense of security to the individual. However, this can lead to dependency. Many individuals may not develop enough self-confidence to act independently, and many such Hindus find it difficult to live on their own, should this be required.

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Local and caste ideals about individual behaviour and qualities seem to vary a lot among the many Hindu communities. Differences between the sexes and stages of life are particularly noticeable. A.2.b. Friendship Since many Hindus accept that we all come from one creator, there is much sympathy and justification for the idea of ‘brotherhood of all men’ and ‘sisterhood of all women’, but there is also much divisiveness based on caste and status differences among humans (see A.7). Because of the theory of the individual’s re-birth and re-incarnation, not necessarily in human form, most Hindus include parts of the animal and plant world in this framework, which has had important implications for the approach to dietary rules, especially vegetarianism. The philosophies of eminent Hindu leader figures like Mahatma Gandhi and Sai Baba do take account of such basic and universal theories. In practice, however, most Hindus are preoccupied with a much narrower realm. Regional and linguistic barriers continue to make communication within India difficult. The major concern of most Hindus would be with their more immediate social environment, that is, their caste-fellows, clan, family and neighbours. At the same time (see A.1.a) there is explicit recognition of diversity and the uniqueness of every individual creature, which leads to a live-and-let-live approach. Some individuals and groups, even if they live in close proximity, may not be included in circles of friendship or relations because they are perceived as ‘outsiders’ or ‘others’, which shows that Hindus are innately conscious of difference and tend to respect it. Social relations among Hindus normally involve people belonging to one’s wider or more immediate family and neighbours, especially those belonging to the same social group (formerly caste, now increasingly social class). It has been observed that in such situations it is often not an important consideration whether one ‘likes’ a particular person. One is related, and thus belongs together, and is expected to get on. In the joint family, where community of property is the accepted norm, ‘Your shirt will be borrowed without your permission by anyone who is approximately the right size, and irrespective of whether you like him: in fact the very question ... is fatuous’ (Derrett 1968: 61). A good measure of self-control is involved in these relationships, and considerable restraint is exercised especially with regard to relations between individuals who are not of the same status. Such relationships may appear very formalised and hierarchical. However, such formalities do not preclude the growth of affection nor the development of personal friendships. Further, in a system of relationships that is duty-based, junior partners can expect protection and any help which may be needed. Of course such relationships may be exploited by seniors and may even lead to forms of bonded labour.

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Segregation of the sexes remains obvious in Hindu societies and has been much discussed (see A.7.d). While small children are allowed to play together, from the age of about 8 years there would often be minimal contact between boys and girls. This is not only because boys are trained to be men, and girls are prepared for women’s roles. Coeducational facilities exist, but single-sex education is preferred because Hindu parents are much concerned about the chastity of their daughters, in particular. Such attitudes are often well absorbed by youngsters. Many Hindu girls have an inbuilt reluctance towards friendships with the opposite sex and prefer to be in a circle of friends of the same sex. The multiple temptations of the modern age have had significant impact in this arena, leading to much anguish particularly over issues of sexual morality. Such matters are reflected in the ancient texts, but they are of limited use as guidance in today’s world. A.2.c. Sex before Marriage Pre-marital chastity ranks very high on the value scale of most Hindus. But there is also a place in the tradition as a whole for recognition of sexual pleasure. Kama or sensual pleasure is one of the four Hindu purusharthas or aims of life (dharma, artha, kama and moksha). Kama refers to the instinctive and emotional life of people. It involves an erotic element, but includes emotional and aesthetic experiences. The ideal for any human being is to maintain a proper balance between the four aims of life (see Manusmriti 2.224). Love and sex are, therefore, not denied their place, especially in married life, where they become an aspect of marital duties. But there is strong religious and social pressure to control the senses, and this is especially true for the time before marriage, where kama seems to play a subordinate role only. Clearly, in Hindu writings concerned with the brahmacarı (see A.1.a) there is a marked emphasis on self-control and the sublimation of sexual urges before a person reaches the stage of the householder. Such notions have influenced the general social life of Hindus. For the higher and middle classes especially, pre-marital chastity remains an important value and is achieved in a number of ways. Preaching sublimation alone is not considered sufficient, rather punishments are given for certain transgressions, and penances have to be performed. In general the topic of sex appears to have been suppressed. Indeed, several texts (for example Manusmriti 5.132) go as far as to declare that the lower parts of the body, those below the navel, are impure. Not surprisingly, sexual matters are more or less taboo in most Indian homes, with the result that Hindu youngsters are often quite ignorant about sex and are not well prepared for the sudden transition to married life or today’s dangers (see A.2.e). The temptations of ‘modern’ lifestyles cause many young Hindus immense anguish and lead some individuals astray. Again, traditional textual guidance is of very limited relevance in such scenarios of having to ascertain

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one’s dharma (see A.1.a). Young Hindus in diaspora often feel that maintaining Hindu ‘tradition’ is all about ‘religious’ restrictions that are not properly explained. Parental inability or reluctance to address sexual issues does not help in this context. The major concern of Hindu society as regards sexuality is, without doubt, the preservation of female chastity. From about the beginning of the Christian era, society began to insist on the virginity of brides. One way to ensure the pre-marital chastity of women appears to have been to encourage pre-puberty marriages (‘child marriages’), a practice later extended to males. Early marriages still occur in India despite legislative intervention seeking to restrain them. What this reveals is that sex as such is not considered negative. To the contrary, the enjoyment of marital sex, even at an early age (see Gandhi’s autobiography) seems fully acceptable to Hindus. Should a girl be subjected to intercourse before marriage, the man would be expected to marry her, but in reality this did and does not always happen. While the sexual purity of girls was traditionally expected to ensure that they belong to one man only, the requirement of pre-marital chastity for men or boys has different reasons and underlying rationales. Within the system of varnashramadharma (see A.1.a), the pupil or student is required to observe total chastity till the end of his studies. This could be up to a fairly late age, even above 30 years, and must have been difficult to achieve and enforce. The overriding purpose was to ensure the student’s total concentration on his studies, and the practice of self-control, both of which are believed to bring unseen merits. The student is required to avoid anything stimulating, like spicy diets and certain kinds of food, all forms of entertainment and, most important, contact with women. Masturbation and even the involuntary emission of semen are put under penance (Manusmriti 2.180), it seems mainly because the potential for creating life should not be wasted. There are many stories of men under a vow of chastity who became overwhelmed by the mere sight of a woman. Females thus came to be seen as a temptation to be avoided and, typical of a male-dominated perspective, women are often blamed for male lapses of chastity. Those ‘traditional’ pre-conceived notions about sexual matters remain influential today and co-exist uncomfortably with ‘modern’ ideas about freedom of the individual and self-expression. Nowadays few Hindu boys go formally through the stage of brahmacarya, but a Hindu pupil or student would still be expected to remain chaste. Even ‘modern’ Hindu social reformers like Dayanand Saraswati, the founder of the Arya Samaj, have advised that the sexes should be kept at a safe distance from each other. Many young Hindus, thus, hardly encounter the opposite sex during adolescence or avoid such contact, though that is also changing today as a result of multiple influences. There is much evidence of an evolving attitude among young Hindus that pre-marital sex is acceptable as long as marriage will follow. But there is just as much evidence that this attitude change is creating new problems for girls,

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as there is also a continuing social expectation of chastity. If there is no absolute guarantee that marriage will follow, the ‘lover’ may subsequently despise the girl for agreeing to sex before marriage! While orthodox religious leaders and media ‘gurus’ tend to advise total abstinence and emphasise the ascetic elements of Hindu philosophy, in social reality many real problems arise for young Hindus and are difficult to solve. At the end of the day, families and individuals try to find the right approach against the vaguely moralising background of Hindu teaching. The age-old challenge of having to find one’s own dharma in changing life circumstances remains as central as ever for Hindu individuals. A.2.d. Homosexuality The Hindu literary sources are remarkably silent on homosexuality but certainly not unaware of it. From traditional attitudes to chastity and sex it follows that homosexuality at any stage of life appears out of line with the ideals and standard norms of the varnashramadharma system. In particular, not to marry and produce children could be seen as a violation of one’s dharma (see A.1.a), although total asceticism became acceptable in Hinduism for a small number of men concentrating on religious matters. Few Hindus remain unmarried, probably due to a wide range of social pressures, and many homosexuals, men and women, enter married life, even if more or less forced into it. Homosexuality remains a taboo topic, but recent developments are beginning to open up debates, not without resistance from Hindu traditionalists. Compensation or sublimation, not just for homosexuals, seems to take the form of quite remarkable narcissism, among young Hindus in particular. In India and other Oriental countries, one may observe groups of boys and girls moving around together, holding hands and showing affection towards each other in particular ways. This may be linked with the fact that physical contact and affection, at this stage, is not permitted if it involves members of the opposite sex. It is not a sign of homosexuality, but reflects traditional social interaction between members of the same sex, which may actually be less acceptable in public in the West. While sex itself often remains a difficult topic for Hindus, homosexuality as an issue is still virtually swept under the carpet. Growing evidence of gender imbalance as a result of female foeticide (see A.5.d) will gradually force more attention on same-sex relationships among men in India, because of the growing scarcity of Hindu women if current trends continue. A.2.e. HIV/AIDS Early reactions in India to the rapidly growing AIDS threat were remarkable: the press created the impression, reflected also in letters from readers, that

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any form of sex outside marriage, including masturbation, would lead to certain destruction. The result was almost certainly even stronger pressure on individuals to remain chaste, which of course did not work. India now has one of the highest numbers of persons in any country infected with the HIV virus, mainly through heterosexual contact, but many people still blame homosexuals for this. There are now concerted efforts to educate the public about the risks of unprotected sex, mainly through mass media. Despite traditional reservations, increased condom use is reported (see A.9.b). A.3. MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY A.3.a. The Meaning of Marriage A Hindu marriage is at the same time an intimate connection of two individuals and a relationship of great importance and interest for the social environment of the couple, with implications for society and, indeed, the whole cosmos (see A.1.a). It is perhaps mainly for this reason that Hindu marriages were traditionally arranged: the spouses were not left to choose for themselves, because marriage is clearly not an affair of the two individuals only. Although it was not unknown in ancient India for people to choose a spouse for themselves, the dominant view became that young people could not be trusted to select the best possible partner. In cases where the spouses were still children, the selection process was often entirely in the hands of the families, and concerns over forced marriages arise. It is no doubt true that selfish parents have at times jeopardised their children’s future by selecting an unsuitable life partner, due to ulterior motives, usually connected with money or other possessions. But that does not mean that the system of arranged marriages is altogether bad or that all such marriages are forced marriages. In most cases ‘arranged marriage’ does not mean that the spouses are absolute strangers to each other whose consent has not even been sought. In current practice, many parents take care of the selection of potential spouses, but the young person has the final say, a power of veto, as it were. Nowadays, in Britain as well as in India, young people often arrange their own selection and then have it approved and blessed by the parents, often after consulting horoscopes, so the marriage looks ‘arranged’. A Hindu marriage is traditionally considered a sacrament (samskara), a divinely blessed indissoluble union. This irrevocable bond between the spouses is deemed to be created by the performance of customary marriage rituals. It is believed that the correct performance of such marriage rituals creates in the minds of the spouses an awareness of the state of being married, a realisation of the transition from unmarried youngster to married man or woman. This is important: if the marital tie is supposed to be irrevocable, the spouses will have to adjust to each other in all respects. Consciousness about the essential oneness of husband and wife may help in

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this. But Hindu marriage is also a contract that may be broken if things go wrong, and this has always been recognised (see A.3.c). The Hindu marriage rituals not only dramatise the transfer of the bride from her paternal home (few Hindus are matrilineal) to that of the husband, they also express a number of important expectations connected with marriage. These are, above all, progeny, faithfulness and mutual support, the expectation of a long life for both spouses and certain financial expectations, too. Marriage solemnisation is a public affair. Society accords its recognition to the union through the people that are present. There is, thus, no perceived need for a formal state-controlled registration of the marriage. Indeed, even the modern state law of India does not make marriage registration compulsory for Hindus. While Hindus in Britain and North America have quickly learnt about the importance of the registered ceremony, even there, for most Hindus, a complete and valid Hindu marriage is still only brought about by the Hindu form of marriage solemnisation. Research shows that the official registration ceremony in Britain may even be ritually incorporated into the Hindu wedding (Menski 1991). Hindu marriage rituals vary tremendously according to region and caste; priestly traditions and skills play an important role, too. The most ancient model of Hindu marriage is the union of the daughter of the sun god with the moon, described in Rigveda 10.85 (c. 1000 BCE), side by side with an ancient form of human marriage solemnisation. Some of those ancient rituals are still performed today, with the same verses or mantras, but there has been a lot of ritual change, too. As a result, there is no one legally valid form of getting married as a Hindu. Even the modern Hindu law of India has left this matter to family custom, so it is possible to find marriage ceremonies with a minimum of ritual, almost mere cohabitation (this is customary if a widow remarries, for example), but elaborate ritualisation is more common. An elaborate Hindu marriage should take place at an auspicious time and place, and it would contain all or most of the following elements, though not always in the same order. • The ritual preparation of the place of marriage, not a temple, but the girl’s home or a specially chosen place; this includes the creation of an auspicious atmosphere by invoking various Hindu gods. • The groom and his party are welcomed by the bride’s family. • The bride is led in and is placed opposite or next to the groom. • The girl’s parents give her away (the ritual of kanyadan). • In the ritual of hastagrahana, the spouses hold hands, often for the first time. The mantra used here may be Rigveda 10.85.36, which the priest recites for the groom: ‘I take your hand for marital happiness, so that with me as your husband you may attain old age. Bhaga, Aryaman, Savitar and Puramdhi, the gods have given you to me for householdership’.

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• The sacred fire is lit in a vessel and sacrifices are made to Agni, the god of fire, the heavenly witness of marriage. The spouses then walk round the fire (agniparinayana or mangalphera). This is done in many different ways, according to family custom. The ancient texts mainly use four circuits clockwise, now we find three, four, five or even seven rounds (odd numbers are seen as auspicious). Linked with this ritual are a number of others such as stepping on a stone, for firmness and strength, and various folk rituals, for example to predict who will dominate in the marriage. Often marital vows are recited by the priest prior to each round. • The ritual of saptapadı, or seven steps, again with many variations. Often the bride steps on seven heaps of rice and with every step one vow is recited by the priest. This ritual, in which the spouses pledge total support to each other, culminates in the promise to be friends, which is sometimes beautifully ritualised (Menski 1991: 64). This ritual has now often become part of the mangalphera rite, which is why some Hindu couples walk round the fire seven times. • A feast for the guests. • In an often tearful ceremony, the bride is taken to her new environment. Cohabitation should, according to the ancient texts, occur on the fourth night after the marriage, following many more rituals. Nowadays, probably as a result of extreme concern over bridal purity, the marriage is often consummated as soon as possible so as to have proof of the bride’s virginity. In North India, in particular, this is seen as very important (see A.2.c). It is unrealistic to expect that Hindus can explain details of these rituals and the expectations expressed in them; many rituals are indeed performed just for good luck. Further, the ritual verses are mostly in Sanskrit, so that people cannot follow details unless the priest cares to explain. This has now become quite common in Hindu communities abroad. Still, detailed knowledge of the textual sources is an exception rather than the rule among Hindus. The expectations of marital life will have been amply expressed during an elaborate Hindu wedding. They are essentially that the couple should support each other faithfully, that children will be born, and that the spouses will grow old together. The purpose of some rituals is also to bring a step-by-step familiarisation of the spouses, for example the holding of the hands. Even in socalled ‘love marriages’, where the spouses themselves have selected each other, they may still be virtual strangers. Marriage rituals, as a rite of passage, introduce a long process of adjustment of the spouses to each other. It would seem that often the wife has to make all the adjustments, while nothing much changes for the husband. In reality, this is a mutual process; ideally, both spouses will more or less consciously make efforts to become united and to adjust to each other. Love is supposed to grow and develop in marriage through this gradual adjustment process, which should ideally lead to total mutual dependency and trust.

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The period of married life is considered the central part of human existence (see A.1.a). Texts like Manusmriti 3.78 declare that the stage of the householder is the most excellent one, because it supports the members of all the other stages of life. The bringing-up of children is easily identified as the most important aspect of marriage, because it vitally affects the future of society. Many texts contain elaborate rules for marital intercourse, making it a duty for the husband to cohabit during the fertile period of the wife, so that a child may be produced. In such circumstances, birth control really means considering how to increase fertility, and consequently abortion, the killing of an embryo, is taken as a severe crime (see A.5.d). Sons are often considered more important than daughters, because the latter have to leave the family and will produce children for their husband’s family. Sons not only continue the family line, but also partake in the joint family property with all rights and obligations, especially care of elders and performance of rituals for ancestors. Should a marriage remain childless or only daughters be born, a Hindu husband was traditionally allowed to take another wife. Thus, in Manusmriti 9.81 it is said (Kautilya’s Arthashastra has the same rule in 3.2.38): ‘A barren wife may be superseded in the eighth year; one whose children have died, in the tenth; one who bears (only) daughters, in the eleventh;’ (Doniger 1991: 207). In fact, a sonless Hindu wife, aware of her own dharma and that of her husband, should request him to take another wife and step back. By agreeing to this arrangement she would save her right to remain a wife and to be maintained by her husband. Traditionally, there was no limit on the number of wives that a Hindu could have, but there is a general rule that the wife should not be of a higher caste than the husband. A wife, on the other hand, may not have more than one husband, and there used to be powerful taboos against the remarriage of Hindu widows, although the modern secular laws carry no such restrictions. Nowadays, where civil laws permit only one wife (see A.3.c), most Hindus live within that convention. Hindu law in India, despite an official ban on polygyny since 1955, tolerates its unofficial practice (Menski 2003). More than anything else, a discussion of Hindu marriage demonstrates how, in the Hindu world view, the individual is seen as a vehicle for the purposes of a larger whole. Again it should perhaps be emphasised that this does not mean that the individual does not exist and that individual concerns do not matter, but it is the constant awareness of this interrelatedness which constitutes the core of the Hindu value-system. A.3.b. Family Relationships The relationships between individuals in a Hindu family must be seen in the context of the Hindu joint family, an ancient institution which is far from dying

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out in India, and which also survives in Hindu communities overseas. Based on descent through the male line (for most Hindus), the traditional model of the joint Hindu family involves community of ownership of the ancestral family property by all male members in four living generations and three generations of ancestors, who are linked to the living through blood ties and sacrificial rituals. Women, in this model, are entitled to maintenance from family funds. Recent reforms in Indian family law give shares in the family property to daughters as well; it remains to be seen how this will work out in practice. The fact that the joint or extended family lives together reflects the common ownership of assets; it is also an economic way of using resources. However, it can bring many problems: stronger members may exploit weaker ones, while constant supervision and crowded living conditions may not allow individual family members to develop their own way of life. If the system functions properly, it gives life-long help and security to all individuals, but there are also many families in which relations are disrupted and where members even litigate against each other. The joint family is traditionally led by the manager, normally the seniormost male member, who has the power to represent the family as a legal entity to the outside world. Relationships in the family are hierarchically structured, based above all on the criteria of age and sex. Indian languages have subtle means of expressing these relationships. For example, the English ‘you’ can be expressed in various forms depending on whether the other person is superior, inferior, equal or very close to the speaker. Family relations are, thus, identified in minute detail. There are many different terms, for example, for different kinds of uncle and aunt. Family friends and even outsiders may be incorporated into this system, thereby at once showing everyone their place: if a young man is meant to refer to a young woman as ‘sister’ he has already been put under the obligation to avoid incest! Concern for the segregation of sexes is all-pervading. Women are, in many families, under much pressure to behave with modesty towards males of the family as well as outsiders. Fear of incest can be traced back to the ancient works on dharma (see A.2.c). Thus the Manusmriti, having warned in 2.213 that women are out to seduce men, advises at 2.215: ‘No one should sit in a deserted place with his mother, sister or daughter; for the strong cluster of sensory powers drags away even a learned man’ (Doniger 1991: 39). Various forms of parda or purdah (veiling the face and female body features) are practised by Hindu as well as Muslim women. As we have seen (A.2.c), talking about sexual matters is not acceptable in most households, a reticence which can lead to communication problems between the generations. Also relations between married couples within the family are governed by such restrictions: for example, public displays of affection between husband and wife are frowned upon. Little needs to be added here about the husband and wife relationship (see A.3.a). If the wife, in the joint family, spends most of her time in the company

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of other women, and the husband consorts with his male relations and friends, a very close emotional relationship between the spouses may not develop. The extended family could cushion emotional crises if a marriage is under strain, while in a nuclear family husband and wife are much more directly dependent upon each other and have to work much harder to make their relationship successful. Children, depending on age, are generally treated with much indulgence (see A.2.a). A well-known proverb says that you should treat your son like a king for the first five years, like a slave for the next ten, and then like a friend. In practice this means that very small children are treated leniently, but the child also learns to become actively involved in the concerns of the family especially if there are many other children. Recognition as an adult would seem to come at different times in India and the West. Much value is placed by most Hindus on education (see A.4.a). In traditional circumstances, boys tended to learn the father’s trade, but there is much more mobility now. A great deal of evidence suggests that Hindu mothers spoil their sons and prefer them to daughters. This is often so because a Hindu wife’s position largely depends on whether she is able to produce a male heir or heirs to protect her in old age. This focus on sons can have unfortunate effects in later life, when the mother-in-law resents the daughter-in-law’s claims on the attention of the darling son. In general, a Hindu individual’s rights and duties are largely determined by the context of the family set-up and the socio-economic position of the family. It is impossible to give general rules: in emergencies, very young men and women may have to act as head of the family, while others will not even reach this position as grandparents. All of the above description is based on traditional models which have been subject to much change and adapatation in diaspora communities. Ethnographic profiles of diaspora communities give descriptions of contemporary adaptations (Jackson and Nesbitt 1993; Ballard 1994: 1–34). A.3.c. Marriage Breakdown Hindu spouses are traditionally perceived as irrevocably tied together once they have completed their marriage rituals. But this solemn concept of the sacramental nature of marriage is a typical high-caste Hindu ideal. In reality, a number of remedies and exit routes have always been allowed in cases where a marriage did not work. As a general rule, Hindus of lower caste (the borders are not clearly defined in this context) have always allowed fairly easy divorce and the remarriage of both spouses by caste custom (Menski 2003). Further, in the context of people strictly observing the rules of dharma, a sonless husband would feel obligated to take another wife, maintaining the first if she followed her dharma. In current Indian Hindu law, such a husband would be expected to divorce a sonless wife and to marry another woman.

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Fraudulent marriage contracts were null and void (Manusmriti 9.72–3). The father of a girl who had some blemish would have to declare this (Manusmriti 8.205) and could be punished otherwise (8.224). Dissolution of the marriage was allowed in a number of situations: Manusmriti 9.77, for example, says that a husband should bear with a wife who hates him only for one year, while verse 9.81 advises no delay in getting rid of a quarrelsome woman. Verse 9.80 sums up the position as follows: ‘She who drinks spirituous liquor, is of bad conduct, rebellious, diseased, mischievous, or wasteful, may at any time be superseded (by another wife)’ (Bühler 1975: 341–2). While supersession is not the same as divorce, in practice such arrangements would terminate the marital bond. Should the husband not be able to fulfil his marital duties or treat the wife with cruelty, Manusmriti 9.79 would not blame the wife for disliking him. While the traditional Hindu wife was expected to put up with the husband’s deficiencies, in practice women also claimed the right to divorce and separation. The Sanskrit texts also take widely differing positions on adultery. Some see it as a minor offence: after menstruation and some penances, the woman is purified again. An adulterous husband may merely have to undergo some mild penances. But other texts advocate even the death penalty for either the man or the woman, depending on caste status. Hindu approaches to the question of marital breakdown show that, in a male-dominated society with clearly defined expectations, all spouses have roles in the context of the extended Hindu family, and some female spouses are replaceable. As a result, it seems, Hindu women have been more concerned to preserve the marriage and their position and status as ‘wife’. Modern case law shows that Hindu wives put up with their husband’s adultery, cruelty and many other hardships, because it is still better to be part of a bad marriage than to live alone as a divorced woman (Mehta 1975). Sociological studies (see Balse 1976) have shown that arranged marriages do not break down as easily as ‘love marriages’, and that much seems to depend on the attitude of women in this context. There is much evidence that the modern Hindu law of India works against the interests of women, despite the fact that it was introduced to give them better protection. Divorce was made permissible on the basis of certain faults, but in many cases weak husbands and mischievous relatives fabricate such grounds to drive out a wife who would not consider her marriage as broken down. Since the early 1990s, Indian courts have expressed moralising concern that divorce rates in the country should not reach Western levels, and have become restrictive in granting divorce, unless the wife wants it and she and any children have financial security. The modern law also does not offer satisfactory solutions if a marriage fails to produce the desired male progeny. Since bigamy was made a crime under Hindu law in 1955, a Hindu husband would now have to divorce his wife to be able to remarry. But since childlessness is not an official ground for

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divorce, unofficial arrangements may be made for the man to have another partner, or divorce grounds are manufactured. Either way, compared to the traditional system, the wife may lose out. It has been suggested that bigamy should be allowed in certain cases, and indeed this is what some couples arrange, but of course this goes against the grain of modern understandings of human rights. In situations of childlessness, adoption has long been practised among Hindus in the interest of spiritual benefits and continuation of the family, but this is not acceptable to all Hindus, especially if the child is a total stranger. Adoption within the extended family, on the other hand, is more frequent. At present there is much continuing discussion in India over whether irretrievable breakdown of a marriage should be allowed, as in Britain, as grounds for divorce. Many Hindus feel that the sacramental concept of marriage would then become totally meaningless, with disastrous consequences for society, and women and children in particular. Significantly, legislation seeking to introduce the breakdown principle in 1982 was withdrawn, but joint petitions for divorce by mutual consent have been permitted since 1976 and are becoming increasingly popular, following Western patterns. Many Hindus continue to think that India does better to rely on liberal interpretations of Hindu cultural traditions when reforming Hindu law than blindly following Western models. The latter may turn out to be inadequate and inappropriate because of their prominent focus on autonomous individuality and lack of consideration for wider concerns in the context of dharma. But some Hindus in the West are not unhappy to live within Western law rather than a traditional Hindu system. There is some convergence here not only in practices, but also in values. A.4. INFLUENCES ON AND THE USE OF TIME, MONEY AND OTHER PERSONAL RESOURCES A.4.a. Education Traditional Hindu concepts of education are best understood by looking at the brahmacarin, the Hindu student or pupil (A.1.a). In this formative stage, the aim is to build a person’s character by training body, mind and soul. It provides education for life, not simply preparation for earning one’s livelihood. During this stage the young are taught discipline and learn to subordinate their own ambitions and desires to the good of society. The training instills fundamental qualities through the teacher’s example: gentleness, truthfulness, a kind attitude towards all beings. The guru, by his or her own example, demonstrates how to deal with others in the complex social network of inferior–superior relationships. While intellectual achievements are not neglected, on their own they are considered inferior to the development of an integrated personality (see, for example, Manusmriti 2.118).

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This kind of education, fundamental though it may be, reflects Brahminic idealism and superiority and has an element of luxuriousness. The practice of spending many years of studentship under a guru’s guidance was already becoming less and less common in Vedic times, if indeed it ever was widespread. Aspects of these ideals, though, remain alive today, and the Hindu family, together with the temple and state education system, has taken over the task of building the young person’s character. The father and other elders in the family now carry the burden of being a role model and guide for sons; the mother for daughters. Within the formal school system, expectations of the teacher remain very high. A significant change in our times is that education has become a major means of achieving a better financial position and higher social status, especially in the middle classes where competition is fiercest. The abolition of occupational and caste barriers has increased expectations of the advantages of education and dreams of a white-collar job are widespread. Many Hindus have high, often unrealistic ambitions with regard to formal education. Sociological studies (Ross 1973) have emphasised the pressures put on students who are well aware that their achievements as individuals are crucial for the future of whole families. While education is now more profession-orientated, there are still many reservations against working women, because this would involve unsupervised contact with strangers. So there is often less pressure on girls to become formally educated; their preparation for the roles of married life may take place mainly in the home. Today, however, many Hindu women, often out of sheer economic necessity, have to work outside the home and have become successful in their professions and as businesswomen, so attitudes to female education are gradually changing and even traditional families realise the importance of education for women. A.4.b. Work The Hindu caste system (see also A.7.a) is also a hierarchical model of division of labour in society. According to classical theory, the Brahmins were to be priests and teachers, carrying on the learning and providing links with the realm of the divine; the kshatriyas were to be kings and local rulers, and also soldiers, that is, leaders and protectors of society; vaishyas, ‘the people’, were primarily agriculturists, traders and artisans, looking after the socioeconomic aspects of society; the shudras were to be low-status artisans, agricultural and other manual labourers and, generally speaking, were to be in servile positions. Below this were various outcaste groups engaged in ‘unclean’ professions. However, all parts of this system are closely interlinked. Society would be in turmoil if the king did not do his duty, but just as much if those outcastes who cleaned away polluting rubbish refused to carry out their work. So there

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was an awareness, on all sides, that any form of work is socially useful and valuable. At the same time, however, society valued specific forms of labour differently in terms of status. Being a priest, ruler, landowner or affluent trader brought with it influence in society, power and wealth. On the other hand, jobs involving some form of pollution brought lower status: the removal of carcasses and dead bodies, anything to do with leather, cleaning latrines and sweeping streets. Certain jobs are not even carried out by Hindus but, for example, their Muslim neighbours (see A.7.b). It is likely that there is no Hindu butcher anywhere in Europe or North America. Unsurprisingly, the Sanskrit literature is often concerned with the status of Brahmins. For example, what occupations should still be allowed in times of distress? Brahmins were permitted to become farmers (many Brahmins are landowners) or traders in such circumstances (Manusmriti 10.81–2), or they became cooks, since any Hindu could eat food prepared by them. Many Hindu-owned restaurants in the West are run by Brahmins. According to some sources, upward mobility was not allowed for the lower castes: by requiring a Hindu to follow his particular dharma, and promising a better next life, the system cleverly justified the status quo and precluded revolutions of the downtrodden. But there is also much evidence of upward mobility, not only in modern times. A recent President of India (1997–2002), K. R. Narayanan, was a descendant of former untouchables. His father already worked as an Ayurvedic physician, and the young student, born in 1920, while still facing caste prejudices, overcame all hurdles to rise from the lowest possible birth to the highest possible constitutional job in India. Thus, although the traditional system may appear rigid and unfair, it did permit mobility through individual persistence and effort. It gave some security to the lower sections of society, too: those in positions of superiority had in principle the duty to care for their subordinates. The hereditary nature of most occupations meant that even the lowest bonded labourer could expect to be fed and to survive. Of course status differentations were and are widely abused in practice. Recent court cases in India have shown that it does not help bonded labourers to be released unless it is also ensured that they are fed. The collapse of traditional hereditary exchange systems in rural areas continues to create severe problems for the rural poor. In modern India, capitalist philosophies have found many followers in the upper classes but socialist and communist ideologies are also strongly represented. It appears that labour relations in India continue to be less aggravated than in Europe because they are worked out in the wider context of Hindu values and a latent awareness of interlinkedness. Thus, the ‘boss’ should not have exclusive concern for profits, and the workers may be more ready to sacrifice for the benefit of the whole operation. The concept of ‘good work’ is an integral part of the Hindu attitude to work. All and any work, unless it is manifestly against the interests of dharma, constitutes good work if dharma demands it. This includes, as in the famous

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scene in the Bhagavadgıta where Arjuna hesitates to go into battle, the killing of one’s own relatives, if necessary. Individuals may make special efforts to gain merit (again the force of desire creeps in here, see A.2.a), by making donations for good purposes or doing some form of social work. All Hindu religious leaders seem to emphasise this aspect: Gandhi devoted time to his spinning-wheel and a variety of aspects of social work. Sai Baba and other religious leaders teach that one ought to give several hours a week to the care of others. The danger here is, however, that split attitudes and hypocrisy develop (see A.4.f), and that one only does such work because one expects certain benefits, not as an integral part of one’s behavioural pattern. Buddhism has much more to say on the importance of intention as a key factor in karma (see B.1.a). A.4.c. Leisure and its Use The Hindu approach to leisure is closely related to the concept of education (A.4.a). The traditional approach would be that there should be a balance of one’s activities. Thus, in the Arthashastra’s rules for the king (1.19.14), certain parts of the day are given over to recreation and relaxation and even the need for kama is stressed (compare A.2.c). Verse 1.7.5 says that any one of the three aims in life, dharma, artha or kama, if excessively indulged in, does harm to itself as well as to the other two. This approach may help to explain why some things move so much slower in India, and why life there can be so much more relaxing. ‘Shanti rakho’, ‘Keep calm’, is an often-heard phrase, and this approach continues to influence Hindu attitudes. Many Hindus tend to spend much time in worship, which also brings relaxation and mental peace. ‘Any visitor to south Asia from the West is struck by the colour, smells and vibrancy of daily ritual observances, and by the centrality of religion in people’s lives’ (Flood 2004: 1). There are no special times or appointed days of Hindu worship, but a great variety of festivals provide special occasions. Worship and social gatherings often go together. The communal singing of bhajans (devotional songs) is perhaps a typical example. Various folk dances (the Gujarati stick and clap dances of dandiya ras and garba, for example) incorporate elements of worship. The Panjabi bhangra is a vigorous folk dance re-enacting the times of hard work on the land and celebrating the joys of a plentiful harvest. Generally speaking, though, there is a tremendous lack of recreational facilities and initiatives for many of the unemployed in India. There is much underemployment because of the seasonal nature of many jobs and people often do little more than sit around and pass the time gossiping or dozing. Many seem to have given up the hope of finding work, or extra work (often the joint family cushions such lack of initiative), and drinking and various forms of drug abuse (see A.4.e) are not uncommon. Vandalism is as good as unknown, but inter-communal riots do sometimes happen. They may have to

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do with religious conflict, but they might also be sparked by neighbourhood disputes and intense competition over scarce resources. Card games, gambling and some sports activities are enjoyed. Cricket has virtually become a national game in India and major matches are avidly followed all over the country as a result of television coverage. Much time is spent meeting friends and relatives, and playing with children. Women, in general, seem to have much less time for leisure, but because they are less visible in public, it is difficult to generalise. It must be stressed, however, that many people in India are so busy ensuring their own survival and that of their family that they have very little time for anything else – leisure then becomes a luxury that many people simply cannot afford. The patterns, however, are different in the diaspora communities, where family gatherings and temple-focused activities are common uses of leisure time. A.4.d. Wealth The pursuit of wealth and power (artha) has a firm place as one of the legitimate aims of Hindu life (see A.2.c). Many studies have emphasised the otherworldliness of Hinduism and the prevailing spirit of renunciation. They are right to a point. But depending on his or her dharma, any Hindu may at times be required to be primarily concerned with artha. In all cases, however, the ideal of the balanced approach is prevalent and excessive concern for wealth itself is considered negative. This goes both for the acquisition of wealth and for methods of putting it to use. In the classical model, the Hindu student is taught humility by being required to work for his guru, to beg food for him and for himself, and by the generally spartan living conditions imposed on him. The stage of brahmacarya is not concerned with worldly gains but with creating deep awareness of the priorities of Hindu existence. The householder, however, should be actively engaged in gaining wealth because the other parts of society depend on him. Manusmriti 3.78 (see A.3.a) comments: ‘Because people in the other three stages of life are every day supported by the householder through (the teaching of) sacred knowledge and with food, therefore the order of the householder is the most excellent one’. Still, this does not amount to an unlimited licence to amass wealth. In the philosophical literature of the Upanishads (c. 1000 BCE) it is said in many passages that man is not to be satisfied with wealth alone (for example, KathaUpanishad 1.1.27 and Brihadaranyaka-Upanishad 4.3.33ff.). The example of eminent Hindus shows how this is being put into practice. Apparently, Sai Baba of Shirdi, a local holy man later elevated to divine status, often demanded gifts from people who came to him, which is unorthodox for a holy man, but then he instantly distributed these to needy people. Satya Sai Baba, his living reincarnation, regularly distributes food and clothes to poor

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people and Mahatma Gandhi’s teachings, reinforced by the Jaina concept of nirgrantha, ‘non-attachment’, also emphasise the sharing of resources and the benefits of putting them to good use. The only restriction on the acquisition of wealth seems to be that it should be done in a righteous way. Thus, already in Rigveda 1.1.3, Agni, the god of fire, is invoked with a view to obtaining ‘wealth, yes, plenty, increasing day by day’. In the Vedic hymns there are innumerable such invocations asking for strength, health, sons, power and other desirables. This tradition is continued into our times when Hindu businessmen, during the festival of Divalı, pray to Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth, for her blessings and generous support. Individual detachment is also apparent in the operation of the Hindu concept of joint family property. The ancestral property of a Hindu joint family does not actually belong to the head of the family, although he is the powerful representative of the family as a legal entity (see A.3.b). Ownership rests in the family itself, a complex unit of up to four living generations and three generations of ancestors (see A.1.d and e). The living members act as trustees, so to say. Nobody has a clearly defined share (unless there is some form of partition), but a fluctuating interest, depending on births and deaths in the family. At the same time the concept of individual property is also known, with different ancient rules for women’s property. An individual acting within the Hindu tradition would, in later life at least, be expected gradually to abandon concern for wealth and possessions. More or less rigid fasting and other renunciatory practices may constantly reinforce the fundamental message that wealth is not all that a person should aim for. Whenever a Hindu owns more than is needed for immediate survival the question would arise how to put such wealth, however little, to proper use. The mere giving-away of any surplus is considered meritorious, which explains why various forms of almsgiving and more secular begging have such a firm root in Indian cultural traditions and also, to an extent, why hospitality is such a marked characteristic of Hindus. Charitable giving ranks high among good deeds that a Hindu may do. Both giver and recipient, however, are warned of the potentially harmful effects of such transactions. The utterly selfless act of giving produces unseen merit, though acting with a view to acquiring that merit clearly defeats the purpose. A rich Hindu who installs, say, an image in a temple merely to enhance his or her status in the community may be envied by those who are easily impressed; but in Hindu terms, no unseen merit would accrue in such a case. Instead the allegation of hypocrisy could quickly arise. Thus, the mental state of the giver is very important and merit is not guaranteed. This is so even if it can be assumed that what is being given was acquired in a righteous manner (see also A.4.b). Like many other texts, Manusmriti 4.186–97 is concerned with the qualities of a deserving recipient of gifts. The mere caste status of a Brahmin does not suffice (4.190). Accepting gifts should not become a habit (4.186),

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otherwise there would be no unseen merit. Such attitudes explain why the wandering ascetic, who has visibly renounced all forms of attachment, is revered and is entitled to be supported by society, as are monks and nuns in Buddhism and Jainism. Indeed, in the right frame of mind, the ascetic recipient of gifts provides an opportunity for the common Hindu to acquire merit, an idea which has developed more fully in Buddhist practice. There are, however, also ‘bad ascetics’ who merely take advantage of the Hindu tendency to give, and many Hindus appear to have become suspicious of holy men and make donations to a good cause rather than a person. Several Hindu communities overseas expect their members to make regular and substantial donations for the purpose of establishing community centres and temples, often up to 10 per cent of their income. During the past twenty years, such centres have been established by many overseas Hindu communities, often through considerable personal sacrifice and self-denial. Hindu communities in the West have also responded generously to the needs created by disasters such as flooding, earthquakes and the 2004 tsunami. A.4.e. Drugs More or less vulgar displays of wealth are not entirely uncommon amongst status-seeking Hindus, especially to impress poorer relations and potential marriage partners. Here, the process of modernisation has occasionally meant the cheap copying of some bad aspects of Western society. The costly habit of drinking imported hard liquor and smoking particular brands of cigarettes has developed in certain classes of society, and is also observable among Hindus overseas. As more people count themselves as middle class and follow certain patterns of consumerism, Hindus seem to be involved in actual abuses more than before, but as indicated above (A.4.c), drinking, smoking, gambling and drug abuse were not uncommon in traditional India either. Men, in particular, seem to see it as a traditional privilege to indulge in one or several of those potentially costly and destructive pastimes. Especially among the poorer sections of society, there is much disruption of family life due to such abuses. Several Indian states have introduced prohibition laws to control excessive consumption of alcohol, but this seems to be a growing problem in India which is difficult to control. If we look at drugs more narrowly, we find that the rich plant life of India produces many intoxicating substances which have traditionally been used in the context of a fully developed science of homeopathy called ayurveda, which is experiencing a revival today. Also, from the earliest literature onwards we find indications that even great sages were using some forms of drugs and that they were used in worship, too. Locally, many forms of indigenous drugs and medicines continue to be used in India today, and it is impossible to draw a clear line between medical treatment involving drugs and actual drug abuse. It is recognised that this is a growing problem in India

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today, both in the trendy upper classes as well as among the very poor, who may seek to escape from an otherwise hard and unpleasant reality into a world of dreams. Any particular individual would be under an obligation, in the context of dharma, to ensure that he or she could continue to pursue what seems appropriate actions. Quite apparently, the use of drugs as such is not considered inappropriate, but the question of limits comes in, and this is, as always in Hinduism, a matter of individual discretion. A.4.f. The Media The Hindu concept of truth has on the one hand absolute, cosmic qualities as in rita or macrocosmic ‘order’ (see A.1.a), and is on the other hand a relative phenomenon to be worked out in accordance with dharma. The secular Sanskrit term for truth, satya, would always consider the two sides of a coin. Considering earlier who controls knowledge of Hinduism as a religion (see A.1.a), we found traditional knowledge located within a small elite group of learned sages. These few individuals, as is apparent from the concept of smriti (see A.1.c), acquired considerable power through this knowledge and its cultivation. There is ample evidence that their social attitudes have given a certain bias to the written word, which is a further reason why it is not possible to study Hinduism from books alone. Since absolute truth, pre-ordained as part of Nature, was beyond human reach and control, knowledge of scriptures alone, however cultivated, was soon found not to be sufficient. The Vedic ritual system of creating linkages with cosmic forces through elaborate sacrifices was soon abandoned and the focus shifted towards an emphasis on the need for every Hindu individual’s right action and behaviour. In the explicit socio-cultural relativity of the concept of dharma (A.1.a), Hinduism as a more secularised way of life became more prominent than the idealistic, elitist religious, and ultimately cosmic literary concepts, although both spheres must be seen as intimately linked and mutually dependent. This complex situation causes difficulties for contemporary Hinduism. There may be a lack of orientation, a difficulty in realising the ancient concepts of interlinkedness, particularly in new socio-economic situations and in diaspora. There is no binding compendium of the rules of the faith. The current picture of Hinduism is that of a conglomeration of sects, following certain prominent leader figures, divine or human, who fulfil important needs in terms of guidance, but can also easily abuse that position. Media-savvy Hindu gurus abound and there is now a flourishing trade in electronically recorded guidance. Talking to young Hindus unfortunately confirms that most of this preaching appears to miss the very real moral and ethical concerns that young Hindus, especially in diaspora, experience today. Explaining the fluidity of invisible interlinkages between Hindu individuals and the wider world remains a challenge for many people who use

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the media to talk about Hindu values and ethics, while simplistic moralising abounds. Modern media, especially films, have played an important role in spreading knowledge about Hindu concepts and in linking communities. Videos of family weddings are popular and transmit traditional cultural patterns as well as new fashions. A film about Santoshima, a Hindu goddess, virtually ‘created’ a new cult. The role of Hindu saints as political figures received a significant, if confusing, impulse due to the TV screening of the Mahabharata and Ramayana. Apart from the Hindi-based film industry, India has lively important regional film traditions and a notable if small internationally oriented and Englishfocused section (Barnouw and Krishnaswamy 1980; Jackson and Nesbitt 1993). The effect of modern mass media and international travel has been that the thoughts of prominent Hindu leaders, who act as self-appointed spokesmen for the faith, are made much more widely available, often through dedicated web sites. Many such leaders have learnt about other faiths, and they often seek to prove that Hinduism is a world religion and is not inferior. Thus there is a tendency to give particular scriptures the status of a ‘holy book’, a Bible equivalent, and many rules which are quite clearly relative in their original cultural context are today re-stated as absolute truths of a universally binding nature, when in fact they are personal opinions of the speaker. The modern mass media, mainly controlled by people not knowledgeable in Hindu matters, thus often misrepresent Hindu values, since they are unable to distinguish personal opinion from religious and ethical truth. A newspaper article in which a prominent Hindu leader is referred to as ‘the Pope of the Hindus’ illustrates the nonsense that may result, giving particular aspects of the faith, or certain spokespersons of Hinduism, an aura of importance, fixity and authoritative status which they never had. The media have played a huge role in Indian debates about a variety of ethical issues and restrictions on the freedom of speech have been vigorously contested. Assertions of the basic right to highlight abuses of power and to demand accountability of those in positions of power as a matter of public interest take strength from Hindu concepts of interlinkedness and duty. The exciting field of ‘public-interest litigation’, often wrongly portrayed as an American invention, has deep Hindu roots and empowers investigative journalism as well as judicial activism at the highest levels. Recent legal developments concerning the fundamental right to information have kept such issues high on the agenda. A.4.g. Advertising After the almost total collapse of the ancient system of education (A.4.a), lectures by wandering ascetics and learned individuals, as well as performances of dance and drama, have contributed much to the spreading of Hindu religious and cultural traditions. Many of the traditional Indian classical dance

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forms like Kathak and Bharatnatyam are artistic means of conveying messages of dharma and spiritual devotion. Local forms of dance and drama, street plays and skits, are used to advertise, in the broadest sense, certain types of Hindu values, or are used to critique certain developments in society. All over the world today prominent public speakers on Hinduism attract large crowds. The success of such forms of teaching in terms of individual education remains doubtful, but such events help to maintain a latent awareness of the higher aims of existence for many Hindus. Traditionally Hindus have not sought to advertise their faith to others (see A.1.a and 7.b and c). The traditional Hindu caste system provides an elaborate hierarchical structure in which every individual has a place. Even though modern India has abolished the caste system by law, caste continues to act as an important factor in determining a person’s status, although caste gradually gives way to class. This may be so even in court cases at the highest level. The official abolition of many traditional restrictions relating to occupation has meant that the pressures of competition have increased (A.4.a) and that many Hindus find themselves with exaggerated ambitions that remain unrealistic. Contemporary advertising all over the world projects the image of the joyfulness and success of a modern consumer society. At the same time, recent developments in consumer protection illustrate the Hindu culture of restraint, commonly referred to as Gandhian business ethics, with an important focus on avoiding misleading advertisements. In contemporary India, as among Hindus abroad (A.4.f and e), there is a marked increase in materialism and greed, sometimes with cruel consequences. One example of this is seen in excessive demands of dowries at the time of marriage or thereafter, sometimes resulting in cruelty to brides as a result of dissatisfaction with the amount of the dowry brought. These are not only remnants of ancient traditions, but also direct proof of modern Hindu society’s excessive concern with artha, the acquisition of material goods. Modern advertising with its tempting displays of status symbols seems to have created an atmosphere where traditional values of restraint and self-control are not highly regarded any more. If it becomes more important to individuals to amass wealth than to value human lives, something must be wrong and problems will arise in interpersonal relationships to which there are no easy solutions. One particularly grave example would be the ongoing practice, in India and among Hindus abroad, of bride-burning for dowry (Menski 1998). A.5. THE QUALITY AND VALUE OF LIFE A.5.a. The Elderly For elderly Hindus there is no sudden shock of retirement after an active life. The stage of vanaprastha (see A.1.a) does not begin at a clearly defined

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point and does not have a special ritual to mark it. Few Hindu couples (the vanaprastha does not normally abandon his wife) move physically ‘into the wilderness’, they rather move ‘to the fringe’. Thus, retirement is more of a mental process and the elderly person remains an integral part of the joint family. In fact, many Hindu grandfathers continue to act as managers of the joint family as long as they are able to carry on such activities. Many older women do not give up major responsibilities in the household, even though a number of junior women may be there. In both cases this is not merely because the elderly are reluctant to give up control; if there is a genuine feeling and agreement on all sides that the expertise of such elders should be used for the benefit of the family, the younger family members will accept their junior status even though they may be growing old themselves. Many elderly Hindus, thus, remain active integral parts of their family all their life. Since they continue to be useful members, it helps both themselves and the family. An extra pair of hands is often welcome and the relationship between grandparents and grandchildren tends to be a particularly close one. There is much evidence in recent sociological studies that young women in India are becoming aware of the usefulness of having a granny at home if they have to go out to work to make ends meet. In cases where young women have resented joint family living and the presence of the husband’s parents, the Indian courts have often lectured such women about their duties towards elderly parents-in-law. Public opinion in India was reflected by one judge who stated that the time had not yet come in India for old people to be pushed off into special homes. It used to be taken for granted that elderly single family members are taken care of. Hindu society looks with disapproval upon families who evict elderly members and leave them to fend for themselves. Caring for needy relatives is, of course, also a way of acquiring unseen merit. More recently, however, there has been growing concern about cruelty against elders in India. As people live longer, nuclear family structures become more prominent and traditional authority faces more vigorous questioning, many older people are abandoned by their families. Significantly, recent legal interventions have reminded people of the traditional duty to maintain aged relatives, enforced by the state, if necessary, through criminal sanctions. This shows that even the most recent Indian statute law uses ancient welfare principles focused on principles of Hindu family solidarity rather than offering modern state support. There is some evidence that the provision of old-age pensions in the upper classes makes elderly Hindus nowadays feel less dependent on their families. A growing number of elderly Hindus are living on their own, especially in overseas communities, but it is unlikely that this will become a normal pattern among Hindus; the joint family system continues to exist in modified form also outside India.

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A.5.b. Those in Need Like elderly people, those who are mentally and physically disabled or sick are ideally not excluded from the family, but are sheltered by it. Growing old was recognised as a natural process, and there was also an awareness that the elderly had, generally speaking, maintained the family at an earlier stage. Those born disabled or subsequently afflicted with grave diseases may be treated differently, more so if they have not contributed anything to the family. It would be easy to see them as a burden, their maintenance as pure charity, and they pose, at times, ritual problems if they are considered inauspicious. But as in the case of elderly single relatives, social disapproval would be directed at families who abandon those in need. Still this does not give absolute security to the handicapped and sick: in times of distress, for instance famine, differing treatment of family members could mean that they, coming last in line, are not properly fed. The same has happened to many young girls, who were neglected by their families in times of famine. As there is evidence of the killing of baby girls (A.5.d), one wonders to what extent some handicapped babies suffer a similar fate in India. This is an example of where social practice does not match the ideal that the family should care for needy and disadvantaged members. Generally speaking, the disabled would have a low-status position in the family. In legal terms, they often remained perpetual minors, but as we have seen (A.5.a), this applied to many members of the Hindu joint family. The dharmashastra literature clearly supports different treatment of the disabled and sick in a number of important social and legal contexts but it does not ignore them. They are exempt from taxation (Manusmriti 8.394) and, to an extent, enjoy legal immunity. But they are listed among the corrupt and bad when it comes to assessing their qualities as witnesses in court (for example, Manusmriti 8.64; Yajnavalkyasmriti 2.72–3). They are not supposed to perform expiatory rituals (shraddha), as in Manusmriti 3.150 ff., or to enter contracts and accept gifts (absolutely not in the case of lunatics and idiots), and they are debarred from inheriting within the joint family (for example Manusmriti 9.201). Such discriminatory treatment is clearly based on the understanding that there are links between physical appearance or condition and the inherent past or present qualities of a person. Thus, incurable illness and physical deformity are often seen as the marks of a sinful individual, often as a result of bad karma in a previous existence. Manusmriti 11.48 seems to contain the general rule: ‘Some evil-hearted men undergo a reverse transformation of their form because of evil practices here (in this life), and some because of those committed in a former (life)’ (Doniger 1991: 255). This attitude seems to have justified the segregation of people with virulent diseases, lepers in particular, in special colonies and now AIDS victims. Social work institutions seem to have developed only during the nineteenth

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century. Some Indian rulers like the Gaekwads of Baroda have been active in setting up social work institutions, partly realising the ruler’s dharma, partly as a result of Western influences. In India today there are many homes for the disabled and sick, where they receive treatment and are sometimes taught skills to be able to help themselves. Other groups of people in need are also covered by such institutions now, especially orphans, destitute people, homeless children and unmarried mothers, particularly if they are destitute or have been the victims of rape. The huge number of those in need in contemporary India poses great difficulties, but many organisations, as well as the government, are becoming increasingly involved in a wide variety of social work projects to ensure better implementation of constitutionally guaranteed basic human rights. However, the constitutional promises of a better future for the disadvantaged remain a pious hope in many cases and many millions of Indians continue to live below the poverty line. A.5.c Reproduction The traditional Hindu expectation was clearly that reproduction is essential for the continuation of society and for one’s family. Vedic rituals strongly reflected those expectations (A.1.a), praying for abundant and strong progeny, whether male or female. Virtually all dharma texts severely criticise the killing of an embryo and treat it as a major sin (see A.5.d). However, when those texts portray women virtually as birth machines, and missing a fertile period becomes in itself a bad action, we see again that the texts are not realistic reflections of social norms but contain many idealised statements. That these have not remained without normative impact on Hindu society can be shown through the example of child marriage for girls (see A.2.c), which became gradually recommended in local customary practice as soon as puberty set in, and later even before that. At the same time, real-life experience (and even some texts) would suggest that weak babies of very young mothers have only a slim chance of survival, so it is better to delay reproduction until the mother’s body is fully developed. Here again, balance is a virtue. More recent discussions about designer babies, cloning and surrogacy are still undeveloped from a Hindu perspective, but have become current issues of debate in India, too. The basic Hindu ethical stance that Nature cannot be totally controlled but may be manipulated for the greater good (see A.9.c) and for individual advancement appears to allow much more liberality and flexibility in this field than Jewish, Christian or Islamic thought patterns, which are premised on the basic stance that man should not interfere with God’s creation. There are no Hindu objections in principle to any of these manipulations because Hindus perceive Nature and man as one interlinked whole. In individual cases, the basic test would be whether any such manipulation served private and/or public interest in terms of promoting dharma. Thus, a childless

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couple could very well argue that securing a child through new technological means was not a violation of Hindu ethical principles, even though the less sophisticated, traditional option of adoption remains a possibility (A.3.c). A.5.d. Abortion In the context of Hindu marriage (A.3.a) neither abortion nor birth control may be acceptable to many Hindus: one of the major life aims of a Hindu is to procreate, so preserving and promoting life is a central aspect of dharma (see also A.1.a). The classical texts, therefore, see causing an abortion or miscarriage as a serious crime and sin. Some texts distinguish different forms of abortion and indicate different punishment for such actions. There are also distinctions in punishment according to whether the child was conceived in wedlock or not: aborting the child of a female servant may be seen as a less serious crime than in the case of a Brahmin woman. Women causing abortions are treated as criminals and considered impure and inauspicious; some texts seek to banish them. A Hindu woman with an unwanted pregnancy is, thus, not considered as being in need. Abortion would only be allowed if the mother’s life is in danger due to the pregnancy. ‘Social reasons’ as understood in the West do not seem to count strongly for traditional Hindus (see A.9.b). Traditional Hindu thought is outrightly pro-natal. But in real life, the situation is quite different, as even the texts imply when they discuss the subject. In today’s hierarchy of values, the expectation that a married couple will have children continues to be strong (A.5.c). But people may now wish to have smaller families and various methods of birth control are fully acceptable (see A.9.b). The preference for sons, mainly connected with continuation of the family line, has caused new problems here: since medical technology now makes it possible to determine the sex of an unborn child early in pregnancy through amniocentesis or ultrasound techniques, female foetuses are being aborted in large numbers. Both in India and overseas, doctors are familiar with such techniques and policy makers have become alerted to this practice. This is certainly a matter of concern to many Hindus, who would condemn such practices, and several Indian states have passed laws prohibiting sex testing and the resulting foeticide. However, the argument that girl children constitute an unwanted extra expense (since the birth family brings her up for the benefit of another family) reflects a shift towards selfishness and growing unwillingness to bear social burdens for the public good, that is, a focus on self-interest rather than maintenance of wider order. Faced with a continuing population explosion, the Indian state today appears to connive in the systematic removal of millions of unborn girl children. It is also not unknown that newborn girls are killed at once. Such practices, although not widespread, are cruel excesses of a male-dominated society and cause ‘dharma dilemmas’. Poor parents often justify this practice by arguing

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that a little suffering at this early stage is better than a life of misery later. The link with growing pressures to provide dowries for girls is also cited as a factor here (Menski 1998). The killing of newborn babies seems hard to understand, but imagine life situations where the parents know they cannot hope to raise another child, perhaps because they have already seen so many young children die for want of bare necessities. There may be situations, thus, in which the individual conscience, the final arbiter of Hindu existence (see A.1.a), is swayed in favour of a rather cruel method of limiting the size of a family. Abortion was legalised in India in 1971 and has become increasingly acceptable. Earlier, research on family planning in Bombay (Lele and Kanitkar 1980: 142) reported that more than 80 per cent of women disapproved of abortion, and 56 per cent thought it was a sin; the Hindu concept of murder of an embryo is clearly present. Given the pressures of population explosion, this suggests that India’s preferred way to control population growth must be the prevention of unwanted pregnancies in the first place. Typically, Mahatma Gandhi recommended self-control. However, avoiding pregnancies is easier said than done, and there is much need to educate young people, in particular, about such matters, though such issues remain difficult to address (A.2.c). A.5.e. Euthanasia Generally speaking, Hindu respect for all forms of life, and negative attitudes against unnecessary killing, give little scope for the justification of euthanasia. A prominent Hindu attitude is to say that the terminally ill individual has to wait till the right time (kala) has come for him or her to die. Those that care for the terminally ill may well seek to lessen pain and suffering, but in principle they have no right to end the other person’s life. Yet again, the individual conscience of the terminally ill individual (see A.1.a) allows for radical solutions. The Hindu concepts of a ‘good death’ and a ‘willed death’ are relevant here. In both, a person prepares for death, having finished all earthly business. In a ‘willed death’ people who are old and weak, but not terminally ill, may virtually wait till death arrives, refusing to take any food or drink. The model of the samnyası (see A.1.a) is certainly relevant here; renouncing life may be seen as a form of suicide. The remarks above already indicate that in remarkable contrast to various prohibitions against taking a life, and also somewhat in contradiction to the ideal of non-violence, suicide may be morally and ethically acceptable to Hindus in a number of situations. A situation often depicted in the classical literature (see A.1.a) is the case of an old man who becomes a samnyası, performs his own funeral rites and then leaves this world (see Manusmriti 6.31). Similarly well known is the model of the ideal wife, satı (known in English as suttee), who burns herself

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with her husband’s body on the funeral pyre in order to remain with him. Such cases may occur even today, despite the fact that modern laws strictly prohibit this practice because the satı ideal has been abused for murdering women. Heroic medieval poetry promised great glory to the faithful wife of a king or warrior who seeks death rather than becoming the captive of another man. One may, thus, see satı as an ideal which takes the Hindu concept of marriage as an indissoluble union to its logical, if cruel, conclusion. By following this ideal, undergoing a form of self-sacrifice which demands great courage, a satı is believed to become instantly a goddess (devı) and is worshipped as a symbol of the ideal female. A close analogy to satı can be found in texts showing a number of situations in which an individual, totally overcome by grief over the loss of a dear one, or in a situation of utter despair, commits suicide, often by burning. Such practices are also followed by men, and there are no indications that this individual decision is not respected. The literature also gives examples of suicide as a penance, an honourable way out of a life spoilt by a serious crime or sin. In some instances, there appears to be a moral duty to commit suicide, thus sparing the ruler the need to enforce the death penalty for a grave violation of dharma. To obtain a more complete picture, it would be necessary to look at the Hindu evidence on suicide in the context of theories of rebirth and individual salvation, too. A.5.f. Vegetarianism Many Hindus value animal life, probably because of concepts of interlinkedness of all creation (A.1.a) and thus practise more or less strict vegetarianism, often with explicit reference to ahimsa, non-violence (see A.2.a). One of the most widely known features of Hinduism is veneration of the cow, so that most Hindus will not consume beef or beef products. Beyond that, everything is down to personal choice and preference, and whether someone is strictly vegetarian, vegan, or simply prefers vegetarian food over meat dishes depends on many factors. Hindus find it quite difficult to reconcile ancient evidence from Vedic texts, in which horses, bulls and other animals were sacrificed in solemn rituals, the continuing practice of the Nepalese kings to sacrifice a bull once a year, and consumption of beef by poorer Hindus particularly in south India, with assumptions that the cow is a holy animal for all Hindus. Typically, violations of such dietary rules are treated as polluting the individual, with repercussions on his or her family and caste group, so that there will be much social pressure to refrain from eating certain food items that are considered unclean or simply unacceptable. Ayurvedic science and related fields of knowledge teach in detail about the effects of eating certain types of food. Here the issue is less whether consuming a particular food is ritually good or bad, but what effects it will have

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on the person’s well-being. Here again, a holistic perspective underlies Hindu approaches. A.6. QUESTIONS OF RIGHT AND WRONG A.6.a. The Purpose of Law In Sanskrit there is no precise equivalent for ‘law’ (which also in English can mean a number of things), but there are several relevant terms, among which dharma (A.1.a) and vyavahara (A.1.b) are prominent. The Vedic Hindus, looking at the way natural phenomena appeared with an invisibly guided regularity (for example, the sun rising in the east and setting in the west), saw a pre-ordained natural order (rita), initially perceived as self-supporting. When the macrocosmic concept of rita merged with and developed into dharma, first the Vedic gods were seen as upholders of order, then the human action of performing rituals and sacrifices to these gods, and ultimately all human action itself was thought to have direct impact on the cosmic universe. As a result it became not only necessary to formulate rules of dharma (as found in the smriti texts), but also to support these rules through the concept of vyavahara (processes of dispute resolution) as a tool for strengthening dharma. This is necessary, as several texts clearly note, because of the successive deterioration of moral standards. At the stage of worst deterioration, the kali era or kaliyuga, in which we are now living, vyavahara is seen as essential to uphold order. ‘Law’ in the sense of vyavahara has a purpose similar to that of modern laws only in one respect, namely that it provides sanctions. It is not the purpose of dharma to provide uniformly valid rules of law comparable to modern state law for all Hindus. Thus, it cannot be emphasised enough that texts like the Manusmriti are not law books. They do not contain codified, legislated law. They provide guidelines on dharma which may or may not be relevant in particular situations, so that the actual ‘rule of law’ remains flexible. Hence, Hindu law is always concerned with achieving situation-specific relative justice in the sense of appropriateness, rather than enforcing rigid compliance with fixed rules of positive law, which may lead to injustice. Modern Indian law remains strongly influenced by Hindu principles and values, even though it looks Western (Menski 2003). It is recognised that modern state law fails to achieve justice in many circumstances (see A.3.c for an example). A.6.b. Sin and Sins Hindu literature is much concerned with questions of crime/punishment and sin/penance. While sins require penance, and crimes some form of punishment

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(often penance, too), there are no theoretical discussions of the links between crime and sin, presumably because the underlying concepts were known. In the Hindu world view, it is often impossible to differentiate between sin and crime. The Sanskrit term papa denotes both. The distinction of sin as an action which goes against God and his law, and crime, which violates a rule of state law, is a Western one and does not apply here. First of all, despite monotheistic tendencies, a Hindu does not generally think in terms of a direct relationship with God or a chosen god, but acts in the wider cosmic context of rita/dharma, which does not separate the religious from the secular/social, the divine from the human. Sins, being a violation of the ideals of the cosmic order, affect the social sphere; and crime has cosmic dimensions and is not merely a violation of human laws. The need for penances is amply discussed in the smriti literature. For example, Manusmriti 11.44 directs: ‘A man who omits a prescribed act, or performs a blamable act, or who cleaves to sensual enjoyments, must perform a penance’ (Bühler 1975: 439). Such general rules are strengthened with sanctions for non-compliance: Manusmriti 11.48–53 contains a list of illnesses and disabilities which are the result of bad karma caused by sin for which penance was not made (see A.5.b), including various acts of stealing. This illustrates that there is no clear distinction between sins and crimes. The idea of sin is also attached to many offences of a secular nature; these, too, require purificatory rituals or, indeed, penances, as summed up in Manusmriti 11.54: ‘Penances, therefore, must always be performed for the sake of purification, because those whose sins have not been expiated are born (again) with disgraceful marks’ (Bühler 1975: 440–1). A.6.c. Punishments The right to punish is seen by the smriti texts as the ruler’s divinely ordained prerogative (see A.1.b). Punishment is personified and illustrated as danda, a stick or punishing rod, in Manusmriti 7.14. Through fearing the threat of punishment, all beings should follow their dharma. Manusmriti 7.18–19 explains this concept of assisted self-control: Punishment alone rules all created beings, punishment alone protects them, punishment watches over them while they sleep; the wise declare punishment [to be identical with] the law. If [punishment] is properly inflicted after [due] consideration, it makes all people happy; but inflicted without consideration, it destroys everything. (Bühler 1975: 219)

While the texts concentrate on the ruler’s functions, little is known about the role of local bodies in maintaining social order. Surely not every incident was brought to a superior ruler. Several verses (for example Manusmriti 8.41; Naradasmriti 1.7) indicate that clan elders, village headmen, caste tribunals,

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professional bodies and heads of families played a central role and could punish offenders. It is quite likely that only grave matters went before the ruler. The king, at the top of society, had to maintain a subtle balance between constantly competing claims. Should he not act properly, destruction would follow. The texts portray this as almost Darwinian conditions and the Hindu chaos theory of the ‘rule of the fish’ (matsyanyaya) is significant: If the big fish devour the small without any control, this is ultimately fatal to all. Naradasmriti 18.14–16 elaborates on this vision of social turmoil, and Manusmriti 7.20ff. is even more imaginative. From such concepts arise postmodern ideas in Hindu law about ‘public interest’ and accountability of those in positions of power (A.1.d). Appropriate punishment by the king has several important consequences. If justice is seen to be done, this will deter potential offenders and strengthen the ruler’s position, increasing the security for his subjects. Offenders are either liquidated or re-instated in their position through punishments, often combined with penances. Some authors (see Banerjee 1980: 7) argue that punishments were originally severe and that more lenient fines were introduced around 300 CE. Vishnusmriti 5.1 states abruptly that ‘great criminals should all be put to death’. The same text mentions forgers of royal edicts and other documents, robbers, thieves, adulterous wives (5.18), and men who have intercourse with a woman of the lowest caste (5.43). Manusmriti 8.352–86 treats adultery in detail, advocating cruel death sentences in some cases. There are various methods of ranking crimes and punishments according to severity, but even individual texts are often inconsistent. Murder is identifiable as the most serious offence. Not all cases, though, attract the death penalty: intention is an important consideration. Manusmriti 8.349–51 give instances in which killing is lawful, certainly ‘by killing an assassin the slayer incurs no guilt’ (v. 351). Arthashastra 4.11 gives a survey of rules on capital punishment. All texts are, not surprisingly, united in the opinion that the murder of a Brahmin is the most serious offence. Brahmahatya (killing a Brahmin) was also treated as the greatest sin and heads the list of mahapatakas or mortal sins (Manusmriti 9.235). This list includes the drinking of a particular spirit by Brahmins, the theft of gold belonging to a Brahmin, and intercourse with the guru’s wife. Killing a pregnant woman (Vishnusmriti 36.1) counts as a serious case of murder. Generally speaking, the varna status of the perpetrator and the victim play an important part in assessing the severity of any particular crime and determining punishment. Caste differentiations abound: a Brahmin murderer, even if his victim was another Brahmin, should not be subject to the death penalty. Vishnusmriti 5.2, otherwise strict on death sentences, adds that ‘in the case of a Brahmin no corporal punishment must be inflicted’

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and advises that a Brahmin murderer must be banished from the country, with a mark of his offence branded on his body (5.3). If guilty of other serious crimes, he should be banished, but not hurt, and he could take all his property with him (5.8). Retaliation is apparent when various texts suggest amputation of whatever limb an inferior person uses to insult or hurt a superior in caste. Public disgrace and shame must have been a powerful deterrent for minor offences. Loss of caste, that is, relegation to a lower caste, was a strong punishment (see Manusmriti 11.181ff.). Through performance of penances, offenders could eventually be re-admitted to their original caste. Though not all Hindus believe in rebirth, the threat of punishment in the next existence has a potentially powerful deterrent effect, too. Regarding duties of the ruler (Manusmriti 8.1) the commentator Medhatithi (c. 900 CE) emphasises that he should not only guard his subjects against visible torment like robbers, but also against unseen consequences of their own unexpiated sins. This puts the ruler under an obligation to check whether his subjects perform appropriate penances. The extent of such penances was decided by Brahmin experts on dharma rather than the ruler. Several texts emphasise that any act could be simultaneously sinful, immoral and criminal, and could thus require penal sanctions, penances and moral retribution (A.6.b). A dutiful ruler would have to consider all these aspects of punishment together. It appears that at the local level the elaborate smriti rules on punishments and penances could easily be used as a means to terrorise and suppress less powerful and especially low-caste groups of Hindus. There is much evidence of such abuse in medieval India, when there was no supreme Hindu ruler acting under rajadharma. In today’s India, when abuse of positions of power and influence come to light, the modern legal system fails badly in delivering promises of human rights unless it punishes those who abuse positions of power and privilege, putting ‘public interest’ before private concerns. This is precisely what the ancient Hindu ruler had to do to fulfil his dharma. A.6.d. The Wrongdoer and the Wronged Texts like Naradasmriti 1.46 create the false impression that a wronged person had to rely totally on the king: ‘One who tries to right himself in a quarrel, without having given notice to the king, shall be severely punished and his cause must not be heard’ (Jolly 1977: 17). The plaintiff in person has an important role in bringing a reluctant defendant to court. Verse 1.47 allows him to arrest a man who tries to abscond, while verse 1.51 has built-in safeguards saying that anyone who arrests a person improperly shall be liable to punishment. Self-help in the execution of judgements is allowed in some texts, for instance Manusmriti 8.50: ‘A creditor who himself recovers his

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property from his debtor, must not be blamed by the king for retaking what is his own’ (Bühler 1975: 262). It appears that only the ruler can use punishments to secure the execution of his orders. There is one significant exception showing again the privileged position of Brahmins: Manusmriti 11.31–3 indicates that a Brahmin who knows dharma need not bring an offence to the notice of the ruler and can punish the offender on his own because his power is even greater than that of the king, due to his knowledge of texts. Since local forms of dispute settlement are explicitly allowed in many texts (for example, Naradasmriti 1.7), the relationship of wrongdoer and wronged at the local level would appear to be much more direct. Compensation rather than punishment or retribution, reconciliation and restoration of social harmony, also by penances, must have been prominent. Some modern reforms of criminal law in India return to the idea that not only is the wrongdoer liable to punishment from the state, but also the wronged needs to be compensated for any loss or injury. A.7. EQUALITY AND DIFFERENCE A.7.a. Differences between People One important aspect of the Hindu ‘unity in diversity’ is the basic inherent contradiction between the unity of all created beings and acute awareness among Hindus of individuality and differences between individuals. Thus, many Hindu religious leaders emphasise the ‘brotherhood of all men’, going beyond the group of Hindus, while the traditional hierarchical structures of Hindu society have by no means been abolished by the modern laws of India, which have made discrimination against people on the basis of caste illegal. Article 15(1) of the Indian Constitution provides that ‘[t]he state shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them’, but also permits the state to operate ‘protective discrimination’ for women and children in Article 15(3) and various socially backward classes in Article 15(4). Explicit recognition of individuality and an individual approach to the divine is cultivated by various forms of devotion (bhakti) in Hinduism. The Bhagavadgıta (9.29) indicates the non-partiality of the divine towards all creatures: ‘I am the same towards all beings; to me none is hateful or dear’. Thus, it is up to Hindu individuals to realise the nature of the divine and to approach their chosen god – who in the process may become the equivalent of God in other religions – in a spirit of loving devotion. The Bhagavadgıta indicates that Lord Krishna promises eternal peace (9.31) and salvation to all devotees. This includes women and Shudras (9.32), who appeared to be excluded from moksha according to the orthodox view. Equality of all people is emphasised by many reform movements in Hinduism, for example the Arya Samaj.

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In the classical literature, however, and in social life, differences between people play a large role. Already in Rigveda 10.90 we find a hymn on purusha, the primeval man, which is later often used to legitimise the varna system: from the mouth of this being emerges the Brahmin, from his arms the kshatriya, from his thighs the vaishya, and from his feet the shudra. By the time of the Manusmriti (see 1.87) this symbolic description is presented as a manifestation of divine law. The obvious differentiation, within the varna system, into regional and occupational sub-groups, also called caste (the Indian term here is jati, not varna), reflects a complex division of labour in society (see A.4.b). This system also seemed to give every individual a clearly defined place and, in orthodox terms, little or no prospects of mobility. However, in practice there has always been intense competition between castes and there is by no means any agreement over the question of relative statuses. The system is much more complex and fluid than much of the literature suggests. It is apparent that the caste system still operates wherever Hindus live today. At the same time, flexibility is emphasised more now, and mobility, urbanisation and education have all played their part in this. But particular areas of concern remain the selection of marriage partners and certain prohibitions in the context of occupations (A.4.a). A.7.b. Attitudes to Other Religions Hindus have no difficulties accepting that members of other religions have the right to believe and worship in their own way. This follows logically from the cosmic Hindu world view and the absence of any central Hindu dogma of belief and worship. Historically, this had the result that even among Hindus themselves there are widely diverging, but recognised ideas and practices so that it remains difficult to distinguish so-called reform movements that grew out of Hinduism. Hindus often respond to this by pointing out that God is really one. You may find pictures of Christ, Sikh gurus and other symbols in a Hindu temple, thus reinforcing a principle of incarnation (avatara), which transcends all boundaries. Hinduism sees no need to proselytise (see A.4.e), but does not refuse to acknowledge that non-Hindus may want to adopt Hindu practices. Many Hindus are irritated about the efforts of Muslims to win converts and about the activities of Christian missionaries and recent hindutva-inspired violence can be read as a protest reaction and self-defence in the light of perceived or actual aggression by non-Hindu minorities. The term mleccha (barbarian) was used for different people in different situations and could also mean ‘foreigner’ or ‘outsider’. As such it is an ethnic term. Manusmriti 2.23 uses it for the non-Aryans of Vedic India, 10.45 distinguishes between those emanated from purusha (see A.7.a) and the rest of the world’s population who are referred to as dasyus (‘enemies of the gods’,

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‘barbarians’). They would mainly be forest and hill tribes living on the fringe of Hindu society. Many have, up to our days, not been Hinduised. The smriti literature is clearly not concerned with them. Adherents of other religions, Muslims and Christians in particular, may do a number of things abhorrent to Hindus, like eating beef, thus violating the high-caste ideals of Hindu dharma. They are therefore sometimes relegated to a position of inferiority (see the Muslim butcher in A.4.b). On the other hand, adherents of Jainism, for example, are almost indistinguishable from their Hindu Vaishya neighbours, especially in Gujarat. The feeling of superiority among Hindus, certainly those of the higher castes, led to the expectation that Hindus of lower-caste status as well as non-Hindus ought to conform to high-caste Hindu values and practices and would then gain a better social and religious status. This expectation occasionally creates difficulties in modern India in the context of freedom of religion, especially for Muslims who claim to feel threatened by the fact that the modern and nominally secular Indian legal system operates on the basis of a Hindu-inspired value system. A.7.c. Attitudes to Ethnic and National Diversity There are two ways of looking at this. First, the Hindu world view necessitates a positive and supportive attitude to other nations and races because the world is, ultimately, seen as one interlinked whole. But second, in sociopolitical terms, other races and nations are also seen as competitors, rivals, even enemies; much of the Arthashastra deals with various measures of foreign policy designed to conquer neighbouring states or to evade being conquered. Suppression of internal enemies and general statecraft are other major topics treated with much sophistication. However, if one looked only at the Arthashastra alone one would get an unbalanced view. As a handbook on artha, it obviously concentrates on only one of the four aims of life but it is vital to view the attitudes to other races and nations from the perspective of the overriding principles of dharma, too. In this, awareness of the complex, multi-racial nature of India is important. Not only modern Indian culture but also much of ancient Hindu tradition arose under the influence of quite different racial groups, among whom the Aryans were only dominant in certain areas. The term ‘Hindu’ originally meant ‘the people inhabiting the land South of the river Sindhu or Indus’. The fact that South Indians are essentially Dravidians, and that South Indian Hinduism is in many ways different from that in the North, is often overlooked, yet most Hindus are aware of this, as well as of their common roots. Thus the coexistence, for many centuries, of people of different castes and races has made it a fact of life for Hindus that there are different people with their own characteristics. Jokes and prejudices abound, as everywhere else in the world, but awareness of a higher unity is certainly found in many contexts.

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Marriage between people from different groups was never uncommon, and there are many references to mixed castes, in particular. The dharma texts, however, developed a restrictive attitude towards intercaste marriages and other forms of contact between different castes. In India one will still often see a marked residential segregation of people belonging to different communities as a result of such attitudes. The pattern repeats itself in the West, particularly in Britain, where it is now quite clear that certain groups of Indians have tended to settle in particular cities, and even in certain localities within such cities. A.7.d. Women and Men Hinduism has not had a static view on this important topic (see A.2.c), about which there is much discussion and a lot of confusion. The major difficulty for understanding Hindu attitudes in this area arises from the fact that there have been dramatic changes in the Hindu approach to sexual ethics over time. Basically, early Hindus were most concerned about procreation and very conscious that only women could bear children. Women, thus, were more important for the continuation of society than men. In practice this meant that an infertile husband who wanted children would expect his wife to cohabit with another man, in the mythological literature even with a god. Modern Hindus do not identify with such practices; indeed neither women nor men found this an ideal solution, as the literature clearly shows, reflecting a shift in Hindu sexual ethics towards concern about chastity rather than progeny, with very important implications for gender relationships. There is a dramatic episode in the Mahabharata (1.122) in which a sage orders that from now on women are to be brought under control (maryada). The smriti literature amply elaborates on ambivalent Hindu attitudes to women. On the one hand, women are to be honoured like goddesses, on the other hand they are not trusted. Seen as a moral danger to themselves and others, they are to be kept under strict control. On the positive attitude, Manusmriti 3.55–6 and verses following it are frequently cited as an authority: Women must be honoured and adorned by their fathers, brothers, husbands and brothers-in-law, who desire [their own] welfare. Where women are honoured, there the gods are pleased; but where they are not honoured, no sacred rite yields rewards. (Bühler 1975: 85)

On the other hand, many texts elaborate on the need to keep women under control at all times. This position, too, is supported by the same text. Manusmriti 9.2–3 provide: Day and night women must be kept in dependence by the males [of] their [families], and, if they attach themselves to sensual enjoyments, they must be kept under one’s control.

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Her father protects [her] in childhood, her husband protects [her] in youth, and her sons protect [her] in old age; a woman is never fit for independence. (Bühler 1975: 327–8)

Manusmriti 9.5 further advises that ‘[w]omen must particularly be guarded against evil inclinations, however trifling [they may appear]; for, if they are not guarded, they will bring sorrow on two families’ (Bühler 1975: 328) and v. 9.7 concludes that ‘[h]e who carefully guards his wife, preserves [the purity of] his offspring, virtuous conduct, his family, himself, and his [means of acquiring] merit’ (Bühler 1975: 328). The Manusmriti also indicates that it is difficult to guard women by force (9.10) and considers it best if women of their own accord keep guard over themselves (9.12), thus referring to the familiar theme of self-control. Verses 9.10–11 also advise the husband to keep his wife busy with a variety of household works; an attitude of suspicion and distrust of women is obvious from many texts. This may be explained by the fact that such statements tend to originate from ascetics. Some of these texts have been used by Western commentators and Indian feminists critical of Hindu society as proof that Hinduism discriminates against women, underplaying the interlinked, symbiotic nature of gender relations in Hindu thought. In social reality, for many traditional Hindus the need to protect female chastity remains a major concern, both in India and in the West, and many Hindu females are only reluctantly allowed to go out to work. Older girls are under especially strict supervision, and a clear preference for single-sex education is a logical consequence of such attitudes. It is too superficial to dismiss the Hindu approach to women merely as sexist. We have seen that Hindus are for a number of reasons concerned with the purity of the individual’s mind and body; men are also governed by such idealistic concerns, although the rules may be less rigid. The male chauvinist attitudes of many contemporary male Hindus are just as far away from Hindu ideals as the behaviour of the young Hindu girl who elopes with a lover. As noted earlier (A.2.c) Hindus often find it difficult to address issues of a sexual nature, sweep matters of same-sex relations under the carpet and struggle similarly to make sense of sex change. Ambivalent traditional attitudes to eunuchs (hijras) are carried over into the partly hostile treatment of individuals who have undergone sex change. A.7.e. Are All People Equal? The answer to this question has already been given in different ways in a number of previous sections and in A.7.a above. For Hindus, the answer to the question is clearly ‘No’, despite philosophical awareness of cosmic unity and the existence of the same atman in all created beings.

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The caste system would need to be looked at in some detail to study how religiously legalised inequality works in practice. There would also be much scope for discussing the conflicts arising for Hindus out of life in an environment that presupposes the equality of all individuals, especially in legal terms. The Hindu awareness of inequality and of division of labour in society also means that no individual can in principle be totally self-sufficient; other people are needed and they, too, have needs. In other words, a realisation of people as social beings and an integrated small part of a much larger whole lies at the core of Hinduness (see A.1.a). This is reflected in the continuation of extended family concepts (A.3.b). However subconscious, this awareness of interdependency is characteristically Hindu and is fundamentally different from an individualistic, self-centred approach to life, which does not really seem possible for a Hindu. A.8. CONFLICT AND VIOLENCE A.8.a. Why does Conflict Exist? The Hindu ethical ideal of ahimsa (‘non-violence’, ‘avoiding harm to others’) would seem to imply that conflicts between nations and among individuals are reprehensible, violence must be avoided, and the desire for harmony should prevail everywhere. This reflects the key concept of dharma as self-controlled ordering (A.1.a). However, the Hindu concern for balance, harmony and order remains always tempered by realisation that maintaining a balance may involve handling imbalances to restore order. Already the Vedic hymns contain invocations to various gods for victory in battle (for example, Rigveda 1.101). Armed conflict was certainly not uncommon in ancient India and all sides seem to have invoked their respective gods to help towards victory. Mahabharata 12.254.29 claims that ahimsa has been considered the highest dharma from time immemorial. This is contradicted by the central passage in the Bhagavadgıta in which Arjuna is admonished to go into battle to uphold dharma, even if it involves killing his own relatives (see A.1.c). The notion appears more prominent in the philosophical literature of the Upanishads. We then find it applied by the Emperor Ashoka (c. 274–32 BCE, see B.1.d), who turned to Buddhism and renounced all warfare after a cruel war which he himself fought. In his 13th Rock Edict, statements of moral principles rather than legislation, he advises that violence and war should be replaced by conquest through dharma: ‘That conquest, again, is everywhere productive of a feeling of love. Love is won in conquest by dharma. That love may seem almost insignificant, but his Sacred Majesty considers it productive of great fruit also in the world beyond’. The essence of this philosophy was adopted by Mahatma Gandhi, whose practice and teaching of non-violence did not mean absolute obedience in the

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face of injustice nor silent, passive suffering, but rather renunciation of aggression, despite a path of action against oppression. Violence as such is therefore not contrary to dharma and the ethical ideal of ahimsa must be seen in the context of relativity. Killing in self-defence and for the purpose of upholding dharma was and is not considered a crime and cannot be universally seen as wrong (A.8.d). The principles of relations between states in ancient India are discussed by Bhatia (1977), seeking to prove that ancient India had a highly developed public international law well before later European concepts. Relations between states were based on considerations in the context of dharma and artha. Concerns for humanity, chivalry and the maintenance of agreements, that is, the sanctity of treaties and alliances, are important. Satisfaction of state interest is the main guiding principle of foreign policy (book 7 of the Arthashastra). Bhatia (1977: 81) reports that the Mahabharata advises a policy of conciliation and compromise to avoid armed conflict. A weak king should surrender to his enemies rather than go into a futile battle (Arthashastra 7.15.13ff.). War should only be a last resort, a necessary evil to determine the strength of equal partners (see A.8.d). Manusmriti 7.193 and 7.200 reiterate the idea that conquest should not be made by fighting if avoidable. Should it come to war, however, Bhatia (1977: 93) argues that Hindus had high ideals of warfare. Arthashastra 10.3.1–25 outline several methods for overcoming enemies, but verse 26 states that open warfare, in which the place and time for the fight are indicated by the combatants, is most righteous. If in such a test of strength one party succumbed, peace should be sought to avoid further bloodshed (Arthashastra 10.3.54–6). A broken enemy should not be embarrassed and harassed (10.3.57). An apparent element of selfinterest comes in here: the victor will become the new sovereign of the conquered nation and should create an atmosphere of goodwill. The warring kings of ancient India could not retreat to an isolated island after the combat – they had to live with the new situations they had just created. Similar reasons of expediency and concern for ahimsa underlie rules that atrocities against civilian populations should be restricted. The distinction between combatants and non-combatants is firmly recognised (Bhatia 1977: 94 and 99). Arthashastra 13.4 is adamant that a wise ruler would not like to take over a destroyed country whose people have been killed. While taking booty was evidently not uncommon (Bhatia 1977: 107; Manusmriti 7.96–7), the treatment of prisoners of war, according to Bhatia (1977: 106) was subject to humane rules. Idealising statements abound: Bhatia (1977: 108) claims that humanity triumphed in ancient India over the desire for revenge. In the context of world peace, awareness of these ancient concepts appears to have impacted on India’s leadership of the non-alignment movement. Bhatia (1977) argues that the world could perhaps learn something from the Hindu approach to armed conflict.

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A.8.b. Why do Different Nations Exist? This question was of little concern to traditional Hinduism. Throughout its long history, India has rarely been a politically united and unified country. Early Vedic tribes formed a number of separate nations. Later Hinduism and its continuation did not depend on whether there was a Hindu ruler or not: centuries of Mughal rule in India have not wiped out Hinduism and the modern secular Indian state is Hindu-dominated, but not meant to be a Hindu nation, much to the chagrin of many Hindu nationalists. The idea of a nation-state based on adherence to a certain religion is a recent phenomenon in the subcontinent (see A.8.c). It has particular relevance to the creation of Pakistan in 1947 as a separate state for Muslims and also plays a role in current struggles over the identity of Bangladesh – both countries have Hindu minorities whose claims to full citizenship are heavily contested. A.8.c. National and Ethnic Conflict While the idea of nation-states based on adherence to a particular religion is a recent phenomenon in South Asia (A.8.b), the separation of the Indian subcontinent in 1947 into India and Pakistan was accompanied by widespread communal violence and mass expulsions, as the physical separation of people who had for many centuries lived together caused severe problems and much suffering, especially in border areas. While the separation of Bangladesh from Pakistan in 1971 involved much further bloodshed, there is an ongoing process of ethnic cleansing directed against Hindus, Buddhists, Christians and Tribals in Muslim-dominated Bangladesh which upsets many Hindus. In terms of ethnicity, the basic concept of distinguishing between ‘us’ and ‘them’, India constitutes many different ethnic entities and thus, some people argue, different nations. However, there is also much awareness of belonging to the overarching Indian political unit, a secular federal state, in which there is a guaranteed place for all belief systems, including secularism and atheism. Indian secularism pointedly emphasises equidistance of all religions, not the separation of law and religion. India’s complicated federal arrangements attempt to keep very different groups of people under one political umbrella. This strategy has been tested in several crises and gives rise from time to time to what is called ‘communal’ violence. In particular, some sections of the Sikh population have been demanding a separate state for Sikhs, Khalistan (see C.8.b). This is directly against the letter and spirit of the Indian Constitution, which would not allow secession from the federal Union. The secular Indian state treats the Sikhs (as well as Jainas and Buddhists) as equal to Hindus. However, many Sikhs have been objecting to being classed and treated as Hindus.

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From a Hindu perspective, the acceptance of internal plurality and thus of difference between many ethnic groups leads to an inclusive approach, in which different ethnic and religious entities have the basic right to co-exist within the same nation. Modern India has created constitutionally guaranteed rights to freedom of religion (Articles 25–8) and specific protection for minorities (Articles 29–30), which are heavily debated but support and secure the secular framework of the country. For example, at the time of writing India has a Muslim president and a Sikh prime minister. In Pakistan and Bangladesh, such safeguards exist on paper, but Hindus are in practice treated as inferior citizens and could not hold the highest offices. A.8.d. ‘Just War’? Discussion about war and peace have a long tradition in Hindu writing, and the famous epics of the Mahabharata and Ramayana both centre on war scenarios and the resulting ethical issues as illustrations of dharma. The general principle is that, to defeat evil, that is, to avoid chaos (A.6.c), it may be necessary to go to war and to kill. The epic poem Bhagavadgıta, part of the Mahabharata, teaches the necessity and moral justifiability of armed conflict, provided it is in the interest and for the preservation of dharma. Thus Krishna tells Arjuna (2.37) that he will not incur any sin in battle: ‘If you are killed in the battle you will go to Heaven; if you win, you will enjoy life on earth. Therefore arise, oh son of Kunti, ready to fight’ (Radhakrishnan 1960). In much stronger words, the heroic Arjuna is reminded of his duties as a kshatriya in upholding a righteous cause. Since he is acting in defence against the aggressive clan of the Kauravas, he is morally justified to use violence. Bhagavadgıta 2.31 and 2.33 says: ‘Consider also your own dharma, you should not hesitate; for a kshatriya nothing is better than a righteous war. But if you refuse to fight this righteous war, then, renouncing your own dharma and honour, you will certainly incur sin’ (Radhakrishnan 1960). The concept of the just and righteous war (dharmayuddha) appears also in the Arthashastra, which is above all concerned with expediency in the context of governance and administering a country. In this sophisticated work on statecraft, considerations of self-preservation and political survival are prominent, but Hindu ethics go beyond protecting those who happen to rule and seek to protect respect for diversity and symbiosis. A.8.e. Contemporary Challenges India has recently become a nuclear power and justifies this by the need for self-defence against its latently hostile Muslim neighbour Pakistan, which also controls weapons of mass destruction, and to some extent China. The mutual deterrence and the anticipated terrible consequences will hopefully

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result in non-use of such weapons, but Hindu concepts of non-violence do not provide a firm safeguard against ancient awareness that outside aggression must not be tolerated if it has detrimental effects on Hindu perceptions of dharma and justice. Terrorism is a current issue of particular relevance in India and all over South Asia. In diaspora as well as in South Asia, Hindus are reacting with hostility and concern to extremist Muslim claims that only a certain type of ‘true’ Islam is acceptable and that Muslims everywhere in the world should be governed only by God’s law. In India, so-called Hindu fundamentalists have responded with their own forms of terror against Muslim assertions of Islamic historical glory in the subcontinent and a separate Indian Muslim identity outside of the carefully balanced secular framework (see A.8.c), destroying a mosque in Ayodhya in 1992 and killing many Muslims in Gujarat in 2002. While such violence cannot be condoned, it can be understood as action in defence of dharma and its inherent respect for ethnic and religious difference (A.8.c) and as a form of pre-emptive strike against Muslim claims of superiority. Further evidence that Hindu ‘fundamentalists’ have recently copied terror techniques from others arises when Western scholars of Hinduism face internet persecution and other harassment for alleged violations of Hindu sentiments and some companies faced trademark litigation for using Hindu symbols in inappropriate contexts. Such conflicts should be understood in the wider context of contemporary difficulties to understand pluralism and its various effects. It is evident that modern ‘nationalist’ Hindus with monotheistic presuppositions are often not sufficiently aware of their own plurality-conscious socio-religious history, sliding into reactive copycat violence in heated contests over the right to life and co-existence for different kinds of people in the world (A.7 and A.8.b). A.8.f. Social and Domestic Violence Much could be said here about failures to understand the interlinked and symbiotic nature of all human relations (see A.1.a and A.3.b) and of internal diversities within Hindu thought patterns and values. Sectarian and communal violence may occur when Hindus as ‘others’ are denied the right to their own views (A.8.c). Domestic violence has become a big issue in India and affects family relationships (A.3.b), conflicts between spouses (A.3.c) and a general rise in violence. Where reasoned argument is replaced by brutality, scholarly discussions seem useless, and those in positions of authority, ultimately today the state, may have to resort to punishment (A.6.c) to maintain order and balance. But state laws find it virtually impossible to control such abuses, and idealistic appeals to self-controlled ordering are necessarily limited in effectiveness. Reliance on idealistic ethics and the principle of self-control does not, for example, protect Hindu wives against being

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tortured or killed for allegedly not having brought enough dowry into a marriage (Menski 1998). A.9. GLOBAL ISSUES A.9.a. Responses to World Poverty Ancient Hindu ethics link problems of poverty to concepts of fate as well as karma and the caste system. Poverty may be perceived as a sign of punishment for earlier bad deeds. Wealth and its effects are discussed in the context of artha (A.4.f). Poverty is abhorred and pitied, while material wealth is considered important (for example Manusmriti 12.8). Hindu epics depict at times paradise-like conditions and only in a few places are hungry people mentioned: Arthashastra 2.136 advises the ruler not to tax subjects suffering from famine. Gopalan (1977: 75) argues that the absence of material wealth and well-being is likely to hinder moral growth. A person who has to worry about survival is unlikely to have the peace of mind to develop the balanced approach to the aims of life which Hinduism considers ideal. Manusmriti 10.104 is concerned with appropriate methods of survival for Brahmins in distress (A.4.b). They were allowed to subsist by occupations other than those of their varna, while it is forbidden for non-Brahmins to live by the occupation of a higher caste (Manusmriti 10.96). The texts do not explain how society as a whole responded to poverty. Gopalan (1977: 84) refers to social consciousness, leading the affluent to part with a share of their wealth to support the destitute. Prominent Hindu leaders follow this model when they distribute food and clothes to poor people and admonish their followers to do the same. In master–servant relationships, this solidarity comes through as well, supported by considerations of artha as well as dharma. A Hindu would most probably not turn away a destitute person who came begging, though ‘donor fatigue’ is an issue. But what about concern for all those who do not come to one’s door, but are starving? Total abolition of poverty is seen as unrealistic, so Hindus might simply ignore the plight of others, or explain it in terms of karma as a consequence of past actions. Today’s India as a socialist, secular democratic republic promises not only social, but also economic justice through the Constitution of 1950. The underlying spirit and execution of these policies have Hindu elements in them: a non-violent approach aims to create greater social consciousness among all citizens, leading to gradual redistribution of individual and national wealth based on concerns of public interest. As a result, in 1978 the Indian Constitution abolished the fundamental right to property. General economic development and targeted socioeconomic measures (for example, land reforms and rural work-creation programmes) have meant that, more recently, starvation on a large scale has not occurred in India.

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A.9.b. Responses to Population Control Population control in the sense of limiting the number of people born is totally alien to traditional Hindu thought (A.5.c). The unlimited desire to have children, sons in particular, was earlier explained by the need for the family to secure its future. Lack of medical facilities and hostile climatic conditions once meant that many children died. The Hindu texts are therefore concerned with increasing fertility rather than birth control. The marriage rituals include many verses praying for abundant and strong offspring, and there are early Vedic rules on raising extra-marital offspring. Even now prolonged infertility of the wife often means the end of her marriage (see A.3.c). The dharma literature is concerned to put the husband, in particular, under a duty to cohabit at the right time so that a child is conceived (see Manusmriti 3.45–9 and 9.4). Wasting potential pregnancy time is in some texts even considered a crime equal to the killing of an embryo (A.3.a, A.5.c). Obviously the perspective at earlier times was fundamentally different from present concerns. Modern India has a population of more than a billion people, with a net increase of 17 million a year, equivalent to the population of Australia. This can be called a population explosion, but India is not really overpopulated: a country the size of India can feed many more people. Continuing widespread rural poverty and many urban slums, however, show the undoubted need for population control, and it is officially well recognised, with many Hindus practising birth control. The number of births per thousand women from the age of 15 to 45 has come down significantly, but there are so many young people of child-bearing age now that the increase in real numbers will remain a problem even if every family had only one child. India has not, like China, used law to punish families with more than one child. Hindus may not now be obsessed with fertility, but they continue to place much emphasis on having at least one son. Since social and medical conditions have changed, it is now sufficient to have fewer births. Especially in the middle classes, having two children, or even only one, is now the norm. While there are some ethical problems connected with the prevention of unwanted pregnancies (A.5.c), it often remains difficult to convince men of the advantages of birth control because of fears that women will abuse the new ‘freedom’. A major challenge now is clearly education of the lower classes who, often out of pure ignorance, continue to produce more children than they want. The government is reasonably active in promoting birth control and has, on the whole, been quite successful in getting the message across to the people. Sterilisation for either spouse appears to be growing in popularity (A.5.c) and new forms of termination of pregnancy have also developed. Growing awareness of the HIV/AIDS threat, which in India affects mostly heterosexual people (see A.2.e), seems to contribute now to wider acceptability of condoms.

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A.9.c. Planet Earth and Ecology The realisation that the earth (prithivı, ‘the wide or extended one’, sometimes bhumi, the actual world that we live in) is a limited resource is not documented in the Hindu texts. Stutley and Stutley (1977: 234) refer to one instance in the epics when the earth declares that she cannot bear so many people. However, this is not evidence of ecological problems, as the episode is clearly used to explain why there is death on earth. The primeval importance of heaven and earth is not denied in Hinduism, but neither is it elaborated in worship. In a smriti version of the Vedic creation myths (Manusmriti 1.13) the male purusha (see A.7.a) is divided by the creator into two halves, heaven and earth, also representing male and female. But there are other creation myths in which prithivı plays no role. Some of the Vedic gods, sometimes seen as children of Mother Earth and the sky, became more important in worship than their parents. There is only one short, insignificant hymn to Prithivı in Rigveda 5.84. In the context of Vishnu worship, Prithivı appears more often. Some Purana texts see her originate from Vishnu and liken her to a lotus leaf. Mother Earth is connected with fertility, but the connection with a more prominent Hindu symbol of abundance and fertility, the cow, is spurious. Sıta, Rama’s wife in the epic Ramayana, appeared from a furrow and is linked to the earth. She also appeals to the earth when Rama doubts her chastity (Ramayana 6.118). The ruler, Manusmriti 9.303 says, should emulate the actions of the earth, and verse 9.311 explains that because the earth supports all equally, the ruler should support all his subjects. The earth may be revered in certain situations, such as when a dancer performs a greeting (namaskaram) to her and asks for her forgiveness in the beginning of the dance for trampling on her. One may see this as evidence of latent ecological consciousness among Hindus. The Arthashastra is not only concerned with efficient agriculture and advises on the exploitation of forest produce for the benefit of the city, but also shows evidence of concern for the environment and the need for environmental protection. Modern India has severe environmental problems, not only as a result of industrial exploitation and disasters such as the Bhopal gas leak in December 1984, but also because of increased pressure on the environment of a growing population. Development of environmental consciousness seems to be more advanced among certain groups of Western people than among Hindus. A study on alternative development and ‘the welfare of all’ (sarvodaya) points out that voluntary simplicity in the face of hunger and need is much more difficult to achieve in India than in an affluent society (Kantowsky 1980: 162). Sarvodaya in the East must try to satisfy basic needs, while simplicity in the West simply has to resist the temptations of affluence. Recent debates about genetic modification, especially in agricultural contexts, are well developed in India and point to the continued relevance of

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traditional Hindu concepts. The holistic Hindu approach has no basic moral problems with gene manipulation, though the risks of creating malignant varieties are appreciated. Unlike most adherents of monotheistic traditions, Hindus perceive Nature and man as one. Acceptance that humans are part of nature rather than its master leads to the view that, while Nature cannot be totally controlled and manipulated, there is no objection in principle to the idea and practice of manipulating genetic material. Current debates and objections to gene technology and its various implications are in fact mainly directed against exploitation by foreign multinational companies and their ruthless acquisition of intellectual property rights (patents) over ancient Indian plants, seeds and systems of knowledge, which would deprive farmers of ancient rights. These debates, led by activists like Vandana Shiva (2000) and Sunderlal Bahuguna, reflect opposition against the idea that genetic material can be privately owned (and thus patented). This may be seen as unethical in Hindu terms but modern India, in protecting its national interests, has embraced the concept to secure its future as an emerging economic power house. Recognition that the environment is constantly changing and that preservation of biodiversity and prevention of loss of genetic heritage are important co-exist with some concerns that excessive manipulation may have negative implications on ecological balance, people’s diet (A.5.e) and public health. To what extent elements of Hindu philosophy can provide the basis for environmental ethics was discussed by Crawford (1982: 149f.), who found that a reverence for nature needs to be developed, that people must see themselves not as separate from nature, but as an integral part of it. This biocentric view, leading to a more fully developed ecological consciousness, was present in basic traditional Hindu concepts and is elaborated in more recent work (Crawford 2003; Shiva and Moser 1996). However, such debates will not save India from grave environmental disorders unless more effective official steps are taken to protect the environment. Remarkably, the Indian higher judiciary has taken a lead in developing a uniquely Indian environmental jurisprudence which is fed by Hindu notions of an overriding order to which all life forms are subject. Thus, basic Hindu concepts continue to influence not only the way in which India develops, but also contribute to the discussion of many important issues in the world. A.10.a. Glossary Ahimsa Artha Ashrama Atman Avatara Bhakti

Non-violence Attainment of riches and power. One of the four goals of life Stage of life Essence of life; individual self Incarnation, or down-coming of God, for example Rama and Krishna Loving devotion to a deity

Hinduism Brahmacarin or Brahmacarı Brahmacarya Brahman Brahmin Danda Dharma Divalı Grihastha Guru Hindutva Jati Kaliyuga Kama Karma Kshatriya Mantra Manusmriti Matsyanyaya Mleccha Moksha Namaskaram or Namaste Papa Prayashcitta Purushartha Raja Rajadharma Rita or rta Samnyası or Samnyasin Samsara Samskara Satya Shraddha Shruti Shudra Smriti

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Student or pupil in the first stage of life The first stage of life; celibacy The all-pervading, self-existent power, transpersonal ultimate reality Priest; member of the first caste Stick, punishment Righteousness, duty, truth or teaching The Hindu festival of light Householder; man in the second stage of life Teacher; spiritual guide Hindu-ness, Hindu ‘nationalism’ or ‘fundamentalism’ Caste (really sub-caste) The world era of greatest moral deterioration Sensual gratification or pleasure. One of the four goals of life Action, and reaction. The law of karma teaches that what you sow, you will reap Member of the second varna or caste; warrior Ritual verse or word A major text on dharma, guidance for Hindu ways of life Chaos; ‘shark rule’ Non-Hindu; foreigner Liberation, being free from the round of rebirth, samsara The Hindu greeting, spoken with folded palms Sin; crime Penance The four aims of life King, ruler, also head of a clan The ruler’s set of rights and duties Eternal law, cosmic order Man in the fourth stage of life; ascetic Cycle of rebirth Sacrament, ritual marking a rite of passage Truth Expiatory rituals, especially for ancestors ‘What was heard’, revealed truth or knowledge, a term for the Vedas Member of the fourth varna or caste ‘Remembered’ knowledge, collective term for all traditional Hindu texts after the Vedas, including Ramayana and Mahabharata The individual’s dharma Member of the third caste or varna Man in the third stage of the four stages of life

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Varna ‘Colour’, caste Varnashramadharma The system of individual duties according to one’s caste and stage of life Veda Knowledge, also a term for the collection of ancient scriptures seen as most authoritative by Hindus, divided into Rigveda, Samaveda, Yajurveda and Atharvaveda Vyavahara Dispute resolution, litigation, legal business

A.10.b. Bibliography Texts Bühler, G. [1886] (1975), The Laws of Manu (Manusmriti), Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Doniger, W. (1991), The Laws of Manu (Manusmriti), London: Penguin. Dutta, M. N. (1978), The Dharam Shastra: Hindu Religious Codes, vols I–VI. Cosmo reprint. This includes also smriti literature other than the Manusmriti mentioned in the text. Ganguli, K. M. (1989), The Mahabharata, vols 1–12, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Griffith, R. T. H. (1971), The Hymns of the Rig Veda, vols I–II, Varanasi: Chowkhamba. Jolly, Julius [1889] (1977), The Minor Law-Books, reprint Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Kangle, R. P. (1965), The Kautilıya Arthashastra: Part III – A Study, Bombay: University of Bombay. Limaye, V. P. and R. D. Vadekar (eds) (1958), Eighteen Principal Upanishads, Poona: Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala. Radhakrishnan, S. (1960), The Bhagavad Gita, London: Allen & Unwin. Shastri, H. P. (1962), The Ramayana of Valmiki, vols I–III, London: Shantisadan. General Altekar, A. S. (1962), The Position of Women in Hindu Civilisation, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Ballard, Roger (ed.) (1994), Desh Pardesh. The South Asian Presence in Britain, London: Hurst. Balse, M. (1976), The Indian Female, New Delhi: Chetana. Banerjee, S. C. (1980), Crime and Sex in Ancient India, Calcutta: Naya Prokash. Barnouw, E. and S. Krishnaswamy (1980), Indian Film (2nd edn), Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bhatia, H. S. (1977), International Law and Practice in Ancient India, New Delhi: Deep & Deep. Braybrooke, Marcus (2004), Hinduism. Rediscovering the Mystical, Delhi: Jaico. Burghart, Richard (ed.) (1987), Hinduism in Great Britain, London: Tavistock. Coward, H. G., J. J. Lipner and K. K. Young (1989), Hindu Ethics, Albany, NY: SUNY Press. Crawford, S. C. (1982), The Evolution of Hindu Ethical Ideals, Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii. Crawford, S. C. (2003), Hindu Bioethics for the Twentyfirst Century, Albany, NY: SUNY Press. Day, T. P. (1982), The Conception of Punishment in Early Indian Literature, Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press.

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Derrett, J. M. D. (1968), Religion, Law and the State in India, London: Faber & Faber. Dumont, L. [1970] (2nd edn 1980), Homo Hierarchicus, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Dwivedi, O. and B. N. Tiwari (1987), Environmental Crisis and Hindu Religion, New Delhi: Gitanjali Publishing House. Flood, Gavin (ed.) (2003), The Blackwell Companion to Hinduism, Oxford: Blackwell. Flood, Gavin (2004), An Introduction to Hinduism, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gandhi, M. K. [1927] (1982), The Story of My Experiments with Truth, Harmondsworth: Penguin. Gopalan, S. (1977), Hindu Social Philosophy, New Delhi: Wiley Eastern Ltd. Jackson, R. and D. Killingley (1991), Moral Issues in the Hindu Tradition, Stoke-onTrent: Trentham Books. Jackson, R. and E. Nesbitt (1993), Hindu Children in Britain, Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham Books. Jhingran, S. (1989), Aspects of Hindu Morality, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Kanitkar, V. P. Hemant (1987), We are Hindus, Edinburgh: Saint Andrew Press. Kantowsky, D. (1980), Sarvodaya: The Other Development, New Delhi: Vikas. Knott, Kim (1998), Hinduism. A Very Short Introduction, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lele, J. R. and T. Kanitkar (1980), Fertility and Family Planning in Greater Bombay, Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Leslie, J. (ed.) (1991), Roles and Rituals for Hindu Women, London: Pinter. Mehta, R. (1975), Divorced Hindu Women, New Delhi: Vikas. Menski, Werner (ed.) (1998), South Asians and the Dowry Problem, Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham Books. Menski, Werner (1991), ‘Marital Expectations as Dramatised in Hindu Marriage Rituals’, in Leslie (ed.), pp. 47–67. Menski, Werner (2003), Hindu Law. Beyond Tradition and Modernity, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Prime, R. (1992), Hinduism and Ecology, London: Cassell. Ross, A. D. (1973), The Hindu Family in an Urban Setting, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Shiva, Vandana (2000), Tomorrow’s Biodiversity, London: Thames & Hudson. Shiva, Vandana and Ingunn Moser (eds) (1996), Biopolitics: A Feminist and Ecological Reader on Biotechnology, New Delhi: Orient Longman. Sontheimer, G.-D. and H. Kulke (eds) (1989), Hinduism Reconsidered, New Delhi: Manohar. Stutley, M. and J. Stutley (1977), A Dictionary of Hinduism, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

A.10.c. Addresses UK Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 4a Castletown Road, West Kensington, London W14 9HQ. www.bhavan.net

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International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), Educational Services UK, Bhaktivedanta Manor, Hilfield Lane, Aldenham, Watford, UK WD25 8EZ. www.iskcon.org-uk/ies Maharashtra Mandal London, 30 Penney Close, Dartford, Kent DA1 2NE. www.mm.london.co.uk National Council of Hindu Temples (UK), Sri Sanatan Mandir, Weymouth Street, Leicester LE4 6FP. www.nchtuk.org The Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies, 15 Magdalen Street, Oxford OX1 3AE. www.ochs.org.uk The Swaminarayan Hindu Mission, 105–119 Brentfield Road, Neasden, London NW10 8LD. www.mandir.org North America Canadian Council of Hindus. www.hindunet.org International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) USA. www.iskcon.net Vishwa Hindu Parishad of America. www.vhp-america.org

B. Buddhism Peggy Morgan

B.1. RELIGIOUS IDENTITY AND AUTHORITY B.1.a. On Being a Buddhist Every Buddhist takes full responsibility for his or her deeds, words and thoughts, or to use a Buddhist phrase, ‘body, speech and mind’. What is important is the intention that motivates any of these, and it is this intention that bears spiritual fruit. All mental states have mind as their forerunner, mind is their chief, and they are mind-made. If one speaks or acts, with a defiled mind, then suffering follows one even as the wheel follows the hoof of the draught ox. (Dhammapada v. 1, tr. Rahula 1959: 125)

Buddhists believe that no intention is ever wasted, whether it is good or bad, seen or unseen by others. People are all at different stages of development with different potentials (see B.7.a). This is an important part of the doctrine of karma, (Sanskrit; kamma in Pali – see the glossary for further details) which teaches that ‘what you sow you shall reap’, if not in this life then in future rebirths when the fruit of karma ripens. Gautama Buddha points out in the Anguttara Nikaya in the Sutta Pitaka section of the Pali Canon that it is mental volition that he calls karma. This does not mean that Buddhists are not keenly aware of the need for combined practical social action as well as good individual intention, especially in Western societies which expect religious groups to be socially involved. But the Buddhist feels it is of prime importance that statements on social issues and involvement in social causes arise from the right individual intention, and that people are not at the mercy of undue social pressures or under manipulation to behave in a certain way. Good mental attitudes, with the appropriate karmic effects, can be developed when people are prepared to undertake certain conventions of life and rules for training themselves. It can be claimed that Buddhist ethics are not absolutist, though there is a sense of what moves towards perfection, the Enlightened mind and heart or Nirvana. A compassionate and wise heart and mind are essential for Enlightenment˙ and can be seen as absolute goods, but Buddhist ethics are not absolutist in any stipulation of how compassion or

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wisdom are exercised, are put into practice; this depends very much on the context. Gautama Buddha did not issue commandments to people; for example he did not say ‘do not steal’, but he did indicate that it is wise not to take what is not freely given. He encouraged his followers to adopt certain precepts which commit them to the training of body, speech and mind in various key areas. The basic programme of training consists of groups of five and ten precepts, which are listed below. Also important in Buddhist understanding is the interdependence, pratıtya samutpada (p. paticca samuppada; see B.10.a.), of any individual being with all other sentient beings and the moral responsibility which this brings. The Buddhist community consists of two main groups. There are householders who lead ordinary lay lives, get married, have children and work in all kinds of occupations. Then there are the world renouncers or almsmen and women, those who join the monastic samgha (p. sangha), the order of ˙ and bhikkhunıs), who do monks and nuns, bhikshus and bhikshunı (p. bhikkhus not marry and who live on alms, depending on the householders for the places they live, their food and their clothing, giving in return the gift of teaching, dharma (p. dhamma). The householders usually take five precepts, sometimes called vows in English, which are: 1. I undertake the rule of training to refrain from harming any living things (ahimsa). ˙ 2. I undertake the rule of training to refrain from taking what is not given. 3. I undertake the rule of training to refrain from a misuse of the senses. 4. I undertake the rule of training to refrain from wrong speech. 5. I undertake the rule of training to refrain from taking drugs or drinks which tend to cloud the mind. On special days householders may take another three precepts or even the complete list of ten for a short, set time, for example a day, a weekend or a month. Precepts six to eight are: 6. I undertake the rule of training to refrain from taking food at an unseasonable time, that is after the midday meal. 7. I undertake the rule of training to refrain from dancing, singing, music and unseemly shows; from the use of garlands, perfumes, ointments; and from things that tend to beautify and adorn (the person). 8. I undertake the rule of training to refrain from (using) high and luxurious seats (and beds). When the list of precepts is extended to ten, number seven is divided in two, in which case six to ten read: 6. I undertake the rule of training to refrain from taking food at an unseasonable time, that is after the midday meal.

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7. I undertake the rule of training to refrain from dancing, music, singing and unseemly shows. 8. I undertake the rule of training to refrain from the use of garlands, perfumes, ointments, and from things that tend to beautify and adorn (the person). 9. I undertake the rule of training to refrain from (using) high and luxurious seats (and beds). 10. I undertake the rule of training to refrain from accepting gold and silver. Novice monks and nuns on what is called the lower ordination live by the rules of training in the ten precepts (dasá-s´ıla). Full members of the samgha ˙ on the higher ordination take on many other disciplines listed in 227 ‘rules’, which include limiting their possessions to a few items such as robes, a razor and an almsbowl. All these vows and precepts can be ‘taken’ or ‘given back’ if the burden becomes too onerous for an individual. People do what they can for as long as they are able. When Buddhists commit themselves to very broad precepts such as refraining from wrong speech, they will obviously want to discuss with others and then decide individually what counts as wrong speech. In the Buddhist scriptures and commentaries this is further defined as telling lies, slandering people, talking frivolously, gossip and saying harsh things. Any discussions about harming living things will take into account whether the harm is done intentionally and also what counts as a living being and whether some lives are more important than others. These are very important questions in the debates about euthanasia, contraception and vegetarianism, for example (see B.5 and B.9). Buddhists will ideally listen to the ideas and advice of others, especially anyone who is considered wiser than they are, and including members of other religions (see B.7.b). The Buddhist way includes not only morality (s´ıla), but also the practice of meditation (samadhi) and the development of wisdom, prajña (p. panna). Wisdom involves having the right view of the world, a view outlined in the four noble truths (see B.6.b). The last of these truths is the noble eightfold path, which expands the areas of morality, meditation and wisdom even further, starting with wisdom. Wisdom Right understanding is the perception of the world as it really is, without delusions. This involves particularly understanding suffering, the law of cause and effect and impermanence, including the impermanence of the individual self or soul. Right thought involves the purification of the mind and heart and the growth of thoughts of unselfishness and compassion, which will then be the roots of action.

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Morality Right speech means the discipline of not lying, and not gossiping or talking in any way that will encourage malice and hatred. Right action is usually expanded into the five precepts listed above with positive actions such as being generous and compassionate. Right livelihood is a worthwhile job or way of life, which avoids causing harm or injustice to other beings. Meditation Right effort is the mental discipline which prevents greed, hatred and ignorance arising, tries to stop these and other inappropriate thoughts and feelings that have arisen, and encourages what is good. Right mindfulness involves total attention to the activities of the body, speech and mind whether one is standing, walking, sitting or lying down. Right concentration is the training of the mind in the stages of meditation. It is thought that truly ethical action is not possible without wisdom. Meditation is also interdependent with wisdom: ‘From meditation springs wisdom; from the lack of meditation there is loss of wisdom’ (Dhammapada v. 282, tr. Radhakrishnan 1950). The ideal way of proceeding and putting belief into action is a measured balance between looking at the scriptures which contain the traditions of the various forms of Buddhism, listening to the advice of wise people, being aware of one’s own inner motives and testing theoretical teaching in one’s own experience (see B.1.b). Buddhists then act with full responsibility for the consequences of their decisions on their own and other people’s lives. Gautama Buddha did not claim to have found something new and unique. He said he had found ‘an ancient noble path’. Buddhists are tolerant of the paths in other world views, and the way in which they can be an expression of true values (see B.7.b). B.1.b. Authority Buddhist communities might well suggest that they have always had within them a democratic ideal. From the beginning it was said that the samgha ˙ ‘in would flourish only if it met together regularly and made its decisions unity and concord’. It is essentially a decentralised institution based on local communities. Seniority of respect is given according to the number of years a person has been a monk or nun; social status outside the samgha is left ˙ does not behind on entry. The World Fellowship of Buddhists (see B.10.c) pronounce in general terms on moral issues, although there are some Buddhists who would like it to do so.

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On the other hand, traditional attitudes found in the scriptures and figures of authority (see B.l.c) are always listened to and respected, and most Buddhists seek out the opinion of someone who is wiser than they are on important matters. Also in traditional contexts, members of the samgha are seated higher than householders and obedience is expected of ˙younger monks towards their elders. In the end, however, individuals are responsible for their actions and have an obligation to test tradition by their own experience. The Buddha is quoted as saying: Yes, it is proper that you have doubt, that you have perplexity ... Do not be led by reports, or tradition or hearsay. Be not led by the authority of religious texts, nor by mere logic and inference, nor by appearance, nor by delight in speculative opinion ... nor by the idea ‘this is our teacher’. But, when you know for yourselves that certain things are unwholesome and wrong, and bad, then give them up ... and when you know for yourselves that certain things are wholesome and good, then accept them and follow them. (Rahula 1959: 2–3)

In the Introduction to his book on Mahayana Buddhism (1989: 1–6), Paul Williams emphasises the doctrinal diversity within Buddhist movements, a term he prefers to schools, but sees a moral core in monastic observance and in the basic code of lay ethics. B.1.c. Authority Figures in the Faith Each Buddhist community, whether it is a village in Sri Lanka, Burma or Thailand or a Tibetan or Zen dharma centre in the West, has a special relationship with a dharma teacher who in the majority of cases is a member of the samgha and may be the abbot of a monastery. All members of the samgha ˙ ˙ are honoured for the way of life symbolised by their saffron robes. However, not all members of the samgha are teachers and some teachers, especially in some Japanese and Tibetan˙ traditions, are not monks or nuns. These figures have authority only in so far as those who go to them find their teachings helpful and true to experience (see B.1.b), and in so far as their own way of life has moral and spiritual integrity. Once there is a bond of confidence between a teacher and a spiritual pupil (see B.2.b), the pupil will be guided by the teacher’s advice. There is certainly no equivalent to the Pope in Buddhism, and statements made by figures such as the Dalai Lama have no automatic authority for other than their own school of Tibetan Buddhists, and even then only as subjected to the test of authority outlined in B.1.b. Ordinary Buddhists, however, would be considered foolish if they were not prepared to listen to people who are thought to be wise, and many Buddhists think that the authority of wisdom is most likely to be found in those who have donned the saffron robe and devoted themselves to long years of study and practice. This still has to be tested out in one’s own experience, however, and is profoundly challenged

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if a dharma teacher, as occasionally happens, is found to be corrupt in any way. B.1.d. Duties of Leaders The most developed model of leadership in Buddhism is that of the dharmaraja or righteous king, also called a cakravarti (p. cakkavatti). The ideas involved in this model, however, can be adjusted to other forms of leadership and linked with a pattern of democracy, freedom and egalitarianism that is at work in many contemporary societies. ‘Of course the term “king” should be replaced today by the term “government”. “The Ten Duties of the King”, therefore, apply today to the head of state, ministers, political leaders, legislative and administration officers and so on’ (Rahula 1959: 84–5). In the end, Buddhists believe it is good men and women who make good social systems, and the effect works from the top downwards. When kings are righteous, the ministers of kings are righteous. When ministers are righteous, householders also are righteous, the townsfolk and villagers are righteous. The crops ripen in due season and men who live on these crops are long-lived, well-favoured, strong and free from sickness. (Sivaraksa 1988: 52)

The ten duties of a king or government, as they are given in various Jataka texts in the Pali Canon, are as follows: 1. Generosity for the benefit of the people (see B.4.d). 2. A high moral character which observes the five precepts (see B.1.a). 3. Being prepared to give up all personal comfort and glory and even one’s own life in the interests of the people. 4. General honesty, which means not being open to threats or bribes or deceiving people. 5. Having a kind and gentle attitude. 6. Ability to lead a simple life free from self-indulgence, and exercising great self-control. 7. Must be free from hatred towards anyone and not bear grudges. 8. Should try to promote peace by avoiding and preventing war and generally try to avoid violence and the destruction of life. 9. Ability to be patient, tolerant and understanding. 10. Should not oppose the will of the people but should rule in harmony with them. Buddhists believe that these ideals were lived out by Ashoka, the great Indian Emperor who lived in the third century BCE. Here is an extract from one of his edicts: ‘All men are my children. Just as I seek the welfare and happiness of my own children in this world and the next birth, I seek the same things for all men’ (see Eppsteiner, 1988: 111–19). The politician U Nu, who became

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Prime Minister of Myanmar (Burma) at independence in 1948, strongly linked Buddhism with the obligations of the ruling powers and said: Politics ... has no other purpose than to protect the people from danger, to guard democratic rights, to give economic security to all, to wipe out malnutrition and disease, to banish ignorance, to develop human character, and to prevent wars. Religion should therefore be the guide. (King 1964: 264)

So Buddhists have the confidence that it is possible to rule without hurting anyone or causing grief, but through righteousness. This ideal has been severely tested in contemporary Myanmar (Burma) since 1962, where the samgha as well as laypeople are divided in their support for the military rule of ˙The State Law and Order Restoration Council, or The National League for Democracy under Aung San Suu Kyi which uses peaceful (and many would say very Buddhist) means in her resistance to the military rule. B.1.e. Duties of Subjects and Citizens There is far more material in Buddhism on the duties of rulers to their subjects than on the duties of subjects (or citizens as many would prefer) to their rulers. All the precepts and attitudes of Buddhists (see B.1.a and B.2.a) are thought to make people good citizens who respect the functions of rulers, as they respect all other roles and the human beings who fulfil them. If the individual relationships of children and parents, husbands and wives (see B.3.b), teachers and pupils, friends (see B.2.b) and employers with employed (see B.4.b) are functioning properly, then householders are playing their part correctly. The good of society depends on the individual worth of its citizens, and the goodness of society is but the sum of the goodness of component individuals. No abstraction called ‘country’ or ‘society’ claims more loyalty than any individual being (see B.8.a). Blind obedience is not a Buddhist attitude and ‘obedience does not occur in any of the clauses of the ethics of the Buddhist layman and does not enter into any one of the divisions of the Eightfold Path’. (Rhys Davids 1965: 181–2) As events in some contemporary Buddhist countries such as Myanmar show, citizens such as Aung San Suu Kyi might feel impelled to use civil disobedience and non-violent resistance to try to change a political regime. She received the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1991 whilst under house arrest. She does not see the movement for democracy as hers but one built on collaboration amongst the people and a desire for dialogue with the rulers. Bruce Clements in the Introduction to his book of conversations with her describes how in 1988: Millions of citizens marched peacefully in every city and town throughout the country, calling for an interim civil government, a democratic multi-party system with free and fair elections and a restoration of basic civil liberties. As these demonstrations gathered momentum, military commanders ... responded by

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ETHICAL ISSUES IN SIX RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS sending out thousands of crack infantry troops with orders to kill. A female student demonstrator later reported ‘We sang to them: “We love you; you are our brothers; all we want is freedom; you are the people’s army; come to our side”’. (Suu Kyi 1997: xiiif.)

In the case of Tibet, too, there has been more than one response of Buddhist subjects to Chinese rule since 1959. Some Buddhists have collaborated with the Chinese; others, including many monks and nuns, have been involved in violent protests in their attempt to foil Chinese dominance of their country. Others have left Tibet and, following the Dalai Lama, have advocated non-violence and compassion towards their enemies (see also section B.8). In Thailand, which he prefers to call Siam, Sulak Sivaraksa has spoken out, in the name of Buddhism, against injustice and corruption and has suffered periods of imprisonment. B.2. PERSONAL AND PRIVATE? B.2.a. Personal Qualities One of the most important qualities for Buddhists to develop is an alertness to, or awareness of, what is going on in their own minds and hearts, in their relationships with others and in the world in general. This means that Buddhists try to be mindful, not heedless. It is important for them to think and act as selfless people, those for whom the barriers between themselves and others, themselves and the world have disappeared. The disappearance of egoism and selfishness means that they are ideally as concerned about others as about themselves (see also B.7.a). Ideal personal qualities are summed up in the lists of six or ten perfections (paramitas). The longer list of ten contains the following qualities: 1. generosity (dana [s., p.]) – giving freely. 2. morality (s´ıla; p. sıla) – acting virtuously. 3. renunciation – letting go of anything that is unnecessary or harmful to the spiritual life. 4. wisdom (prajña; p. panna) – acting wisely. 5. energy – acting vigorously in important things. 6. patience – accepting life and people. 7. truthfulness – being honest. 8. resolution – applying oneself with determination to the important things in life. 9. loving kindness (maitrı; p.metta) – being kind and compassionate to all beings. 10. equanimity – being stable, well-balanced and even-tempered, whatever happens. It is linked with contentment.

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Overlapping this list of perfections are four ideal states of mind that a Buddhist tries to develop. These are called the brahma-viharas and are loving kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy and equanimity. Together they form a basis for all good relationships. These qualities all overlap with the attitudes and path already described in B.1.a. A recent writer on Buddhist virtues identifies humility, self-mastery and equanimity as particularly important (Cooper and James 2000: 90ff.). The following passage presents a general picture of the personal qualities of which Buddhists approve: The person who is kindly, who makes friends, makes welcome, is free from avarice, is understanding, is a conciliator, such a one obtains good repute. Generosity, kindly speech, doing good to people, fairness in all things, everywhere, as is fit and proper, these are indeed the means on which the world turns, just as a chariot moves on quickly depending on the pin of a wheel axle. (Dıghanikaya v. 192, tr. Carpenter 1960)

B.2.b. Friendship Making friends and friendliness are natural results of the breaking-down of barriers between oneself and others, mentioned in the previous section (see also B.7.a). The interlinking of good states of mind can be seen from the fact that maitrı, translated in B.2.a as loving kindness, is sometimes translated as friendliness. Any relationship which exploits another person and involves taking what is not given (see precepts in B.1.a) is not true friendship. Friendliness extends towards all living things and not just people, for example towards an animal that needs one’s help and protection or a tree that has sheltered one from the rain or sun (see B.9.c). Choice of friends is very important, because people tend to grow like those with whom they mix. Buddhists say that a wise enemy might do you less harm than a foolish friend. It can take time to know people and first impressions are sometimes misleading, so real friendship cannot be rushed. Friendship brings certain responsibilities, such as keeping promises, not listening to gossip about friends, staying with them through success and failure, happiness and unhappiness, and being sympathetic but never flattering them in a hollow way. The Buddha’s advice to the young layman Sigala includes a description of foes disguised as friends: those who give little and expect much; whose sayings are empty; who flatter and who are wasters. Good friends are, on the other hand: practically helpful; constant in success and adversity; give good advice; and are sympathetic (Rahula 1959: 121–2). In five ways should one minister to one’s friends and familiars ... by generosity, courtesy and benevolence, by treating them as one treats oneself, and by being as good as one’s word. In these five ways thus ministered to ... one’s friends and familiars act in sympathy with one; they protect one when one is off one’s guard, and

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ETHICAL ISSUES IN SIX RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS on such occasions guard one’s property; they become a refuge in danger, they do not forsake one in times of trouble and they show consideration to one’s family. (Sigalovada Sutta in the Pali Canon’s Dıgha Nikaya III 189–191, quoted in Harvey 2000: 100)

It is, however, possible to walk through life without meeting anyone who is an appropriate friend. In this case, Buddhists advise in verses 328–30 of the Dhammapada: And if, in walking, you do not meet a companion who might be suitable for you, continue resolutely your solitary walk. A fool is not company. The solitary walk is more worthwhile, a fool is no companion. Walk alone and do not do evil, having few desires, like an elephant in the forest. (Saddhatissa 1970: 140–1)

As well as ordinary friendships between equals, Buddhists talk about a special kind of friend called a kalyana mitra (p. kalyana-mitta) or spiritual ˙ monks or meditation ˙ friend. These are often, but not always, teachers. The qualities of such friends are their own confidence and stability in the religious path they have chosen, their fundamentally moral character, their learning, their capacity to give and their wisdom in working for another person’s wellbeing. They will then be able to help others question, practise and grow in religion under their guidance. Buddhists count themselves very lucky if they have such a friend. The kalyana-mitra ideal is emphasised in particular in one of the ˙ in the West, called The Friends of The Western new Buddhist movements Buddhist Order (FWBO) which supports the Western Buddhist Order (WBO, see B.10.c). B.2.c. Sex before Marriage The kinds of friendships discussed in B.2.b might be formed between members of the same or the opposite sex, but that discussion did not include sexual relationships. Falling in love can, of course, include all the qualities of good friendship mentioned in the first part of B.2.b, but it also extends to sexual attraction and may lead to marriage. In sexual as in all other relationships, whether before, outside or inside marriage, Buddhists emphasise the intention behind words or deeds. Lying to another person about whether you love them, whether you want to marry them or whether you have had or are having sexual relationships with anyone else is expressly seen as wrong for anyone who has taken the precept to abstain from wrong speech (see B.1.a). Other precepts also have a bearing on sexual relationships, both before, outside and after marriage. For example, the first precept raises the question of harm that may be caused, either to the other partner or to a child that might be conceived (see B.9.b). The harm done may be physical and emotional, as in the extreme examples of rape, paedophilia or incest, as well as psychological, as in cases of sexual harassment. Precept

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two alerts everyone to the problems involved in taking what is not freely given. This does not indict only extreme behaviour such as rape, but also persuasion to sexual activity when the other person is unsure or unwilling. The third precept covers misuse of the senses to stimulate sexual desire, thus leading to unmindful sexual activity. People can lose control of their emotions as a result of certain kinds of music, exotic perfumes, stimulating clothing, or the general atmosphere at certain kinds of parties. Unwise sexual activity can also follow the taking of drink and drugs (see B.4.e), which are mentioned in the fifth precept. For a Buddhist it is always unwise not to be totally aware of what you are doing and of its full implications. This includes protection for one’s self and others against sexually transmitted diseases, of which HIV/AIDS (see B.2.e) has the highest profile. Birth control and the availability of abortions (see B.5.d) might help to avoid responsibility for some of the physical consequences of sexual activity, but they bring with them another responsibility for the harming of life (see also B.5.c and B.9.b) and in the case of abortion often emotional trauma. As will be discussed in B.3.a there have traditionally been no religious marriage ceremonies in Buddhist cultures. The term ‘marriage’ has been applied here to the legal contract between a man and a woman with the knowledge that in some contexts there is debate about the permitting of homosexual ‘marriage’. Sex before ‘marriage’ or outside a stable, loving partnerships, can, of course apply to both homosexual (same-sex) or heterosexual relationships. B.2.d. Homosexuality Homosexuality refers to same-sex relationships. Homosexual and lesbian relationships may be seen as unwise or unnatural in traditional Buddhism which identified only two types of straightforward sexuality: that of celibate monks and nuns and that of married householders engaged in heterosexual family life, mainly for the procreation of children. In the monastic communities, according to the Vinaya, the code of monastic practice, any kind of sexual intercourse was traditionally a cause for expulsion from the order. For the laity attitudes might vary in different cultural contexts and some Buddhist centres in the west have been the context for gay marriages. Traditional attitudes are influenced by the fact that homosexual acts do not lead to procreation and might involve oral or anal sex which is forbidden whatever one’s orientation. Keown (2005: 63) quotes the Dalai Lama as affirming the dignity and rights of homosexuals in San Francisco in 1997 after some consultation with the gay community, but only after outlining traditional attitudes which included adding to the list ‘forbidden orifices’, which are any organs other than the vagina and saying that masturbation is proscribed for Buddhist practitioners. He did, however, acknowledge that Buddhist precepts and approaches are affected by the social conventions and

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dominant ethos of their century and country of origin. He seemed to accept that on issues such as gay rights, opinions of what is right and wrong, permissible and forbidden, may change, but that this had to be done ‘on a collective level’ by the whole Buddhist community under the leadership of the samgha. ‘Right action’ has to be worked out in whatever time, place and situ˙ people find themselves. ation Harvey’s survey (2000: 411ff.) of both relevant descriptions in Buddhist literature and practices in Buddhist cultures both historically and contemporaneously indicates that the situation was just as complex in the past as it is today and most of the issues are not new. He points out that at the time of the Buddha, individuals called pandakas, which he translates as ‘sexually dys˙ functional passive homosexuals’, ˙were not allowed to be ordained as monks and that hermaphrodites were also banned. These two groups, those without complete male or female organs, and those with both male and female organs, are the two alternative biological types to the male and female. One suggestion that relates to Buddhism’s seeming ambiguity in relation to homosexuality is that there are no moral absolutes in Buddhism (see B.1.a) which say that any particular action or type of relationship is always wrong or always right. Much depends not only on traditional guidelines but also on the intention of those involved. Account has to be taken of individual people and the way they have been moulded by their social contexts. Harvey, however, asserts on this issue that ‘One can say that Buddhism, except certain strands in Japan and America, doesn’t follow a relativistic and situational ethic’ (ibid: 417). Keown agrees more generally and says that the focus of the classical commentators is on certain acts which are prohibited for both homosexual and heterosexual couples, that is, intercourse through wrong parts or a forbidden orifice – in other words oral or anal sex (Keown 2005: 65). In one contemporary Buddhist context, Keown quotes controversy in Thailand over the presence of gay monks and the demand by senior monastic figures that they be expelled. Whatever people’s sexual orientation and inclinations, Buddhism has always taught that self-control and chastity are a high and wholesome path. B.2.e. HIV/AIDS HIV/AIDS is just as much an ethical and practical challenge in Buddhist as other contexts. In Thailand, a traditional Buddhist country, it is on the increase and is sometimes linked with the existence of gay bars, though it has long since, as all over the world, become part of the heterosexual scene too, and the many female as well as boy prostitutes contribute to its spread. Linked with the challenge of HIV/AIDS is the diagnosis of foetuses as HIV positive and whether the mother should seek an abortion on these grounds (see B.5.d). In Thailand when women avoid what is seen as the evil of abortion, they often go on to abandon their abnormal babies and a figure of 70,000

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abandoned babies for one reason or another is quoted by Harvey for the years 1992 to 1994 (2000: 323). Harvey draws on the writings of an American scholar and the way that Buddhists involved in events like the Gay Pride March in New York in 1994 see mutual support against homophobia and in illness as fulfilling the Buddha’s words which were originally addressed to monks: ‘If you do not tend one another, then who is there who will tend you? Whoever would tend me, should tend the sick’. This approach has led also to the setting up, for example, of the San Francisco Hartford Street Zen Centre’s AIDS hospice called Maitrı (the term in Sanskrit for loving kindness or friendliness). Another innovation has been one meditation teacher’s use of insight meditation specifically to deal with the fear, rage and grief arising from the AIDS epidemic and ‘the self-hatred that they have ingested from the surrounding society’ (Harvey 2000: 431). Buddhists would also join in arguments that are common in other societies for making available clean needles to addicts. This does not need to be seen as legalising or condoning drugs, but does make the risk of infection less. Another area of debate which is related is the use of condoms. B.3. MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY B.3.a. The Meaning of Marriage To marry is to enter into the life of a householder with its own ethical bases and status (see B.1.a). The ideal in Buddhism tends to be the renouncing of householder status, but householders are still respected and without them the samgha could not exist. There are named householders in the Pali Canon ˙ who became enlightened during the lifetime of the Buddha, but Theravada Buddhism emphasises how difficult it is to concentrate on spiritual matters when you have to earn a living, pay the mortgage, attend to the needs of partners and children, mend the drains and so on. Mahayana Buddhists are far more optimistic about the possibility of a householder attaining Nirvana, and ˙ there is a famous illustration of this in the sutra about Vimalakırti (see B.10.b). There is no specifically religious marriage ceremony in traditional Buddhist cultures, although members of the samgha are usually asked to chant special ˙ texts of blessing after the legal state ceremony. Buddhists are bound by the marriage laws of the country in which they live. In Japan many people marry in a Shinto context and are buried in a Buddhist one without any sense of a clash. In the West, Buddhists are experimenting with forms of marriage blessings which link their faith with this important step in life. One example comes from Samye Ling, a Tibetan Buddhist centre in Dumfries, Scotland, which has been fulfilling the civil as well as the religious side of marriage on its premises for some time. Here are quotations from two possible religious ceremonies.

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The first, from Samye Ling, emphasises that marriage is a joyful state: May there ever be goodness, renown, great riches and all life’s necessities in their finest of forms: great joy, bliss and happiness, strength, good influence and the very best material life which is enduring, free of sickness and wherein all one’s wishes are fulfilled. (Samye Ling 1984)

The second example, from the Buddhist Society in London, conveys a sense of sharing life and common ideals: Therefore let your love for one another be as the love between two pilgrims on the self-same way, sharing alike your joys and sorrows and the thousand incidents that form the day, in all things sympathetic, helpful, courteous to one another, caring only for each other’s welfare and the common good.

It is not a religious custom for Buddhists to arrange marriages for their children, but it did happen in India where Buddhism began (see B.3.b), and it has remained the social custom in some Buddhist countries, where it is often seen as a dimension of parental care to help in such matters (see B.3.b). Monks, however, are forbidden to be involved in matchmaking. Polygamy and even polyandry has also been practised by Buddhists when this was the social custom in a particular society. Almost all the personal qualities and precepts of Buddhism outlined in B.1.a and B.2.a have direct bearing on the very close relationship which marriage involves. Loving kindness and compassion and mindfulness in the relationship are important at all times. The third precept (see B.1.a) is translated by many Buddhists as an undertaking not to commit adultery. Exploitation of a partner and hurting them by unfaithfulness are in disharmony with the intentions of the marriage bond. The positive counterpart to the precept is ‘joyous satisfaction with one’s own wife’ (Harvey 2000: 68) and an emphasis on contentment. As long as the intentions are good, Buddhists accept the married state as a wholesome one for those who do not wish to be celibate monks and nuns. People are at different stages of growth, and there is an appropriate role for everyone. B.3.b. Family Relationships Husbands and wives both live under the same five householders’ precepts, and aspire to the same perfections (see B.1.a and B.2.a). There should always be mutual respect and consideration between them. In the Pali Canon, Gautama Buddha outlined five ways in which a husband should treat his wife in his advice to Sigala (See Dıgha Nikaya III in Harvey 2000: 99ff.) 1. Being courteous to her. 2. Not despising her. 3. Being faithful to her.

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4. Handing over authority to her. 5. Providing her with not only necessary clothing, but extra adornments too. The wife in return: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Orders the household well. Is hospitable. Is faithful. Takes care of the family wealth. Works hard.

Buddhism gives a very important position to mothers and the love mothers give their children. The Metta Sutta says of the ideal of loving kindness: ‘Just as a mother would protect her only child even at the risk of her own life, even so let one cultivate a boundless heart towards all beings’ (Rahula 1959: 97). In the Tibetan Buddhist tradition, spiritual teachers encourage their pupils to think of all beings as if they were their mothers and to vow to help them towards Nirvana, as the following words from the Manjushri Institute in Cumbria, UK, ˙show: These sentient beings are all my mothers. I contemplate again and again how they have cherished me with kindness. I request that I may soon give birth to the spontaneous great compassion, like a mother’s compassion for her dearest child.

The care of a son for his mother, even a son who has become a monk, is told in the story of Maudgalyayana, one of the Buddha’s close followers, who searched for and then tried to feed and rescue his mother in the realm of the hungry ghosts (see Lopez 2004: 329ff.). The role of the father is also seen to be a very caring one and the Lotus Sutra has two moving parables about a father’s love for his children. In one the father uses great skill to rescue his children from a burning house. In the other the father takes off his fine clothes and dresses as a servant in order to approach, talk to and help a son who has lost all his self-respect and is glad to be given the job of clearing out the dung. As well as those ideals, Buddhists would claim a very practical attitude to family relationships: ‘at the moment I think it is important to establish peace and harmony in the world and in the family: it is in the family and among your friends that it is important’ (quoted in Bowker 1983: 184). Families should support each other emotionally. A family that is close and sticks together is like a forest of trees which can withstand the force of the wind, when a solitary tree would bend and break: ‘Supporting one’s father and mother, cherishing wife and children, peaceful occupations – this is the highest blessing’ (Mangala Sutta, in Rahula 1959: 98–9). ˙ practical obligations of parents towards children are In the Pali Canon the to restrain them from vice, encourage them to be virtuous, give them training

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in a profession (see B.4.b), help them towards a suitable marriage (see B.3.a) and in due course give them their inheritance. In return children should respect their parents, support them when necessary, take over some of their duties when they become too heavy, respect the laws of inheritance and follow the correct rites when they are dead. Buddhists, of course, realise that this general picture has to be adapted to different cultural conditions while the general principles of respect, courtesy, care and support are maintained. They would also emphasise that family love and responsibilities must always leave room for spiritual growth. Here, freedom is an important quality. Each individual needs enough emotional space to grow. Love is freeing, not imprisoning and should not involve a sense of ownership of a person. So children may need to leave home, and even married couples may need to separate or divorce, painful though that is. B.3.c. Marriage Breakdown For a Buddhist, making a vow is a serious matter, whether it is done within a civil or religious ceremony. Since marriage involves the exchange of promises between two people, any breakdown of the relationship and the harm that this brings is to be avoided wherever possible. Stability in society is important for the happiness of everyone, and the family unit is seen as the core of this stability. So whilst there is no objection in principle to divorce in Buddhism and marriage is not a ‘sacred ceremony’ (see B.3.a), in traditional societies social and economic pressures militate against it. Yet Buddhists are realistic about the fact that people, circumstances and relationships are constantly changing and that in some instances people ask to be released from their vows. This is accepted if it seems the best course of action for all concerned. It must be borne in mind that the morality of any action for a Buddhist is based on the intention with which it is performed (see B.1.a). Selfishness is always discouraged and loving kindness is always better than hatred; but there is nothing in itself wicked or unforgivable about the breakdown of a marriage. Painful situations are often good teachers and can take people on to a deeper spiritual growth and insight. The important thing is that mistakes are faced and lessons learned from them and that attention should be paid to minimising the harm to anyone involved, especially children. B.4. INFLUENCES ON AND THE USE OF TIME, MONEY AND OTHER PERSONAL RESOURCES B.4.a. Education Ignorance, avidya (p. avijja) is a basic evil in Buddhism and is portrayed twice in the wheel of life, as a blind man with a walking stick and as a hog or pig. Another term for ignorance is delusion, or even illusion. This involves not

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knowing the truth about the way things are. The opposite of being ignorant is not being clever or knowing a lot, but being wise. Wisdom, prajña (p. panna) is the climax of the eightfold path (see B.1.a) and the perfections (paramitas, see B.2.a). It is the goal of all truly Buddhist education. Before the state established schools in Buddhist countries, the monasteries provided children with the basics of reading and writing, gave an understanding of traditional Buddhist languages and literature, and generally passed on the cultural heritage. Initiation into adulthood usually involved a period of education in a monastery. Monks and educated lay Buddhists continue to offer classes in Buddhism, Pali and other textual languages, generally side by side with state schooling, even in the West. There have always been Buddhist universities and many new ones have been established in the twentieth century. ‘The goal is to prepare the students to relate Buddhist doctrine to the contemporary situation and to train them for effective service in society. For the most part the students have gone on to teach ... and to participate in various community projects’ (Dumoulin and Maraldo 1976: 55). There are three stages in education which Buddhists believe are important for the development of wisdom. First of all material has to be listened to and learned in a conventional, factual way. Then there needs to be some consideration, study and discussion of its meaning, relevance and implications. The last stage is making the material one’s own, integrating it into one’s life, realising it and acting upon it. So wisdom is practical. In the end it is what you do and are, not just what you know which is important. ‘A man is not learned simply because he talks much. He who is tranquil, free of hatred, free from fear, he is said to be learned’ (Dhammapada v. 258, tr. Radhakrishnan 1950). Two further points are important to Buddhists. The term cinta; (p. citta) can be translated as mind or heart, and Buddhists try to educate the feeling as well as the thinking side of a person. There is also in Buddhism a remarkable sense of ‘testing things out in one’s own experience’, which is very compatible with Western educational methods and scientific enquiry. Two modern Buddhist comments on education spell out what is demanded. The first is: ‘Since critical reflection is an important part of human potential and essential for spiritual growth, we endorse the broadest possible expression of literacy and educational opportunity’ (Hughes 1984, section 3: 6). The importance of this critical faculty cannot be overstated, since it is only by developing it that the young may be protected from dangerous kinds of conditioning. The second states: The education that is needed for the present time is one that can wash away from the innocent minds of the young generation all the dogmatic knowledge that has been forced upon them with the purpose of turning them into mere tools of various ideologies and parties. Such a system of education will not only liberate us from the prison of dogma but will also teach us understanding, love and trust. These qualities – understanding, love and trust – are the prescriptions needed for


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the revival of our society that has been paralysed by suspicion, intrigue, hatred and frustration. (Thich Nhat Hanh 1967: 57)

When a Buddhist primary school, called The Dhamma School, was being established in the Brighton and Hove area of the UK in 1994, its pamphlet stated that it would be open to families of any cultural or religious background and that ‘all that is required is an open mind, and a belief that the citizens of tomorrow need more than mere knowledge and vocational skill to prepare them for the complexities of today’. Its aims included preparing young people ‘to deal wisely with the challenges of life; to remember their truest values in the midst of social pressures; to respond resourcefully and calmly to uncertainty; to feel a natural kinship with all others, regardless of differences of birth and opinion; and to develop a light-hearted and resourceful attitude to life’. B.4.b. Work The fifth stage of the noble eightfold path (see B.1.a) is right, correct, appropriate or proper livelihood. The way one earns one’s living is important to Buddhists and any jobs which involve going against precepts such as not harming, not taking what is not given and not making false statements are thought to be inappropriate or wrong (see B.1.a). The traditional Buddhists’ list of inappropriate occupations includes dealing in arms, buying and selling slaves or any other living beings, buying and selling meat, and anything that involves alcoholic drinks, drugs and poisons except medicinally (see B.4.e). One’s approach to work can be linked with the seventh and eighth stages of the path, which encourage both right effort and being mindful or alert whatever you are doing: ‘he who does not get up when it is time to get up, who, though young and strong, is full of sloth, who is weak in resolution and thought, that lazy and idle man will not find the way of wisdom’ (Dhammapada v. 280, tr. Radhakrishnan 1950). The Buddha is said to have recommended that a person be: ‘skilled, efficient, earnest and energetic in whatever profession he is engaged and that he should know it well’ (Rahula 1959: 82). Hard and appropriate work may bring excess wealth (see B.4.d) and worldly success, which can be seen as a sign of good karma and also be used for merit-making activities such as supporting the monastic samgha. A model here from the Pali Canon is Anathapindika, the rich merchant˙ who gave the monastic samgha the Jeta Grove and built a monastery for them (Vinaya˙ in Conze et al. 1995: 17–20). Lack of work often brings both Pitaka II,154–9, ˙ poverty and despair which can only be detrimental to society (see B.4.a and B.9.a). One modern British Buddhist group, the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order, organises Right Livelihood Co-operatives, which seek to put into

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practice Buddhist ideals in relation to work. You do not have to be a Buddhist to join one, though you do have to agree with its aims. They are very varied and include building, painting and decorating, wholefood shops, second-hand shops, restaurants, photo setting, printing and arts and crafts. They are democratically organised and aim to fulfil the following: Right livelihood should involve no alienation. Work should be an integral part of a complete lifestyle which, taken as a whole, fulfils all the needs of the developing individual. Work should never become so dominant in a person’s life or be so boring and unpleasant that it can only be done for the sake of rewards. No more should it be necessary to compensate for the frustration and dullness of work with periods of indulgence ... Work and play, effort and relaxation, should be so balanced that the individual is always bright and alert, alive and joyful. The cooperative team must, then, consider the human and spiritual needs of each of its members, allowing sufficient material support, time for other activities ... and whatever personal help and encouragement each may need. (Subhuti 1983: 160)

Ernst Schumacher, the famous twentieth-century economist, who had worked in Burma (now Myanmar) as an economic advisor in the 1950s, was profoundly affected by Buddhist attitudes and wrote: The Buddhist point of view takes the function of work to be at least threefold; to give a man a chance to utilise and develop his faculties; to enable him to overcome his ego-centredness by joining with other people in a common task; and to bring forth the goods and services needed for a becoming existence. (Schumacher 1973: 45)

In Theravada Buddhism, monks and nuns are freed from the need to provide their own food, clothing and shelter in order to concentrate on meditation, which many of them refer to as their work. In Zen monasteries and amongst many ordinary lay Buddhists it is emphasised that any work situation can be used for the practice of mindfulness, sati-patthana (p.). There is a whole sutta ˙˙ (sutra in Sanskrit) in the Pali Canon on this practice (see Rahula 1980: 109–19) and in many ways mindfulness is the basis of all meditation. B.4.c. Leisure and its Use Leisure is important for a balanced human life. It is entirely up to the individual Buddhist what he or she does with leisure time, and the possibilities vary with different cultures and different circumstances. The important thing is that all the precepts and attitudes outlined in B.1.a are kept in mind. This means it is unlikely that Buddhists will spend their time hunting, fishing or drinking to excess, for example. Many Buddhists spend leisure time at dharma centres and viharas, where they meet friends, offer food to monks and nuns, chat, drink tea, listen to talks, meditate, take classes, help with maintenance and organisation and generally involve themselves with the company and care

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of a group of people who share their attitudes towards life. There are certain arts such as ikebana, calligraphy, painting and tai-chi which have cultural links with Buddhism and people with a particular interest in them will find groups with whom they can share these activities. Nature, whether in landscapes or gardens, has important lessons to teach about change, rebirth and beauty, so it has always been of particular interest to Buddhists (see B.9.c). In the West, festival celebrations are usually planned for weekends so that Buddhists can be together for them, and it is not unusual to find Buddhists spending their annual holidays in country retreat centres or summer schools. Others may spend a Saturday or Sunday on a peace march, hospital visiting or helping the community generally. Although every Buddhist will give a slightly different answer if asked about leisure and its use, most will mention that the sheer peace of a dharma centre or of wandering in the gardens of the Japanese Zen monasteries, or a period of meditation, is one of the best refreshments from the noisy, busy and fragmented world in which most of us live. Another contrast with the secular environment that is often commented on is the sense of belonging to a caring community, of the warmth and friendship that is found in a Buddhist group. Many Buddhist families in the West even move house and workplace to be near a dharma centre so that they can spend as much of their leisure time as possible with members of the samgha, ˙ and bring their children up in an environment with deep religious values. B.4.d. Wealth Buddhism is sometimes called a middle way between extremes. The Buddhist attitude to wealth is a good example of this. Every human being needs enough basic food, clothing and shelter to be free from anxiety. However, if people have too much wealth and too many possessions they can spend all their time preserving and guarding them, while being in a permanent state of anxiety in case they lose them. It is this attachment to wealth rather than the wealth itself that does not bring happiness. Equally, if people have no food, and inadequate clothing or homes, they will inevitably have different obsessions or may fall into despair. Either way, they will find it difficult to lead fully human lives (see B.5.b) and sustain spiritual practice. In the advice to a righteous ruler (see B.1.d) it is said: ‘Whoever in your kingdom is poor, to him let some help be given’ (Cakkavatti Sıhanada Sutta, quoted in Ling 1980: 117). The same text points out that extreme poverty breeds crimes such as theft, and that it is the state’s responsibility to see that no one is forced to act desperately because they are poor (see B.5.b): ‘Thus because provision was not made for the poor, poverty became widespread, and from this stealing increased, from the spread of stealing violence grew, and from the growth of violence the destruction of life became common’ (ibid: 121). The way of life of both Buddhist householders and members of the samgha is ideally free of greed as well as obsessive self-denial, and in this way ˙

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non-attachment can be said to be the aim of both. The right attitude to all material things is: ‘Look upon the world as a bubble, look upon it as a mirage ... for the wise there is no attachment at all’ (Dhammapada vv. 170–1, tr. Radhakrishnan 1950). Gautama Buddha was born as a prince in a wealthy environment which cushioned him against understanding suffering and death. He felt that he had to leave this way of life, to find out the truth about the way things are. After a period of fierce self-denial he found that a gentler way with a minimum of possessions, one main meal each day and a simple shelter was a better foundation for contentment and he embarked on a life of service teaching others the truths he had realised. He gave the householders who listened to him the gift of the dharma (truth or teaching) and help with their practical and spiritual problems. He had no personal wealth, so in return the householders provided him with food, cloth for robes and somewhere to stay. This pattern of interdependence still continues. Buddhist monks and nuns could not survive if householders did not have enough excess food and wealth to support them. The householders would not share their wealth if they did not believe that the dharma that they receive in return is the greater treasure. Monks and nuns are living examples of happiness attained by nonattachment to wealth: ‘Let us live happily, then, we who possess nothing’ (Dhammapada v. 200, tr. Radhakrishnan 1950). Ordinary Buddhist householders hope that their hard-working and honest lives will bring health, wealth, long life and happiness to themselves and their families. For them, wealth is a perfectly proper goal in life. What is important is that it is honestly earned with a right livelihood (see B.4.b) and that it is properly used. Hoarding money and miserliness are condemned, as is the irresponsible dissipation of wealth: ‘And which are the six doors of dissipating wealth? Drink; frequenting the streets at unseemly hours; haunting fairs; gambling; associating with evil friends; idleness’ (Sigalovada Sutta, quoted in Rahula 1959: 120). The proper use of wealth involves looking after family and friends, proper investment in business, and if there is any excess, giving it to charitable causes and to the support of the samgha. Generosity (dana) is one of the most important lay Buddhist virtues ˙(see B.2.a). The capacity to give shows that one is not unhealthily attached to wealth and possessions, and there is no better focus of giving than Buddha, Dharma and Samgha, known in Buddhism as the ˙ great merit and the desire to three jewels, triratna (p. tiratna). Such gifts bring give them can be said to be an important factor in Buddhist society. ‘A certain stimulus to economic effort is provided by the Buddhist’s need to have a surplus of wealth to be used for religious purposes but Buddhist culture acts as a brake on the accumulation of wealth’ (Ling 1980: 106). A person needs to be wise to handle wealth properly. ‘Riches destroy the foolish, not those who seek the beyond. By a craving for riches the foolish person destroys himself as he destroys others’ (Dhammapada v. 355, tr.

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Radhakrishnan 1950). On the other hand, with the right attitudes, the lives of householders are no different in quality from those of monks or nuns. ‘He who though dressed in fine clothes fosters the serene mind, is calm, controlled; is established in the Buddhist way of life, is chaste, and has ceased to injure all other beings, he indeed is a bhikkhu’ (ibid. v. 142). B.4.e. Drugs The fifth precept, which is taken by Buddhists throughout their lives (see B.1.a) says: ‘I undertake the rule of training to refrain from drugs or drinks which tend to cloud the mind’. Buddhists emphasise the need to be alert in body, speech and mind in order to live mindfully and meditate properly. A person with a clouded mind will not be able to make wise decisions and will not have a firm grasp of the truth about the way things are, and the consequences of his or her actions. The Sigalovada Sutta in the Pali Canon lists six dangers connected with being addicted to intoxicating liquors. They are actual loss of wealth, increase of quarrels, susceptibility to disease, loss of good character, indecent exposure and impaired intelligence. This discouragement of drugs does not include the use of medicines for anyone who is ill. These are permitted by Buddhists when properly administered by a doctor and used for the health and wellbeing of the patient (see B.5.b and B.5.e). What is seen as not skilful is drug and alcohol abuse. These prevent people from engaging in the full realities of the world and impede their capacities for moral and intellectual decision-making. They therefore come under the heading of causing harm to oneself. Dealing in illicit drugs, which are like poisons, is categorised as a wrong livelihood (see B.4.b) as it involves harming others. Spending money on drink and illicit drugs is categorised as wrong use of or dissipating wealth (see quotation in B.4.d). Despite the approaches outlined above, the Buddhist attitudes to those who are addicted is usually compassionate and in places such as Thailand as well as in the West Buddhists are involved in centres using various means to cure and counsel addicts. B.4.f. The Media If web sites, newspapers, magazines, television and radio and the journalists who work on them inform people truthfully about the world in which they live and help them to be alert and mindful both of other people and events, then Buddhists are enthusiastic about them. If, on the other hand, they are vehicles for gossip, propaganda, and arouse hatred and greed or generate illusions, then Buddhists are critical of them. Many romantic magazines and television series encourage people to admire materialistic and self-indulgent lifestyles which involve sexual promiscuity, over-indulgence in food and

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drink, and exploiting others. This obviously goes against the whole ethos of right living for a Buddhist who would emphasise simplicity, self-control, generosity and kindliness (see B.1.a and B.2.a). Since watching television, listening to the radio or reading newspapers and magazines are entirely voluntary and since there are a large number of programmes and publications to choose from, the important thing for a Buddhist is to educate and encourage people to be wise and discerning. People need to understand the effect the media can have on attitudes and behaviour, and then appraise the options and try to make the wisest choice for their own lives and those of the people around them. There is no reason why the lifestyle and values of any one culture should be seen as normative, and Buddhists on the whole support freedom of expression and of the press and do not advocate censorship, though that does not mean it has never taken place in Buddhist contexts. Sulak Sivaraksa, a Thai lay Buddhist, (see also B.1.e) has experienced jail and the confiscation of his publications because of his outspoken criticisms of the Thai government, which he does in the name of Buddhist values (see Sivaraksa 1988). The question of the media is closely linked to that of advertising (see B.4.g): ‘Asian cultures today are swamped beneath the flood of Western entertainment, advertising and propaganda. Thus Buddhists particularly sympathise with efforts towards cultural self-determination and the democratisation of communications’ (Hughes 1984: section 3.7). B.4.g. Advertising Buddhists greet the subject of advertising with various searching questions. Do advertisements tell the truth or do they mislead people and therefore come under the heading of wrong speech (see B.1.a)? Are they harming anyone? Is it wrong to encourage greed, to persuade people to want more and buy more than they need, in a world in which so many people do not have even the necessities of life? Does this create the wrong kind of economy, based on egotism and consumerism? Is the advertiser’s view of the world in which perfumes, clothes, cars, and so on bring success and happiness a true picture or misleading? Does advertising have the effect of making people heedless of other values? Close examination and a mindful approach to what is happening when goods are advertised, along with the knowledge that the motivation of the advertiser is to make money, show that modern commercial advertising goes against almost every precept and attitude Buddhists respect (see B.1.a and B.2.a). As in the case of the media, Buddhists encourage education and a critical independence of mind so that people are not exploited and basic human dignity and choice are not undermined (see B.6.e). The document prepared as a basis for discussion for the fourteenth General Conference of The World Fellowship of Buddhists in Colombo in 1984, edited by Hughes, which was

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quoted at the end of the last section, mentions advertising alongside media activities. Sulak Sivaraksa, the Thai activist also mentioned in the last section, says that ‘the dignity of human beings should be more important than consumers’ culture, which encourages people to have more, and eat more than they really need’ (Sivaraksa 1988: 49f.) B.5. THE QUALITY AND VALUE OF LIFE B.5.a. The Elderly In traditional Buddhist societies, the elderly are respected for their wisdom and for the way they have worked and cared for the community and their families. The practical care of the elderly is usually the concern of the monastic samgha for a monk or nun, or the extended family for laypeople. Attitudes ˙ overlap the respect due to authority figures (see B.1.b and c) and parents (see B.3.b). In the Pali Canon it says in the Anguttara Nikaya, volume 1, sections ˙ shoulder, and our fathers on the 61–2: ‘We may carry our mothers on one other, and attend to them even for a hundred years, doing them bodily services in every possible way ... still the favour we have received from our parents will be far from requited’ (Tachibana 1992: 222). If age has brought with it not just grey hairs but also wisdom, honoured teachers, parents and grandparents are thought to have a considerable contribution to make, especially in time spent with younger people and in particular children, passing on society’s traditions through oral history. Buddhists from a traditional environment might well be shocked at the way the elderly are treated in the West. State care may guarantee a minimum pension, but the lack of an extended family, the great sense of ‘being busy’, and social mobility in the working generation all mean that the elderly often seem to be treated as useless and rather a nuisance. They may live alone or spend their final years in the rather impersonal care of institutions. This is obviously an area where great loving kindness and compassion (see B.2.a) are needed to find the right ways of helping people grow old and prepare for death with dignity and care. Buddhists are concerned to help in any way they can, as with all examples of people in need (see B.5.b). There is a very distinctive way in which the elderly are important in Buddhist teaching. A lot can be learnt from their situation, for they demonstrate the impermanence, anitya (p. anicca), of life. Their very situation can be a teaching. It was when he saw old age, sickness and death that Gautama Buddha was motivated to search for the true meaning of life. The elderly are a living example of the fragility of life and the impermanence of so many of the things that seem to make it worth while and give us our identity: for example, work, physical fitness and the beauty of youth. When these are things of the past, as they are in old age, there is time to ask what is of enduring value and how we prepare for death and (for the Buddhist) rebirth.

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B.5.b. Those in Need The traditional Buddhist greeting can be translated as ‘may all beings be happy’. A central part of Buddhist teaching has always been the acknowledgement of suffering, duhkha (p. dukkha), and the need for its alleviation (see ˙ monks and nuns out into the world out of comB.6.b). Gautama Buddha sent passion and for the blessing and happiness of people. The four noble truths (see B.6.b) are presented as a doctor’s diagnosis of the human condition. The disease is suffering, followed by an analysis of its cause, the pronouncement that there is a cure and a description of the remedy. One common Buddhist image is that of the Buddha as the doctor, the dharma as the medicine and the samgha as the nurse who administers the medicine. ˙ but the highest ideal of help goes further than All of humankind is in need, simply trying to cure disease and poverty, however important that is (see B.4): It is true and important that disease and poverty will decrease with economic and political improvement. However, even if such anxieties cease altogether, this does not necessarily mean the eradication of all human suffering. For example, death is inescapable. Death is certain. It may come tomorrow. This fact makes us think fundamentally about human existence. (Tamura 1960: 20)

This is always held in mind, even while Buddhists are involved in national and international consultations on Buddhism and social action. There is need for good works, for what has come to be called socially engaged Buddhism, but that may address only the surface problems. The bodhisattvas, who hear the suffering cries of the world, and have the compassion and skilful means to help wherever they can, intend in the end to take all beings with them, beyond suffering, to the deathless realm of Nirvana, where greed, hatred and igno˙ of meditation (see B.4.b) bears rance have ceased. The monk doing his work witness to this other dimension and offers his help. ‘No harm or violence will issue from him. The peace and purity he radiates, will have conquering power and be a blessing to the world. He will be a positive factor in society, even if he lives in seclusion and silence’ (Venerable Nyanaponika, quoted in King 1964: 154). This ultimate perspective towards need, witnessed to by monks and nuns, does not negate practical social concern. Communities of monks and nuns act like family units. Gautama Buddha once reprimanded a group of monks for failing to take care of a sick brother, saying that now they had left their families who else would take care of them? When it is necessary, the monasteries also open their doors to those in need and have traditionally provided the people with both medicine and schooling. This is a description of what happened in Burma during World War Two: Monks, disregarding their personal convenience and the minimum comforts they happened to enjoy, gave accommodation to the people who sought refuge with

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ETHICAL ISSUES IN SIX RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS them, protected them from all kinds of outward dangers and difficulties even at the risk of their own lives and looked after them with care and concern. (U Aung Than, in King 1964: 200)

A central part of all Buddhist practice is the cultivation of a heart that is loving and compassionate towards all beings (see B.2.a). People who are loving and kind feel the sufferings of others as much as their own and have a strong sense of interdependence or interbeing (see pratıtya samutpa¯da in the glossary). They will treat others with the kind of love a mother has towards her child (see B.3.b). Anyone on the way to enlightenment will nurture these hopes for their fellows: May the blind see forms, May the deaf hear sounds. May the naked find clothing, The hungry find food; May the thirsty find water And delicious drinks. May the poor find wealth, Those weak with sorrow find joy; May the forlorn find new hope, Constant happiness and prosperity. May the frightened cease to be afraid And those bound be freed; May the powerless find power, And may people think of benefitting one another. (Shantideva in Batchelor tr. 1979: chapter XV, 18–22)

This love extends beyond the human realm to all beings. Buddhists believe that human life is interdependent with all other forms of life (see B.9.c). The ideal of loving kindness, maitrı (p. metta), and compassion (karuna), when ˙ combined with generosity (dana) (see B.2.a) puts a great deal of emphasis on helping others. The most obvious needs that people have are for food, clothes and shelter (see B.4.d and B.9.a). There is also the need for love and education and finally that need mentioned earlier, for a higher goal in life and the fulfilment of one’s spiritual nature. All over the world members of both the samgha and Buddhist householders are helping those whose need is greatest by ˙founding and running schools, orphanages, refugee centres, hospitals and clinics for the victims of drug abuse. They are also to be found visiting those in prison (see Angulimala in B.10.c) and raising funds for the homeless. The Indian emperor Ashoka who lived in the third century BCE is a powerful Buddhist exemplar for lay people. He encouraged kindliness to the poor and distressed and made many practical contributions to the needs of the people: building dams, sinking wells, founding hospitals and schools and planting trees to shade

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travellers (see B.1.d). In the twentieth century, the Indian Buddhist leader Dr Ambedkar worked tirelessly to improve the situation for the lowest classes (see A.7.a and B.7.b) in India, while the modern Japanese lay movement Rissho Kosei Kai runs daily group-counselling sessions to help members with the practical problems of their lives. In these ways Buddhists make every effort to ensure that basic physical and emotional needs are fulfilled (see B.4.a and B.4.d). Buddhists are happy that in the modern world there is a great deal of emphasis on improving the quality of life for groups such as the disabled and those with mental health and educational needs and the terminally ill. They believe that trends towards caring for people in the wider community rather than in institutions are healthy, as they help others to see the whole of life as involving sickness as well as health. Importantly, they also demonstrate that those with mental health and educational needs are just as much a part of society as other people and, equally, have a contribution to make. The development of medicine has, however, brought in a whole new set of ethical problems concerned with organ transplants, the use of life-support machines, not to mention abortions (see B.5.d) and euthanasia (see B.5.e). Buddhists will always ask about the motives and intentions behind some of the new technological possibilities. What is claimed to help people in need, can, in fact, prolong suffering and cultivate the attitude that death can and should be avoided wherever possible, and that disease is somehow a failure rather than being part of the very nature of the world and samsara. ˙ B.5.c. Reproduction At first, any help given through fertility treatment to couples who are having difficulties in conceiving children might be seen as compassionate. However, what is involved in some of the procedures needs careful examination. For example, in vitro fertilisation or IVF, which involves the egg (ovum) from the mother being taken outside the womb and fertilised from the sperm of either her partner or a donor and then implanted back into the womb, involves the fertilisation of up to ten eggs and choosing those which are considered the ‘best’ to implant. Those that are not used are either killed straightforwardly or by use in research or sometimes destroyed in the process of being frozen for further use. The ‘best’ are those without any obvious potential handicaps or genetic abnormalities, or, in the case of what has come to be called ‘designer babies’, choice is made on the basis of other criteria such as gender. When the issue of surrogacy is considered, it is soon evident that this involves the same range of processes mentioned above, which include the killing of some fertilised embryos. This raises a range of ethical issues for Buddhists, including going against the undertaking of the first precept not to harm life (see B.1.a). Human life begins at fertilisation and so embryos are counted as human life by Buddhists (see B.5.d). Since Buddhist ethics are

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based on intention (see B.1.a), Buddhist attitudes to surrogacy might also be influenced by whether the surrogate mother is giving her services freely and for altruistic reasons or whether she is working commercially, which is in any case illegal in the UK by the Surrogacy Arrangements Act of 1985, but which is permitted in the USA. A British Medical Journal article (Brinsdon et al. 320 [7239]: 924-BMJ), which is available on-line, quotes a ‘Buddhist view’ without reference to the source, which says that surrogacy is ‘not permitted’, but that Buddhists are ‘generally against because of family ties and legal and moral reasons’. Keown suggests (1995: 90) that Buddhist views accept that life, including human life, can begin in various ways, for example by twinning, and that this understanding can embrace the asexual reproduction of a human being by cloning, though there will then be arguments about whose karma the cloned being inherits (Keown 2005: 116ff.). Contraception can be a personal choice by Buddhists or encouraged by societies as necessary for population control (see B.9.b). However, Buddhist approaches discriminate between those forms of contraception which stop ovulation or the production of sperm or provide a barrier to fertilisation and conception, which are acceptable because they do not take life. These include the use of condoms or a high-dose oestrogen pill which stops ovulation, the diaphragm, rhythm method, sterilisation, vasectomy and the male pill if it is developed. Other methods used such as the so-called ‘morning after’ pill, which aborts any fertilised ovum, or the Intra-Uterine Device (IUD), also called the coil, which stops the fertilised ovum implanting in the womb, do involve early abortion (see B.5.d). Harvey summarises the above and also describes different Buddhist attitudes and practices in a variety of countries (2000: 326ff). B.5.d. Abortion Buddhists believe that the individual human being comes into existence at fertilisation or conception, so abortion is certainly the taking of life which undertaking the first precept (see B.1.a) commits them not to do. Taking life is thought to be morally harmful to those who make the decision and brings negative karma. There might, however, be some circumstances where the life of an embryo is taken in order to save the life of the mother (B.5.b). Buddhists would acknowledge that this kind of reasoning and action is full of difficulties, and that decisions can only be made reliably by very wise and compassionate people. Heedlessness to the implications of either contraception (see B.9.a) or abortion is very serious. Each individual case is taken on its merits and thought about on the basis of the intention behind the actions of the people involved. If suicide or abortion is an expression of despair, hatred or selfishness then it will be seen to produce nothing but bad karma. If, however, the

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actions are rooted in selfless compassion for others, they cannot be seen as entirely wrong. There is always some karmic responsibility for the taking of life, but it is balanced by good intention. Buddhists take a very pragmatic view – based on each individual case and the general guidelines of what is wise behaviour – rather than thinking in terms of moral absolutes. The practical situation in Buddhist countries varies (see Keown 2005: 92ff.). Abortion is illegal in Sri Lanka and Thailand, except to save the mother’s life or in a case of rape. Penalties for the woman and the abortionist are fierce. However, illegal abortions do take place and there is discussion between those who want to maintain traditional values and those who want a liberalisation of the law, for instance in the case of women who are HIV positive (see B.2.e) or where the foetus is malformed after German measles. In Japan (where Buddhism is part of the culture) abortion is legal and is used as a form of contraception, since the contraceptive pill is not available because the medical profession claims it has too many detrimental side effects. However, the sense of guilt, sadness and moral responsibility for abortions has been expressed by Japanese women especially in the mizuko kuyo (water child ritual), a ceremony developed particularly in the 1960s and 70s. This involves erecting shrines and statues to Jizo Bosatsu (Jizo Bodhisattva in Sanskrit), who is regarded in Japan as the protector of young children and who will care for them in their rebirth. The small statues are decorated with items of children’s clothing such as a bib and toys are placed around it. Some Buddhist temples have developed memorial gardens for these shrines, while other Buddhist groups are critical of any suggestion that such practices can cancel the bad karma that comes from abortion. A verse from a popular song shows the sadness of the parents: The blessing of the child I had expected Vanished like a dream How bitter not to be able to cuddle my child. As I secretly visit the mizuko resting place I offer this lotus flower from the last kuyo. May it be a penitential proof of my love. (Quoted in Keown 2005: 98)

In neither Japan nor Thailand do the Buddhist leaders get involved in the kind of aggressive public lobbying on the issue of abortion sometimes seen amongst members of other religions in the West. B.5.e. Euthanasia One important issue connected with the care of the elderly (B.5.a), the terminally ill or the badly disabled is that of euthanasia. The Buddhist precepts (see B.1.a) include the undertaking not to harm any living thing and it is an offence punishable by expulsion from the order for the members of the

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monastic samgha to deprive anyone of life or ‘deliberately and purposefully ˙ in various ways to eulogise death or incite anyone to death (Vinaya iii.72, quoted in Keown 2005: 108). This means that involvement in euthanasia has to be thought about carefully in terms of both physical and spiritual harm done to oneself or to another. Harm involves not only the taking of physical life but also putting people under psychological pressure, so that the elderly, for example, might become afraid of becoming a burden on their family or society in general (see B.5.a). Another important factor for a Buddhist is the intention (see B.1.a) of anyone arguing for euthanasia. Is it an expression of compassion for a person who is suffering and wishes to die, or is it a way of avoiding responsibilities towards that person? These are important considerations in deciding whether euthanasia is morally acceptable or not, and each case may vary within the generally agreed ethical guidelines of doing no harm. For a Buddhist, death, through euthanasia or suicide, can never be an escape from suffering because a person’s karma continues into another life. These karmic forces are affected by the state of mind at death, amongst other things, and in the case of suicide Keown (2005: 103) suggests that we need a group of terms such as voluntary death, altruistic suicide and religious suicide to indicate some of the differences in what we are discussing. He also suggests that some of the practices, such as the self-immolation of Vietnamese monks as a protest since the 1960s, rely on other than Buddhist practices and that, despite sympathy for people’s actions and an acknowledgement of good intentions, suicide is not condoned in traditional Buddhism. Death for a Buddhist does not have the finality that it might have for many people wanting to ‘end it all’ by either suicide or euthanasia. The best way through life, suffering and death is seen to lie in an honest and truthful understanding of a situation and the capacity to live through it, with the help and support of others. B.5.f. Vegetarianism Buddhists have always argued about being vegetarian. At the time of the Buddha, eating meat was not forbidden, although members of the samgha ˙ were not allowed to kill animals for food, or even to farm, as this involves taking life. They were, however, allowed to eat meat given to them by householders if it had not been killed specially for them, but was part of the householders’ own surplus and this practice has continued. Certainly not all Buddhists were or are vegetarians. Harvey (2000: 161) quotes various sources which indicate that ‘in Theravada countries, vegetarianism is usually admired but little practised’. But under the category ‘wrong livelihood’, as the opposite of the Eightfold Path’s ‘right livelihood’ (see B.1.a and B.4.b) is often listed a slaughterer, butcher and hunter, which have traditionally been despised jobs in Buddhist countries both Theravada and Mahayana. However, it must be remembered that when whole Japanese fishing villages

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were converted to Buddhism, fishing did not stop and fish were still eaten as the staple food. In the case of the difficult mountainous terrain of the Himalayas it was difficult to grow enough vegetables to feed the population, so Tibetans were mindful of the basic principle of not taking life (see B.1.a) and tried to kill the least possible number of animals to feed people, for example one yak can feed more people than one chicken. But in other Buddhist contexts it is thought to be worse to kill a large animal than a small one. Texts such as the Lankavatara Sutra say: ‘The bodhisattva who regards all beings as if they were his only child cannot indulge in flesh eating’ (Suzuki 1930: 369). The proper food of a bodhisattva is said to be rice, barley, all kinds of beans, clarified butter, oil, honey, molasses and sugar. Many Buddhists in the West believe that, whenever it is possible to eat a very adequate vegetarian diet or even vegan diet, as it is in the West, then all Buddhists should do so. This attitude has influenced those from traditional non-vegetarian cultures such as Tibet who are now living in the West. On the whole, however, Buddhists prefer not to be dogmatic on this or any other issue; they see clinging to views as if they are absolutes as unhelpful for spiritual development. It is left to the individual conscience, taking account of intention and with the guidance of the precepts (see B.1.a) to make appropriate decisions. Donald S. Lopez’s collection of Buddhist scriptures includes some Chinese texts which celebrate having a vegetarian feast instead of sacrificing animals and a rite for releasing living creatures from hell realms (Lopez 2004: 394ff.). This topic links with a whole network of others concerning violence/ non-violence (see section 8) and kindness to animals, including animal experimentation and vivesection. There is no doubt, as discussions about vegetarianism show, that Buddhists have a sense of the hierarchies of living beings, fish being lower than yaks and yaks lower than humans. Treatment of animals brings out the tensions between an ethic of non-violence/non-harming, compassion and intention, with the demands of higher beings superseding those of the lower in some cases. B.6. QUESTIONS OF RIGHT AND WRONG B.6.a. The Purpose of Law The Sanskrit word dharma (dhamma in Pali) is important for Hindus as well as Buddhists. It can be translated as law, truth, teaching or righteousness. At its highest the law represents the ideal, the ultimate truth about the way things are, and also the way this ideal should be put into practice. Dharma is also an individual’s obligations, according to his or her position in society and stage of life. In this sense dharma is a way of life; another name for the teaching of the Buddha is the Buddha dharma. His first sermon is called ‘the turning of the wheel of the law’.

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This presents the idea of law as a positive, upholding force in society, not just a prohibitive, punitive power. Buddhists believe that good rulers uphold law in the sense of the ultimate ideal of life. They are called dharma-rajas, kings of righteousness (see B.1.d). It was in this spirit that Ashoka drew up his edicts and appointed dharma ministers to read them to the people. As one extract puts it: ‘Ashoka now teaches you to respect the value and sacredness of life, to abstain from killing animals and from cruelty to living things, kindliness in human relationships and respect for mothers, fathers and elders, for the poor and the distressed and for slaves and servants’ (Eppsteiner 1988: 111ff.). State law can try to maintain the value of non-harming by prohibiting murder, the value of not taking what is not given by punishing theft, and the value of not indulging in false speech by prosecuting perjurers. But there will always be some tension for Buddhists between such precepts, which are the ideal dharma undertaken by individuals, or the vinaya, the additional monastic code of law undertaken by monks and nuns, and the laws of a state, which may or may not be in harmony with Buddhist approaches, as many of our examples have explored (see B.5.d). The precepts and monastic laws are undertaken voluntarily and their consequences are based on motive and produce good or bad karma; the laws of a state threaten punishment if rules are not obeyed (see B.6.c). For Buddhists the utilitarian statement of someone like Helvetius in De l’Esprit in 1758 CE will always represent a much lower view of the purpose of law than the ideals contained in the word dharma: ‘The whole art of legislation consists in forcing men by the sentiment of self-love to be always just to others.’ Not only is self-love an inappropriate motive for a Buddhist, but the idea that habituation can transform humanity is also alien. It is the mind and heart which need transformation: ‘All things are the result of what we have thought, are chieftained by our thoughts, and are made up of our thoughts’ (Dhammapada v. 1, tr. Radhakrishnan 1950). B.6.b. Human Nature It has been explicitly stated that ‘there is no “sin” in Buddhism, as sin is understood in some religions. The root of all evil is ignorance and false views’ (Rahula 1959: 3). Certainly if the concept of sin in other religions implies disobedience to or turning away from God, then sin does not exist in Buddhism because Buddhists’ idea of Ultimate Reality is transpersonal and not one of a personal creator God, who demands obedience. For Buddhists the fundamental problem lies in ignorance, avidya (p. avijja), false views and a lack of wisdom. These do not flaw human nature (as does original sin in Christianity, see E.6.b) but only obscure the enlightened mind/heart like clouds obscuring the moon. Another basic idea in Buddhism is that of trsna; (p. tanha ), which literally ˙˙ ˙ means thirst, but can be explained more clearly by ˙the terms clinging,

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grasping, desire or greed. Like ignorance (see B.4.a) this is one of the three root evils (one set of terms is the Sanskrit raga, greed; dvesa, hatred; and moha, ˙ of life as well as ignorance) which are pictured at the centre of the wheel round its rim. Trsna is also part of the second of the four noble truths and is ˙ ˙ ˙ of suffering (duhkha). We shall return later to the four said to be the cause noble truths and the centrality of duh˙ kha in Buddhism. ˙ ‘Sinful’ or wrong acts in Buddhism are denoted by the word pap or unwholesome mental states, which can be translated as what is evil, or a demerit. It is what produces bad karma. The opposite of a demerit is punya ˙ (p. puñña), that which is good, a virtue or what is meritorious and produces good karma. Breaking the precepts one has undertaken, for example, is a demerit (see B.l.a). A demerit involves harm done to one’s relationships with other people as well as the production of bad karma (see B.6.d). Another way of expressing this range of ideas is to talk about what is karmically unwholesome or against virtue (akusála), or karmically wholesome or virtuous (kusála). This is what brings either a bad or a good rebirth. The things which make unwholesome roots and which will produce bad shoots and fruits in the future are again the defilements of greed, hatred and delusion, the three root evils mentioned earlier. Other defilements (klesá) or afflictions are arrogance, doubt, opinionatedness, laxity, excitability, shamelessness and recklessness (see Keown 2003: entry under klesá). Karma is formed on the basis of deed, word and thought (see B.1.a) but thoughts and motives are particularly important: ‘A man should hasten towards the good (puñña). He should restrain his thoughts from evil (pap)’ (Dhammapada v. 116, tr. Radhakrishnan 1950). In the end, evil (pap) like desire (tanha) produces suffering: ‘If a man commits sin (pap) ... let him not ˙ on it. Sorrowful (duhkha) is the accumulation of evil conduct’ set his heart ˙ (ibid.: v. 117). The social anthropologist Melford Spiro focuses not on ignorance but on suffering, duhkha in Sanskrit, as the central idea in Buddhism: ‘The primary ˙ concern of Buddhism is not with sin, but with suffering ... for Buddhism, in which suffering is the inevitable element of existence, salvation consists in salvation from suffering. The message of the Buddha is “suffering and release from suffering”’ (Spiro 1982: 38–9). The emphasis on suffering is present in the most basic Buddhist formula, the four noble truths. The Buddha is seen as a doctor who describes the human condition, sees its cause, reassures the patient that it can be cured, and gives the medicine (see B.5.b). The stages are, with the Pali terms in this list: 1. 2. 3. 4.

All is dukkha, suffering. The cause of suffering is tanha, ‘thirst’, seen as craving, greed and desire. ˙ This can be ‘stopped’, can cease, nirodha. The way to stop it is to follow the magga ‘path’, in eight stages (the noble Eightfold Path, see B.1.a).

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B.6.c. Punishments As with all religions, Buddhism teaches and is lived at many different levels. From an ultimate perspective, Buddhists see our lives are part of a whole flow and chain of existence that goes beyond a single birth and death, and that ordinary beings do not know their past births or the next stages they will go through. Buddhists believe that in the end all beings will attain enlightenment and Nirvana, and that their growth towards that end and their destiny ˙ on the way is determined by their karma. The idea of karma teaches that ‘what you sow, you will reap’ and that ‘you reap what you sow’. Morally no deed, speech or thought is ever wasted. Every good motive bears good fruit at some stage in the long series of births and deaths and contributes to enlightenment. Bad karma might mean rebirth in the hell states, but none of these is permanent. This ultimate perspective and the law of karma leads Trevor Ling to say: It is worth noting that there is no support for ‘punishment’ or a penal attitude in Buddhist social ethics – no cutting off the hand that steals, no capital punishment, no stoning of a woman accused of adultery, no criminal asylums. This lack of support for punitive laws is understandable in view of the Buddhist analysis of the human condition, which entails the idea that the only effective punishment is that which we inflict upon ourselves – sooner or later. (1980: 130)

However, on the level of conventional ethics, ordinary life and social organisation, Buddhists are involved in systems of rewards and punishments for good and bad action (see B.6.a). Buddhist countries do have laws which involve punishment for crimes. The sharpest issue is always that of capital punishment, the taking of human life for crimes such as murder. Buddhists argue about its appropriateness or helpfulness in terms of prevention of crime, in the following ways. First, there is the fear that there would be more violence and murder without the preventative threat of the death penalty. Then it is acknowledged that the decision must depend upon the state of development of a particular society, and that education is necessary to help societies advance ethically. It is generally seen as the task of a righteous ruler to protect the people and not be too soft on criminals, but consider their punishment as preventative and as educative. Some Buddhists suggest alternatives to death penalties, such as banishment to prison islands. Others suggest that it is left on the statute books as a threat, but as far as possible never implemented. A very strong point is made by Buddhists who say that the whole concept of retribution is counter to the Buddhist teaching of maitrı (p. metta), loving kindness and karuna, compassion. Some Buddhists would say that capital punishment can never be approved, as nothing can excuse the taking of life. These arguments are all put forward in Tamura 1960, chapter IX.

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B.6.d. The Wrongdoer and the Wronged A person who is wronged, whether by an individual or a social system, can respond in various ways. For a Buddhist the ideal personal qualities (B.2.a) need to be followed even more mindfully in this situation. Many of the jataka stories are told to illustrate great patience in the face of injustice and innocent suffering. Patience is not a negative virtue but a positive, active acceptance of all the implications of a situation (see B.2.a). Buddhists try to recognise negative emotions and then let them go, allowing them to disperse because hanging on to them has a harmful effect on everybody and breeds more strain, tension and struggle. Hand in hand with patience goes the knowledge that hatred is never overcome with hatred, but only with love. Friendliness or loving kindness, even towards an enemy, is part of one particular meditation method which involves constant practice and self-discipline. The Buddha teaches us to be strict or rather unsparing in controlling ourselves, but at the same time we must be tolerant in forgiving injuries. Strict self-control and tolerance towards others are two prominent virtues. Be strict in controlling yourself, but be benevolent, liberal and tolerant towards others, and patience will be invariable for maintaining equanimity. It is through the power of patience ... that we can forgive the provocation, insult or injury, which we meet within our daily lives. (Tachibana 1992: 133–4)

Verse 399 of the Dhammapada says that a spiritual person is one who ‘though he had committed no offence, bears patiently reproach, ill treatment, imprisonment, who has endurance for his force and strength for his army’ (tr. Radhakrishnan 1950). All of these attitudes involve confidence in the power of moral force and in the law of karma which teaches that nothing is ever wasted (see B.6.b), and that the right motive in a person’s heart will always bear good fruit, and a wrong motive bad fruit. Faced with someone who has stolen from them or been unkind, Buddhists reflect on the fact that everyone has different chances and capacities in life, and try to exercise compassion and skilful means to help such people improve their karma. A person involved in wrongdoing can always reverse his or her actions and undergo a change of heart, by asking forgiveness and repairing any practical damage. In monastic life there are set times and formulas in a community setting for publicly acknowledging faults and making amends. Overall, however, Buddhists are confident that the true nature and destiny of beings is enlightenment. Tolerance for other people’s limitations, and even one’s own, is combined with a high moral standard (sec B.1.a and B.2.a), plus an emphasis on the need for considerable personal effort to transform an unenlightened person or situation into an enlightened one.

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B.7. EQUALITY AND DIFFERENCE B.7.a. Differences between People Buddhists believe that everyone has different potentials, but also that everyone is at some stage on the path to enlightenment (see B.7.b and c). People have choice in their lives and can determine the direction in which they want it to grow. For Buddhists, wisdom, prajña (p. panna), is more important than cleverness, giving (dana) more important than obtaining possessions, and loving kindness, maitrı (p. metta) more important than hatred and aggression. Some people are thought to be at a higher spiritual stage than others, and these people, often members of the monastic samgha, are often more honoured than others. However, in human society the˙ different kinds of people are like different limbs of the body or different members of a family, all dependent on each other. Even the separateness of complementary parts is, however, in the end an illusion. There is no eternal self or self-contained ego, and everyone is finally united in what Mahayana Buddhists call their Buddha Nature. These ideal attitudes have to be balanced with some of the conventional realities in many Buddhist societies, where wealth, for example (see B.4.d), as well as health, long life and happiness may be seen as a sign of good karma in this and previous lives and bring their own status and respect. On the level of conventional reality and in response to current (originally Western) discourse, the issue of human rights in Buddhism has been a focus of discussion in recent years (see Keown et al. 1998) and it overlaps with discussions about the relationship between women and men (see B.7.d), those of other religious traditions (see B.7.b) and anyone who is a member of an ethnic minority in a Buddhist country (see B.7.c and B.8.c). Especially those Buddhists who see themselves as socially engaged are likely to be involved in struggling for the implementation of justice and rights not only for humans, but for animals as well (see B.5.f and B.9.c). B.7.b. Attitudes to Other Religions Buddhists are interested in the truth about the way things are. This is what they call dharma. The truth is to be found in Buddhism but is not the sole possession of Buddhists. It can be found in other faiths and world views too. Buddhists picture the limitations of human beings’ understanding of Ultimate Reality in the famous story of the six blind men who found an elephant. One felt the side of the elephant and thought it was like a wall; another felt the tusk and thought it was like a spear; the third felt the trunk and thought it was like a snake; the fourth felt a leg and thought he had found a tree; the fifth felt an ear and described it as a fan; and the sixth felt the tail and thought he had found a rope. They all had a limited grasp of the whole and

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were impeded by their blindness, an image for ignorance, avidya (p. avijja, see B.4.a). In the Paramatthaka Sutta in the Sutta Nipata of the Pali Canon, Gautama Buddha taught that views must be understood as provisional and limited: A man has a faith. If he says ‘This is my faith’, so far he maintains truth. But because of that he cannot proceed to the absolute conclusion. ‘This alone is Truth and everything else is false’ .... To be attached to one view and to look down upon other views as inferior – this the wise man calls a fetter. (Sutta Nipata v. 798, quoted in Rahula 1959: 10)

Religious teaching, Buddhists believe, is like a raft, the purpose of which is to carry people safely over the raging waters of life (samsara) to the further shore, which is an image for Nirvana. A raft or vehicle is ˙useful and for a particular purpose, but it need not be˙ carried about once the shore is reached. Ultimate truth goes beyond Buddhism as an organised religious tradition and belief system. The value of any belief and practice needs to be questioned and tested out in a person’s own experience, not accepted blindly (see B.1.a and B.l.b). One of the highest values in Buddhism is tolerance, and one of the best statements of this is in the Emperor Ashoka’s twelfth edict (see also B.6.c): I desire men of all faiths to know each others’ beliefs and acquire sound doctrines themselves. By honouring others one exalts one’s own faith and at the same time performs a service to others. In dishonouring them one injures one’s own faith. Concord alone is commendable. (Rahula 1959: 4 )

Winston King quotes a modern Burmese statement: ‘Buddhism is not a religion which strengthens itself by persecuting others. Because it has lovingkindness as its basis, it can establish in strength the principles of Justice, Liberty and Equality to ensure peace and prosperity to all beings’ (King 1964: 262). There is a story of the Dalai Lama being asked at a large interfaith gathering by someone who did not recognise him ‘What is your religion?’ His response was ‘My religion is kindness.’ Other Buddhists might say that the heart of Buddhism is compassion. Buddhists feel confident in their choice of the Buddhist spiritual path but also encourage dialogue and co-operation between religions. There are, for example, well-established organisations for Buddhist–Christian dialogue and inter-monastic understanding with frequent international meetings. Buddhists are interested in explaining their ideas about selflessness, a trans-personal Absolute Reality and the importance of meditation to those whose beliefs are different, but they also want to listen and are willing to say that ‘in this day and age some Christians and Muslims could really be our good friends’ (see kalyana mitra, p. kalyana-mitta, in section B.2.b). A Buddhist will usually teach his or˙ her faith when ˙asked to do so, which traditionally has to be three times, recalling the request of the Hindu deity

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Brahma Sahampati who asked the Buddha three times immediately after his Enlightenment to teach others the path he had found. With one or two militant exceptions, Buddhists will not deliberately seek out occasions to convert people but rather try to encourage them in whatever good they are already doing. These ideal attitudes maintained by the majority of Buddhists have sometimes broken down in contexts where, for instance, another religion or religious practitioners have been seen as associated with oppression or as undermining Buddhism or as a political threat. For example Anagarika Dharmapala and others in Sri Lanka were very critical of Christianity in reaction to aggressive missionary and colonialist attitudes which they saw as undermining their Buddhist culture. There are also examples from contemporary Sri Lankan life of Buddhist aggressive attitudes towards, for example, the Hindu Tamil Tigers (see also B.7.c and B.8). B.7.c. Attitudes to Ethnic and National Diversity Buddhism as a world faith transcends national identities and seeks to unite individual people (see B.2.b), nations (sections B.8.b and c) and the human race with its environment (see B.9.c). This aim was made explicit in the Green Buddhist Declaration, prepared by members of the international Buddhist community for discussion at the World Fellowship of Buddhists in Colombo in 1984. Buddhism is not the possession of any race or nation but aspires to the unity of the human race on earth. Nationalism and racism are seen as forms of greed, hatred and delusion. (Hughes 1984: section 2.4) We support the United Nations as a means towards the transcending of national barriers and the unification of the human family. (ibid.: section 3.8)

The work and words of the Dalai Lama further illustrate these attitudes: There are many different philosophies, but what is of basic importance is compassion, love for others, concern for others’ suffering, and reduction of selfishness. I feel that compassionate thought is the most precious thing there is. It is something that only we human beings can develop. And if we have a good heart, a warm heart, warm feelings, we will be happy and satisfied ourselves, and our friends will experience a friendly and peaceful atmosphere as well. This can be experienced nation to nation, country to country, continent to continent. (Gyatso 1984: 11)

In reality Buddhism has, however, been associated with nationalism in various contexts (see section B.8). Examples are Japan (see Harris 1999: 105ff.) and Sri Lanka (ibid.: 173ff.) and Buddhism has also been used as a legitimation of state power in, for example, Myanmar (Burma) (ibid.: 26ff.) as well as an inspiration for challenging that power.

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B.7.d. Women and Men In all the world religions, attitudes to the position of and relationship between women and men reflect those at the time the religion began and their subsequent cultural contexts. There is often ambivalence towards and some tension with regard to modern attitudes, particularly those in the West. In the case of Buddhism, one of the main problem areas is the way in which the female samgha or order of nuns was founded and has continued. ˙ The story in the scriptures says that Gautama Buddha’s aunt, who had brought him up after the death of his mother, wanted to become a nun and ¯ nanda, one of the Buddha’s most respected followers, intervened on that A her behalf when he saw her determination. The Buddha at first refused but was eventually persuaded to agree, but only on the condition that the women obeyed more monastic rules than the men and that they were under the authority of the men. This naturally suggests that the women were seen as inferior, though some Buddhists say it was a matter of social propriety and protection appropriate to the time. The situation seems to have been perpetuated historically by the fact that fewer women became nuns than men became monks, and that in the Theravada countries, full ordination for women has faded out. This means that Theravada women are only able to receive the lower ordination on ten precepts (see B.1.a) as novices, with the title dasá-s´ıla mata (ten precept mothers); although some members of the Theravada samgha have controver˙ sially sought to restore full ordination for women through the Mahayana samgha in Taiwan or a Chinese Mahayana group in the United States of ˙ America. There is now an international consciousness of the importance of women’s participation (see Gross 1993 and Kabilsingh 1991) and an International Association of Buddhist Women with its own newsletter. This association organises international Sakyadhita (daughters of the Buddha) conferences regularly. In the early Buddhist situation and even in some contemporary contexts, the goal for a woman was very often rebirth as a man. As is often the case in societies where women are under the authority of men, another aspiration was the position of the mother, which brought increased respect. Mothers were greatly honoured at the time of Buddha and the ideal of loving kindness (see B.2.a and b) is said to be like that of a mother towards her child. Both the Buddha and Maudgalyayana (Moggallana) took great pains to preach the dharma to their mothers (see B.3.b) and the Buddha’s mother, Queen Mahamaya, is very honoured (see the text in Lopez et al. 2004: 129ff.). Killing either father or mother was seen as one of the most terrible sins (see B.3.b). However, it is in Mahayana Buddhism that attitudes towards women seem to broaden considerably. There is a famous sutra about the enlightenment of Queen Shrimala, and one of the great bodhisattvas, Avalokiteshvara, becomes female in form as Kwan-yin or Kannon in China and Japan. In the Vimalakırti

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Nirdesá Sutra there is an incident where Sáriputra, a follower of the Buddha who is considered to be particularly learned, says to a female goddess, ‘If you know so much, why are you a woman?’ She answers, ‘Sáriputra, what is a woman?’ She then uses her magical powers to change places with Sáriputra so he is in female form, and demonstrates to him that male and female manifestations are impermanent, of no real consequence and only external conventions. All beings have the Buddha-nature and the rest is an insubstantial and temporary covering. This is very much closer to modern attitudes towards female and male and might have a bearing on Buddhist attitudes to sex change. In relation to the equality of women and men, The Green Buddhist Declaration says in these strong words: We believe that the Buddha expressed a fundamental insight into the equality of all beings’ buddha-nature, trapped within different karmic conditionings, when he founded the Sisterhood, recognising women’s spiritual capacity. A Buddhist analysis of patriarchy points to the interdependence of social power and spiritual oppression, in that the organised power of men over women is rooted both in threat of violence, the greed to maintain privilege, and a subtle form of egoignorance, male chauvinism. Towards removing the patriarchal conditioning on women’s full human potential, we oppose the making of women into objects of males’ sense gratification from its extreme in pornography, rape and prostitution, to the use of dehumanising images of women in the media, to the limiting of women to subordinate social roles and occupations ... It is important that strong role models be rediscovered from Buddhist history for women dharmapractitioners, and that women actively ensure that the male bias be removed from dharma teaching in this generation. While the anger and extremism of some groups may be foreign to Buddhism, we are nonetheless in fundamental solidarity with the goals of political and economic liberation of women. We welcome the Naropa Institute (Boulder, Colorado) conferences on ‘Buddhism and Feminism’ and the Zen-feminist journal Kahawai. (Hughes 1984: section 2.7)

It has to be said that not all Buddhists would agree with these sentiments, but the Buddhist Women’s Movement is now strong in both the East and West. B.7.e. Are All People Equal? It is mentioned elsewhere (see B.7.a) that Buddhists believe all beings, not only humans, have within them the same Buddha-nature or nature of enlightenment, and that this is obscured to a greater or lesser extent like the moon by clouds, or stained by defilements such as greed, hatred and delusion (see B.6.b). The things which make people separate and unequal such as colour, nationality (see B.8.a), religion (see B.7.b), social position, intelligence or beauty are in the end impermanent and illusory. All beings are moving in samsara ˙ between birth and rebirth. They are all in the same predicament of suffering

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(duhkha) and impermanence while they grow towards enlightenment and ˙ a. Power, cleverness, beauty or wealth, though they may sometimes be Nirvan seen as˙ the rewards of good karma, far from being spiritual advantages, can be great obstructions and may need to be laid aside to follow the path. What matters is a person’s commitment to good deeds, words and thoughts, to morality, meditation and wisdom (see B.1.a and B.2.a). The more enlightened people are, the more they treat all beings (not just human beings) as equals without separate egos, and with the same love and respect they naturally show to their children, parents or themselves. So there are Buddhist stories in the collection of jataka tales about the Buddha’s previous births of human beings laying down their lives for animals, and of Gautama Buddha showing compassion for a leprous prostitute. The Indian social activist and reformer Dr B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956 CE), who was born into the ‘untouchable’ (dalit) class of Hindus, thought that Buddhism taught social equality and became a convert to Buddhism as a way to realise his full human potential. Many other Indian dalits converted to Buddhism under his influence and this began a movement called The Dr Ambedkar Buddhists. Members view him as a bodhisattva and his photograph can be seen in a place of honour at their centres in India and the UK. Being close to enlightenment and the respect that this brings is seen to be the result of much effort over many aeons. This is a possibility for everyone, according to Buddhists, and the mark of great beings is their capacity to identify with others and their wish to take everyone along the path to Nirvana with ˙ them. They are selfless persons, with all awareness of ego and distinctions gone. Although such spiritual people may be easy to recognise and are likely to be members of the samgha, Buddhists are aware that life contains many ˙ that hasty judgements are dangerous. There is a surprises and paradoxes and story of the plump figure called Pu-Tai or ‘old carpet bag’ who lived in China in the tenth century of the common era. He spent his time telling stories to and playing with the children or just sitting around, a kind of combination of a tramp and a clown. But it was rumoured that he was the Buddha Maitreya, who is the next Buddha to come. Then there is a Tibetan story of an ordinary villager whose rainbow-light body after his death showed that he was an enlightened being, though he had spent his life working as a poor peasant farmer, happy that at least his son was a monk. B.8. CONFLICT AND VIOLENCE B.8.a. Why does Conflict Exist? Buddhists see the origins of violence, more general attitudes of coerciveness and ‘taking of what is not freely given’ as rooted in the hearts and minds of individuals. This is also the case with divisive speech, which breaks the undertaking of the precept not to indulge in wrong speech (see B.1.a) and can also

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be a cause of conflict. These arise firstly as thoughts and attitudes within our own hearts and minds and are then acted upon and institutionalised in social attitudes and laws. They are linked to the analysis of greed, hatred and ignorance as root problems and a strong sense of ‘me and mine’, a grasping of views and deluded attachment to ‘my country’, for example. This is relevant in respect of those who rule and for every individual citizen. Victory breeds hatred; the conquered dwells in sorrow. He who has given up thoughts of both victory and defeat, he is calm and lives happily. (Dhammapada v. 201, tr. Radhakrishnan 1950) ‘He abused me, he struck me, he overcame me, he robbed me’ – in those who do not harbour such thought hatred will cease.’ (ibid.: v. 4)

Ken Jones talks of the implementation of creative non-violence Gandhianstyle which is wider than just stopping war. He quotes Thich Nhat Hanh, the Vietnamese Zen monk and peace activist, who emphasises the practice of daily mindfulness and our ‘interbeing’, his term for interdependence (see pratıtya-samutpada in B.10.a). To prevent war, to prevent the next crisis, we must start right now. When a war or crisis has begun, it is already too late. If we and our children practice ahimsa in our daily lives, if we learn how to plant seeds of peace and reconciliation in ˙our hearts and minds, we will begin to establish real peace and, in that way, we may be able to prevent the next war. (Jones 2003: 153).

Buddhism has within it many methods of diffusing conflict and encouraging negotiation. The Cambodian monk Venerable Ghosananda, who has gone on many pilgrim walks for peace, walking with calm compassion close to enemy lines, emphasises: ... the skill of listening. To listen we have to give up ourselves, even our own words. We listen until we can hear our peaceful nature. As we listen to ourselves, we learn to listen to others as well, and new ideas grow. There is an openness, a harmony. As we come to trust one another, we discover new possibilities for resolving conflicts. When we listen well, we will hear peace growing. (quoted in Harvey 2000: 283)

In Sri Lanka the Sarvodaya movement led by Dr A. T. Ariyaratne seeks to play a role in conflict resolution and peace-making at a local level with sympathy and active listening to all parties and linked with the evening-out of economic inbalances. B.8.b. Why do Different Nations Exist? Buddhists have no theories about the origins of the nations of the world. The earth is so old and the universe so large and constantly changing that no one can see its beginning or exactly how it has evolved. What can be done is to

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observe some of the processes of change that are currently at work within the world, and note that, along with the great variety in the number and types of living things, there is a great deal of interdependence in nature, especially between human beings and their environments (see B.9.c). Buddhists believe that all sentient beings have within them the seed of enlightenment. Human beings are high in the spiritual chain and human birth is called ‘precious’. But amongst human beings there are no special national privileges, no qualitative differences between African and American, British and Burmese. They are conventional labels and, like differences of gender, colour and race, have no ultimate or absolute value. All nationalities have the same potential for understanding dharma, the truth about the way things are, and for enlightenment. The variety of nations with their own ways of government, language and culture are viewed as different but equally valid human ways of organisation and expression. They can be likened to the variety of people within a single nation or the wealth of personalities within any one family. In the twenty-first century, with a greater emphasis on world community, the nations can be called the human family. If criticisms are made against any one nation they should be of specific instances of injustice or oppression, not of a nation as a whole. Tolerance is an important Buddhist virtue and was particularly well expressed by the Indian Emperor Ashoka (see B.1.d) in his twelfth rock edit (see also the whole of section B.7). So Buddhists may see nationality and culture as relative and may claim to sit lightly on the links between culture and religion. Love for one’s country and a desire to care for it and preserve its culture do not, for a Buddhist, mean abandoning larger interests. This could be called patriotism, not nationalism: ‘Nationalism is an exaggerated, passionate and fanatical devotion to one’s national community at the expense of all other national communities and even at the expense of all other interests and loyalties’ (Sangharakshita 1984: 9). For a nation there is the need to go out to the world, but also within, to the hearts of individuals. Another twentieth-century Buddhist remarks: People are hypnotised, psychologically puzzled, blinded and deceived by the political and propaganda usage of such terms as ‘national’, ‘international’, or ‘state’. What is a nation but a vast conglomeration of individuals? A nation or state does not act, it is the individual who acts. What the individual thinks and does is what the nation or state thinks and does. What is applicable to the individual is applicable to the nation or state. (Rahula 1959: 87)

Much in these approaches, as is the case for other religious traditions, is in tension with those attitudes which claim that ‘to be Burmese is to be Buddhist’ or that Sri Lanka is rightfully a Buddhist state, or that certain Tibetan cultural practices equal Buddhism, and are necessary to practise the religion, or that the Heart Sutra should be chanted only in Japanese in Zen groups. All these attitudes have been or are being expressed at some time or other but can be challenged from within the framework of Buddhist ideas.

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Also to see the enemies as not really persons, as has happened in some contexts, is against the spirit of Buddhist ethics and an unfortunate by-product of nationalism (see B.8.c). B.8.c. National and Ethnic Conflict Many of the conflicts between nations and ethnic groups are based on the same problems as those between individual human beings. Buddhists identify the most basic of these as greed, hatred and ignorance (see B.7.c), egotism, disrespect for the precepts (see B.1.a) and intolerance. The development of the language of the enemy as not so fully human as oneself, which appears in the language of the Sri Lankan Mahavamsa chronicle with reference to the war at the time of King Dutthagamani ˙(see B.8.d) is, according to Harvey (2000: 260–1), echoed later˙˙in Thai˙ struggles, and is very contrary to Buddhism’s sense of respect for all beings. The enemy is not ‘other’. The ideal Buddhist position is that ‘not at any time are enmities appeased here through enmity but they are appeased through non-enmity’ (Dhammapada v. 5, tr. Radhakrishnan 1950). This is a position maintained by the Dalai Lama in relationship to the Chinese, though he also speaks out strongly for the maintenance of Tibetan culture, religion and identity. Since the first precept is non-harming (ahimsa), Buddhists obviously dis˙ courage any kind of violence. To look at a specific example: imagine that a person with a gun breaks into a house and threatens the life of the owners’ children. How should they respond? First of all the Buddhist would advocate trying to disarm the aggressor without harming anyone, while protecting the whole family. If it is necessary to hurt or even kill the person in the process, there are two ways of looking at the action. Theravada Buddhists might say that killing is always wrong and brings very serious karmic consequences in this or another life, even when intention is taken into account. Mahayana Buddhists tend to say that if the motivation for killing is care for other sentient beings, and if it is done in complete unselfishness with a willingness to take on all the bad karmic consequences for their sake, then it is not a wrong action and may not bring bad karma. In the Mahayana tradition, it is argued that if a robber is to kill 500 good persons, it is better to kill him first. Yet the act of killing that robber is still a sin. Mahayanists however are willing to commit acts that have bad karmic results for themselves in order to save other beings. Hence Vietnamese monks who burnt themselves thought that such acts would contribute to the ending of the Vietnam War. In the Theravada tradition, to be pure is essential, otherwise wisdom and compassion would not be possible. So serious Theravadins cannot condone killing at all. (Sivaraksa 1988: 64)

However, all Buddhists are interested in the intention behind any act and may not agree with this polarisation of positions.

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These general principles can, of course, be applied to the question of war and ethnic conflict, which might involve a similar situation on a national scale. This does not mean that individual Theravadins have not disagreed with this general stand and acted differently. In all religions there are gaps between theoretical positions and the behaviour of many adherents. Mahayana Buddhists would say that there could be a situation when action for the benefit of sentient beings might necessitate political involvement and war. However, this idea is taught with some caution as it is obviously applied only for exceptionally skilful and wise beings with pure motives, and if taught carelessly might mislead people. The general tenor of Buddhism then, is one of pacifism and non-violence (ahimsa¯). There is a strong Buddhist Peace Fellowship ˙ (see B.10.c) and many Buddhists are prepared to say quite bluntly, and historically some have acted on the idea, that ‘it is better to be killed than to kill’ (Sivaraksa 1988: 64). When looking at national and international issues (see B.9.), the most important emphasis for a Buddhist is still the heart and mind of the individual; for national action is seen as a collection of individual actions. If hatred can be appeased by love and kindness on the individual scale, surely it can be realised on the national and international scale, too. Even in the case of a single person, to meet hatred with kindness one must have tremendous courage, boldness, faith and confidence in moral force. May it not be even more so in international affairs? If by the expression ‘not practical’ is meant ‘not easy’, you are right. Definitely it is not easy. Yet it should be tried. You may say it is risky trying it. Surely it cannot be more risky than trying a nuclear war. (Rahula 1959: 87)

Buddhists tend to work from the particular to its general implications. This is true with the issue of nuclear war (see B.8.e). It is the horror of any act of killing that is multiplied so enormously in nuclear war, combined with the fact that harm extends from those living even to those yet to be born and to the whole environment. The scale of harm is much greater than in conventional warfare and therefore needs a more concerted response. It is their own experience of this scale of warfare, with all its implications, that has made Japanese Buddhists particularly active for peace since the nuclear attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Some Japanese Buddhist monks have indeed been very active against armaments and nuclear war. They walked around the island of Sri Lanka for reconciliation between the Sinhalese Buddhists and Tamil Hindus. They stood firm with the native North Americans who refused to be driven out of their lands, despite the fact that American police threatened to shoot them all. In Japan itself the lay Buddhist organisation Rissho Kosei Kai has established the Niwano Peace Prize and the Niwano Foundation which have encouraged studies towards a peaceful world. This foundation together with other leading institutions help support the World Conference on Religion and Peace, which could be very positive indeed. These are

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but a few examples that show the positive and active aspects of Japanese Buddhism. (Sivaraksa 1988: 58)

In addition the Nipponzan Myohoji group of Japanese Buddhists have built peace pagodas in many countries of the world. But it is also important to pursue with Buddhists the difficult questions of attitudes and practice that we read about in our newspapers. As mentioned elsewhere, Buddhism and nationalism and hostile attitudes to the Tamil community are a characteristic of contemporary Sri Lanka; there are deep civil divides amongst Burmese Buddhists. The Thai ruling authorities have been roundly criticised by the Thai layman Sulak Sivaraksa and are challenged on human rights issues by their Muslim minorities in the south. But, as can also be noted historically, Zen Buddhist teaching influenced the warrior class in Japan with its discipline, development of concentration, its austerity and lack of fear of death. In these general ways as well as more specifically, Brian Victoria has explored how Buddhism can be linked with war in the Japanese context (Victoria: 2002). While they are prepared to make every effort to stop harm being done to living beings and to work for world peace, Buddhists do not find the idea of the destruction of the world or the annihilation of mankind totally new. Traditional Buddhist cosmology describes vast universes and worlds within them, all of which come and go in cycles of evolution and dissolution. All worlds are impermanent, anitya (p. anicca). They develop and change and eventually pass away. What is important within this great movement of evolution and dissolution is the development of sentient beings towards the state beyond extinction; the unborn, changeless peace of Nirvana. ˙ B.8.d ‘Just War’? ‘Theravada Buddhism has no theory for the Just War, nor could monks be directly implicated in political affairs’ is a claim that can easily be made from Buddhism’s ideal world view. However, though ‘pacifism may be the ideal, in practice Buddhists have often used violence in self-defence or defence of their country – not to speak of sometimes going in for aggressive violence, like any other group of people’ (Harvey 2000: 249). Other parts of section 8 mention various examples of this both from past and more recent Buddhist history. The nearest to a just war in the history of Buddhism was the case of the Sinhalese King Dutthagamani (second century BCE). He took into battle ˙ ˙ monks to disrobe to join the army and help Buddhist relics and ˙encouraged him defeat the Tamils. The story has been used in the current ethnic conflicts in Sri Lanka (see Bartholomeusz 1999) and those who use the story as a model see a defence of Buddhism as justifying violence. The story is told in the Mahavamsa, the Sri Lankan chronicle, and fighting against what is seen as ˙ foreign invasion which threatens national independence has become an

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engrained attitude, since freedom is seen to be essential to the spiritual (Buddhist) as well as the material progress of society. B.8.e. Contemporary Challenges Contemporary challenges in the arena of violence embrace weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons, pre-emptive strikes and terrorism. In the use of weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons, the problems of any violence and war are multiplied on a massive scale. All the reflections about violence made in this section are therefore relevant (see B.8.c). There are also additional implications in long-term damage to the environment and the making and trading in arms would be seen as an inappropriate livelihood by Buddhists (see B.4.b). As has already been mentioned, in response to the atomic bombs dropped on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, many Japanese Buddhist movements such as Rissho Kosei Kai, Nipponzon Myohoji and Soka Gakkai have become particularly active across the world in peace movements. This is done through interfaith activities, the building of peace pagodas, schemes to bring together young people from across racial and religious divides and implementing aid programmes in different parts of the world. Terrorists attack civilian targets for ideological reasons and it is now common to note that ‘one person’s terrorist is another’s freedom fighter’ and that groups will prefer to call themselves by this latter name. Keown identifies the Buddhist response as threefold: firstly to try to understand the complex causes and conditions, the interdependence of factors in any situation. This understanding should include reflection and self-criticism. Secondly to respond with compassion not hatred; and thirdly to know that a violent response will only lead to a cycle of retaliation (Keown 2005: 81–2). B.8.f. Social and Domestic Violence As can be seen throughout, the different topics in this book are closely related. Material on wealth and poverty, drugs, advertising and other issues in section 4 interact closely with the possible causes of social and domestic violence. These need to be addressed at the conventional level by societies, from their leaders at a political level down to individuals. This involves undertaking precepts and ways of life and being involved in family relationships (see section 3) which avoid such violence. However, as with all issues there is a level of looking at things and dealing with one’s own experiences which is oriented towards more ultimate perceptions. Thich Nhat Hanh, the Vietnamese Zen monk whom many see as the founder of the movement of Engaged Buddhists, wrote a moving poem in 1979 (see Thich Nhat Hanh 1993: 107ff.). The poem is called Please Call Me By My True Names and was his response to the news of the rape and

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subsequent suicide of a twelve-year-old girl who was one of the many boat people trying to cross the Gulf of Siam to leave behind their troubled land. He knew that such incidents, along with exploitation, theft and other acts of violence, were frequent, but he uses his mindfulness meditation and the strong Buddhist sense of interbeing, his word for pratıtya-samutpada, to identify not only with the girl, but also with the pirate who raped her. He says: I am the twelve-year-old girl, refugee on a small boat, who throws herself into the ocean after being raped by a sea pirate. And I am the pirate, my heart not yet capable of seeing and loving.

All of the precepts and ideals of being a Buddhist that have already been described (B.1.a and B.2.a), including behaviour within families (B.3.a and b), give a clear indication that the Buddhist path eschews harming, taking what is not freely given and associating with those who might ‘lead one astray’. There is also, however, the deeper attitude exemplified above which does not think of oneself as above or apart from social and domestic troubles. A strong sense of the inter-relatedness of all sentient beings may lead the Buddhist to identify with the perpetrators of social and domestic violence, see their need, listen to them and hope to help them in the process of change. Many Western Buddhists are counsellors and psychotherapists, and this ‘right livelihood’ (see B.1.a and B.4.b) indicates the Buddhist emphasis on inner knowledge and transformation that is at the heart of a wholesome way of life. It is generally acknowledged that acts of violence such as rape are particularly difficult to deal with. As an attempt to help others, an American woman recounts her attempt, as a Buddhist, to come to terms with the trauma of rape through the support of her practice. She says, ‘I surprised myself. I did act according to the belief that every experience is a powerful teacher, and I did transform, combust, move the energies of this negative experience’ (Eppsteiner 1985: 190ff.). B.9. GLOBAL ISSUES B.9.a. Responses to World Poverty As was mentioned in the sections on leaders (B.1.d), work (B.4.b) and wealth (B.4.d), Buddhists believe that poverty is basic to all kinds of other problems in society. The Burmese politician U Nu said in the 1960s, ‘The world is rich enough to provide sufficient food, clothing and shelter for everyone. The maximum standard of living is now enjoyed only by a few; but the majority

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of mankind has to live in extreme poverty’ (quoted in King 1964: 265–6). U Nu saw the solution in a form of Buddhist socialism. The end of the Green Buddhist Declaration presented to the Fourteenth General Conference of the World Fellowship of Buddhists in Colombo in 1984 states: We believe that since world resources and the ecosystem cannot support all peoples at the level of consumption of the advantaged nations, efforts towards global equity must be coupled with efforts towards voluntary simplicity, in one’s individual life-style and through democratically-determined policies. The economic structures which encourage consumeristic greed and alienation must be transformed. (Hughes 1984: 10)

The Western economist E. F. Schumacher also talks of voluntary simplicity of lifestyle in response to over-consumerism, and the problems of world poverty, in his chapter on Buddhist economics in Small is Beautiful. This voluntary, individual simplicity combined with global, international planning is needed not just for panic famine relief when a particular situation gets out of hand, but also as a sustained approach. Although Buddhists would support famine relief and any agencies helping those in need (see B.5.b) they would want to go further: ‘The mere practice of benevolence without improving the political and economic conditions in which people need relief is not enough.’ (Tamura 1960: 85). Buddhists would also want to go further in another way, and point out that many in the industrial countries have learned at first hand that material prosperity without spiritual development is ultimately unsatisfying and does not necessarily remove human suffering. B.9.b. Responses to Population Control The idea of celibacy, of not marrying and having children but becoming a monk or nun, is very strong in Buddhism. It is often pointed out that in a society where a fair proportion of young males and females are members of the samgha, the dangers of overpopulation are greatly decreased. This is voluntary˙ self-control, which helps with population control. When people do marry, Buddhists believe that the responsibility for having children is entirely theirs, and there should be no coercion or interference by the state on the matter of contraception (see B.5.c). Individual freedom is important, and with it the responsibility for one’s decision over whether contraception is in harmony with the precept against harming or taking life (see B.1.a). This decision involves the now familiar debate about when life begins and whether the sperm or the unfertilised egg, or the fertilised egg before it is embedded in the womb, is actual or only potential life (see B.5.c). The Buddhist is also interested in the motive or intention a person may have for using contraceptives. If it is for the sake of the mother’s health, or for the well-being of

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existing children, or not wishing for a child to live in poverty or danger, or even out of concern over population figures in general, then the action can be seen as a responsible one. If, on the other hand, a couple does not want the responsibility of children and sees physical desire as an end in itself, or would rather have a bigger car or house, or more holidays abroad, then these might be seen as wrong attitudes towards sexuality and life as a whole. B.9.c. Planet Earth and Ecology The interdependence or interconnectedness of human and all other forms of life in a finely balanced chain of being (pratıtya-samutpada) has always been a fundamental Buddhist belief: ‘Development will arrange for the rhythm of life and movement to be in accordance with the facts, while maintaining an awareness that man is but part of the universe, and that ways must be found to integrate mankind with the laws of nature’ (Sivaraksa 1988: 62). The economist E. F. Schumacher points out that Buddhism is not so anthropocentric as the so-called Middle Eastern religions, and that its attitudes do not therefore allow for the possibility that mankind has the right to take from nature, to see nature as simply for humanity’s particular use, or to dominate and oppress it. As he puts it, ‘Man is a child of nature and not the master of nature’ (Schumacher 1974: 84). Writing about Buddhist economics he describes Buddhists’ attitude with reference particularly to trees. The teaching of the Buddha ... enjoins a reverent and non-violent attitude not only to all sentient beings but also, with great emphasis, to trees. Every follower of the Buddha ought to plant a tree every few years and look after it until it is safely established. He does not seem to realise that he is part of an ecosystem of many different forms of life. As the world is ruled from towns where men are cut off from any form of life other than the human, the feeling of belonging to an ecosystem is not realised. This results in a harsh and improvident treatment of things upon which we ultimately depend, such as water and trees. (ibid.: 49)

Another illustration of Buddhist respect for living things is the custom of buying fish and caged birds at the festival of Wesak in countries like Thailand, and setting them free. Liberation, which is an important part of the theme of the festival, is practically illustrated in these compassionate acts. In every way nature produces an atmosphere that is conducive to wisdom, prajña (see B.5.f). This is well illustrated in the use of Japanese gardens as places of meditation, and Chinese landscape paintings. Tibetans say that not too much of anything that is precious should be taken from the earth, as then its quality fades and the earth is destroyed. These beautiful affirmations of Buddhist views and practices also need to be matched by examination of realities in traditional Buddhist cultures, for example in relation to deforestation and its implications for those human and other than human beings who depend on this habitat. It has been suggested that excessive consumerism and excessive reproduc-

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tion are basic factors in our harming of our environment and that dealing with the compulsion, craving and greed which these involve and developing contentment and equanimity are key Buddhist contributions. The following list of topics for discussion shows how closely linked with other issues is the question of planet earth: The problem of killing [see B.l.a] which would include war, racial disharmony [B.8.a], peace and disarmament. The style of living, including vegetarianism [see B.5.f] in the modern world, which should not only be traditional, but must be really compassionate and must understand the way animals are bred just to serve human markets. This includes insecticide or vegetables that are really harmful to humankind as well as harmful to the whole ecological environment. (Sivaraksa 1988)

B.10.a Glossary Buddhism has ranged over many cultures and Buddhist texts and terms have been translated into many languages, not all of which can be used in an introduction such as this. The Sanskrit (s.) form of technical terms, initially giving a Pali (p.) equivalent, is used in the glossary and mostly in the text. Sometimes, however, since the scriptures of Theravada Buddhists are in Pali, this language alone is used. Ahimsa ˙ Anatman (s.), Anatta (p.) Anitya (s.), Anicca (p.) Avidya (s.), avijja (p.) Bhikshu (s.), bhikkhu (p.) Bhikshuni (s.), bhikkhuni (p.) Bodhisattva (s.), bodhisatta (p.) Brahma-viharas Buddha Buddha-nature Cinta (s.), Citta (p.) Dalai Lama

Non-harming, non-violence The idea that there is no permanent, eternal soul or self in beings Impermanence Ignorance Almsman, monk Almswoman, nun An enlightenment-being. Describes someone who is on the way to enlightenment. One quality of such a person is their interest in helping others along the path The four highest states of mind: loving kindness; compassion; sympathetic joy; and equanimity An awakened or enlightened being The potential for or nature of enlightenment which is in all sentient beings Heart or mind Literally ‘great ocean teacher’, this is the title of the senior monk of the Gelukpa School of Tibetan Buddhism who is respected by all Tibetan Buddhists

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Dana Dasá-s´ıla Dasá-s´ıla mata Dharma (s.), dhamma (p.) Dharma-raja (s.) Duhkha (s.), ˙ dukkha (p.) Dvesa (s.), Dosa (p.) Four noble truths

Gelukpa

Ikebana Jataka (p.)

Giving, generosity Ten precepts Ten precept mothers. A term for Theravada nuns who are not yet able to take full ordination Truth, teaching, law, righteousness, duty Righteous king or ruler Suffering, unsatisfactoriness, disease Hatred, one of the three roots of evil along with greed and ignorance The basis of the Buddha’ s first sermon which teaches: 1. that life is suffering (dukkha [p.]); 2. that there is an origin (samudaya [p.]) of suffering in thirst (tanha [p.] – also link desire and greed); ˙ 3. that there can be a cessation, extinction or stopping (nirodha [p.]) of suffering; and 4. that there is an eightfold path (magga [p.]) which leads to the cessation of suffering Literally ‘those who follow the path of perfect virtue’. One of the schools of Tibetan Buddhism whose members are sometimes called ‘yellow hats’ because they wear these for ceremonials. The Dalai Lama is head of this school which dates from the fourteenth century CE The art of flower arrangement, developed particularly in Japan and seen as a spiritual exercise Literally ‘birth’. Over 500 stories of the previous births of Gautama Buddha are collected in the Pali Canon A spiritual friend

Kalyana mitra (s.), ˙ Kalyana-mitta (p.) ˙ Karma (s.), Deeds or action which affect one’s future birth on the princi Kamma (p.) ple that morally one reaps what one sows. In Buddhism based on intention Karuna Compassion, one of the four Brahma-viharas and a key quality ˙ in the Bodhisattva’s way of life. Lama Tibetan term for a spiritual teacher, guru in Sanskrit Lobha (s. and p.) Greed, a synonym of thirst, craving and desire (see also trs na¯ ˙˙ ˙ [s.] tanha [p.]) ˙ A path which is the fourth stage of the noble truths and Marga (s.), magga (p.) unpacked into eight steps The great vehicle or way. The name of one of the two main divMahayana isions of Buddhist groups. These were classically found in countries such as Tibet, Korea, China and Japan, but are now also in the West Loving kindness, one of the four Brahma-viharas Maitrı (s.), Metta (p.)

Buddhism Nirvana (s.), ˙ Nibbana (p.) Noble eightfold path

Pali

Pali Canon

Pañca-s´ıla Pap (p.) Paramita Prajña (s.), Panna (p.) Pratıtya samutpada (s.), Paticca samuppada (p.) Punya (s.), ˙ Puñña (p.) Rebirth Samadhi Samgha (s.), ˙ Sangha (p.) Samsara ˙ Sati-patthana ˙˙ Shin S´ıla (s.), Sıla (p.) Theravada

Triratna (s.), tiratna (p.)

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The extinction of the fires of greed, hatred and ignorance which is the final goal for the Buddhist The path in eight stages that the fourth of the noble truth teaches leads from suffering to Enlightenment. The eight stages unpack the three areas of morality, meditation and wisdom. They are: right or appropriate understanding and thought (wisdom); right or appropriate speech, action and livelihood (morality); and right or appropriate effort, mindfulness and concentration (meditation) The ancient Indian dialect in which the Buddhist teachings were brought to Sri Lanka and in which they were written down in the Pali Canon The collection of Buddhist teachings in the three groups or Pitakas (baskets) in which the palm leaf manuscripts were ˙ stored. These three in the Pali terms are the Vinaya (monastic rules), Sutta (sermon) and Abhidhamma (higher teachings). They form the scriptures of Theravada Buddhism and are in the Pali language and are also called the Tripitaka (s.), ˙ Tipitaka (p.) ˙ Five precepts Not meritorious, evil, bad Perfection Wisdom Dependent origination. The idea of interdependence or inter being shown in a twelve-linked chain round the wheel-of-life paintings Merit Continued chain of life and death (see samsara) kept in motion ˙ by karma Meditation In the broadest sense the assembly or community of all four Buddhists groups (householders, male and female and renouncers, male and female), but now usually refers to monks and nuns The suffering cycle of birth, death and rebirth Mindfulness Another name for the Pure Land schools of Mahayana Buddhism which developed in China and Japan Morality The way of the elders. Name given to style of Southern Buddhism traditionally found in Thailand (Siam), Sri Lanka (Ceylon), Myanmar (Burma), Campuchea (Cambodia) and Laos. Three jewels or refuges. These are the Buddha, Dharma and Samgha ˙

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Trsna (s.), ˙˙ ˙ Tanha (p.) ˙ Vihara

Wesak Zen

ETHICAL ISSUES IN SIX RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS Thirst, a synonym for craving desire and greed (lobha) An abode, used for a Buddhist place of gathering for chanting, teaching and meditation, which is usually where monks live; a monastery Theravada festival in the month of Wesak, which is in April/May. It celebrates the Buddha’s birth, enlightenment and death A Japanese school of Mahayana Buddhism. Its Japanese name translates dhyana (s), jhana (p) and Ch’an (Chinese) and means meditation

B.10.b. Bibliography Texts Carpenter, J. E. (ed.) (1960), Dıghanikaya, vol. III, London: Pali Text Society. Conze, E. et al. [1954] (1995), Buddhist Texts Through The Ages, Oxford: Oneworld Publications. Cowell, E. B. (ed.) [1895–1907] (1956), The Jataka or The Stories of The Buddha’s Former Births, 6 vols, London: Pali Text Society. Hurvitz, Leon tr. (1976), Scripture of The Lotus Blossom of The Fine Dharma, New York: Columbia University Press. Ling, Trevor (1981), The Buddha’s Philosophy of Man, London: Dent. Lopez, Donald S. Jr (ed.) (2004), Buddhist Scriptures, London: Penguin. Nanamoli Bhkkhu (tr.) [1975] (1976), Buddhaghosa’s The Path of Purification, 2 vols, Berkeley: Shambala. Radhakrishnan, S. (tr.) (1950), The Dhammapada, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rhys Davids, T. W. and C. A. F. (tr.) (1899–1921), Dialogues of the Buddha, vols I–III, London: Pali Text Society. Shantideva (tr.), Batchelor, S. (1979), A Guide to the Bodhisattva’s Way of Life, Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives. Suzuki, D. T. (1930), Studies in the Lankavatara Sutra, London: Routledge. Thurman, Robert (tr.) (1976), The Holy Teaching of Vimalakırti, University Park, PA: Penn State University Press. General Aitken, R. (1984), The Mind of Clover, Berkeley: North Point Press. Bartholomeusz, T. J. (2002), In Defence of Dharma: Just War Ideology in Buddhist Sri Lanka, London: Routledge. Batchelor, M. and K. Brown (eds) (1992), Buddhism and Ecology, London: Cassell. Bowker, J. (1983), Worlds of Faith, London: BBC Publications. Cooper, David E. and Simon P. James (2003), Buddhism, Virtue and Environment, Aldershot: Ashgate. Cousins, L. (1973–4), Ethical Standards in World Religions III: Buddhism, vol. 185, London: Expository Times. De Silva, P. (1998), Environmental Philosophy and Ethics in Buddhism, London: Macmillan.

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Dumoulin, Heinrich and John C. Maraldo (eds) (1976), Buddhism in the Modern World, London: Collier Macmillan. Eppsteiner, P. (ed.) (1988), The Path of Compassion, Berkeley: Parallax Press. Goodacre, D. (ed.) (1983), World Religions and Medicine, Oxford: Institute of Religion and Medicine. Gross, Rita (1993), Buddhism after Patriarchy, Albany, NY: SUNY Press. Gyatso, T. (1984), Kindness, Clarity and Insight, Ithaca: Snow Lion. Harris, Ian (ed.) (1999), Buddhism and Politics in Twentieth Century Asia, London: Pinter. Harvey, Peter (2000), Introduction to Buddhist Ethics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Harvey, Peter (forthcoming), Buddhist Ethics in Theory and Practice, London: Routledge. Hughes, J. J. (ed.) (1984), Green Buddhist Declaration, Moratuwa, Sri Lanka: Sarvodaya Press. James, S. P. (2004), Zen, Buddhism and Environmental Ethics, Aldershot: Ashgate. Jayatilleke, K. N. (1972), Ethics in a Buddhist Perspective, Kandy: Wheel Publications. Jones, Ken (2003), The New Social Face of Buddhism, Boston: Wisdom. Kabilsingh, Chatsumarn (1991), Thai Women in Buddhism, Berkeley: Parallax Press. Kapleau, Philip [1981] (1986), To Cherish All Life, Rochester, New York: Zen Centre. Keown, Damien (1992), The Nature of Buddhist Ethics, Basingstoke: Macmillan. Keown, Damien (1995), Buddhism and Bioethics, Basingstoke: Macmillan. Keown, Damien (ed.) (1999), Buddhism and Abortion, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Keown, Damien (2005), Buddhist Ethics: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Keown, Damien V., Charles S. Prebish and Wayne R. Husted (eds) (1998), Buddhism and Human Rights, Richmond: Curzon. Kiblinger, K. B. (2005), Buddhist Inclusivism: Attitudes Towards Religious Others, Aldershot: Ashgate. King, Sallie (2005), Being Benevolence, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. King, Winston (1964), In the Hope of Nibbana, La Salle: Open Court. Kotler, Arnold (ed.) (1986), Engaged Buddhist Reader, Berkeley: Parallax Press. Ling, Trevor (1980), Buddhist Revival in India: Aspects of the Sociology of Buddhism, London: Macmillan. Misra, G. S. P. (1984), Development of Buddhist Ethics, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Queen, Christopher (2000), Engaged Buddhism in The West, Boston: Wisdom. Queen, Christopher, Charles Prebish and Damien Keown (eds) (2003), Action Dharma: New Studies in Engaged Buddhism, London: Routledge. Rahula, Walpola [1959] (2nd ed. 1976), What the Buddha Taught, New York: Grove Press. Ruegg, D. S., ‘Ahimsa and Vegetarianism in the History of Buddhism’, in T. Balasooriya and R. Gombrich (eds) (1980), Buddhist Studies in Honour of Walpola Rahula, London and Bedford: Gordon Fraser, pp. 234–41.

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Saddhatissa, H. (1970), Buddhist Ethics, London: Allen & Unwin. Sangharakshita (1984), Buddhism, World Peace and Nuclear War, Glasgow: Windhorse Publications. Schumacher, E. (1973), Small is Beautiful, London: Blond & Briggs. Sivaraksa, Sulak (1988), A Socially Engaged Buddhism, Bangkok: Inter-religious Commission for Development. Sivaraksa, Sulak (2005), Conflict, Culture, Change, Somerville, MA: Wisdom Publications. Sizemore, Russell F. and Donald K. Swearer (eds) (1990), Ethics, Wealth and Salvation, Columbia: University of South Carolina Press. Spiro, Melford [1970] (1982), Buddhism and Society, Berkeley: University of California Press. Stott, David (1986), A Circle of Protection for the Unborn, Bristol: Ganesha Press. Subhuti, D. (1983), Buddhism for Today, Salisbury: Element Books. Suu Kyi, Aung San (1996), The Voice of Hope, London: Penguin. Tachibana, Shundo [1926] (1992), The Ethics of Buddhism, Richmond: Curzon Press. Tamura, Y. (ed.) (1960), Living Buddhism in Japan, Tokyo: International Institute for the Study of Religions. Thich Nhat Hanh (1967), Vietnam: The Lotus in A Sea of Fire, London: SCM. Thich Nhat Hanh (1993), Love in Action, Berkeley: Parallax Press. Tucker, Mary Evelyn and Duncan Ryuken Williams (eds) (1997), Buddhism and Ecology, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Victoria, B. (2002), Zen War Stories, London: Routledge. Williams, Paul (1989), Mahayana Buddhism, London: Routledge. Journals and web sites Many texts are on-line. Use a search engine to find them. One example is Burton Watson’s translation of The Lotus Sutra at www.sgiusa.org /buddhism/library/Buddhism/Lotus Sutra. Buddhist Resources File at http://ccbs.ntu.edu.tn/BRF. Buddhist Studies Review: for example Lamotte, E., ‘Religious Suicide in Early Buddhism’, Buddhist Studies Review, 4, 2, 1987, pp. 1105–18. DharmaNet International at www.dharmanet.org. International Journal of Buddhist Ethics UK: www//jbe.gold.ac.uk; USA: http://jbe.la.psu.edu. Journal of Asian Philosophy: for example, Florida, R. E., ‘Buddhist Approaches to Abortion’, Journal of Asian Philosophy, 1, 1991, pp. 39–50. Raft (the Journal of the Buddhist Hospice Trust). Enquiries to 1 Laurel House, Trafalgar Road, Newport, Isle of Wight PO30 1QN. www.buddhisthospice.org.uk Tricycle (The Buddhist Review) is available at large stationers, from Sharpham College (address below) and 92 Vandam Street, New York 10013, USA. It includes many addresses in the USA. www.tricycle.com Yasodhara, Newsletter of the International Buddhist Women’s Association (see Sakyadhita below). Enquiries to: Faculty of Liberal Arts, Thammasat University, Bangkok 10200, Thailand.

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B.10.c. Addresses UK-based Angulimala, Buddhist Prison Chaplaincy Organisation, The Forest Hermitage, Lower Fulbrook, Warwick CV35 8AS. www.angulimala.org.uk Buddhist Society with a Buddhist Directory (UK), The Buddhist Society, 58 Ecclestone Square, London SW1V 1PH. www.thebuddhistsociety.org.uk Forest Sangha Newsletter (with international news and details of children’s activities) from: Amaravati Buddhist Centre, Great Gaddesdon, Hemel Hempstead, Hertfordshire HP1 3BQ. www.fsnewsletter.amaravati.org Karuna Trust Aid Agency, St Mark’s Studios, Chillingworth Road, London N7 8QJ. www.karuna.org Network of Engaged Buddhists, Plas Plwca, Cwmrheidol, Aberystwyth, SY23 3NB. www.engagedbuddhists.org.uk Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies, Wolfson College, Oxford OX2 6UD. www.ocbs.org Pali Text Society, for lists of publications, Gazelle, White Cross Mills, Hightown, Lancaster LA1 4XS, UK. www.palitext.com Sharpham College, Ashprington, Totnes, Devon TQ9 7QT runs courses and publishes material. www.sharpham-trust.org Throssel Hole Priory, Carrshield, Hexham, Northumberland NE47 8AL. This is a Soto Zen Centre. www.throssel.org.uk Western Buddhist Order and Friends of The Western Buddhist Order (including the journal, Golden Drum, with international coverage), Padmaloka, Lesingham House, Surlingham, Norwich NR14 7AL. www.fwbo.org International American Buddhist Directory (USA and Canada), American Buddhist Movement, 301 West 45th St, New York 10036, USA. See www.buddhanet.org Buddhist Peace Fellowship, PO Box 3470, Berkeley, CA 94703, USA (with newsletter). www.bpf.org Buddhist Studies Department, The Naropa Institute, 2130 Arupahoe Avenue, Boulder, Colorado 80302, USA. www.naropa.edu Digital International Buddhism Organisation. www.buddhism.org International Buddhist Directory, Wisdom Publications, 361 Newbury Street, Boston, MA 02115, USA. www.buddhanet.net/worlddir.htm International Network of Engaged Buddhists, 666 Charoen Nakorn Road, Klong San, Bangkok 10600, Thailand. www.sulak-sivaraksa.org/network22.php Sakyadhita International: The International Association of Buddhist Women, Mather/Vincenty, 1143 Piikoi Place, Honolulu, Hawaii 96822, USA, with newsletter. www.sakyadhita.org San Francisco Zen Centre, 300 Page Street, San Francisco, California 94102, USA. www.sfzc.org The Buddhist Perception of Nature Project, Nancy Lee Nash, International Co-ordinator, 5 H Bowen Road, 1st Floor, Hong Kong. World Fellowship of Buddhists, 616 Sukhumvit Road, Soi 24, Bangkok 10110, Thailand. www.wfb-hq.org

C. Sikhism Eleanor Nesbitt

C.1. RELIGIOUS IDENTITY AND AUTHORITY C.1.a. On Being a Sikh Of several definitions, that in the Sikh Rahit Maryada: A Guide to the Sikh Way of Life (see below) is the most widely cited: A Sikh is any person whose faith consists of belief in one God, the ten Gurus, the Guru Granth Sahib and other scriptures of the Sikh religion. Additionally he or she must believe in the necessity and importance of amrit. [This is the Sikh ceremony of initiation into the Khalsa – see below.]

The word Sikh means a learner and, more specifically, a disciple of the spiritual teacher or Guru. For Sikhs the word Guru means God, as well as each of the ten human masters from Guru Nanak (CE 1469–1539) to Guru Gobind Singh (1666–1708), and the Guru Granth Sahib (the scriptures, a 1,430-page volume of hymns). Since Sikhs respect all religious paths (see C.7.b) theirs is not a proselytising faith. As a result, although there are a few converts from Western countries, as well as Sikhs from Sindh (in present-day Pakistan) and from Afghanistan, the vast majority of Sikhs, in whatever continent they now live, share a Punjabi cultural heritage. Their families originate from Punjab in North-West India, speak Punjabi, and every aspect of their lives is affected, if not moulded, by Punjabi cultural norms. Since 1947, when Punjab was divided between Pakistan and India, it has been the Indian state of Punjab with which Sikhs have identified. This cultural factor has to be borne in mind when looking at Sikhs’ moral decisions, especially those concerning family life (see C.2.c, C.3.a, C.3.b and C.5.a). What must also be remembered is that Punjabi cultural norms are themselves diverse and changing in response to more global influences such as consumerism. However, especially during the twentieth century, many Indians have emigrated, so creating a substantial Sikh diaspora. Although Sikhs constitute only 1.9 per cent of the population of India, they make up a much higher proportion of Indian emigrants to the West. In Britain they are the largest faith community after Christians, Muslims and Hindus, and there are substantial Sikh

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communities in Canada and the United States of America as well as smaller communities in many other countries of Europe, Africa, America and Asia. In the diaspora many young Sikhs use the adjectives ‘Sikh’ and ‘Punjabi’ interchangeably to describe their identity, regardless of their level of fluency in the Punjabi language or whether they have spent time in Punjab. They also distinguish ‘Sikhs’ from ‘proper Sikhs’, applying the latter designation to those Sikhs who conform to Khalsa discipline (see below) and who devote time to service in the gurdwara (place of worship) or who at least ‘look Sikh’. Looking Sikh principally depends upon observing the rule not to remove or shorten one’s hair (kesh). The picture in most Sikhs’ minds is of a male keshdharı Sikh, in other words a turbaned man with full beard. (Indeed the turban is regarded by many people, both Sikhs and non-Sikhs, as a Sikh hallmark, despite the fact that turbans are worn by men of other Asian communities and that the vast majority of Sikh women and many male Sikhs do not wear turbans.) Sikhs refer to their religious community as the Panth (pronounced like the English word ‘punt’) or as Khalsa-Panth. Strictly speaking, Khalsa Sikhs are those who have been initiated in a khande dı pahul (also known as amrit sanskar or the amrit ceremony). This rite involves sipping, and being sprinkled with, ceremonially sweetened water (amrit) and the candidates (as Khalsa, or amritdharı Sikhs) commit themselves to observing a strict discipline. The discipline requires both men and women to maintain a five-fold uniform, known as the Five Ks or panj kakke, from the initial letter ‘k’ (in Punjabi the letter ‘kakka’). The Five Ks are: kesh (uncut hair) – hence the adjective keshdharı, for a Sikh whose hair (and beard) are unshortened, the kirpan (sword), the kara (iron or steel ‘bangle’), the kangha (wooden comb, to be worn in the hair) and the kachh. The kachh, or kachhahıra, is the cotton breeches, usually worn underneath outer garments. Khalsa discipline also requires the daily recitation of morning, early evening and late evening prayers, and abstention from adultery, from eating the meat of ritually killed animals, that is halal meat, from using tobacco, intoxicants or narcotics as well as from removing or shortening hair on any part of one’s body. Other prohibitions include the worship of Hindu deities and associating with the followers of individuals who challenged the generally accepted succession of Gurus. In spiritual terms, those whose daily life is a constant remembrance (simran) of God will express God’s will (hukam) in their actions. This is the shining message of the Gurus as set down in the Guru Granth Sahib, the ¯ di Granth. Sikhs must recall God sacred scripture otherwise referred to as A constantly, work honestly and share what they earn. Self-centredness (haumai) must give way to the Godward orientation of a gurmukh (C.2.a). The gurmukh is a person who shuns lust, anger, greed, attachment to things temporal and pride (kam, krodh, lobh, moh and ahankar). Sikhs must resist the temptation to renounce secular responsibilities, and must seek to live like a lotus, which is rooted in the mire, but unsullied by it.

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In practice Sikhs share many values (hospitality, for example) with members of other faiths in the Indian subcontinent. Likewise, the maintenance and enhancement of one’s family’s izzat (honour) is a dominant concern (see C.2.c). Consequently misconduct, especially a woman’s real or imagined sexual misconduct, brings shame on the whole family. Because certain values were and are a basic part of Indian society, the Gurus did not emphasise them. Thus, the Gurus had no need to exhort Sikhs to show hospitality to strangers and respect to the elderly (see C.5.a). But because caste discrimination and hypocritical religiosity were rife, Guru Nanak and his successors proclaimed tirelessly the irrelevance of caste distinction and of superficial ritualism to the soul’s reunion with God. This emphasis on certain aspects of behaviour should not be taken to mean that all other values are less important. Care must be taken too lest the Gurus’ insights about the ultimate insignificance of religious convention or hereditary standing be read anachronistically as blueprints for social changes (such as advocating, arranging or contracting marriages out of caste) of a sort that they did not envisage (C.7.a). A Sikh’s conduct may find inspiration in certain compositions and traditions not included in the Guru Granth Sahib. Among these are the Vars of Bhaı Gurdas (a saintly contemporary of four of the Gurus) and the numerous stories of Guru Nanak’s life known as the janamsakhıs. Inspiration is drawn too from compositions, comprising the Dasam Granth, that are attributed to Guru Gobind Singh, and also from the accounts of later Sikhs’ heroism and martyrdom (C.1.e). Ever since the time of Guru Gobind Singh (d. CE 1708), codes of conduct (rahitnamas), for example Rahitnama Bha ı Chaupa Singh and Prem Sumarg, have been in circulation. These laid down the behaviour required of Sikhs. The eighteenth- and nineteenth-century rahitnamas reflected their period, and one clear purpose was the social segregation of Sikhs and Muslims. The most recent of these codes of practice, the Sikh Rahit Maryada, a guide to the Sikh way of life, was approved for issue by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (literally the Chief Gurdwara Management Committee, usually referred to as the SGPC), the central advisory body of the Sikhs, in 1945 (see C.1.c). Today’s Khalsa Sikhs are bound by the Sikh Rahit Maryada. For other Sikhs, too, it provides a valued framework for deciding questions of individual and corporate, moral and ritual conduct. The Sikh Rahit Maryada supports a Khalsa style of Sikhism, it indicates that ultimately authority lies with the Panth and the Granth and it includes an explanation of how local congregations should impose penance for breaches of the discip-line. The text is available in both Punjabi and English. But in practice most Sikhs’ ethical tradition is passed on orally, whether by elders relating janamsakhı stories with a moral or by the panj piare (the five amritdharı Sikhs who perform a khande dı pahul) orally transmitting Khalsa discipline to the initiates.

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As a result of rapid social change worldwide, as well as family dislocation, young Sikhs in the diaspora are facing different issues from their grandparents and (sometimes to a lesser degree) their parents at the same age. Yet it is traditionally on the older family members that the responsibility for decisionmaking rests. They are acutely aware of social pressures to conform within the Sikh community and these are likely to determine their conduct and advice. Certain major decisions are still widely regarded as less a matter for the individual than in many families of non-Asian origin. Choice of career and, in particular, selection of a spouse continue in many families to be concerns for older relatives (see C.3.a). Traditional behaviour, in terms of age, gender and status roles, is often at variance with contemporary non-Asian presuppositions and values. For young Sikhs in the West, faced with ethical choices in an environment far removed from Punjab, and for those in contact with them, it is helpful to be able to distinguish between time-honoured regional custom on the one hand, and Sikh religious principles on the other. For example, family custom often dictates that sons and daughters marry members of the same zat (caste, see C.3.a). In rejecting this, as many Sikhs wish to, they are in fact not abandoning Sikh religious teaching, and are arguably acting in accordance with it (see C.7.a). Similarly, dominant custom requires conspicuous expenditure (mainly by the bride’s family) on marriages, including dowry items and the generous provision of alcoholic drinks for male guests. By contrast Sikhs’ religious teaching condemns the display of wealth and forbids intoxicants (see C.4.d and C.4.e). Neither the written nor oral codes include any reference to many contemporary moral issues. Moreover, the few studies of Sikh ethics so far undertaken by Sikh intellectuals tend not to discuss or offer rulings on such highly complex and controversial contemporary issues as nuclear war or bioethics. These matters await both serious attention from scholars and recognition by most preachers. In gurdwaras generally, those who are regarded as religious authorities – the gianıs and granthıs – are traditionalist, ill at ease with English and unfamiliar with the dilemmas facing those growing up in the West. Some ethical issues, such as abortion (see C.5.d), euthanasia (see C.5.e) and homosexuality (see C.2.d), which have been high on the agenda in many Western contexts for several decades, have not been publicly debated or extensively discussed by Sikh scholars. In Sikh society generally (as in other South Asian faith communities), sex-related matters such as contraception and abortion are regarded as private affairs, and certainly not for open discussion in either religious forums or between the generations. But (C.1.c) they are prominent in Sikh discussion on the internet. When considering the reasons for the tentative, unresolved nature of Sikh response to some issues the lay character of the Panth (C.1.c) must also be remembered. It is noteworthy too that at the end of the twentieth century, a time when many individuals and institutions worldwide were responding to

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new and controversial ethical challenges, most Sikh concern was focused on the uneasy situation of Sikhs in India. However, Piara Singh Sambhi and Gobind Singh Mansukhani were among a few pioneers in providing a Sikh response to emergent contemporary questions (see, for example, Mansukhani’s Introduction to Sikhism, first published in 1986). At the same time, some other issues, that are of central concern to Sikh identity, such as the cutting of one’s hair or smoking, have received a great deal of attention. In the latter case, contemporary medical research is used to support the religious prohibition. C.1.b. Authority Guru Nanak’s vision of truth did not divide the world into spiritual and secular. Political and social order are for him inseparable from the universal order, a divine harmony in which every part has its role to play, its dharam (see Hindus’ dharma). Humans who forget God abuse earthly power. The fundamental issue is spiritual, not political: ‘Lords of the ocean and kings with mountains of wealth are not equal to an insect that never forgets God in ¯ di Granth, p.5). But the tyranny of unjust kings may itself be its heart’ (A divinely ordained punishment on those who have forgotten Him. Guru Nanak witnessed Babur’s invasion of India: ‘How hard it is for the captives ... They never gave God a thought. Now they have no leisure in which to remember ¯ di Granth, p.417). him’ (A All authority is ultimately God’s. From analogy with the Sikhs’ conduct of their religious affairs (see C.l.c) it might be imagined that they disapprove of monarchy or favour democracy. In fact the Gurus never criticised the political system of kingship, only its abuse (see C.1.d). After the death of Guru Gobind Singh in 1708 CE, many of his followers flocked to his nominated deputy, Banda Bahadur, and treated him as king. Throughout the eighteenth century Sikhs fought as members of misals (military groups), each with its chieftain who exercised more or less princely power. More successful than his contemporaries in his pursuit of power, Maharaja Ranjı¯t Singh ruled a united Punjab from 1799 to 1839. However, although Maharaja Ranjı¯t Singh’s reign is regarded by some as the golden age of Sikh polity, by others this period is perceived as one in which Sikhism lost its distinctive character and lapsed into Hinduism. The difference between his reign and that of the eighteenthcentury Sikh rulers was one of degree and not of kind (see, for example, Grewal 1972: 160–7). C.1.c. Authority Figures in the Faith Authority is God’s, and as the Guru uniquely mediates the divine to other human beings, the Guru is the ultimate human authority. During the lives of the ten Sikh Gurus, this spiritual authority was recognised by their followers

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and evident in a style of sovereignty increasingly parallel to the Mughal rulers’ administration. The chaurı (an emblem of authority) was waved above the Guru as he gave audience. From at least the time of Guru Arjan Dev, representatives called masands had responsibility for devotees in designated areas (manjıs.) This reflected Mughal imperial administration and continued until the system was abolished by Guru Gobind Singh. On becoming Guru in 1606 CE, Hargobind also assumed military leadership – mırı (temporal power) – as well as pırı (spiritual authority), symbolised by two swords. The Guru was Sache Padshah, the true emperor. In 1699 Guru Gobind Singh established a new model of authority. Guruship was henceforth vested not only in his person but also in his Khalsa. This consisted of those Sikhs who had taken amrit (that is, made a distinctive act of commitment) and accepted the responsibilities and identifying marks now required of them. From Guru Gobind Singh’s death in 1708, the scrip¯ di Granth, was to be Guru, the Guru Granth tural compilation of hymns, the A Sahib. The Guru Granth Sahib continues to be treated with the external signs of respect due to the highest authority. For example, most Sikh families do not have a complete volume of the scriptures at home, because as Guru it requires an upstairs room to be devoted exclusively to it. A random reading (vak) is accepted daily as the Guru’s hukam (order, guidance) for the day. On occasion a vak from Harmandir Sahib (the Golden Temple in the city of Amritsar, Punjab, India) takes on a wider social and historic importance. In 1920 the reading: ‘Upon the worthless God bestows grace, if they will serve ¯ di Granth, p.38) was one such. The words were understood the True Guru’ (A as a vindication of new converts from ‘untouchable’ (that is, the lowest caste) communities offering and receiving blessed food (karah parsad, C.7.a). Two vaks in 1984 were understood by some Sikhs as a death warrant for the killing of the Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, who had given the order for the Indian army to enter the precincts of the Harmandir Sahib. Clearly, use of the scripture, a body of mystical poetry, as an oracle in specific crises is reliant on interpretation by fallible humans with their own predispositions and agendas. It is also debatable whether guidance so gained applies only to the immediate recipients or more universally. The Guruship of the Khalsa or of the Panth has been emphasised less than the Guruship of the Granth. However, a gurmata, a decision taken by consensus of the congregation in the presence of the Guru Granth Sahib, is binding. This is particularly true of any gurmata taken in the Akal Takht, the building facing the Harmandir Sahib, and issued as an edict (hukamnama) to all Sikhs. So, at times of crisis during the eighteenth century, the dal khalsa (Sikh army) would gather at Amritsar and act on the basis of whatever gurmata was reached. The Akal Takht is the principal seat of authority but there are four other Takhts (seats of authority) recognised by Sikhs. Currently, it is the Jathedar of the Akal Takht who issues hukamnamas, and he does so on the recommendation of a committee of the SGPC (C.1.a).

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(The Jathedar is the leader of the panj piare at the Akal Takht, Amritsar, and the SGPC has since 1925 been the Sikhs’ most authoritative elected body.) One noteworthy hukamnama was issued in 1978 CE, ordering all Sikhs to boycott the Sant Nirankarı sect (see C.7.b). Hukamnamas are often intended to excommunicate, and so isolate, intimidate and coerce heretics or dissidents. In 1998 a hukamnama prohibited the use of chairs and tables in the langar (area of a gurdwara where free meals are served by volunteers) (see C.7.a) and Canadian Sikhs who disputed this ruling were excommunicated. Both these hukamnamas resulted in loss of life. There is no priesthood in Sikhism. It is important to realise this, especially as the media and many Sikhs now use the words ‘priest’ and even – for the Jathedar of Akal Takht – ‘high priest’. There are also no seminaries or theological colleges, although in Punjab there are taksals (literally ‘mints’), traditional institutions where Sikhs learn to pronounce the scriptures correctly. For religious purposes, such as administering khande dı pahul, the initiation ceremony inaugurated by Guru Gobind Singh in 1699, authority is represented by the panj piare (five beloved ones), that is, five Sikhs of known orthodoxy and good character. In the gurdwara all are equal, although only those proficient in reading the Gurmukhı script can publicly read the scriptures and act as granthı. Gianı (learned) is the respectful title given to Sikhs proficient in interpreting the Guru Granth Sahib. Although the election of office holders on gurdwara management committees is ideally by consensus of the gathered congregation (sangat), individual gurdwara constitutions differ on the best procedure. Additionally and controversially, many Sikhs, young and old alike, act on the guidance of revered spiritual masters known as sants (C.1.c). In gurdwaras set up by the followers of a sant there is no elected committee and his word is final. His followers have complete faith in the sant’s pronouncements, regardless of how much first-hand experience he has of their perplexities. Individual sants command huge resources of wealth and person-power. Some have wielded enormous influence on Sikh religion and politics and, since the 1960s, sants have travelled increasingly between Punjab and diasporic communities. Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (1947–84) and Sant Puran Singh (Kerıchowale Baba) (d. 1983) provide very different twentieth-century examples. Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale was a charismatic preacher, trained in the Damdami taksal, and in the early 1980s his words inspired Sikh aspirations for an autonomous Sikh state, to be called Khalistan, and insurgency against the Indian state. As a shahıd (martyr) he continues to draw allegiance. Sant Puran Singh drew Sikhs in Kenya and subsequently Britain to become Khalsa Sikhs and he founded the influential Nishkam Sevak Jatha. Among its many projects was the regilding of the Harmandir Sahib. In 2003 it was pressure from sants which resulted in the modification of Sikhs’ newly devised calendar, the Nanakshahı calendar, such that it retained links to the earlier Vikramı calendar which Sikhs had shared with Hindus.

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The rapid uptake of information and communication technology, especially among younger Sikhs, coincides with widespread mistrust of Sikh institutions. The internet provides unprecedented access to the entire Guru Granth Sahib, in its original language and in English translation, including the daily vak from the Harmandir Sahib. On the internet growing numbers of Sikhs feel confident to voice uncertainties and to offer advice, and solidarity develops with Sikhs of similar religious and political persuasion. Via the internet active deterrence of those expressing unwelcome viewpoints is quickly mobilised. By 2004 there were nearly 2,000 Sikh web sites and an estimated 200 Sikh discussion groups, constituting a transnational forum for debating contentious issues. C.1.d. Duties of Leaders In accordance with Guru Nanak’s insights, both ruler and ruled must be disciplined. The pursuit of power and pleasure leads both astray, and a conflict of interests results (see C.l.b). The ruler has, above all others, the task of maintaining justice. He or she must be a person of integrity. Guru Gobind Singh re-emphasised this in his Zafarnama (Epistle of Victory) addressed to the emperor Aurangzeb, reproaching him for his faithlessness in breaking an oath. When the tenth Guru died, Sikhs had political leaders, but the community (Guru Panth) was careful that they did not have religious powers since the Guru Granth Sahib was the spiritual leader. In the nineteenth century Maharaja Ranjı¯t Singh ruled over an independent Punjab which was not a Sikh state but a place where people were free to practise any religion. He, like any ruler, Sikh or other, could be challenged if he abused his power. The ideal of the kshatriya or ruler (see A.7.a) for the Sikh is expressed by Guru Amar Das when he said: ‘He alone is a kshatriya who is brave in good deeds. He yokes himself to charity and alms giving. Within the field bounded by the protecting fence of justice ¯ di Granth, p.1411). he sows seed which benefits everyone’ (A C.1.e. Duties of Subjects and Citizens Sikhs must always keep the law if it is in accordance with Sikh principles (see C.6.a). However, when those in power are unjust, Sikhs are exhorted to resist the oppression. In the last resort this will possibly involve armed resistance (see C.8.c). Unfortunately, acts which one Sikh regards as justified violence against an otherwise immovable oppressive regime can appear to others, Sikh and non-Sikh alike, as irresponsible terrorism. The killing of Mrs Indira Gandhi, the Prime Minister of India, on 31 October 1984 was one such act, during the Sikhs’ struggle for greater autonomy for Punjab. A positive example for Sikhs is Guru Tegh Bahadur (1621–75) who pleaded the cause of the Kashmiri Brahmins to the Mughal rulers and his execution is seen as a death for religious liberty. See also C.8.b.

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Sikhs’ inspiration for resistance to oppressive authorities springs from the concept of shahıdı (martyrdom) expressed in the violent deaths of martyrs (shahıds) (See C.2.a). A favoured method of drawing attention to injustice is the morcha (campaign), a mass protest, as when Sikhs protested peacefully against the abuse and corrupt managements of their gurdwaras. This led to the passing of the Sikh Gurdwaras Act in 1925. Similarly Sikhs courted arrest in the early 1960s, demanding a state where Punjabi was the officially recognised language. In Britain and North America Sikhs have campaigned successfully against legal discrimination against those wearing the turban. In 1982, for example, in London, UK, the Court of Appeal had ruled that a headmaster was not breaking the law by refusing to admit a pupil who wore a turban. But, following a Sikh campaign, this was overturned by the House of Lords (see C.8.a). Similarly, in Canada in 1994, after a five-year struggle involving the Human Rights Commission, the federal court upheld a 1990 amendment to the regulations of its Royal Mounted Police which allowed Sikh mounties to wear turbans. Starting in 2003 there was an internationally co-ordinated Sikh protest against the French government’s ban on the wearing of religious symbols, including the turban, in state schools. C.2. PERSONAL AND PRIVATE? As already suggested in the Introduction to this book, setting up a distinction between ‘personal’ and ‘private’ on the one hand and ‘family’ or ‘public’ on the other goes against the traditional world view of Sikhs in general and of their spiritual guides and religious spokespeople. This is evident not only in dominant Punjabi cultural norms (such as continuing expectation of individuals deferring to senior relatives’ wishes concerning, for example, whom they may marry), but also in the Gurus’ emphases on grihasth (married life, C.3.a) rather than on celibacy as a spiritual path. A much-quoted basis for Sikh ethics, attributed to Guru Nanak, encapsulates his followers’ duties as nam japo (meditate) kirat karo (work) vand chhako (share the proceeds) and so further emphasises the inseparability of spirituality, labour and generosity. Moreover, the sant-sipahı (saint-soldier) principle (C.2.a) points up the expected integration of religious devotion and protection of others at personal risk. Virtues flourish in social interaction with good people, and are to be exercised in seva, the service of others. They cannot develop in isolation from one’s fellows. C.2.a. Personal Qualities Certain virtues recur in the hymns of the Guru Granth Sahib, in the compositions of Guru Gobind Singh and in the stanzas of Bha ı Gurdas. One of the best descriptions of the personal qualities encouraged in Sikh teaching is by

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Professor Avtar Singh (see Singh 1983). Good qualities are not abstract or passive, but virtues to be cultivated diligently and practised unremittingly. ‘Let your mind be the farmer and deeds the farming; and let your body be the farm: water it with effort. Let the spiritual word be the seed, and contentment the furrowing, and let the fence be of humility. If you do the deeds of love, ¯ di Granth, p.595). the seed will sprout and fortunate will be your home’ (A Above all the virtues, Sikhs are to exemplify truthfulness in thought, word ¯ di and deed. ‘Truth is above everything but higher still is truthful living’ (A Granth, p.62). They must seek wisdom, not merely theoretical knowledge (see C.4.a). In eating, sleeping and speech they must show self-control, taking a path between the total abstention of some ascetics and the indulgence which is careless of consequences. They must behave justly, never exploiting others. ‘Depriving others of their due is [like] eating pork for a Muslim or beef for a ¯ di Granth, p.141). Hindu’ (A When other means fail, the righting of injustice may require bravely taking up arms (see C.8.c). The readiness to risk all in defence of another is epitomised in the Sikh’s ideal of the courageous saint-soldier (sant-sipahı). Shahıds (martyrs) who die fighting against oppression are especially revered. Courage may demand a non-violent endurance to the point of martyrdom (shahıdı), as exemplified by Guru Arjan Dev and Guru Tegh Bahadur who sacrificed their lives without fighting. As indicated in C.1.a, a devout Sikh is commended to be a gurmukh (focused upon the Guru), a person who looks consistently to God, the divine Guru, for guidance. The Gurus insisted upon this focus as opposed to the natural tendency to be ego-focused and to give way to the five ‘thieves’ or ‘vices’ (see C.6.b). As the obverse of these vices Sikh virtues could be summed up as self-discipline, including sexual restraint, freedom from anger, contentment (santokh) with what one has, detachment and humility. Indeed, realising the matchless greatness of God, a Sikh is exhorted to be humble, like a mango tree which bends lowest when most richly laden with fruit. A Sikh should not retire from life’s struggles fatalistically, but continue striving cheerfully, unperturbed by seeming failure. The approach to life that Sikhs especially value is summed up by the Punjabi words chardı kala. This means adopting a ‘positive, buoyant and optimistic attitude to life and to the future’ (see the web site SikhiWiki.org 2005). It means never admitting defeat while at the same time trusting in God and it includes helping those who are in need. C.2.b. Friendship Since one’s character is affected by one’s choice of company, one should associate as far as possible with those of a godly disposition. This is emphasised in connection with the need to participate in the congregation in the gurdwara, the sadhsangat (company of the righteous). Such companionship is

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believed to cleanse the individual of sin whereas bad company harms one’s ¯ di Granth the effect of associating character and must be avoided. In the A with those of good character is likened to the trees growing near a sandal tree which are perfumed by its fragrance whereas the tearing of a banana tree’s leaves by a thorn tree is the image for the moral damage done by bad company. In practice most social relationships in traditional Sikh society were likely to be within one’s caste and kinship group and with members of one’s own sex (see C.2.c and d). At the same time traditional stories of the lives of the Gurus demonstrate friendship across human frontiers – for example, the devotion of the Muslim, Bha ı Mardana, and the Hindu, Bha ı Bala, to Guru Nanak – and prove their readiness to accept the risks inherent in friendship. Guru Tegh Bahadur died in order to protect the Kashmiri Hindus’ religious freedom. God is without enmity (nirvair), as Sikhs daily recite in their scrip¯ di Granth, p.1). A person who tures’ opening credal statement, the Japjı (A remembers God constantly will likewise feel hatred for no one. Sikhism emphasises seva, that is, service to all humanity regardless of colour, caste, class and creed. In the past a parent’s friend would automatically be a child’s ‘aunt’ or ‘uncle’, and would be treated with the respect given to other older members of the family. Friendship was not seen in such an individualistic way as it often is nowadays in Western society. Influenced by Western norms, younger Sikhs tend to think increasingly in terms of ‘my friends’ and ‘my mother’s friends’. C.2.c. Sex before Marriage Central to Sikh teaching and practice is the exercise of family responsibilities combined with self-restraint. Marriage is a spiritual union, not only the union of two bodies (see C.3.a). Sikhism arose in the cultural context of North India where marriages were arranged at an early age, often before puberty, although the couple might not live together for several years. Older members of the family chose spouses for their children with care. Every marriage was an alliance between two extended families. In a society where people lived together as families and youngsters did not move away to lead individual, private lives, the question of living together unmarried was unthinkable. The honour (izzat) of the extended family depended upon the respectable conduct of every member. In particular, izzat was threatened if a girl behaved without sharam (decent modesty). Tongues would wag if she was even seen looking at a boy. There was no question of sex before marriage as a practicable, let alone defensible, proposition. Sikh parents’ attitudes today, in Western countries as well as in India, have been shaped by these connections, as suggested by statements from the 1980s. ‘There is no courting. Our grown-up girls don’t generally go to discos and parties’ (Bowker 1983: 197). As might be expected in a traditional society,

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such restrictions apply less to boys. ‘Boys have more freedom as they grow older but teenage girls are not allowed to go out unchaperoned’ (Sambhi 1982: 228). In the twenty-first century these statements are less representative but these attitudes continue strongly. If young people form romantic attachments these are often kept a secret from their parents and other relatives and young women are aware of society’s double standards and often fear a violent reaction from their families. Clearly this ‘no’ to the unsupervised mixing of boys and girls, even in permissive societies, means ‘no’ to sex before marriage. In practice, relatives may punish severely a woman who transgresses this code (see C.6.c). The woman concerned needs to consider carefully the shame which she will cause her family, with its possible implications, and the suffering she may incur for herself. For young Sikh men, retribution is unlikely to be so harsh. The social restriction of sexual activity to its responsible use within marriage is consistent with the denunciation of kam (lust), one of the five ‘vices’, in the scriptures (see C.2.a, C.2.d and C.6.b). C.2.d. Homosexuality In South Asian society generally the longstanding norm has been that it is right and natural that only those of the same sex hold hands or embrace in public (see A.2.d). Much of a Sikh’s emotional support is provided, as in other South Asian communities, by companions of the same sex (see C.2.b). But it would be totally incorrect for a Westerner to assume that this physical contact between men or women indicates a tendency towards homosexuality. In the Guru Granth Sahib, kam (lust) is cited as one of the five evil passions. Union with God is not possible while one is at the mercy of wayward impulse. Consequently any surrender to instincts incompatible with conjugal fidelity or the proper role of men and women as marriage partners continues to be condemned, although the scriptures do not make explicit statements about sexual orientation. Sikhs’ understanding continues to be that sexual activity for both sexes must be confined to members of the opposite sex and that it must be within marriage. The majority of Sikhs expect every man and woman to marry and have children, and a woman without children, particularly sons, is regarded as extremely unfortunate. There is no respected or desirable alternative to the role of wife and mother. In such a scheme there is no place for an unmarried – let alone a lesbian – lifestyle. Nor would such possibilities occur to most women. Nonetheless some individuals are coming out as gay and lesbian Sikhs and although the topic has been largely avoided in Sikh religious, scholarly and family contexts it is increasingly debated by Sikhs on the internet. In 2004 a British Sikh playwright’s drama featuring a homosexual relationship was censured not so much for including this as for portraying immoral behaviour as occurring in a gurdwara. In 2005 the Jathedar of Akal Takht issued a

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hukamnama against homosexuality and gay marriages. This was precipitated by moves in Canada towards the legalisation in 2005 of same-sex unions which divided the Canadian Sikh community, including Sikh MPs. Sikhs based their arguments on the one hand on the divinely instituted ordering of creation such that children are only conceived in heterosexual unions and (on the other hand) on the importance of protecting the human rights of minorities. One Canadian Sikh, Dr I. J. Singh, argued for same-sex couples to have full civil rights, including legally recognised civil unions, while also affirming the right of religious bodies to deny religious marriage ceremonies to samesex couples (Sikh Diaspora, 31 July 2005). C.2.e. HIV/AIDS International agencies predict a substantial rise in the incidence of HIV/AIDS in India in the first two decades of the twenty-first century. In India the growing number of long-distance truck drivers (of whom many are Punjabi Sikhs), and of male migrant workers (including those who migrate from Bihar and Orissa to Punjab), are regarded as particularly at risk of infection and so as a risk to others. Meanwhile the persistent cultural taboo on open discussion of sex-related matters includes the subject of HIV/AIDS and contributes to ignorance of the risks, failure to take precautions, secrecy about positive status and ostracism of those affected. In India HIV-positive widows and children may suffer exclusion from the family home and from schools. Fearful of the acute social stigma which they will incur, HIV-positive individuals may turn to controversial spiritual masters (‘Babas’) for a miracle cure. Sikh religious teaching unambiguously emphasises compassion, protection of the weak and service of others. At the same time the association between sex (both heterosexual and homosexual) outside marriage and the spread of HIV/AIDS is understood by some Sikhs as vindicating the Gurus’ condemnation of kam. C.3. MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY C.3.a. The Meaning of Marriage The Sikh Gurus had a very high regard for the state of marriage, and they themselves entered into matrimony. They insisted that marriage is not merely a civil or social contract, but that its highest and most ideal purpose is to fuse two souls into one so that they may become spiritually inseparable. (McCormack n.d.)

In the words of Guru Amar Das: ‘They are not husband and wife who only dwell together. Only those who have one spirit in two bodies can be called ¯ di Granth, p.788). Verses such as this from the Anand husband and wife’ (A Karaj (literally ‘Ceremony of Bliss’), the Sikh marriage service, impress upon the bridal couple the significance of marriage. The volume of the scriptures

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is the Guru in their midst, witnessing the marriage. Without the Guru Granth Sahib’s presence no valid Sikh marriage can take place, and conversely, wherever it is appropriately installed is a fit place for the Anand Karaj, whether in a Western gurdwara or in India under an awning near the bride’s home. While the couple are in front of the Guru Granth Sahib, stanzas of Guru Ram Das’s hymn, Lavan, are read. These affirm the life of the grihasth (the married householder as opposed to the celibate) and suggest the progression of conjugal devotion, while on the spiritual plane evoking the soul’s gradual advance towards union with God. Anand Karaj has been recognised as legal marriage in India since the passing of the Anand Marriage Act in 1909. In other countries, in order for marriages to be legal, Sikhs may also have to take part in a civil rite. For several decades UK Sikhs had to have a civil marriage in a registry office in addition to the religious solemnisation. Currently UK marriage laws allow for gurdwaras to be registered for the solemnisation of marriages in accordance with Anand Karaj. By law the words of declaration and contract required by section 44 (3) of the Marriage Act 1949 must occur within the religious service and the register must also be signed in the same hall. Sikh convention does not sanction the couple living together until after the Anand Karaj has been solemnised. Apart from the religious and legal requirements, Sikh marriages involve a series of Punjabi customs which are generally observed. In the weeks before the wedding these are: a rokna (the bride’s male kin visit the groom’s house to ‘reserve’ the groom); kurma ı (an engagement, involving the bride’s relatives in taking traditional gifts, such as boxes of fruit, to the groom’s family); a chunnı ceremony – the groom’s mother presenting clothing, jewellery and so on to the bride. In the final week before the wedding, events in the bride’s home include ma ıyan (smearing the bride with turmeric paste) and mehndı (decorating her hands and feet with henna) and her maternal uncles’ presentation of red bangles and her wedding outfit. Increasing amounts of expenditure are involved in the wedding process, which now frequently includes a lavish reception hosted by the bride’s family plus an evening reception hosted by the groom’s family. The escalation in ostentation and financial cost puts great pressure on the parents of daughters and largely explains the rise in female foeticide (C.5.d). Indian tradition, rather than specific Sikh religious teaching, demands that the couple have children, in particular a son to carry on the family name and to care for his parents in their declining years (see also A.3.a). In practice, women’s sexual morality is more strictly enforced than men’s, but the Gurus condemned the adultery of men – even in thought. ‘Do not ¯ di Granth, p.274). For cast your eyes on the beauty of another’s wife’ (A Khalsa Sikhs who maintain the Five Ks: ‘The Sikh’s underwear (kachh), worn by both sexes, should remind them of the need for their marital fidelity’ (Mansukhani 1986a: 20).

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Monogamy has always been the Sikh norm. However both Guru Hargobind and Guru Gobind Singh had three wives, a fact which is sometimes explained as probably resulting from the fact that some devout Sikhs dedicated their daughters at birth exclusively to the Guru and his relatives. Marriage is lifelong but there is no religious reason why Sikh widows and widowers should not remarry. In practice, a woman is less likely to remarry than a man, although marriage to a close relative of her late husband is socially sanctioned (Bedi 1971: 60). Unlike Muslims, Sikhs of most castes may not marry cousins. In fact, they observe the general, unwritten Punjabi Hindu rules restricting marriage to members of the same zat (caste, such as Jat, Ramgarhı a, and so on) but of different got (clan). The earlier four-got rule, which precluded marrying anyone with the same family name as either of one’s parents or any of one’s grandparents, has largely given way to a rule forbidding marriage within two gots, those of one’s mother and father. In villages men always marry women from a different village, in order to avoid moral laxity in village society where the men regard each other as brothers and the women as their sisters. This is a social convention and is not so strictly observed among Sikhs living in the cities, whether in India or overseas. A lot of literature written by and about Sikhs gives the impression that Guru Nanak and his successors totally opposed the caste system, and that their followers have flouted its norms. This is misleading: it is true that the Gurus certainly did teach consistently that caste and status are immaterial in progressing towards mukti (also moksha, liberation from the cycle of birth and rebirth). Moreover, Sikh religious institutions, such as the distribution of karah parsad and the requirement that all sit together in the langar, are intended to demonstrate the equality of all. However, the Gurus neither married out of their family’s zat nor encouraged (let alone required) others to do so. Today, if young Sikhs apply Sikh preaching against caste to their choice of marriage partner they risk ostracism by both families. However, on the changes underway Satwant Rait comments: ‘It seems likely that for Sikhs in the future, caste will become much less important, thus paving the way for genuine Sikh tenets to be followed’ (2005: 101). In the majority of Sikh marriages, parents and senior family members play a leading part in selecting the spouse (see C.2.c). This is simply the way things are done in South Asian society; it is not a religious requirement. Since marriage is a union of two families, it is felt that care must be taken to avoid needless future friction. This means ensuring that one’s son’s or daughter’s life partner is not only from the same zat but also from a background similar in its religious orientation and general outlook, as well as in its levels of education and income. In prospective brides, especially, appearance is a highly prized asset. From a religious point of view what is required is that the future bride or groom be a Sikh. In practice, inter-marriage with Hindus has often

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occurred, but only according to the zat and got rules already outlined. For a Sikh girl to marry a non-Sikh would be considered more reprehensible than for a Sikh boy to marry out (see C.7.b), for it is assumed that wife and children follow the father’s faith. Media exposure contributes, misleadingly, to a public perception that arranged (or assisted) marriages are necessarily or usually forced marriages. The ways in which families are made aware of eligible spouses are changing. Introductions continue to be initiated by a bichola (intermediary) who is often an individual who knows two families, one on the lookout for a ‘suitable girl’, the other for a ‘suitable boy’. Gurdwaras maintain matrimonial lists and web sites offer similar facilities. Increasingly parents understand that young people may well find their own partners, but this is far from universally accepted, and varies with such factors as parents’ educational level. The majority of young people set pleasing their families (by marrying appropriately) above exercising choice outside approved boundaries, with the concomitant repercussions of individual rejection and family shame. C.3.b. Family Relationships In the past joint families were the norm, with brothers, their parents, wives and children living together. In the UK and elsewhere some families continue to live jointly, pooling income and sharing domestic duties and childcare. Even where brothers and generations live separately the ideal persists. As in other South Asian communities overseas, Sikh men in the diaspora routinely remit money to parents and other relatives in India. Decisions about education and marriage are regarded as a family responsibility in which elders’ views may dominate. In practice, but not by any religious requirement, family relationships are based on the same expectations and presuppositions as in Punjabi Hindu society. Parents tend to indulge small children, especially boys, and to discipline older ones more strictly. A girl is brought up knowing she will one day be lost to another family whose love and respect she must earn, but looks to her brother for lifelong moral support. Boys know that they will be responsible for caring for their parents in their old age (see C.5.a). Folk songs, particularly those sung at the time of weddings, draw out the usual relationships of love (between mother and daughter, brother and sister) and potential friction (notably mother-in-law and daughter-in-law). In the West, fewer families conform outwardly – in terms of the number of relatives living under a single roof – to the norms of the joint family, but frequent reunions, especially at marriages, make children keenly aware of kinship ties, obligations and relative status. For example, a man will feel bound to please his daughter’s or his sister’s inlaws. Since they have, as it were, taken a wife from his family, they enjoy higher

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prestige than those who gave the wife. Similarly, with her husband’s younger brothers, a woman has an altogether more relaxed, joking relationship than with his elder brothers who have the greater status. This is very different from Western family life in which individual preference, rather than the nature of the relationship, determines relations (or the lack of them) with relatives and in-laws. In Punjab, as in Indian society generally, a child would not say ‘thank you’ to his or her parents. That would suggest that parental love is conditional and uncertain, rather than the prerogative of every child. To thank a relative in so many words would be to impose a distance and formality. Love is reciprocated in non-verbal ways. Parents know that their children will in turn lavish care on the next generation, and many still assume that they can rely on their sons to care for them in old age (see C.5.a). However, among Sikhs resident in Western society, fewer relatives live together, both wives and husbands are at work, family ties are put to the test and the expectations of ageing parents are not always met. C.3.c. Marriage Breakdown Although marriage is regarded as the union of two souls and a lifelong bond, divorce increasingly occurs. Sikhs are, however, required to abide by the law of the country in which they live. In India it is now illegal for a man to remarry simply because his wife did not bear a child or bore only daughters. As Mansukhani wrote: ‘Generally grounds like cruelty, adultery, change of religion, suffering from an incurable disease and in some cases incompatibility of temperaments are accepted by courts for purposes of divorce’ (1986a: 182). Although it is permitted by Indian law, divorce is rarer among Sikhs in India than among Sikhs in the West. One reason is that in India women of all religions are less likely than those in the West to be financially independent of their spouses. However, changing social expectations of women worldwide mean that many wives are torn between the demands of professional work and their husbands’ and in-laws’ suspicions and restrictions. Some husbands’ excessive drinking of alcohol also leads to domestic violence and marital breakdown (see C.4.c and C.8.f). So, too, does ‘mismatch’ of the type described by Rait: When a woman cannot find a suitable match in England, her parents look to India or Africa, and men do the same. Parents often prefer to send their children abroad where they can find better-educated partners from good families. The resultant lack of parental support, possible incompatibility and adjustment to a new cultural environment can place pressure on such marriages and lead to separation or divorce. (2005: 107)

Rait suggests, too, that the fragmenting of the close information network in rural Punjab prior to Sikhs’ emigration means that families know less about

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each other, so increasing the risk of unsatisfactory matches, while brides’ greater age at the time of marriage and their higher levels of education result in correspondingly higher expectations. Wherever possible, Sikhs will endeavour to achieve a reconciliation between husband and wife. Consideration for the children may prevent divorce. ‘If the wife and husband break off, their concern for their chil¯ di Granth, p.143). When it does occur, divorce is dren reunites them’ (A regarded as extremely unfortunate. By many it is seen as a punishment for past wrong. Whatever the reason for the break-up, for divorced women the stigma persists, although the position of divorced women is better than in the past. Parents will usually arrange a second marriage for their son or daughter if the first union has ended in divorce. A divorcee can be remarried in the gurdwara. C.4. INFLUENCES ON AND THE USE OF TIME, MONEY AND OTHER PERSONAL RESOURCES C.4.a. Education As the word ‘Sikh’ means literally ‘learner’, and the concept of Guru or teacher is central to the faith, one might expect education to be a key concern. So it is, but in the sense of spiritual enlightenment rather than courses in the arts, sciences or practical skills. Before the provision of state education in Punjabi villages, children could learn in the gurdwara to read and write in Gurmukhı. This is the script used for the Sikh scriptures, and it is also used by Sikhs to write Punjabi. In Britain, Punjabi classes are held in many gurdwaras in order to make children literate in their mother tongue and enable them to read the Guru Granth Sahib. Guru Nanak’s compositions are in a language replete with Sanskrit, Persian and Arabic words in addition to the local vernacular, and as a young adult he used his skills as an accountant. Guru Gobind Singh was not only a proficient poet but also set great store by training in martial as well as literary skills. In the late nineteenth century the Singh Sabha, a Sikh reform movement, set out to eliminate the social evils of illiteracy and ignorance by establishing schools and colleges. Since 1905 the Educational Committee of the Chief Khalsa Dıwan, Amritsar, has promoted education, providing scholarships and setting up educational institutions, for example for women and in backward areas. Despite this positive regard for secular education the Sikh Rahit Maryada makes no reference to education except to advocate that ‘Every Sikh should learn Gurmukhi and read the Guru Granth’. From a religious point of view this is the most vital source of knowledge. Thus ‘When the lamp is lit darkness is dispelled; similarly by reading religious books evil ¯ di Granth, p.791). What matters ultimately is mindedness is destroyed’ (A

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not book-learning but spiritual enlightenment and truth. ‘An educated person ... is one who puts the garland of God-remembrance round his neck (ibid., p.938). In the words of the Guru, ‘The scholars study more and more to gain knowledge. But they use it for vain discussion’ (ibid., p.152), and ‘True learning springs from reflection and is manifest in goodness of character’ (ibid., p.152). In the janamsakhıs, the young Nanak tells his teacher how useless all his book knowledge is, by comparison with perpetual mindfulness of God’s name. Western-style education encourages the student to assume increasing independence. For Sikhs a central truth is dependence upon God and upon each other, and particularly the priority of family interests over individual concerns. The clearest statement on education by a Sikh writer is probably still Piara Singh Sambhi’s in Sutcliffe’s Dictionary of Religious Education (1984: 316–18). Sikhs generally encourage their children to study conscientiously at school and college, so preparing for the best career available to them. The professions of medicine, law and engineering, all regarded as assuring a high and steady income for life, are particularly attractive to parents and grandparents whose attitudes were moulded in rural Punjab. Teaching, though also respected, is regarded as less prestigious and more poorly paid and so is a less popular career choice. In general Sikhs do not expect their children to attend Sikh schools, but in 1999 the Guru Nanak School in the London borough of Hillingdon became the first Sikh school in the UK to have state funding. C.4.b. Work He alone has found the right way who eats what he earns through toil and shares ¯ di Granth, p.1245) his earnings with the needy. (A

Sikhs are proud of their reputation for hard work and initiative. Since they are expected to marry and live as householders, they are also expected to work hard to earn and to keep their families (see C.3.a). After Partition in 1947 the hundreds of thousands of refugees from the Pakistan side of the new border built their lives anew without resorting to begging. In the rural, unmechanised economy of Punjab’s still-recent past there was some work for everyone. All but the handicapped had to work, and if performed in the right way, all work was noble. According to Sikh teaching caste considerations should not affect one’s attitude to accepting the work available. In practice hereditary caste preference has played its part, so that, for instance, only Sikhs of the leatherworking caste would be shoemakers. From a religious standpoint, however, although this is not the case in practice, only occupations incompatible with the Sikh code of conduct should be avoided. These would include running

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nightclubs, selling alcohol and, in particular, selling cigarettes and tobacco (see C.4.e). C.4.c. Leisure and its Use Punjab became known in the twentieth century as the bread-basket of India thanks largely to the skill and hard work of its farmers, Sikhs from the Jat agriculturist caste. Since the 1970s Punjab has become a booming consumer society, as a result of the remittances sent by overseas members of Sikh families, especially in the UK and North America, and because of developments in agriculture. Many rural Sikhs now lead lives of leisure, employing poorer individuals, in many cases settlers from the less affluent North Indian state of Bihar, as labourers and servants. This trend is at odds with the Sikhs’ traditional emphasis on hard work. In the less affluent past, leisure was nonetheless valued as a necessary element of life. Festivals, marriages and the agricultural cycle in Punjab ensure periods of recreation. Bhangra dancing (for men) and gidha (for women) are enjoyed to the full. Rhythmic drumming, vivid costume and often humorous verses add to the fun. Reading and singing the hymns of the Guru Granth Sahib brings peace of mind and spiritual refreshment. These are the traditional pastimes. In urban and Western society, leisure pursuits are to be enjoyed provided they do not conflict with morality and health. The company one keeps is vital to one’s well-being. Smoking was forbidden by the Gurus. Together with drinking and gambling, it is prohibited for all Sikhs (see Sikh Rahit Maryada). In practice, the ban on smoking is almost universally observed, whereas many men see no inconsistency between their Sikh faith and the consumption of alcohol (see C.4.e). In Punjab one of the results of recent social change is a rising level of drug addiction (C.4.e). Sikhs have not yet thought out the implications of a world in which a growing number of individuals are destined to be technically unemployed for long periods of their lives. In the West, the gurdwara is a place where the elderly, with time on their hands, find fulfilment in acts of services such as preparing tea or cleaning. But what of school leavers? Families may start a business, thereby avoiding the compulsory leisure of unemployment particularly for the young. Whether it is paid or unpaid, Sikhs believe that work is essential for everyone’s character to develop (see C.4.b). Noblest is the work offered to God and the congregation as seva (service). Kar seva is voluntary manual work, sometimes on a vast scale, as when a gurdwara is under construction. By extension, voluntary service to the wider community accords well with Sikh teaching and is to be undertaken by those who might otherwise be idle. So it would be appropriate for young Sikhs to be involved in local community projects of various kinds. Those in paid employment must be willing to share with those whose equally hard work is unpaid.

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C.4.d. Wealth Sikh teaching is realistic in its approach to wealth: ‘Those who have money have the anxiety of greed: those without money have the anxiety of poverty’ ¯ di Granth, p.1019). Poverty is not essential for holiness. All Sikhs are to (A earn honestly and share generously. They should give at least a tenth (dasvandh) of their earnings to others. Often they give in kind rather than cash: food for the langar (corporate meal) or building materials for a gurdwara. There is no place for dishonesty or avarice. Nor should money be spent on pursuits such as gambling or drinking (see C.4.c). Riches must be honestly earned, not the result of exploiting the poor. This point is made most graphically in the janamsakhı story of Malak Bhago, the rich man who insisted that Guru Nanak should dine with him rather than with the carpenter, Lalo. Guru Nanak squeezed Bhago’s fried ‘purı’, and blood dripped from it. When he squeezed Lalo’s simple, hard-earned bread, milk flowed out (see McLeod 2004: 87 of Early Sikh Tradition). A popular janamsakhı story recounts how the youthful Guru Nanak struck a ‘true bargain’. Instead of making financial profit with the money his father gave him for business, he spent it on feeding some religious mendicants (see C.5.b). ¯ di Granth, wealth must not distract its owners from According to the A life’s spiritual purpose: ‘If the world were to be encrusted with diamonds and rubies, my bed studded with rubies; and if there were to be an alluring damsel, her face glistening with jewels, tempting me with seductive gesture, forbid it, O Lord, that beholding such temptation I should forget Thee and ¯ di Granth, p.14). Wealth must be seen in perfail to call to mind thy name’ (A spective. In comparison with Nam (God’s name, or essential reality) wealth is nothing. Material wealth is impermanent: ‘Wealth, youth and flowers are short-lived as guests for four brief days’ (ibid., p.23). A janamsakhı story illustrates the point that money cannot accompany us beyond death. Dunı Chand advertised his treasure by flying flags. Guru Nanak gave him a needle, bidding him keep it safe as he would need it again in heaven. Dunı Chand then realised the futility of hoarding wealth which he could not possibly retain after his death (McLeod 2004: 125–6 of Early Sikh Tradition). Wealth in one life may be the karmic reward for virtue in a previous existence. This is one way of understanding an episode narrated in the Puratan janamsakhı. When Mardana asked why one man rode in a palanquin while his six bearers walked naked, Guru Nanak replied: ‘Joy and pain come in accordance with the deeds of one’s previous existence’ (ibid.: 85). C.4.e. Drugs Sikhs in Punjab and elsewhere are increasingly aware of addictive drugs and their harmful effects on the individual and on society. Preachers speak out against intoxicants. These include both alcohol and drugs, although alcohol

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consumption is socially acceptable among Sikh men in a way that smoking has never been (see C.4.c). On alcohol the message of the Guru Granth Sahib is clear. Lines such as the following also apply to drug taking: ‘By drinking wine one loses sanity and becomes mad, loses the power of discrimination ¯ di Granth, p.554). and incurs the displeasure of God’ (A Intoxicants and tobacco are forbidden for Sikhs (see Sikh Rahit Maryada). By implication this includes drugs. If an amritdharı (baptised) Sikh breaks these rules he or she is patit (lapsed) until readmitted to the Khalsa by taking amrit (see C.7.c). However, the Nihangs of Punjab, the defenders of historic Sikh shrines, who are usually recognisable by their towering blue turbans and visible weaponry, take an infusion of cannabis to assist meditation. In general, though, the Sikhs’ emphasis on physical fitness rules out drug taking. C.4.f. The Media Sikhs have enthusiastically adopted all means of mass communication. Bha ı Vır Singh (1872–1957) was a pioneer of mass communication in the vernacular. In the thriving diaspora presses of North America and the UK the balance between English and Punjabi is shifting towards English. One of the demands of Sikhs in 1981 was the installation of radio transmitters at the Golden Temple, to broadcast kırtan (hymns). With the advent of the world wide web the Sikh scriptures were made available in the original Gurmukhi, in roman script, and with translations into contemporary Punjabi and English. On computers and mobile phones Sikhs worldwide can hear and read the daily vak (C.1.c) from Harmandir Sahib, Amritsar. Unsurprisingly, Sikhs lost no time in taking maximum advantage of the possibilities afforded by the rapid development of information and communication technology. For Sikhs in the diaspora the creation of virtual communities on the world wide web enables discussion of religious and political issues. Sikh organisations diverse in politics and religious ethos have wellestablished web sites and host lively discussion groups. Examples of web sites include http://www.sikhnet.com and http://www.sikhism.org (see also C.10.c). As already suggested (C.1.c), the opportunities for networking, instant access to information and discussion of theological questions have implications for the concept of authority in the Panth. Concerned Sikhs can now mobilise swiftly and globally in response to current events including scholarly publications assumed to undermine Sikhism. A theatre production in 2004 in Birmingham, UK (Behzti) and a film in 2005 in India (Jo Bole So Nihal) met with violent reactions from outraged Sikhs. Sensitivities were affronted by, respectively, the location of sexual misdemeanours in a gurdwara and the disrespectful use in a comedy film of the words ‘jo bole so nihal’, half of a traditional Sikh exhortation-cum-greeting. These events precipitated wider debate about censorship, artistic freedom and the rights of minorities.

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Sikhs are a minority and acutely aware of the way in which scholarship, the arts and the media may misrepresent them. They know their vulnerability to media representation, and to misunderstandings by an ill-informed public. After the violence of 11 September 2001 some turbaned Sikhs in North America and Europe experienced prejudice and violence because of the Western public’s assumption that their turbans indicated that they were members of the (Islamic) organisations the Taliban and al-Qaeda. C.4.g. Advertising This paragraph is based on a summary by Piara Singh Sambhi, a UK-based writer on Sikhism, and it encapsulates Sikh religious concerns about advertising. Contentment is one of the virtues taught by the Gurus. ‘The Sikh who works hard limits his needs, and so he does not feel frustrated if he cannot keep up with the Jones’ (Mansukhani, 1986b: 21). If advertising leads to discontentment it is contrary to Sikh teaching. Lobh (greed) and moh (attachment to worldly things) must be resisted. All statements must be true and commodities advertised must not be injurious to health or morality. Advertisements for tobacco and alcohol are contrary to the teachings of Sikhism (see C.4.c and e). C.5. THE QUALITY AND VALUE OF LIFE C.5.a. The Elderly In the life of Guru Amar Das, whose twenty-two-year Guruship commenced at the age of 73, Sikhs have a reminder that age need not bring diminished responsibility or service. A twenty-first-century reminder is Fauja Singh who in his nineties ran marathons in London, New York and Toronto to raise money for charities. Respect for one’s elders is a key principle of Asian society (see A.5.a). However, through prolonged contact with Western values, and as a result of unprecedented social change, care for the elderly is becoming increasingly an issue to be discussed by Sikhs in some parts of the world. Sikhs, in common with South Asians of all other faiths, have always accepted the duty of sons to care for their parents (so the need for mothers to give birth to male children) in a society with minimal state welfare provision (C.3.b). Given the prevailing Punjabi attitudes there was little need for the Gurus to urge what was common practice. However, on the subject of respecting one’s parents, Guru Ram Das said: ‘Son why do you quarrel with your father due to whom you ¯ di Granth, p.1200). have grown to this age? It is a sin to argue with him’ (A An initial reaction of Asians settling in the West was horror at a society in which the younger generation consigned their parents to institutions for the elderly. Fearful of the shame their family would suffer if fellow members of

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their community suspected neglect, Asians were reluctant to utilise such services as the local authority provided. Sikhs need to realise the increasing isolation felt by aged parents as they grow old and frail in surroundings where their earlier expectations of support and respect can’t be realised and where they are cut off from neighbours and officials by lack of English. The gurdwara plays an important role in the West as a welcoming, familiar centre for the exchange of gossip; it also promotes an enhanced sense of selfworth through acts of seva such as vacuuming or preparing tea for others. But the gurdwara’s potential as a day centre for the elderly, both Sikh and nonSikh, has yet to be developed. In Tarn Taran, Punjab, the Bha ı Vır Singh Birdh Ghar, established in 1958, provides a free home for the elderly, funded by Sikhs’ donations. This is a pointer to the future, when in India, as in the West, families may be more fragmented. Along with other Asians, Sikhs have much to teach Westerners about family support for those needing care (see C.5.b), and in turn their commitment to seva might extend beyond immediate kin and community. C.5.b. Those in Need As medical skills become more expensive and specialised, Sikhs realise that the family and gurdwara may not always be in the strongest position to care directly for those who are suffering. In a crisis Sikhs have a reputation for readily providing temporary assistance. During the miners’ strike of 1983–4, gurdwaras in West Yorkshire, UK provided free weekend lunches for miners and their families. Sikh relief organisations, such as Khalsa Aid, were formed in the late twentieth century to respond to disasters worldwide. Sikh organisations (for example United Sikhs) swiftly brought help to the Andaman Islands and other areas of South Asia devastated by the tsunami in 2004. United Sikhs’ relief operation took as its name ‘Ghanaiya’, a reminder of the continuing source of inspiration provided by Guru Gobind Singh’s follower Bha ı Ghanaiya 300 years earlier. Bha ı Ghanaiya came to the Guru’s attention for giving water to those who had fallen in battle, friend and foe alike. For this the Guru commended him. Sikhs are exhorted to share their earnings with the needy. In the West, gifts to charities are one means of carrying out this obligation. In India, the Chief Khalsa Dıwan set up an orphanage in 1906 in Amritsar. The Pingalwara, also in Amritsar, is a centre supported by voluntary donations, caring for the sick who are desperately in need of shelter. Singh and Sekhon (2001) is an inspirational account of the dedication of its founder, Bhagat Puran Singh, to serving destitute people, many of them with severe disabilities. Other examples include the Guru Nanak hospital for the handicapped in Ranchi, in the Indian state of Bihar, and Guru Nanak Niketan in Thakur Nagar, West Bengal, which grew from a home for refugee children and orphans into a large community welfare centre.

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C.5.c. Reproduction Recent developments in genetics and embryology pose an unprecedented range of moral issues to the scientists and medical experts concerned as well as to the general public. These breakthroughs include the possibility of surrogacy, the possibility of parents selecting the sex of an embryo for implantation, ‘designer babies’ and the potential of human cloning. Reproductive and genetic ethics have not been prominent on Sikh agendas. However Sikh scholars are beginning to articulate views on these matters, and Dr Surjeet Kaur Chahal outlines salient issues (2005) in relation to genetic engineering more generally (see C.9.c). In each case, as the Sikh scriptures suggest, those concerned must be clear that their proposed action is not motivated by ego, pride or greed and they must be guided by a sense of the world as divinely created and ordered. It is not clear whether the writer of the ‘ethnicity online cultural awareness in healthcare’ web page on ‘Sikhs and sexual health’ is Sikh or non-Sikh, or indeed on what authority she or he is writing. On the subject of infertility treatment the writer states: ‘If a couple have not had a child within a few years of their marriage, they may be under pressure from their family to have a child. Sikhism has accepted the use of infertility treatments within the context of a solid marriage between two Sikhs, but discussion about the fate of unused embryos at the end of a successful treatment may be necessary’ (http://www. ethnicityonline.net/sikh_sexual_health.htm, accessed March 2005). Producing embryos for the purposes of medical research using the stem cells is, at the time of writing, a contested subject in Western society which Sikhs need to consider. In so doing the possibility of developing cures for serious illnesses must be weighed against concerns at the manufacture and destruction of cloned human cells which this research entails. C.5.d. Abortion Abortion has been an option for much longer, but it is a sensitive issue which is not normally discussed publicly in Sikh communities. The following quotation from one Sikh author, Dr Gobindsingh Mansukhani, gives no hint of the prevalence of abortion in Sikh society: ‘There are no injunctions in Sikhism against the use of contraceptives. Abortion is taboo as it is an interference in the creative work of God. If the conception has taken place it would be a sin to destroy life’ (1986a: 183). Two years later a respected Sikh journal emphasised that ‘While Sikh teachings do not have any direct advice on abortion, they do teach a respect for life which provides Sikhs with guidance on issues like abortion’ (The Sikh Messenger spring/summer 1988, p.32). The writer of the web page quoted above expresses the same view as Mansukhani, adding only: ‘Some westernised Sikhs may consider termination if the mother’s life was in danger,

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but it would be wise to discuss this with a granthi and the family before taking any action’ (http://www.ethnicityonline.net/sikh_sexual_health.htm, accessed March 2005). It is true that, despite the serious consequences of population growth in India, women have never been officially pressurised (as in China) to limit their family by abortion (see C.9.b). However, if an unmarried girl becomes pregnant and her relatives feel that family honour could be maintained by speedily ending the pregnancy, they may compel her to have an abortion, although this is not defensible on religious grounds. Abortions frequently occur because, despite Sikh teaching, sons are more prized than daughters as they carry on the family name, look after their parents and do not require dowries (see C.3.b). It was for these reasons that in previous generations many female babies were suffocated at birth. This is contrary to Sikh teaching which has repeatedly condemned female infanticide. For example, the Sikh Rahit Maryada instructs that: ‘The newly baptised Sikhs are told not to associate with those who practise infanticide’. However, in the late twentieth century, families’ preference for male offspring combined with developments in medical technology to precipitate the emergence of laboratories and clinics which provided ultra-sonar screening of pregnant women and the abortion of unwanted (that is, female) foetuses. In Punjab the Census shows the accelerated decrease in the number of female births between 1991 and 2001 – and at the time of writing the ratio of female to male births is less than eight to ten. It is to be hoped that Sikh religious teaching can combine with the legal deterrents to sex-selective foeticide. In India in 1996 the Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and Prevention of Misuse) Act 1994 came into force. C.5.e. Euthanasia This is not a subject on which Sikhs have made any religious pronouncement. Certainly they would emphasise loving care of any sufferer such that ‘euthanasia became an unattractive option’ (http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/ ethics/euthanasia/sikh.html, accessed March 2005). Clearly an attempt to end a life for financial motives is immoral. There is also no place in Sikh thought for deliberately ending the life of the incurably ill or irreversibly senile. All Sikhs are to accept what God gives as an expression of the divine will and as part of the outworking of the law of karma. They must also sympathise with those who crave death as an alternative to being a burden to dear ones or because pain or incapacity has made their lives intolerable. (See Mansukhani 1986a: 183–5 for an outline of ‘the Sikh attitude to mercy killing’.) C.5.f. Vegetarianism Continuing the ruling of Guru Gobind Singh, the Sikh Rahit Maryada forbids the consumption of halal meat, that is, animals slaughtered in the

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Islamic manner. Some Sikhs interpret this as permission to eat animals killed by other methods. For others, including Namdharı Sikhs, it constitutes a total ban on meat. The Guru Granth Sahib and traditional stories of the Gurus’ lives are also ¯ di Granth, pp.1289–90) addressed the ambiguous. Guru Nanak’s verses (A contemporary Brahminical Hindu view that anyone who ate meat was polluted. He pointed out that we are caught up in the chain of life and that it is difficult to be completely free of exploitation (ibid.). He suggested that plants are also living organisms. There are stories of later Gurus eating meat and even hunting. In practice, most people’s diet in Punjab includes meat more rarely than in the Western diet. In conformity with Hindu respect for the cow, the Sikh diet excludes beef. (In this way the cattle stock, vital for milk and haulage, was conserved.) Langar (the Sikhs’ shared meal) is vegetarian, so that anyone can eat there. In Western societies the prevailing norms force Sikhs to make a conscious decision on the basis of Guru Nanak’s teaching: ‘The food which causes pain ¯ di Granth, p.16). In reachto the body and breeds evil in the mind is baneful’ (A ing a personal decision the Sikh may also take into account Hindu teachings on non-violence and on the correlation between categories of food and types of character, as well as such twentieth-century issues as factory farming, starvation and the effects on health of excess cholesterol and food additives. Despite vegans’ concerns about human exploitation of dairy cattle, Sikh vegetarianism is almost invariably lacto-vegetarianism. Traditionally Punjabi food is rich in butter, sugar and salt. It is concerns about human health (especially the level of diabetes and heart disease in the Punjabi population), rather than about animal welfare, that are responsible for a trend away from butter and ghee to vegetable oil, as well as some reduction in the intake of both sugar and salt. C.6. QUESTIONS OF RIGHT AND WRONG C.6.a. The Purpose of Law Human society is an inseparable part of a universe which exists in accordance with hukam (divine order). Good law ensures the harmonious management of human affairs. Justice is the key principle of law. It must protect the weaker sections of society. Sikhs have nearly always lived under laws imposed by non-Sikhs. They are therefore very alert to legalised discrimination against their community. They expect the law to recognise them as a distinct community. The inclusion of Sikhs in the category of Hindu in Article 25 of the Indian Constitution has aroused anger. Examples of legal recognition are, in India, the Anand Marriage Act (see C.3.a) and in the UK, in 1983, as a result of the Mandla v. Dowell Lee case, the extension of the Race Relations Act 1976 to include Sikhs as a distinct ethnic community.

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Sikhs are to keep the laws of the state in which they reside unless these conflict with Sikh principles. In that case Sikh strategy is non-violent mass campaigning (C.1.e). So, in 1975, Sikhs in Britain campaigned for exemption from the law enforcing crash helmets for motorcyclists (see C.1.e). In the case of legislation that will specifically affect the Sikh community the Indian government makes representations to the overseas government concerned, and Sikhs worldwide mobilise opposition, as happened in 2004 prior to the enactment of the French government’s ban on the wearing of ‘religious symbols’, including the turban, in schools. On occasion Sikh authorities in Amritsar may give a ruling on legislation outside India which they regard as anti-Sikh or contrary to Sikh ethics. Thus in 2005, in response to imminent Canadian legislation legalising same-sex marriages, the Jathedar of Akal Takht (see C.1.c) issued a hukamnama (edict) against same-sex unions and urged Canadian Sikhs to fight the bill. In the debate that followed, Canada’s Sikhs demonstrated mature reflection on the issues (such as minority rights) that were at stake. Sometimes individuals break the law, not on religious grounds, but because they feel that izzat (honour) is at stake. In such cases relatives may prefer to punish the offender in their own way rather than by involving the public judiciary. To the outsider this can appear to be an attempt to hamper the course of justice. C.6.b. Sin and Sins In the Gurus’ terms, humans are either manmukh or gurmukh, depending on their spiritual orientation. The manmukh is wayward and prone to do wrong on the impulse of man (mind or caprice in Punjabi). The gurmukh, on the other hand, looks to God, the divine Guru, for guidance. Everyone has the natural tendency to be manmukh and also, through sustained effort and God’s grace, the capacity to lead the life of a gurmukh. Section C.2.a describes the qualities of a gurmukh. Ego (haumai) and the propensities to lust, anger, covetousness, worldly attachments and pride (C.1.a) must be checked, for they give rise to sinful thoughts, words and deeds. One’s conduct accords with God’s will (hukam) only if one’s life is spent in unceasing remembrance of God. Otherwise, the five so-called evil passions listed above sway one’s judgement. Through simran (remembrance of God) and seva (service to others), it is possible to make good the deficiencies carried over from previous births. According to the law of karma, one sows what one reaps, either in this human lifetime or the next. Sikhs do not, however, dwell upon remote concepts of heaven and hell, but upon the here and now. It is possible to achieve release from the cycle of rebirth, and experience oneness with God, through divine grace during one’s present lifetime. Such was the teaching of Guru Nanak and his successors. However, with the institutionalisation of Sikhism in later centuries, a process symbolised by Guru Gobind Singh’s inauguration of the Khalsa on Vaisakhı Day 1699,

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specific rules and regulations were formulated. These helped to unite Sikhs as fighters for religious freedom. The rules were circulated in the form of rahitnamas, codes of practice, and served the function of the present Sikh Rahit Maryada (which spells out what Sikhs may and may not do) (see C.1.a). Sikhs must keep the Five Ks (the external signs of Sikh faith), learn Gurmukhı, recite prescribed daily prayers and give one-tenth of their income for religious and social work. The gravest offences (kurahit) are cutting the hair on any part of one’s body, eating meat slaughtered in the Muslim way, committing adultery and using tobacco. It is also an offence, but less grave, to associate with breakaway or lapsed Sikhs or with those who oppose Sikhism; with those who practise infanticide; with those who arrange a son’s or daughter’s marriage for profit; with those who dye or remove their grey hairs; with those who indulge in drugs or alcohol; or with those who perform any ceremony contrary to Sikh principles or break the amrit vows. C.6.c. Punishments Many Sikhs assume that, in accordance with cosmic law (karma), individuals are likely to suffer for their wrongdoing, either in this life or in a future birth. Some offences are specifically religious. They contravene the Sikh Rahit Maryada, but do not necessarily hurt others and are not in breach of the civil law code. Any amritdharı Sikh who deliberately disobeys one of the injunctions laid down in the Rahit Maryada (for example, by smoking or cutting his or her hair) is termed patit (lapsed). The offender must apologise publicly to the congregation and perform whatever tankhah (penance) the panj piare recommend. This is usually community service in the gurdwara, such as looking after worshippers’ shoes, or increased daily devotions such as repeating the hymn Japjı a certain number of times. The apostate should take amrit (be ceremonially reinstated) and make the vows anew. Tankhah was imposed in the 1990s on distinguished Sikh scholars whose application of critical scholarship to the text of the Guru Granth Sahib displeased the SGPC (see C.1.a). Hukamnamas (edicts) are issued from the Akal Takht, condemning individuals and behaviour that are regarded as detrimental to the Sikh religion and community. See C.1.c for examples. The death penalty for certain grave offences does not run counter to the Sikh world view. However, when Sikhs are put to death for fighting in what they believe to be a noble cause, such as achieving independence from British rule over India, they are revered as shahıd (martyrs), like, for example Shahıd Bhagat Singh (1907–31). C.6.d. The Wrongdoer and the Wronged Sadly, many Sikhs – particularly in Punjab and Delhi in 1984 – suffered bereavement and injury during the violence of the struggle for greater

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autonomy from the Indian state in the 1980s and 1990s. Their grief was exacerbated by seeing innocent individuals victimised while murderers of innocent people were not brought to justice. Historically, during periods of unrest, some Sikhs have taken the law into their own hands. Many Sikhs, however, turn to a political solution. Sikhs have also shown a capacity for self-sacrificial non-violence in the face of violent injustice (C.1.e. and C.8.c.). The qualities of detachment and of compassion (daya) are extolled. Forgiveness is not singled out as a scriptural concept but is consistent with the emphasis on overcoming one’s ego and being like God, who is without hatred (nirvair). This spirit of forgiveness is clearly expressed by Farıd: ‘Farıd, if someone hits you, do not hit him back. ¯ di Granth, p.1378) Go home – after kissing his feet.’ (A Once Guru Angad’s son angrily kicked Guru Amar Das off his throne. The Guru’s gentle response was: ‘Great king, forgive me. You must have hurt your foot’ (Macauliffe 1963: 64). C.7. EQUALITY AND DIFFERENCE C.7.a. Differences between People The Harmandir Sahib (Golden Temple) in Amritsar has entrances on all four sides, and Sikhs emphasise that the significance of this architectural feature is that all people, from all castes and backgrounds, are equally welcome. The Sikh Gurus’ consistent emphasis was on the irrelevance of any individual’s gender and caste (jati, or in modern Punjabi zat, that is, hereditary status) to being eventually liberated from birth and death. The Gurus stressed the oneness of God and the oneness of the human race, while acknowledging that God was apprehended differently in different religious traditions, and that society was divided by differences of culture and wealth. In his Akal Ustat, Guru Gobind Singh declared: ‘Though they use different dresses according to the influence of regional customs, all people have the same eyes, ears, body and figure made out of the compounds of earth, air, fire and water.’ The Gurus did not challenge the social convention of marrying only within one’s zat (C.1.a, C.3.a), but the division of Indian society into high and low castes had no place in the Gurus’ teaching. The janamksakhı story of ˙ demonstrates Guru Nanak’s visit to the village of Malak Bhago and Bha ı Lalo unequivocally that in his eyes wealth was not intrinsically commendable and might well be the result of exploiting others (see C.4.d). Sikh institutions are in principle based on this commitment to equality. Members of all castes must sit together in worship and eat together in the langar on the same level. Indeed, famously, the Mughal Emperor, Akbar, was not exempt from the requirement. When he asked to meet Guru Amar Das the latter insisted ‘pahile pangat pichhe sangat’ meaning ‘First sit in line, then in the congregation’. Consistently with this the Khalsa is intended to be a

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casteless community, in which members no longer use their (usually castespecific) family names. Ever since Guru Gobind Singh baptised the first Khalsa Sikhs in 1699, male Sikhs have used the names Singh (lion). According to tradition women have since that date similarly taken the title Kaur (literally ‘prince’, though usually translated as ‘princess’), although this practice – and indeed the initiation of women into the Khalsa – almost certainly gained momentum later (Jakobsh 2003). The names Kaur and Singh signify equality. (See also C.7.b, c, d, e and C.8.b.) Similarly, the Guru Granth Sahib includes not only the compositions of five Gurus (all from the relatively highly placed Khatri caste) but also the hymns of poets from lowlier castes, in particular Kabır (a weaver) and Ravıdas (from the ‘untouchable’ caste of skinners and tanners). It can come as a surprise, therefore, to outsiders that – as in some other South Asian communities – caste-based prejudice persists in many Sikh families, and not least in the diaspora. In fact in the UK the titles of some gurdwaras include the names ‘Bhatra’, ‘Ramgarhia’ and ‘Ravidasi’ which denote the zat of the committee and of most, if not all, of the congregation. Moreover, most marriages continue to be between Sikhs of the same zat and families seeking a spouse for their son or daughter usually indicate their zat. C.7.b. Attitudes to Other Religions ‘Sikhs must in no way give offence to other faiths’, states the Sikh Rahit Maryada. The lives of the Gurus unequivocally affirm deep and, if necessary, costly friendship with those of other faiths (see C.2.b). According to tradition, immediately after his seminal religious experience as a young man Guru Nanak proclaimed: ‘There is no Hindu, no Muslim. Whose path shall I follow? I shall follow God’s path.’ These words convey his conviction that God’s truth is beyond religious affiliation, rather than condemning Hindu or Muslim practice. In Akal Ustat, Guru Gobind Singh proclaimed: ‘Hindus and Muslims are one ... The temple and the mosque are the same ... All men are one, it is through error that they appear different.’ In compiling the Sikh scriptures, Guru Arjan Dev deliberately included not only the Gurus’ hymns but those of Muslims such as Farıd and Hindus such as Sain. Sikhs are brought up to respect the scriptures and religious insights of non-Sikhs. ‘Although the Guru Granth is the centre of Sikh belief, non-Sikh books can be studied for general enlightenment’, states Sikh Rahit Maryada. The honour paid by the Sikh Maharaja, Ranjıt Singh, to Muslims and Hindus in the early nineteenth century is cited by Sikhs with approbation. So too is the tradition that it was a Sufi, Mı an Mır, who laid the foundation stone of Harmandir Sahib. However, tension with Muslim oppressors is a strong strand in the Sikh community’s history. In its origin Khalsa discipline, as enunciated in successive codes (rahitnamas), enforced separation between Sikhs and Muslims. The

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rahit (code) banned the use of tobacco, at a time when smoking the hookah was popular with Muslims, as well as prohibiting the consumption of halal meat and sexual intercourse with Muslim women. These restrictions were imposed at a time of Sikh struggle against their political oppressors who happened to be Muslim. Sikhs were certainly not fighting with the intention of destroying their Islamic faith. Sikhs are commended to discriminate in the practices they condone and the company they keep. ‘A Sikh should have no dealings with caste, black magic, superstitious practices such as the seeking of auspicious moments, eclipses ... the wearing of sacred threads and similar rituals’ (Sikh Rahit Maryada II d). This refers to Punjabi customs to which, in the diaspora as well as in their homeland, Sikhs might easily revert. Guru Nanak did not teach that all religious rituals were inherently wrong, but that God’s truth lay beyond outward limitations. He went to Mecca, the Muslim centre of pilgrimage, as a pilgrim, but pointed out that God did not lie only in the direction of the Ka’aba. What Guru Nanak did oppose was religious groups which ran counter to the social fabric. The asceticism of Jains drew strong condemnation from Guru Nanak and Guru Amar Das, especially for following a path that ruled out personal hygiene (Cole 2004: 129–32). Unsurprisingly, he chose as his successor a family man, Guru Angad, not his ascetic, celibate son, Srı Chand. One of Guru Nanak’s compositions, Sidh Gost, reports his criticism of extreme yogic cults. The twentieth-century Sikh Rahit Maryada requires Sikhs of the Khalsa to avoid association with sectarian Sikh splinter groups. In particular, a 1978 hukamnama commanded Sikhs to boycott the Sant Nirankarı (see C. 1.c). Marginal groups such as these, whose members maintain certain outward signs of Sikh identity, are felt to confuse others and to represent a threat to Sikh unity and integrity. The Sikh is called to see God’s light shining in others whatever their religious persuasion. Conversion from one faith to another is irrelevant. Sikhs do not proselytise as they believe that the devout and sincere in all faiths attain salvation and truth. To quote Dr Gobind Singh Mansukhani: As all water eventually reaches the sea, so spiritually this is also possible by following the various religious paths conscientiously and with understanding. It is this thinking that the layout of ‘Golden Temple’ at Amritsar illustrates materially. Its four doors welcome visitors to enter from any direction. (1986a: 20)

The Sikh Rahit Maryada forbids marriage to a non-Sikh and, in practice, the Sikh acceptance of the validity of other faiths does not usually extend to ready acceptance of marriage into another faith, except for marriage with Hindus of the same caste (see C.3.a). In particular, few parents would permit marriage between their daughter and a Muslim. In telling her own story, Sharan-Jeet Shan highlights this seeming paradox (Shan 1985: 35). What seems at first inconsistent can be justified (see C.3.a).

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C.7.c. Attitudes to Ethnic and National Diversity Racism and prejudice based on the ethnic or national background of individuals and groups run counter to Sikh religious teaching. During the Gurus’ period, Northern India was split along lines of religion, caste and political status, that is, the Mughal rulers and their powerless subjects. Sikhs are aware of the continuing need to affirm the equality of people from different nations and ethnic groups. According to Indarjit Singh, the editor of the Sikh Messenger: In stressing the equality of all human beings, men and women, their emphasis on social and religious tolerance and their brave and forthright attack on all notions of caste, class or racial superiority [the Gurus] gave us, in a sense, the forerunner of the United Nations ideal, the key, not only to sanity and survival in the world today, but also to the positive realisation that different cultures, different ways of life, are not barriers between people, but gateways to a fuller understanding and enrichment of life itself. (‘Thought for the Day’, Radio 4, BBC, 23 October 1985)

C.7.d. Women and Men Gender issues have been the subject of extended discussion – see, for example, Mann (2004: 102–6), Nesbitt (2005b: 106–15) and, for detailed coverage, publications listed under ‘Women and gender’, in the bibliography to this chapter. It is a frequently heard Sikh claim that the Gurus revolutionised the status of women. According to prevailing Hindu belief, women were often ritually unclean through menstruation or childbirth. Girls were a liability whose marriages drained the family’s financial resources. Widows were regarded as the bearers of bad luck. Such attitudes contributed to the practice of female infanticide, the ban on widow remarriage and the ideal of satı – the loyal wife immolating herself on her husband’s funeral pyre (see also A.5.e.). The Gurus’ condemnation of these customs is reiterated in successive rahitnamas (codes of practice). Sikh women were not even to veil their faces. Unfortunately convention has not always tallied with the Gurus’ teachings. In Punjab baby girls were often smothered at birth, until the twentieth century (see C.5.d). Continuously with this practice, many females are now killed before birth in India as a result of facilities for the sex selection of foetuses (see C.5.d). The persistence of dowry, despite its illegality by Indian law, and the increasingly extortionate demands made by a bride’s in-laws, discourage parents from having daughters. Women themselves are perpetuating the custom of giving dowries (see Bhachu 1985), which are, admittedly, sometimes regarded as a gift to the girl rather than as a demand by the boy’s parents. In Punjabi society Sikh and Hindu men and women tend to share their sense of gender-specific roles, which are common to South Asian society

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more generally. This includes, for example, understandings of modest dress and behaviour, of providing hospitality, and also some Sikh women’s feeling that by observing certain fasts (vrat) they can secure a good husband or secure long life for their husband (Rait 2005: 66). The Gurus established grihasth (the life of the householder or married person) as the ideal and normal way of life. This meant that both men and women could achieve union with God through constant remembrance of the divine in the course of faithfully discharging family responsibilities. A woman need not await rebirth as a man in order to achieve moksha (release from the cycle of rebirth), and since celibacy was not the noblest state for a man, women need no longer be feared as seducers and temptresses. According to the Gurus, sexual continence and fidelity to one’s spouse are as ¯ di Granth, pp.403 and 8117), important for men as for women (for example, A although in practice Sikh society more readily condones men’s sexual promiscuity (see C.2.c and C.3.a). According to Guru Nanak: It is through woman, the despised one, that we are conceived and from her that we are born. It is to woman that we get engaged and then married. She is our lifelong friend and the survival of our race depends on her. On her death a man seeks another wife. Through women we establish our social ties. Why denounce her, the ¯ di Granth, p.473) one from whom even kings are born? (A

In these much-quoted lines, esteem for women is linked to the dependency of men on them. Although Sikh history and public life are still dominated by men, and the Guru Granth Sahib consists only of compositions by men, women of courage have played a conspicuous part in the Sikhs’ struggles. Sikhs remember with respect Guru Nanak’s first follower, his elder sister Nanake; the Gurus’ wives for their contribution to Sikh corporate life; and women preachers and ladies such as Ma ı Bhago who fought in battle. Sikh women of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries showed themselves skilled in diplomacy. In 1699 Guru Gobind Singh’s wife added sugar sweets to the first amrit. Women are as eligible as men for initiation. In the gurdwara, acts of seva and ritual participation are open to men and women equally, although in practice men far out-number women on management committees and women preponderate in the kitchens. Woman’s noblest role is seen as that of loving wife and mother. The Five Ks (kesh, kangha, kirpan, kara and kachh) are worn by both sexes (C.1.a). Additionally, women in two groups cover their hair with a turban For members of the Akhand Kırtanı Jatha, inspired by Bha ı Randhır Singh (1878–1961), this is a small black turban, the keskı. Women members of Sikh Dharma of the Western Hemisphere which Yogi Bhajan (Harbhajan Singh Puri) (1929–2004) established in California wear tall white turbans. Here we have a visual demonstration of sexual equality in Sikhism. At the

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same time, despite the Gurus’ expressed disapproval of veiling, in Britain many Sikh women of the Bhatra caste continue to cover their faces in the gurdwara, because modesty requires this in the presence of their senior male in-laws. Contrary attitudes to women’s roles are evident in late-twentieth-century efforts by members of Sikh Dharma of the Western hemisphere to have women allowed in practice (as well as in theory) to serve in Harmandir Sahib on an equal basis with men, and the rebuffs that they have met. At the time of writing women are not allowed to attend the Guru Granth Sahib there. Moreover, the panj piare, whether marching in festival processions or administering the amrit (sweetened water) in Khalsa initiation ceremonies, are almost without exception male. In the 1980s the militant religious leader Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale refused to allow women to be panj piare because no woman had responded to Guru Gobind Singh’s call in 1699. Essential to Sikh spirituality is the image, as in the Lavan marriage hymn of Guru Ram Das, of the human soul’s relation to God as that of a devoted wife submitting in joy to her husband. Different readers will react in various ways to the implications of this image, with regard to women’s status. What is certain is that in Sikh society generally a woman’s standing still depends upon being a wife and the mother of a son. C.7.e. Are All People Equal? Individuals differ in ability, personality and material circumstances. At different stages in life, each person has different roles to play. From sections C.7.a–d it should be clear that the Gurus’ teaching emphasises unequivocally the equality of all people in relation to God: ‘God is one and we are all his ¯ di Granth, p.611). Reunion children. The poor and the rich are brothers’ (A with God, through the grace of the Guru, is open to all. At the same time social conventions can obscure religious precepts and affect their translation into practice. C.8. CONFLICT AND VIOLENCE C.8.a. Why does Conflict Exist? In terms of the Gurus’ teaching, the root of conflict can be traced to ego (haumai) and the five human weaknesses of lust, anger, greed, attachment and pride (C.1.a). At the same time, Guru Nanak’s Babar-vanı (his verses in the ¯ di Granth which refer to Babur’s invasion of India) suggests that the victims’ A suffering was a consequence of forgetting God. Sikh history clearly shows that armed conflict springs from greed, from power over others and from the anger of those in power at the dissent of a minority.

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C.8.b. Why do Different Nations Exist? Sikhism regards the differences between nations as less important than the oneness of the human race (see Singh, Indarjit 1987 in C.7.c). However, sensitive to their vulnerability as a minority community, Sikhs increasingly perceive and present themselves as a distinct nation. This rhetoric is continuous with earlier thinking: nineteenth-century British writers, for example Joseph Cunningham in his history of the Sikhs published in 1849, spoke of the Sikh nation and Sikh nationality. However, this begs the question of what ‘nation’ means, whether it implies ethnic distinctness, or requires political autonomy, or both. In 1983 the British House of Lords ruled that Sikhs: ‘are more than a religious sect. They are almost a race and almost a nation. They qualify as a group defined by ethnic origins because they constitute a separate and distinct community.’ This statement was the culmination of a case brought by Sewa Singh Mandla, whose son had been refused admission to a private school unless he removed his turban. For Sikhs concerned to promote their nationhood, especially in the context of political unrest in India, this was a notable vindication. Sikh understanding of nationhood emerged conspicuously in the 1980s and 1990s during the agitation for Khalistan, a state envisaged as separate from India. This drew more on nineteenth- and twentieth-century world history and political theory and its causes were economic as well as ideological. Those who share a common religion, language and homeland (Punjab) should, the separatists felt, be prepared to struggle for political sovereignty. A community’s shared identity and sense of grievance must fuel a fight for independence. Only then would their nationhood be acknowledged by the rest of the world, as had happened with Pakistan in 1947 and Bangladesh in 1971. ‘Nation’ readily translates qaum, Punjabi’s emotionally laden word for a community. Inspiration was drawn from Sikh history – especially the reign of Maharaja Ranjıt Singh (1799–1839). Sikhs justified acts of violence in a nationalist cause also on the religious grounds of fighting against oppression so that right would prevail (see C.8.c). Sikh views differ. But in the Ardas, the daily prayer in which all participate, after commemorating their community’s costly history, Sikhs pray for God’s blessings not only on Sikhs, but on all people. ‘Raj karega Khalsa’, the Khalsa will rule, is proclaimed at the conclusion of every Ardas. Whether Sikhs understand this in the sense of political sovereignty, or as a spiritual metaphor, will vary. C.8.c. National and Ethnic Conflict The dominant image of the Khalsa, and so of Sikhs more generally, is of warriors. Swords are central to Sikh iconography. Sikhs’ history exalts the shahıds (martyrs) (C.2.a) and the use of the sword to defend the weak and

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lighten oppression is sanctioned. One explanation of Sikhs’ affinity with warfare that is forwarded by some non-Sikh observers is the numerical and cultural dominance of the Jat community, renowned for its martial character before the rise of Sikhism. Khalsa Sikhs are characterised by the Five Ks, religious symbols beginning with the Gurmukhı equivalent of the letter ‘K’. Of these, probably the kara (steel wristlet) and certainly the kirpan (sword) have military significance. However, Sikhs are enjoined to take up arms against others only in defence, and only as a last resort: ‘When all efforts to restore peace prove useless and no words avail, Lawful is the flash of steel, it is right to draw the sword’ (Guru Gobind Singh, Zafarnama). Sikhs generally oppose wanton destruction, believe in the right of others to live, and have never engaged in warfare to compel conversion to their faith. To the non-Sikh, it can appear that the non-violent stance and teaching of the first five Gurus was considerably altered by the decision of Guru Hargobind (Guru 1606–1644) to militarise his followers, and by Guru Gobind Singh’s martial leadership. (Both Guru Hargobind’s father, Guru Arjan Dev, and Guru Gobind Singh’s father, Guru Tegh Bahadur, had died as unresisting martyrs.) However, in Sikh faith the ten human Gurus were one in their divine spirit. As political circumstances changed and Sikhs and Hindus felt increasingly threatened by the repressive measures of Mughal rulers, a different emphasis was needed, although this was totally consistent with the vision of ¯ di Granth, Guru Nanak. Indeed, referring to Guru Nanak’s words in the A Gurinder Singh Mann points out that Guru Nanak believed that ‘a bloody fight between armies was a fair contest, but that the harassment of ordinary people was not acceptable’ and that ‘death that came while fighting for the right cause would lead them straight to liberation’ (2004: 83). In Guru Gobind Singh’s poetic compositions, a military metaphor is often used to convey God’s greatness. God is addressed as the sword and All-steel. So, for example, Guru Gobind Singh wrote in Bachitar Natak: ‘I bow with heart and mind to the holy sword ... The sword cuts sharply, destroys the host of the wicked, and has power to make the battlefield glorious ... The sword brings peace to the saints, fear to the evil minded, destruction to sin, so it is my refuge.’ In his Akal Ustat, Guru Gobind Singh requests: ‘May we have the protection of All-steel; may we have the protection of All-death.’ In Jap Sahib he proclaims: ‘Salutations to God who wields the sword; salutations to God who can throw arrows.’ Elsewhere God is addressed as ‘musket’, ‘cannon’ and ‘lance’. Through such hymns, Guru Gobind Singh no doubt intended not only to portray one aspect of divine power, but also to awaken his followers to fearless acts of valour. Sikhs keep alive, in paintings and narrative, historic examples of their forebears’ heroism, such as shahıd Baba Dıp Singh’s return to Amritsar from battle, bearing his severed head. In many cases Sikh shahıds showed their bravery as they underwent barbarous torture rather than surrender their

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faith. Bha ı Taru Singh’s scalp was removed because he refused to allow his hair to be cut. Sikhs have shown themselves not only ready to take up arms, but also to risk their lives in non-violent action against oppression. Their passive resistance to police brutality in 1921 at Guru Ka Bagh, a shrine near Amritsar, greatly impressed Mahatma Gandhi’s friend C. F. Andrews, as recalled by Khushwant Singh (Singh 1999: 204). C.8.d. ‘Just War’? Closest to the term ‘just war’ is Sikhs’ dharamyudh (religious or righteous war). This term was applied emotively to the Sikh campaign of the 1980s to wrest greater autonomy for Punjab from India’s central government (see C.8.b). Gurinder Singh Mann recalls that the poets in Guru Gobind Singh’s entourage ‘sang of reciting the name of Vahiguru while preparing for a holy war’ (2004: 83). From Sikh tradition, but without identifying specific sources, Owen Cole adduces ‘five conditions for a righteous war’ such as ‘Minimum force should be used, only sufficient to achieve the objective’ (2004: 100). For a discussion of Sikhism and just war, see Gurharpal Singh’s discussion (2003). C.8.e. Contemporary Challenges As yet few Sikhs have turned their thought seriously to the issues relating to nuclear arms and other weapons of mass destruction, chemical or biological. Resorting to traditional weapons could not genetically affect unborn generations or destroy life on the planet as nuclear war could, nor could it divert such vast sums of money from other purposes at a time when millions are on the verge of starvation. In a paper given at a plenary session of the World Conference of Religious Workers in Moscow, 1982, Dr Rajinder Kaur declared that all nations must stop the arms race: The very idea of nuclear weaponry is repugnant to Sikh religious thought because it can exterminate the whole of life [and bring about] total destruction of mankind, the highest expression of the Supreme Self, God Himself. (Kaur 1982: 20)

In relation to ‘terrorism’, a major concern of many Sikhs in the 1980s and 1990s was to challenge the label of ‘terrorist’ and ‘extremist’ for the armed supporters of the establishment of Khalistan, a Sikh state independent of India. Members of separatist organisations such as the Babbar Khalsa, the Bhindranwale Tiger Force of Khalistan, the Khalistan Liberation Force, the Khalistan Commando Force and elements of the All-India Sikh Students Federation, regarded their guerrilla operations as the deployment of ‘righteous force’, a justified response to state oppression and as punishment for the guilty (see Juergensmeyer 2001: 86). Their leader, Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (C.1.c), understood the struggle in religious terms as one

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against secularism and, underlying this, encroaching Hindu domination. Suicide bombers saw themselves in the heroic tradition of the shahıds. Their acts of violence included the killing of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1984 (for ordering the Indian army into the complex of Harmandir Sahib in Amritsar) and of Punjab’s Chief Minister Beant Singh in 1995. C.8.f. Social and Domestic Violence In practice, within the Sikh community violent actions result from outraged izzat (family honour C.2.c). In particular the actual or perceived transgressions of social norms by female members of a family may precipitate violence, for example, in extreme cases, a father or brothers killing the young woman concerned. Also, the incidence among Sikh males of drinking to excess (see C.4.c and C.4.e) sometimes results in violence. C.9. GLOBAL ISSUES C.9.a. Responses to World Poverty Action to redress the unjust distribution of the world’s resources is in keeping with the message of the Gurus. From a faith perspective thinking about economic policies in relation to less developed countries, consumerism and investment must apply the Gurus’ guidance on wealth (C.4.d) in line with the principle attributed to Guru Nanak of ‘kirat karo vand chhako’, that is, work and share what you earn. Some distinguished economists are Sikhs: a notable example is Manmohan Singh, the first Sikh to hold the office of Prime Minister of India (from 2004). As India’s Finance Minister (1991–6) he reduced bureaucratic controls, opened the Indian economy to the world market and succeeded in changing international perceptions of India from a country beset by endemic destitution and imminent famine to a major and growing economic force. On appointment as Prime Minister he emphasised his aim of ‘giv[ing] to the world and to our people a model of economic reforms which add to the processes of development, which create new opportunities for the poor and downtrodden.’ However, it would be naïve to overstate the role of his ancestral faith in his policies and to disregard his academic training as an economist with, for example, the distinguished Keynesian economist, Joan Robinson. Sikhs are Punjabi, except for a few Western converts (see C.1.a), and so for much of the twentieth century many had a different world view from people who were culturally rooted in materially affluent Western consumer societies. As industrious members of a developing society, Sikhs brought relative prosperity to India’s Punjab state. Here they increased agricultural yields markedly in the last three decades of the twentieth century. With greater material security has come increasing consumerism. Sikhs’ prime concern continues to be,

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in India and the diaspora, bettering the lot of their family, and many continue to have a particular bond with, and sense of responsibility for, their caste-community and ancestral village. At the same time Sikh responses to others’ need are individually and collectively generous. In 1971 British gurdwaras collected funds to help rehabilitate refugees from Bangladesh. In 2005 gurdwaras and other Sikh organisations responded to the plight of tsunami victims. With greater prosperity and the networking facility of the internet, Sikhs are likely to be increasingly ready to provide relief for those in need, far beyond, as well as within, the borders of India (see C.5.b). C.9.b. Responses to Population Control In Sikhism marital fidelity, not celibacy, is the goal for all, so population growth has never been limited by encouraging men or women to be monks or nuns. At the same time nothing in Sikh scriptures or tradition contradicts the now widely held view that, as the average life expectancy increases and resources run down, adults should be encouraged to limit their families. From a religious viewpoint, self-control is the preferred method (see Mansukhani 1986a). However, with the fear of losing their narrow majority in Punjab, Sikhs may prefer to have large families. Over-population was not an issue facing the human race until the twentieth century. Now it is more pressing in the Sikhs’ homeland, India, than in countries to which they have emigrated. Since Independence (1947), India’s government has publicised the need for a reduced birth rate and has offered inducements. During India’s State of Emergency (1975–7) the campaign was intensified and many citizens underwent compulsory sterilisation or vasectomy. However, India did not follow China’s lead in restricting family size to one child per couple. The Sikh religion does not forbid the use of contraceptives. In practice, the more educated Sikhs tend to have fewer children. In Punjab, prior to 1975, Balwant Singh, a prominent member of the Akalı cabinet, promoted family planning. In January 1973 Gurmat Parkash, the official journal of Sikhs’ most influential elected body, the SGPC (see C.1.a.), reported that the SGPC had discussed the forced sterilisations and vasectomies and decided that these contravened the Sikh injunction to maintain kesh (uncut hair), as pubic hair was shaved off before surgery. This aspect of some surgery continues to trouble Sikhs who observe the Khalsa discipline (see C.1.a for its requirements). C.9.c. Planet Earth and Ecology Punjab is an agricultural state. Of its many farmers, the majority are Sikh, although those who actually cultivate their land are more and more often non-Sikh labourers from outside Punjab who seek employment. The Sikh

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farmers’ concern for improved yields made them wholehearted supporters of the Green Revolution which began in the 1960s. They have welcomed modern technology and the use of chemical fertilisers. The long-term effects of these innovations, both economically and environmentally, are affecting their lives profoundly and not only for the good. However, despite the Bhopal disaster of 1984, environmental concern in India is less developed than in the West. Unusually, Bhagat Puran Singh (see C.5.b) strove to alert people to the causes and dangers of pollution and environmental degradation (Singh and Sekhon 2001). For discussion of contemporary ecological issues in the light of both Sikh scripture and Western thinking, see the work of Surjeet Kaur Chahal (2005). In Western countries television has alerted people to the unjust distribution of world food supplies. Many argue that vegetarianism would reduce the waste of protein-rich grain which could be used to feed humans but is currently diverted to feed cattle. Others argue against human exploitation of fellow species on planet earth. Sikh vegetarians would concur with these views – in particular the Namdharıs, whose leader campaigns actively to promote vegetarianism. But such considerations have never been fundamental to the Sikhs, and diet remains a matter for individual choice. Section C.5.f examines Sikh attitudes to vegetarianism. This paragraph summarises Chahal’s discussion of ‘Sikhism and genetic engineering’, which tackles not only agricultural but also medical applications (2005: 106–33). She acknowledges that crops are already the result of human intervention in the natural order as the result of artificial selection, and that some genetic engineering appears beneficial. One example would be the production of bacteria to clear up an oil slick. However she emphasises that nature has its own intrinsic worth. From a Sikh perspective it is not just a utility to be used instrumentally by humans. She quotes scripture to the effect that it is God alone who designs and fully understands nature, and that the divine is immanent in nature. For humans to assume the role of co-creator is an expression of arrogance. Instead the natural order needs to be accepted as a manifestation of God’s hukam (will), and it needs to be remembered that the workings of the law of karma and of reincarnation include animals, plants, ¯ di Granth, p.176). Chahal stresses that selfrocks as well as human beings (A realisation, as Sikhs’ spiritual goal, involves a deep sense of the interconnectedness of the universe and love for creation. She concludes, ‘Theologically genetic engineering cannot be justified from the Sikh perspective, specially, if we say that we are using genetic engineering to improve or to perfect nature’ (2005: 133). During the coming years Sikhs may well contribute further to debating and formulating rulings on these issues. However, especially if it is academics and other concerned individuals, rather than religious leaders, who engage in the discussion, Sikhs are unlikely to regard a particular view as specifically Sikh. This is also the case for many other ethical matters outlined in section C.

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C.10.a. Glossary ¯ di Granth A Ahankar Akal Takht

Akal Ustat Akalı Akhand Kırtanı Jatha Amrit

Amritdharı Anand Karaj Ardas Baba Bachitar Natak Bha ı Bichola Chardı Kala Chaurı Chief Khalsa Dıwan Dal Khalsa Dasam Granth Dasvandh Daya Dharamyudh Dharma Five Ks Gianı Got Granth Granthı Grihasth Gurdwara

The Sikh scriptures, Guru Granth Sahib Pride ‘Throne of the Timeless One’, a building facing the Golden Temple in Amritsar. The most binding decisions on religious matters are taken here A composition in the Dasam Granth Member of a political party representing Sikh interests Movement of Khalsa Sikhs inspired by twentieth-century leader Bha ı Randhı¯r Singh ‘Ambrosia’, the sanctified sweetened water used in initiation (amrit) ceremonies. Although it is not altogether satisfactory, ‘baptism’ is sometimes used to translate this A Sikh who has received amrit, one who professes commitment to Sikh principles ‘Ceremony of Bliss’, wedding ceremony Formal prayer offered in most acts of worship ‘Grandfather’, title for Sant An autobiographical composition in the Dasam Granth. In this, Guru Gobind Singh declares his mission ‘Brother’, respectful title for male Sikh Go-between, matchmaker Cheerful optimism Fan, usually made of yak-tail hair or nylon. This is waved over the scriptures as a traditional mark of respect The political arm of the Singh Sabha movement. It was formed in 1902 The undivided army of the Khalsa Volume (granth) of compositions by the tenth (dasam) Guru Tythe, the tenth part of one’s earnings which should be given to charity Compassion, sympathy ‘Righteous War’ One’s rightful function. Dharam in Punjabi Outward marks of a Khalsa Sikh ‘Knowledgeable’, title for person who is well versed in the Sikh scriptures Exogamous group within the zat (in Hindi this is gotra) Volume of scripture, i.e. Guru Granth Sahib A reader of the Guru Granth Sahib. Sometimes the granthı is a paid custodian employed in a gurdwara Householder, married person. This is the ideal and expected lifestyle for Sikhs Sikh place of worship, a place in which the Guru Granth Sahib is installed

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Gurmata Gurmukh Gurmukhı Guru Guru Granth Sahib Halal Haumai Hukam Hukamnama Izzat Janamsakhı

Jap (Sahib) Japjı (Sahib) Jat Jathedar Jihad Ka’aba Kachh Kam Kangha Kar seva Kara Karma Kaur Kesh Keskı Khalsa

Khalsa-Panth

ETHICAL ISSUES IN SIX RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS A decision, affecting the Sikh community, taken in the presence of the Guru (nowadays the Guru Granth Sahib) A person whose life is directed towards God The script in which Sikh scriptures and Punjabi (in the Indian State of Punjab) are written Teacher. For Sikhs this term is used only for God, each of the ten human Gurus and the scriptures Scriptures. The 1,430-page volume consists of hymns by six Gurus and other religious poets Permissible in Islamic Law. Meat of animals killed in the Muslim manner Egoism Order, God’s will Binding pronouncement issued by the highest Sikh authority; a directive from the Guru Granth Sahib Honour, reputation. This is a powerful force in South Asian community life Hagiographic account of Guru Nanak’s life. There are several manuscript traditions. One of these is known as Puratan (ancient) and it includes a manuscript which can be seen in the India Office Library, London (MS Danj, B6) Introductory invocation in the Dasam Granth The opening stanzas of the Guru Granth Sahib. Devout Sikhs repeat these each morning. Jap means ‘repeat’ The dominant caste community (zat) in Punjab, traditionally landowning farmers Leader of a political or religious group Islamic obligation to wage war in the cause of the faith The building in Mecca that is most revered by Muslims and towards which they pray Trousers which do not come below the knee. One of the Five Ks, symbolising self-restraint Lust Comb. One of Five Ks used to keep the hair clean and tidy Voluntary work such as constructing or repairing a gurdwara Steel band worn on the right wrist, one of the Five Ks Action, the law of cause and effect. Hence the adjective karmic. Karam in Punjabi Prince (usually translated princess), the title of all female Sikhs Uncut hair, one of the Five Ks A small turban ‘Pure’, ‘owing direct allegiance’, i.e. to the Guru. The family of initiated Sikhs formed by Guru Gobind Singh, maintaining his rules of conduct and dress = Panth

Sikhism Khande dı pahul Kirpan Kırtan Krodh Kurahit Langar Lavan Lobh Man Manjı Manmukh Masand

Mırı Misal Moh Moksha Nam Nam japo Namdharı Nihang

Nirvair Panj kakke Panj piare

Panth Patit Pırı Puratan Rahit Maryada Rahitnama Ramgarhı a Sache Padshah

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Initiation (pahul) with the two-edged sword (khanda) which is used to stir the amrit Sword, one of the Five Ks Congregational singing of the hymns from the Guru Granth Sahib Anger Any breach of Khalsa code of discipline Free meal served to anyone visiting the gurdwara; the area where it is prepared and served Stanzas composed by Guru Ram Das. These are the core of the Anand Karaj Greed Mind, whim An area of jurisdiction during the Mughal period. Guru Amar Das adopted a similar system Any self-centred person (as contrasted with the gurmukh) A representative of the Guru, preaching and collecting donations on his behalf (Guru Gobind Singh discontinued this as the masands became corrupt) Temporal power (see pırı) (Arabic ‘equal’.) Name for the twelve bands of Sikh fighters that emerged in the mid-eighteenth century Materialism, attachment to worldly affairs and relationships Liberation of the human spirit from the cycle of rebirth The name of God, God’s essential nature Repeat Nam, meditate A group whose nineteenth-century founder and leader, Ram Singh, urged a strictly disciplined life, including vegetarianism ‘Without anxiety’. Nihang Singhs arose in the time of Guru Gobind Singh. They particularly revere the Dasam Granth. Nihangs often wear tall, dark blue or saffron-coloured turbans and carry steel weapons Devoid of enmity, a characteristic of the divine reality See Five Ks Five (panj) beloved ones (piare). Those who administer amrit to candidates for initiation share this name with the first five Sikhs who publicly demonstrated their loyalty to Guru Gobind Singh in 1699 ‘Religious way’, the Sikh community ‘Lapsed’, one who transgresses the Khalsa code of discipline Spiritual authority See Janamsakhı See Sikh Rahit Maryada Written codes of discipline issued from the eighteenth century Title adopted by Sikhs of certain artisan castes, for example woodworkers and masons ‘True Emperor’, a title accorded to the Guru and God

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Sadhsangat Sahib Sangat Sant Sant Nirankarı Santokh Sant-sipahı Satı Seva SGPC Shahıd Shahıdı Sharam Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee Sidh Gost Sikh Sikh Rahit Maryada Simran Singh Singh Sabha Takht Taksal Tankhah Vahiguru Var Zafarnama Zat

ETHICAL ISSUES IN SIX RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS See Sangat A title of respect which Sikhs confer on historic shrines, certain hymns in the scriptures and to the scriptures as a whole Congregation An acclaimed leader exercising considerable influence on spiritual and sometimes political affairs Name of a twentieth-century group related historically to Sikhism but differing from it on central principles of belief and conduct Contentment ‘Saint-soldier’, the Sikh ideal of spirituality combined with disciplined courage A wife whose devotion is so great that she chooses to die on her husband’s funeral pyre Service to others, especially in the gurdwara See Shiromanı Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee Martyr Martyrdom Modesty, a sense of shame Chief Gurdwara Management Committee, Amritsar. This is a powerful, elected body, referred to as SGPC

One of Guru Nanak’s hymns A learner (from sikhna ‘to learn’), a believer in God, the teachings of the ten Gurus and the Guru Granth Sahib Code of discipline ‘Remembrance’, meditation ‘Lion’, second name of Sikh males (see also kaur) Late nineteenth-century movement to reform and revive Sikhism ‘Throne’, title of five historical shrines where authoritative decisions are made ‘Mint’, a religious training institution Penance, i.e. for disobeying the basic rules of Sikh discipline A title for God, the wonderful Guru Heroic ballad, a poetic composition Guru Gobind Singh’s Epistle of Victory, addressed to the Emperor Aurangzeb. It forms part of Dasam Granth Endogomous community, traditionally sharing a hereditary occupation. (Jati in Hindi)

C.10.b. Bibliography Texts ¯ di Granth A The references within this chapter do not follow a particular translation, and the page

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numbers refer to the Gurmukhı text. The reader will be able to trace quotations in any of the above translations. ¯ di Granth – complete text A Singh, G. (1962) (tr.), Sri Guru Granth Sahib, 4 vols, Delhi. Singh, M. (1962–9) (tr.), Sri Guru Granth Sahib, 8 vols, Amritsar. For the text in Gurmukhı, with a translation in modern Punjabi, www.gurugranthdarpan.com/ 0010.html. With a phonetic roman transcription plus an English translation www.sikhnet.com/ sggs/ translation/. An English rendering is available at www.sikhs.org/english/ and www.srigranth. org/about.html ¯ di Granth – selections A AjitSingh, C. K. (2001), The Wisdom of Sikhism, Oxford: Oneworld. Macauliffe, M. A. [1909] (1963), The Sikh Religion, New Delhi: S. Chand and Co. McLeod, W. H. (1990), Textual Sources for the Study of Sikhism, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Singh, Nikky-Guninder Kaur (1996), The Name of My Beloved: Verses of the Sikh Gurus, San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco. Singh, Trilochan, Singh, Jodh, Singh, Kapur, Singh, Harkishen, Singh, Khushwant (1960) (tr.), Selections from the Sacred Writings of the Sikhs, London: Allen & Unwin. Dasam Granth Loehlin, C. H. (1971), The Granth of Guru Gobind Singh and the Khalsa Brotherhood, Lucknow: Lucknow Publishing House. Singh, Jodh and Singh (1999), Dharam Sri Dasam Granth Sahib Text and Translation, vols 1 and 2, Patiala: Heritage Publications. Vars of Bha ı Gurdas Singh, Jodh (1998), Varan Bhai Gurdas Text, Transliteration and Translation, vols 1 and 2, Patiala and New Delhi: Vision and Venture. Janamsakhıs McLeod, W. H. (1999), Sikhs and Sikhism, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. McLeod, W. H. (1986), The B40 Janamsakhıs, Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University. This is the only complete English translation of a janamsakhıi. Rahitnamas Grewal, J. S. (1972), From Guru Nanak to Maharaja Ranjit Singh: Essays in Sikh History, Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University. (In this the Prem Sumarg is discussed.) McLeod, W. H. (1985), The Chaupa Singh Rahit-nama, Dunedin: University of Otago Press. McLeod, W. H. (1982), ‘The Problem of the Panjabi rahit namas’, in S. N. Mukherjee (ed.), India; History and Thought: Essays in Honour of A L Basham, Calcutta: Subarnarekha, pp. 103–26, reprinted in W. H. McLeod (2000), Exploring Sikhism, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 103–25.

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McLeod, W. H. (2003), Sikhs of the Khalsa: A History of the Khalsa Rahit, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Sikh Rahit Maryada (Rehat Maryada) Kaur, K. and I. Singh (1971) (tr.), Rehat Maryada: A Guide to the Sikh Way of Life. The Sikh Code of Conduct, Southall: Sikh Missionary Resource Centre, n. d. McLeod, W. H. (1990) (see above). General Bailey, J. R. (1987), Religious Leaders and Places of Pilgrimage Today, Religion in Life: a Religious Education Course for Secondary Schools, Huddersfield: Schofield & Sims. Bains, T. S. and Johnston, H. (1995), The Four Quarters of the Night: The Life-Journey of an Emigrant Sikh, Toronto: McGill-Queen’s University Press. Bedi, S. S. (1971), Folklore of the Punjab, New Delhi: National Book Trust. Bhachu, P. (1985), Twice Migrants, London: Tavistock. Bowker, J. (1983), Worlds of Faith, London: BBC Publications. Cole, W. O. (2004), Understanding Sikhism, Edinburgh: Dunedin Academic Press. Cole, W. O. and P. S. Sambhi (1995), The Sikhs: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices, Brighton: Sussex Academic Press. Fenech, L. E. (2000), Martyrdom in the Sikh Tradition: Playing the ‘Game of Love’, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Hawley, J. S. and G. S. Mann (1993) (eds), Studying the Sikhs: Issues for North America, New York: SUNY Press. Jakobsh, D. (2003),‘Constructing Sikh Identities: Authorities Virtual and Imagined’, International Journal of Punjab Studies, 10, 1 and 2, pp. 127–42. Juergensmeyer, M. [2000], (2001) Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence, Berkeley: University of California Press. Kalsi, S. S. (1992), The Evolution of a Sikh Community in Britain, Leeds: Community Religions Project, Department of Theology and Religious Studies, University of Leeds. Kalsi, S. S. (1999), Simple Guide to Sikhism, Folkestone: Global Books. Kaur, R., ‘Paper Given at a Plenary Session of the World Conference of Religious Workers, Moscow’, in The Sikh Courier, autumn/winter 1982, p. 20, and Spokesman Weekly, June 1983, p. 4. London Borough of Redbridge SACRE (1999), Briefing Paper 3 Sikh Appearance and Identity, London Borough of Redbridge: SACRE. McCormack, M. K. (n. d.), The Sikh Marriage Ceremony, no. 7, Sikh Society of Great Britain. McLeod, W. H. (1995), Historical Dictionary of Sikhism, Lanham and London: Scarecrow Press. McLeod, W. H. (1997), Sikhism, London: Penguin. McLeod, W. H. (1999) Sikhs and Sikhism, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. This comprises McLeod’s previously published seminal works: Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion, Early Sikh Tradition, The Evolution of the Sikh Community (including pp. 83–105 ‘Caste in the Sikh Panth’) and Who is a Sikh? Mahmood, C. K. (1997), Fighting for Faith and Nation: Dialogues with Sikh Militants, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

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Mann, G. S. (2004), Sikhism, Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall. Mansukhani, G. S. (1986a), Introduction to Sikhism, Delhi: Hemkunt Press. Nesbitt, E. (2005a), Faith Guides for Higher Education: A Guide to Sikhism, Leeds: The Subject Centre for Philosophical and Religious Studies, University of Leeds. Nesbitt, E. (2005b) Sikhism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pettigrew, J. (1975), Robber Noblemen – a Study of the Political System of the Sikh Jats, London: Routledge. Sambhi, P. S. (1982), ‘Sikhism’, in W. O. Cole (ed.), Comparative Religions, Poole: Blandford Press. Sambhi, P. S. (1984), ‘Sikhism’, in J. M. Sutcliffe (ed.), A Dictionary of Religious Education, London: SCM. Shackle, C. (2002), ‘Sikhism’, in L. Woodhead, P. Fletcher, H. Kawanami and D. Smith (eds), Religions in the Modern World, London: Routledge, pp. 70–85. Singh, Gurharpal (2003), ‘Sikhism and Just War’, in P. Robinson (ed.), Just War in Comparative Perspective, Aldershot: Ashgate, pp. 126–36. Singh, Indarjit, ‘Thought for the Day’, BBC, 23 October 1985; ‘Thought for the Day’, BBC, 31 August 1987, published as ‘Sikhs and Race’ in The Sikh Messenger, summer 1987, p. 22. Singh, Khushwant (1999), A History of the Sikhs, Vol. 2, 1839–1988, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Singh, Patwant and H. K. Sekhon (2001), Garland Round my Neck: The Story of Puran Singh of Pingalwara, New Delhi: UBS Publishers. Singh, Trilochan (1971) (tr.), Autobiography of Bhai Sahib Randhir Singh, Ludhiana: Bhai Sahib Randhir Singh Publishing House. Talib, G. S. and H. Singh (1976) (tr., with Yann Lovelock), Bhai Vir Singh: Poet of the Sikhs, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas. Works on Ethics Articles on ethics, including those below marked with an asterisk, can be found in The Sikh Messenger, available from 43 Dorset Road, Merton Park, London SW19 3EZ. Chahal, S. K. (2005), Ecology, Redesigning Genes: Ethical and Sikh Perspective, Amritsar: Singh Brothers. Kohli, S. S. (1975), Sikh Ethics, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. On pp. 66–7, original sources for Sikh ethics are listed. McLeod, W. Hew, ‘Ethical Standards in World Religions – The Sikhs’, in Expository Times, vol. 85, no. 8, 1974, pp. 233–7, and The Sikh Courier, vol. 7, no. 5, spring 1975, pp. 4–9. *Mansukhani, G. S. (1986b), ‘Sikhism and its Ethical Values’, The Sikh Messenger, summer, pp. 17–21. *Sambhi, P. S. (1985), ‘Alcohol and Religion: A Comparative Study’, The Sikh Messenger, summer, pp. 28–30. *Sambhi, P. S. (1986), ‘Sikhism: A Family Religion’, The Sikh Messenger, summer, pp. 7–11. *Sambhi, P. S. (1986/7), ‘A Survey of Religious Attitudes to Meat Eating’, The Sikh Messenger, pp. 27–31.

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Singh, A. (1983), Ethics of the Sikhs, Patiala: Punjabi University. Singh, Nikky-Guninder Kaur (1990), The Sikh Moral Tradition: Ethical Perception of the Sikhs in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries, New Delhi: Manohar. Talib, G. S. (1980), ‘The Basis and Development in Ethical Thought in Sikhism’, in L. M. Joshi (ed.), Sikhism, Patiala: Punjabi University, pp. 86–130. Women and gender Elsberg, C. W. (2003), Graceful Women: Gender and Identity in an American Sikh Community, Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Fair, C. (1996), ‘Female Foeticide among Vancouver Sikhs: Recontextualising Sex Selection in the North American Diaspora’, International Journal of Punjab Studies, 3, 1, pp. 1–44. Hershman, P. (1981), Punjabi Kinship and Marriage, New Delhi: Hindustan Publishing Corporation. Jakobsh, D. (2003), Relocating Gender in Sikh History: Transformation, Meaning and Identity, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Purewal, N. (2003), ‘Re-producing South Asian Wom(b)en: Female Feticide and the Spectacle of Culture,’ in N. Puwar (ed.), South Asian Women in the Diaspora, Oxford: Berg. Rait, S. K. (2005), Sikh Women in England, Stoke on Trent: Trentham Books. Shan, S.-J. (1985), In My Own Name, London: The Women’s Press. Singh, Bhai Vir (1983) (tr. G. S.Mansukhani), Sundri, Delhi: Hemkunt Press. Singh, H. (1990), ‘The Place of Women in Sikhism’, Khera, 9, 3, pp. 64ff. Singh, Nikky-Guninder Kaur (1993), The Feminine Principle in the Sikh Vision of the Transcendent, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Singh, Teja (1941), ‘Women in Sikhism’, in Essays in Sikhism, Lahore: Sikh University Press, pp. 44–9.

C.10.c. Addresses Information and books on Sikhism not easily available elsewhere can be obtained from: DTF Books, 117 Soho Road, Birmingham, West Midlands B21 9ST. Tel. 0121 5151 183; www.dtfbooks.com Sikh Education Society, Box 1103, Postal Station A, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada V6C 2T1. Sikh Missionary Society (UK), 10 Featherstone Road, Southall, Middlesex UB2 5AA. [email protected] Copies of The Sikh Code of Conduct (Sikh Rahit Maryada) are also available from: Sikh Missionary Resource Centre, 411 Dudley Road, Birmingham B18 4HD. Star Publishers Distributors, 112 Whitfield Street, London W1P 5RU. Tel. 020 7380 0622; [email protected] Sikh organisations include: British Organisation of Sikh Students, 2 Chignel Place, West Ealing, London W13 0TJ. Tel. 07940 431925; www.boss-uk.org For a directory of listings of gurdwaras worldwide see: www.geocities.com/ gurdwaralist.html

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Sikh organisations in the UK are listed in: P. Weller, Religions in the UK Directory 2001–3, Derby: University of Derby in association with the Inter Faith Network for the United Kingdom, 2001. Web sites www.sikhs.org www.allaboutsikhs.com www.sikhnet.com SikhiWiki.org

D. Judaism Clive A. Lawton

D.1. RELIGIOUS IDENTITY AND AUTHORITY D.1.a. On Being Jewish Being Jewish is primarily to belong to a people, an extended family, a tribe, a historical community. Most Jews will grow up knowing something of their recent and distant history and will feel themselves part of the destiny which is that of the Jewish People. Since Jews have lived so long scattered outside their own homeland, they have become skilful at absorbing the cultures and traditions of the societies in which they live, while at the same time retaining their own distinctive identity. This scattering or dispersion is known as diaspora. As the world’s population becomes more mobile, more and more religions which were established in one place, or associated with one culture, are learning to cope with the diaspora experience which has been the ‘normal’ experience of the Jew for centuries. A Jew may frequently be wholly indistinguishable from his non-Jewish neighbours, but for many Jews the traditions of their religion give them distinctive practices and perceptions that enrich their lives. Jewish religious tradition stems from the Torah, the first five books of the Bible, in which are to be found a large number of rules and commandments, for example, ‘Love your neighbour as yourself’ (Leviticus 19:18) and ‘Honour your father and your mother’ (Exodus 20:12). In addition, it sets out the early history of the Jewish People. This collection of rules and laws merely acts as the headlines for an extensive system of rules which are known as the Oral Torah. These have been discussed over the centuries and are still discussed to this day. The largest encyclopaedia of this discussion is the eighteen-volume Talmud, which includes the thoughts and teachings of over a thousand rabbis over a thousand years up to about the fifth century CE. The discussion centres around how one performs or fulfils the mitzvot (pl) in the Torah. (The word mitzvah is not easy to translate but it carries the compound meaning of a good deed which is required of the Jew and which adds to his or her dignity and status in the sight of God.) In the traditional Jewish

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system, each mitzvah is seen to be a directive from God and therefore its precise mode of fulfilment becomes crucially important. It is disagreement about the authority and interpretation of the Torah that is the basic division between the Orthodox and the groups known as Conservative, Reform and Liberal Jews. The latter groups are sometimes known as Progressive Jews. In the first instance, a person who is learned in the Torah and qualified to teach – a rabbi – will be consulted on a specific problem or situation and he (and for Progressive Jews, she) will rule as best as possible within the context of personal understanding based on learning. For example, when the electric light was first invented, a debate arose as to whether or not turning on such a light on Shabbat would constitute lighting a fire, which is forbidden. Each rabbi asked to rule would make his own decision (the majority decided it was like lighting a fire), and now therefore the halakha (the accepted consensus as to the proper course of action or ruling) states that it is forbidden to turn an electric light on or off on Shabbat since it is like lighting or extinguishing a fire. Each rabbi’s decision is independent and carries weight only within his or her own community, until a body of rulings has built up which will then be collated and considered by a scholar who has specialised in such a subject. If the resulting assessment of the majority mood is inaccurate, then other rabbis will not accept the scholar’s view and the halakha would simply not be according to his or her decision. (No rabbi will automatically agree with another rabbi and no rabbi has greater authority than any other unless the rabbis agree to submit to such authority.) Eventually, as consensus grows on the correct way to act in a given situation, this becomes the halakha. Conservative Jews are more prepared to consider divergent or minority views on halakha when addressing fresh issues or new situations and do issue halakhic rulings from time to time. Reform and Liberal Jews do not consider themselves halakhic traditions. They will bear the halakha in mind but will utilise other sensibilities when coming to their conclusions. Furthermore, they are more committed to the concept of each Jew’s autonomy in deciding for him or herself what seems right in any given situation. Progressive movements do issue responses on current issues but they are more guidance than binding pronouncement. There are, of course, always new areas where the halakha is being considered and the atmosphere of debate and argument is vigorously cultivated in the Jewish community. It is recognised that there is a need to thrash out the various arguments for and against a given course of action. Further the traditional perception of the Torah is that it is multifaceted and deserves the subtlety of human ingenuity in recognising the possibility of a vast number of legitimate interpretations. Nevertheless, in the traditional view, when a community is deciding how to behave there can only be a single ruling in order that the community retains a coherent identity. This has resulted in Jews valuing study, articulate discussion, and free thinking, but against a background of communally responsible action.

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Dominant in the life of the practising Jew will be commitment to family (see Genesis 29:10 and the stress on ‘his mother’s brother’) and to community in terms of respecting, honouring and offering charitable and welfare support. As the mystical book, the Zohar, says: ‘It is the duty of the righteous to aid the wicked; of the wise to aid the unwise; of the rich to aid the poor. Each person should aid his fellow man according to his talent’ (Zohar 1:208a). Other dominant concerns are commitment to dietary rules (for example Deuteronomy 14), observance of the festivals (of which there are many, for example Deuteronomy 16) and Shabbat which is, in a way, a weekly festival. The degree of commitment will, of course, vary from person to person. Support for the Jewish People is another way in which Jews are affected by their Jewish identity on a regular basis; this means that many Jews are actively involved in support for the State of Israel, the plight of the Jewishly and materially impoverished Jews in parts of the former Soviet Union, the difficulties faced by some of the remnants of the Jewish communities of Arab lands, the suddenly impoverished Jewish community of Argentina, concern for the rehabilitation of Ethiopian Jewry in Israel and charitable activities at home. D.1.b. Authority Strictly speaking, authority is only really possessed by certain texts. As soon as human beings are involved the matter is open to human error and interpretation, and we are at the mercy of individual opinion. Alongside this statement must go the consciousness that a text is read by people and perceived by them in different ways. It is extremely difficult to arrive at what a text ‘really’ means – only what most people think it means. The Orthodox Jewish belief that the text of Torah is God-given makes the text the only infallible item. All human beings, however great, are fallible and therefore no one person has absolute authority. Even Moses made mistakes and could be advised by his heathen father-in-law, and Abraham’s impulse to be excessively merciful to the inhabitants of Sodom and Gommorah was corrected by God. The key text is the Torah and the second most important text is the Talmud. Because of the complexity of the Talmud and the brevity of the Torah, it is quite probable that on simple issues the easiest way to arrive at a fairly authoritative answer to a dilemma is to consult the Shulkhan Arukh (A Set Table) which, as its name implies, is codified in a much more straightforward way. However, in order to understand these texts and their authority, scholars and teachers must learn about and transmit their contents. A person’s authority to interpret depends on their learning, and a rabbi’s authority is based on his knowledge and understanding of these texts and the traditional commentaries and interpretations arising from them.

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D.1.c. Authority Figures in the Faith No single individual holds authority over the whole Jewish community. Even those who are nominated chief rabbi in a given locality merely hold that authority through the consensus of the other local rabbis, or by virtue of having been appointed by the lay leadership. Because of the democratic structure of synagogue life, the lay leaders of the community (who are normally elected on a regular basis, or achieve their position by virtue of seniority or the respect they hold in the eyes of the community) have considerable authority in terms of the running of day-to-day communal affairs, including charitable activities, social life and the conferring of honours during synagogue services. As the basic authority of Judaism lies in the text, no single character in the past, in terms of his or her sayings or teachings, has absolute authority in preference to anyone else whose teachings and sayings lie within the traditional ambit of Judaism. The Talmud demonstrates this excellently. This encyclopaedic work was compiled over the space of 800 years or more, and quotes more than 1,000 rabbis. Nowhere between its covers is it indicated that one rabbi has superior status to another, and while it becomes clear that the rulings and interpretations of some rabbis (usually the more lenient) are usually preferred to those of others, all are recorded equally. Indeed there is a story in the Talmud which indicates it is possible for two conflicting interpretations both to be right! It is worth mentioning, however, that in the Hasidic community it is slightly different. Each Hasidic sect has its rebbe (teacher) who is normally part of a dynasty tracing back to the disciples of the original Hasidic teacher, the Baal Shem Tov (d. 1760 CE). Hasidim often attribute to their rebbes almost mystical and supernatural powers, so that most Hasidim submit many of their life choice decisions (marriage partners, career directions and so on) to the rebbe for his approval (see Hasidism in the glossary). D.1.d. Duties of Leaders The duty of a rabbi is to teach Torah and rule in specific cases, according to the teachings of the Torah. When a case reaches beyond the normal domestic or simple problem a panel of rabbis is invoked – this is called a Bet Din (Court of Judgement). Where such a Bet Din is permanently established, the members of it are known by the title ‘Dayan’ which means ‘judge’ A Dayan is always a rabbi; he does not necessarily have superior status to another rabbi, except in so far as he is considered sufficiently learned to be able to judge, together with colleagues, on matters which an individual rabbi may not be able to decide. A rabbi’s teaching and leading must always be based on his (or her in Progressive communities) understanding of Torah and its related teachings, rather than on his or her own wisdom and accumulated experience.

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Lay leaders are responsible for the financial and social running of the community. Any lay person is able to lead the services in the synagogue, read from the Torah or teach what he or she knows. Both men and women are free to teach, but the Orthodox community will only allow women to lead services amongst women, while the Progressive community will allow women to lead services for men and women together. Sometimes ‘ministers’ are not rabbis at all but learned lay people. A person becomes a rabbi by being approved by other rabbis, who agree that he or she has reached a requisite level of learning. It is only in recent decades that the Progressive Jewish community has introduced women rabbis in some communities, where they have the same function as their male counterparts. Deuteronomy is explicit about the limitations of the power of any monarch that Jews may set over themselves. (In the contemporary context, the term ‘monarch’ includes any other ruler who is duly selected or appointed, such as a president or a prime minister.) In chapter 17 it is made clear that he should not accumulate wealth or wives to his own selfish benefit, and that he should be learned and just. The failure of even the greatest kings such as David and Solomon to match up to these requirements was staunchly criticised by the representatives of religion at the time, and it is hinted in the Midrash that these excesses sowed the seeds for the downfall of their united kingdom. D.1.e. Duties of Subjects and Citizens Jews are required to pray for the welfare of the State in which they live, as advised to the Jews in Babylonian exile by the prophet Jeremiah more than 2,500 years ago (Jeremiah 29:7). The traditional blessing on seeing a monarch or president is to express recognition that it is God who gives power to some mortals rather than others. Throughout Jewish history, whenever Jews have been allowed to play their part in civic affairs, they have, often disproportionately to their numbers. Within Jewish communities, the democratic nature of Jewish life blurs the distinction between leader and led, so that at one time the led can become the leaders and vice versa. Clearly there is a responsibility laid upon all Jews to ensure that the things which enable a person to become a leader, namely communal activity and knowledge of Torah, never become exclusively the property of any leader at any time. Hence every Jew is expected to have a fair knowledge of Torah and to play a fair part in communal affairs. By and large Judaism has prevented the growth of a learned clergy, holding the knowledge to be powerful, while the majority remain ignorant. If anything, the opposite has been the case. The tendency in Jewish communities is for the congregation or community to challenge and argue with its leaders, or for the congregation to establish a large number of committees to deal with various

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activities, to appoint or elect chairpersons and then to argue with them all the time! D.2. PERSONAL AND PRIVATE? D.2.a. Personal Qualities The rabbis point to Abraham as the model of hospitality and urge all Jews to imitate him. Abraham, they say, stood at the door of his tent to seek out guests and so Jews are encouraged to find people to invite to their table for all the various festive meals of the year. If a Jew cannot cater for guests personally, at the very least the community should provide for them. For the principle of humility, the rabbis point to Moses who, even when directed by God to save the Jewish People from Egypt, protested his inadequacies. Jews are encouraged to create peace between people. The rabbis point to the fact that God did not tell the whole truth when relaying to Abraham what Sarah had said, for fear that it might have created conflict in their household (Talmud, Yevamot 65). Jews are encouraged to honour teachers and parents as directed by the Ten Commandments and are required when doing good to be self-effacing (Maimonides, Mishne Torah, 10:1–14). The ideal form of charity is giving anonymously. However, Jews are not required to be self-deprecating, nor are they discouraged from exercising all their ingenuity, skill and ability to achieve comfort and convenience for themselves and their fellows (Talmud, Nedarim 10a and Nazir 19a). They are not asked to deny human appetites and drives, but rather to harness them and control them for the benefit of humanity. D.2.b. Friendship There are many examples of friendship in the Tenakh – the Jewish Bible – the most famous of which is that between David and Jonathan (I Samuel 20). Jonathan sacrificed his own claim to the throne in recognising David’s superior claim to kingship in Israel, and David honoured Jonathan in all that he could. Jews are commanded in the Torah to love their neighbours as themselves (Leviticus 19:18). The great rabbi Hillel in the second century CE set a minimum standard by telling an enquirer that the whole of Judaism was summed up by the expression ‘Do not unto others as you would not have done to yourself’. The highest form of charity, identified by the rabbinic master Maimonides (d. 1204), was to take a poor man into partnership, in this way recognising and preserving his self-respect and dignity (Maimonides 1956: 10:14).

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The tendency of Jews to operate in an extended family makes the inclusion of friends in family events still easier. Since one is already inviting second cousins three times removed, it is not hard to include friends who are almost as closely related! D.2.c. Sex before Marriage One of the Ten Commandments, a section of the Torah which enshrines several of the basic concepts of Judaism, is that Jews should not commit adultery. Adultery is defined as indulging in a sexual union which is prohibited, that is, with someone else’s husband or wife. Strictly speaking, sex before marriage in Judaism is impossible to achieve, since having sex is one of the three stages of marriage. Although the traditional order is betrothal, contract and consummation, this order is not categorically fixed – what matters is that, by having sex with one’s partner, one has already embarked on the marriage process. While this is the technical definition, in practice there can, of course, be sex before marriage. The general Jewish view is that, particularly when performed promiscuously, it can be destructive to the best qualities of human relationships, can cheapen sexuality and can undermine self-respect. A child born from such a union is not, however, illegitimate in Jewish law. To be illegitimate, the child would need to be the product of adultery (or incest) only. While the letter of the law in Judaism is fairly lax, the general interpretation of it has been reasonably strict through the ages. The incidence of children born outside marriage in the Jewish community, until fairly recently at least, has been low in comparison to the figures of the wider community within which Jews live. This is one of the reasons why adoption for Jewish parents has customarily been so difficult. There are simply not enough unwanted Jewish babies. Another reason for this apparent conformity to law may well be that the subject of sex is not necessarily taboo, nor has it ever been in the Jewish world. Rules relating to sexuality, for example, are studied by quite young children, and menstruation, sexual intercourse and sexual organs are necessary aspects of life which are not avoided in conversation. When a subject is not taboo it is harder to be intrigued or tempted by it. D.2.d. Homosexuality There appears to be nothing in Jewish sources which recognises that people may be homosexual, merely that they indulge in homosexual practices. The most influential text is to be found in the Torah (Leviticus 19:12), ‘You shall not lie with men as with women; it is an abomination’, and a little later in Leviticus (20:13), ‘If a man lies with a man as with a woman, both of them have committed an abomination; and they shall certainly be put to death.’ It

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is worth noting, though, that there is no record of such a death sentence being applied. The possibility of lesbian activity is recognised in a discussion in the Babylonian Talmud (Shabbat 65a). A ruling is offered there that a woman who indulges in lesbianism would not be eligible to marry the High Priest. Since this prohibition also applies to divorcees and prostitutes, it is not clear what moral statement the comment is making but it certainly appears as if male homosexuality is taken more seriously than female. Without doubt, it is the activity rather than the person that is condemned. This is in line with general Jewish thinking that people perform activities more or less out of their own free will, rather than because they ‘cannot help it’. Interestingly, the Talmud considers whether or not two men should be alone together but decides that it is acceptable because ‘Jews do not behave in such a way’. By the sixteenth century and the writing of the Shulkhan Arukh, Rabbi Joseph Caro advises that owing to current standards of behaviour amongst some people, it would be wiser for two men not to be alone together. As in the wider world, Jewish attitudes to homosexuality are undergoing a major reappraisal. Some synagogues under the auspices of Reform Judaism have been established by lesbian and gay Jews in America to cater to their particular sensibilities. Liberal Jews were the first organised religious group in Britain to formally approve ‘same sex’ marriage ceremonies. There is at least one openly homosexual Orthodox rabbi and many more homosexual Jews emerging in the Orthodox world. In the past, those Jews who did not subscribe to aspects of Orthodox Jewish doctrine or practice would take the option of joining a section of the Jewish world which was more flexible in its rulings and attitudes. However, many Orthodox homosexual Jews are now arguing that they should not have to relinquish their utter commitment to Orthodox forms and associations because of their incontrovertible sexuality. Furthermore, many are not prepared to accept the option of celibacy because they argue that God does not intend to create such sadness or isolation. Total sexual abstinence has never been an idealised option in Judaism. D.2.e. HIV/AIDS The Jewish Aids Trust (JAT) was established in the early 1990s in the UK in recognition that there were Jewish people with HIV/AIDS and that a caring Jewish society should provide counselling and support for them. Furthermore, the JAT wished to provide education to help young people avoid contracting AIDS. This led to extensive debate about advising young people to use condoms and the fear that such advice might encourage promiscuity. The current consensus appears to be that young people should be strongly advised to be abstinent outside marriage but that they should also be advised about the need for condoms if they do not choose to heed that advice. No Jewish authority thinks it is better for young Jews to die rather than educate them.

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D.3. MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY D.3.a. The Meaning of Marriage Marriage in Judaism is a contract between two individuals on which the blessing of God is invoked. The written contract which changes hands from husband to wife is called the Ketuba. Marriage is intended to imitate the relationship between Adam and Eve, where each supported the other in the cultivation of a harmonious home and world. In the Babylonian Talmud (Yevamot 62b), we are told that a man should ‘love his wife as himself and respect her more than himself’, and the wedding blessings include a prayer that the new couple should rejoice in each other as God ‘gladdened his creatures in the Garden of Eden’. While it is considered desirable to have children (most authorities agree that one of each sex is the minimum) the absence of children does not obviate the need for marriage, since it is considered by the rabbis to be the ideal state for men, though not, interestingly, for women. They are not like men required to marry, as it is only upon men that the duty to have children lies (Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot 65b). The rabbis are also at pains to point out that Eve was taken from a rib of Adam, indicating that she stands by his side and near his heart, rather than below or above him. The traditional performance of the marriage ceremony under a huppa visually stresses the implication that marriage is not merely about relationship but also about the establishment of a home. Traditionally, the marriage is seen not merely to be the business of the two individuals involved, but the developing of an alliance between two families. The marriage celebration, therefore, will invoke the involvement of the extended families of both sides. This could well be the reason why Jewish wedding celebrations often include so many people, and wedding feasts with 300 and more guests are not rare. Orthodox Jews have always been strongly against outmarriage – a Jew marrying a non-Jew. When one considers how much of Judaism is centred on the home, it is hardly surprising, but it is often misunderstood. The reason why Jews do not want their children to marry non-Jews is not because they feel a non-Jewish partner is not good enough, but because, however good, no nonJewish partner can help a Jewish child fulfil its essential role and destiny, that of propagating the Jewish People and keeping alive the Jewish heritage. The more unwilling a section of the community is to make converts, the more problematic the issue of outmarriage will be. Progressive Jews, who have a fairly open approach to would-be converts, find that many non-Jewish partners will convert to Judaism, thus diminishing the problem as far as the Progressive Jewish community is concerned. In the Orthodox community not only is conversion harder, but a would-be convert will not be accepted if there is the faintest suspicion that the reason for wanting to convert is to

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marry. The Orthodox rabbinate feels that converts should only be accepted if there is no ulterior motive at all for conversion. They are pragmatic enough to know that many marriages do not last for ever and therefore such conversion may be unacceptably temporary. In the past parents have even gone into mourning when their children have married out, and it was not rare for parents never to talk to their children again. This may seem very harsh, but probably parents who took such action would argue that it was the child who was cutting them off rather than the other way around: they were only making it explicit. All this is compounded by the memory of a long history in which Jews have suffered and sometimes died to keep their heritage alive for future generations. In this light it seems to many like a particular betrayal to give it all up now that society is at last being kinder to the Jews. D.3.b. Family Relationships The ideal wife is thoroughly expressed in Proverbs 31 in a famous passage starting ‘Who can find a woman of worth for her value is far more than precious jewels?’ A husband has a prime responsibility to ensure that his wife and children are housed, clothed and fed, but marriage is greatly to his advantage as well, since the rabbis say that the Holy Spirit can rest only upon a married man, for an unmarried man is but half a man, and the Holy Spirit does not rest on what is imperfect. The responsibilities of parents to children and the respect required from children to parents are enshrined in Jewish biblical teaching. The Ten Commandments require of children that they ‘honour’ their parents. This does not mean that they must always obey them, rather that they must always give them due respect. Parents have a range of responsibilities towards their children. The Talmud, for example, requires them to teach their children a trade, teach them to swim, and teach girls and boys to understand sexual matters. Overarching all of these, parents are required to teach their children about Jewish practice and religion (Babylonian Talmud, Kiddushin 1:11). These responsibilities are binding. Therefore, even if a child does not honour its parents, they must still perform their duties for the child, and vice versa. We are told in the Babylonian Talmud (Berakhot 10a) ‘Let not the fear of bad offspring deter you from having children; you must do your duty and God will do what pleases him.’ Elsewhere in the Talmud (Sotah 49a) the rabbis aver that ‘A father loves his children; they love their children.’ It is assumed that families will look after all their members so that grandparents are allocated a place of respect as well as affection in the family framework. The extended family structure means that Jews will see a special bond even with those who are their brother’s wife’s aunt’s third cousin! This may be a product of the feeling that all Jews are in some way related through their common ancestors; Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, Sarah, Rebekah, Leah and

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Rachel. Family relationships are cherished and all members of an extended family are invited to family celebrations. It is worth noting that one of the Ten Commandments is against adultery and one of the three rules that a Jew should give his life for rather than break is the rule against adultery or incest. (The other two are against public idolatry and murder.) This seems to indicate that the sanctity of the family and the marriage tie is such that if people tried to save their lives at its cost, more will have been lost than saved. D.3.c. Marriage Breakdown Strictly speaking divorce is easy in Jewish law. All that it requires is mutual agreement between the two partners and the giving of the divorce document (a get) by the husband to the wife. The reason it is done in this way is a legal, technical one, since in the first instance the marriage contract is given by a husband to his wife (see D.3.a). She makes no contractual promises to him (except by implication in accepting the marriage contract from him). Since all the promises are made by him to her, breaking the contract requires that he who made it in the first place must do so. However, this has led to many problems, when, for example, the man is reluctant to give such a divorce document or he cannot be found. In the past, Jewish courts have even imprisoned a husband in an attempt to coerce him into divorcing his wife, when they agreed that the wife’s request for a divorce document was reasonable. Not surprisingly, much effort will be expended on trying to keep the marriage together. First, there will be an attempt to counsel the couple so that their marriage can survive. While divorce is easy, it is never considered desirable. Generally the Jewish community would like to avoid the situation where two people state they want a divorce and no one argues with them. The Talmudic discussion on grounds for divorce remarkably ends by suggesting that a man can divorce his wife for even the most trivial reasons. (Rabbenu Gershom in the eleventh century finally established the halakha that a man could not divorce his wife against her will.) This is not to make divorce more popular but to make it easier when necessary, so that the entrapped couple do not have to go through the unpleasantness of having to justify their incompatibility. It would be a mistake therefore to see the view in the Talmud as aiming to popularise divorce and indeed it also says (Yevamot 37b) ‘A man should not marry a woman with the mental reservation that, after all, he can divorce her.’ More strongly in Gittin 90a, the Talmud tells us that ‘Tears fall on God’s altar for whoever divorces his first wife’. The crisis that faces the Jewish community in the matter of divorce is that in most countries the courts cannot or will not compel husbands to provide their wives with a religious release, even if they agree to a civil divorce.

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The Progressive Jewish community has decided that in such cases the Jewish rabbinic court can abrogate to itself the right to annul or divorce the marriage. The Orthodox community now encourages pre-nuptial commitments to ensure that should divorce arise, the husband will undertake to release his wife Jewishly as well as civilly. Such a pre-nuptial agreement would more empower the civil divorce courts to hold back from finalising the divorce until such a condition has been met. This already happens in New York State and the aim of such an attempt is to free the woman by preventing the man from gaining a civil divorce until he allows his wife a religious divorce. It is still theoretically possible in Jewish law for a man to have several wives but not for a woman to have several husbands. If the man does not provide the get then the woman cannot remarry in the Jewish community and the man can. Most rabbis would not countenance such behaviour on the part of the man, and would refuse to officiate at his wedding, but strictly speaking he does not need a rabbi to marry. Even if he did feel constrained by such disapproval he could still wait until it suited him, not his wife, to present the get. The issue of divorce is one of the most vexing current concerns on the Jewish community agenda and is one of the best examples of how Jews suffer from not being in control of the application of their laws. In Israel, where the law courts apply Jewish law on this matter, there are far fewer trapped wouldbe divorcees. D.4. INFLUENCES ON AND THE USE OF TIME, MONEY AND OTHER PERSONAL RESOURCES D.4.a. Education From the earliest times and as a fundamental directive, the need to educate the children of the community has been seen as a central responsibility. The Shema refers twice to the command to parents to ‘teach your children diligently’ (Deuteronomy 6:7 and 11:19). In Deuteronomy 31:10–13 the responsibility is laid upon the leaders of the people to gather them together from time to time and read them the whole of Torah. This tendency towards democratic education led to a situation where every synagogue was also known as the Bet Hamidrash, ‘the Place of Study’. The Mishna states in a passage which is read every morning as part of the morning service: These are the things which a man benefits from in this world and is also rewarded for in the World to Come [afterlife]: honouring father and mother, acts of loving kindness, punctual attendance at the synagogue morning and evening, hospitality, visiting the sick, dowering the bride, attending the dead, devotion in prayer and making peace between people; but the study of the Torah leads to all of them. (Peah 1:1)

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Nineteenth-century European Jewry established a vast network of rabbinical colleges called Yeshivot, in which learning of Talmudic and related subjects went on at a remarkably high level. Study at a Yeshiva was available to all, and one of the most desirable things for a person to do with his money was to maintain a student at Yeshiva. The mental training required to cope with the complex thought processes of Jewish law, and the vast range of areas of study that Jewish learning could cover, meant that Jews were not only skilled in Jewish learning but could also perform well in secular fields of study. Following the Enlightenment in Europe and the breakdown of the ghetto walls, Jews found themselves able to take a leading part in the development of scientific, technological and social scientific study. D.4.b. Work The value of work is stressed repeatedly by the rabbis in the Talmud. In Nedarim 49b they say: ‘No labour, however humble, is dishonouring’. Many of the pharisees were themselves manual workers, being carpenters, shoemakers, charcoal burners and so on, and the rabbis of Talmudic times stressed that knowledge of the Torah should not be the means by which one earned one’s living. It has been pointed out that the commandment about Shabbat in the Ten Commandments also requires people to work for six days: ‘Remember Shabbat in order to keep it holy. You shall work on six days and do everything; but the seventh day is Shabbat for the Lord your God’ (Exodus 20:8–10). Wage and employment ethics are also discussed both in the Torah and the Talmud, and it is legislated that a creditor is not allowed to take the tools of a person’s trade in payment of a debt, nor is an employer allowed to withhold payment from an employee for a job done. However, unless formally contracted otherwise, a worker is allowed to withdraw labour at any time, since God is understood to say ‘I did not free you from slavery to become slaves to others’ (Baba Metzia 10a). The image of work, labour and service is used repeatedly in order to stress the relationship between God and humanity, where the human being is talked of as a willing and enthusiastic servant in the service of the Master. In the Mishna, Rabbi Elazar says: ‘Know before whom you are toiling and who your employer is who will pay you the reward of your labour’ (Pirke Avot 2:19–21). Rabbi Tarphon says: ‘The day is short, the work is great, the labourers are lazy, and the reward is much, and the Master is urgent.’ He is further quoted as saying: ‘It is not your duty to complete the work but nor are you free to desist from it; if you have studied much Torah, you will receive much reward, for your employer is faithful to pay you the reward of your labour.’ Such ready acceptance of work, employment and wealth creation has given rise to a whole field of Business Ethics perhaps best summarised by the suggestion that the first question a person will be asked when presenting

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themselves for Life in the World to Come will be ‘Were you faithful in business?’ (Shabbat 31a). ‘Faithful’ implies more than simply honest, but requires an ethical level of behaviour beyond that which the law requires. The rabbis note that more than 120 of the mitzvot in the Torah are related to work, business and employment and saw behaviour in such fields as a key test of one’s moral and ethical standards. D.4.c. Leisure and its Use One of the central features of Jewish practice is the day of rest each week – Shabbat. This is a day of leisure rather than inactivity; it is only through the proper balance of leisure and work that the world was created according to the Bible and that humanity can remain sane and survive. The Bible says: ‘God finished all the work that He had done on the seventh day and He rested’ (Genesis 2:2), and the rabbis ask how He could have done both. The answer they offer is that by resting, He finished the creation. The invention of Shabbat is an essential part of the future of the world. Leisure on Shabbat is to be used for meeting one’s God, oneself and one’s family and community. The day is devoted to social activities rather than private ones; praying in synagogue is a communal event and much of the rest of the day is devoted to family meals, learning, singing, playing and talking together. While Jews over the years have played their part in sporting activity of various sorts, the traditional way of using leisure time in Judaism is not through the development of fitness of body or through competitive activities, but rather through communal activities which develop the mind and social communication. The role played by this leisure day of Shabbat cannot be overstated. In the words of the Jewish Zionist thinker, Ahad Ha’am: ‘The Jews did not keep Shabbat; Shabbat kept the Jews.’ D.4.d. Wealth There is nothing in Judaism that prohibits the accumulation of wealth, the only guidance is about how one should use it. Too many Jews have been poor through the ages to be able to ennoble or idealise the value of poverty. The collective Jewish memory of slavery in Egypt reminds them of the value of being their own masters so that they can more effectively serve God. A wealthy person, however, is expected to put her or his wealth at the service of the community while not necessarily denying self or family any comforts or even luxuries that they can afford. The Shulkhan Arukh – ‘the Code of Jewish Law’ – asks how much one should give to charity and answers: If a man can afford to do so, he should satisfy the needs of all the poor who require help. If he cannot afford so much, then, if he wishes to carry out his duties in the

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best way possible, he should give up to a fifth of his wealth. A tenth of his wealth is the average amount and one who gives less than this is ungenerous ... but a man should not give away more than a fifth of his wealth so as to avoid becoming himself a recipient of charity. (Yoreh De’ah 249:1)

The Hebrew word for charity is Tzedaka which is also the word for justice. This indicates that the idea of charitable giving is not about largesse or generosity but is more to do with the simple justice of the ‘haves’ giving to the ‘have nots’. Maimonides, a great rabbi of the twelfth century, identified eight levels of Tzedaka, the lowest being that which is given unwillingly while it is less than the donor can afford, the middle stages depending on the anonymity of the donor and/or the recipient, and the highest stage bringing a poor man into partnership with oneself, so that not only is he helped but his dignity is retained and his ability to establish his independence is created. D.4.e. Drugs Jews are entirely happy with the use of drugs for therapeutic purposes. Jews have long believed that God gave humanity intelligence to solve the problems it faces and medical developments are to be embraced and utilised for human benefit. In so far as the use of drugs is dangerous there is no doubt that in Jewish law it is forbidden. The current head of the Yeshiva (rabbinic academy) in Gateshead in Tyneside, one of the leading yeshivot in the world, has forbidden his students to smoke in the presence of others and urged them not to smoke on their own either. Maimonides makes it clear that no one has the right to endanger his or her own life and the Shulkhan Arukh rules that it is better to eat unkosher food than to put oneself in danger. If drugs are merely producers of euphoria or even ‘liberators of the spirit’, it is less clear what the Jewish view might be. Certainly as far as alcohol is concerned, the Talmud comments that there is ‘no celebration without wine’ and Hasidim have been enthusiastic users of alcohol ‘to loosen the spirit’. On the festival of Purim, the Talmud actually requires (Megillah 7b) that Jews get a little tipsy to the point that they are not sure ‘whether you are blessing Mordechai or cursing Haman’. However, it is also recognised that alcohol clouds the judgement and the Talmud says in Ketubot 10b that a rabbi may not give a judgement if he has drunk a little wine. Such practices that constitute self-abuse, as injecting drugs, are unacceptable in view of the responsibility to treat the body with respect. Overall, it should be remembered that mainstream Judaism, at least, lays great stress on the use of the reasoning mind and conscious recognition. Anything that diminishes that capacity should be treated with some suspicion.

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Hanging over all this, of course, is the broad rabbinic principle that the law of the land is Jewish law (so long as it does not constrain a Jew to act against Jewish law). Therefore, so long as certain drugs are illegal, their use in Jewish law is automatically wrong. D.4.f. The Media The need to be well informed on both current and general affairs dictates that, in general, Judaism would encourage adherents to follow the media. The sixteenth-century text, the Shulkhan Arukh (Orah Ha’im 307:1), allows people to pass on the latest news on Shabbat, since it adds to the joy of Shabbat: knowing about current affairs is an enlivening experience. (The comment is worth making in the Shulkhan Arukh otherwise someone might have argued that one could not talk about the news because it would not be suitable for a day that should be ‘holy’.) The entertainment that the media offers is also not to be ignored. In so far as certain kinds of entertainment also make some individuals more aware of social problems and therefore heighten their compassion, it would be viewed with positive approval rather than indifference. However, one of the greatest vices, at least to the Jewish way of thinking, is the transmission of gossip or slander, and today’s mass media can multiply this alarmingly. The Jerusalem Talmud in Peah 1 puts slander in the same category as murder, and the Midrash in Genesis Rabbah (56:4) wisely comments that ‘even if all of a slander is not believed, half of it is’. The mystical work, the Zohar, states that ‘God will accept repentance for all sins except one, giving another man a bad name’, and the Book of Proverbs (10:18) comments ‘Righteous lips cover up hatred but he who lets out slander is a fool.’ The Koretser Rebbe, a Hasidic Rabbi of the nineteenth century, perhaps taught the lesson most clearly of all. ‘For thirteen years I taught my tongue not to lie; for the next thirteen, I taught it to tell the truth.’ Therefore, Judaism would require of the media that they place upon themselves the most stringent ethical standards to ensure that they are never responsible for the transmission of slander or misinformation. Even the kind of gossip which damages someone’s reputation but has no practical value is disapproved of. The fact that it may actually be true is irrelevant. The ‘public interest’ test is significant here but Judaism would probably set the bar far higher than that currently utilised in today’s mass media. Simple interest or desire to know would be thoroughly insufficient. Proof would be needed that broadcasting the information in question would protect the public from something undesirable and otherwise unavoidable. The demand for such self-restriction, however, should not aim to inhibit the freedom of editorial comment. The tendency of Jews to challenge leaders and insist on the right of comment, with reference to the organisation of their community or country, requires that the media have the greatest editorial

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freedom and that the consumers exercise discrimination to decide what is good and what is not. D.4.g. Advertising The Talmud, in a discussion on how a man may sell his wares, decides that it is acceptable for him to paint designs on pots to make them more attractive to the buyer, but that it is wrong to paint old pots to make them look new. The Talmud teaches: ‘Rabbi Pappa ben Samuel allowed baskets to be painted. But did we not learn “Utensils may not be painted”? (Midrash) – there is no difficulty: one referred to new, the other to old’ (Baba Metzia 60b). This provides the distinction between what is acceptable in selling and advertising, and what is not. While the individual is free to encourage the buyer to find his goods more attractive or to extol their virtues, this should not spill over into fraudulently misrepresenting the goods, and suggesting they have properties or potential which they do not really possess. In short, the standards established by groups such as the Advertising Standards Authority are roughly those laid down by the Talmud 2,000 years ago! D.5. THE QUALITY AND VALUE OF LIFE D.5.a. The Elderly The definition in Isaiah of a society that has gone bad includes the expression, ‘The child shall behave insolently against the aged’ (3:5). In Leviticus 19:32 we are instructed, ‘You shall rise up before the grey head, and honour the face of the elderly, and you shall fear your God; I am the Lord.’ Traditional Jewish interpretation always sees significance in the expression ‘I am the Lord’: it is seen either to stress a certain requirement or to make it clear that even though there may be no one else to enforce a rule protecting the weak or underprivileged, God requires it. The Talmud in Kiddushin 33a informs us that Rabbi Yochanan would stand up for aged heathens because, he said, they had experienced so much. While one hopes that the extended family unit will be able to look after its own elderly, it has not always been possible, and every Jewish community has set up, as almost a first priority, a secure and respectable home for the elderly. In view of the fact that the elderly deserve their respect through their accumulated wisdom, it is quite clear that in Jewish terms the older someone is the better, and therefore any cult of youth is very much contrary to the trend of Jewish thinking. The suggestion that as people become older and more frail they become less useful is considered quite wrongheaded, and it is noteworthy that the term ‘elder’ is automatically one of respect, to be applied to the leaders of the community.

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D.5.b. Those in Need The Torah explicitly recognises various categories of people in need. Those it names are the fatherless, the widowed, the poor and strangers (for example, Deuteronomy 24:17–22). The fatherless and the widowed are, in Jewish terms, clearly disabled. They lack the proper family structure which enables a secure family life. Judaism, so much based on the home, not surprisingly stresses the disadvantage of the fatherless and the widowed, and requires the community to look after them, as it were, in collective fatherhood. Interestingly, the motherless are never referred to as a category. This may be a reflection of the social contexts in which such texts were recorded, where it was possible to employ a nursemaid or even have a second wife who could take over the children of the dead mother. This certainly seems to be the case in the story of Jacob’s sons in Genesis, for example. The death of Rachel, the mother of Joseph and Benjamin, is perceived as a tragedy for Jacob who loved this wife above Leah (his other wife) and his two concubines, but we do not hear anything of the loss to her two sons. Loss of a father would have more significant financial and economic, rather than social, repercussions, whilst the loss of a mother would be an emotional one for which the community could not easily provide a substitute. This indicates that the Torah’s legislation is intended to be practical rather than merely to provoke sympathy. The poor are again, not surprisingly, a category deserving of concern. Charitable funds are always established and it was quite normal (long before it became the norm for the government to do it) for the community to provide free education for poor children. One of the first priorities of the Jewish community, on arrival in large numbers in London, was the establishment of the Jews’ Free School in the East End which by 1911 had grown to accommodate more than 4,000 pupils. In addition, many communities established funds to provide dowries for poor brides. This concern for the poor is once again not merely sentimental. In Exodus 23:6 Jews are advised not to pervert justice (Tzedaka, see D.7.a) on the side of the poor out of misplaced compassion. Care of the sick and visiting the sick are still recognised as a basic and necessary responsibility of every Jew. While the Jewish community delegates its rabbis and ministers to act as chaplains at hospitals, this does not diminish the duty of each Jewish individual to visit people in hospital or on their sickbed. It might be mentioned here that one of the most important acts of caring or charity is to the one section of society which cannot repay a good deed under any circumstances, that is, the dead. The highest act of goodwill that one can perform is care of the dead, and in the classical Jewish community (and in the majority of contemporary communities too) there are no commercial undertakers. The job of preparing and burying the dead is done by community groups, often volunteers trained for the purpose.

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The last category to be specifically mentioned as a group to be looked after are strangers. This perhaps surprising category is stressed again and again throughout the Torah; more than twenty times the Jews are admonished in one context or another to care for the stranger. ‘A stranger you shall not oppress; for you know the heart of the stranger, seeing you were strangers in the land of Egypt’ (Exodus 23:9), is an example of such a commandment, as is Deuteronomy 10:18–9, ‘He executes justice for the fatherless, the widow and loves the stranger in giving him food and clothing. Love the stranger therefore; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt.’ This concern for the immigrant, the foreigner or simply the non-Jew is a crucial one in defining the Jewish relationship with people outside the Jewish community. When the word ‘immigrant’ became a dirty word in Britain in the 1960s, the relatively well-settled and integrated Jewish community immediately went on record, calling itself an immigrant community and insisting that any attack on newer such communities was also an attack on itself. D.5.c. Reproduction All rabbinic authorities agree that human life does not start at conception and so the manipulation of very young embryos is entirely acceptable, provided one is confident that the outcome will be a healthy human being. Drawing from the very earliest traditions of Judaism, for example, the distress of three of the Jewish matriarchs – Sarah, Rebecca and Rachel – (as well as other key figures, for example, the mother of the prophet and judge Samuel, Hannah), Jewish tradition lays great stock by helping women to have children. Surrogacy is validated early on by the arrangement for Hagar, Sarah’s maid, to have a child on her behalf, with Abraham, when she feared she was infertile. Fertility treatments are implicitly approved of in a tale about Leah offering her sister mandrakes, thought to facilitate fertility, when Rachel feared she couldn’t have children. Designing babies in order, for example, to produce a bone marrow donor for a sick sibling is considered at least acceptable and by some meritorious. To be brought into life not only for your own sake but also in order to save a life cannot be wrong. Even cloning, the most challenging ethically of all the reproductive techniques currently under consideration, is generally not considered unacceptable, though some Reform authorities have expressed great fears about its consequences and one or two leading Orthodox scholars have expressed revulsion at the technique but have not supported their views with any Jewish underpinnings. Of course, none of these reservations applies to therapeutic cloning of tissues. Taken overall, there appears to be no fundamental objection to any way of bringing a full human being into existence, though there is obviously preference for making it match the normal natural procedure as closely as possible. In the end, though, it is desirable, and in, Orthodox Judaism, a mitzva, for a man to father children and all the sources view with deep sympathy that

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women might yearn uncontrollably for children of their own if at all possible. Any technique that can facilitate this should be utilised. Certainly, there is no unease about accusations of ‘playing God’. All medical interventions are ‘playing God’ to some extent, and Jewish authorities applaud taking such responsibility, utilising God-given skills and intelligence. However, there is a fear about the future status of such offspring, especially the product of cloning, of surrogacy, or of egg and sperm donations. In Judaism, people are not just autonomous individuals, but part of kinship groups, about which there are strong prohibitions on unacceptable relationships and their offspring. Such reproductive technologies can confuse who the parents of such an offspring are and therefore also make it difficult to identify siblings. There is therefore a preference for identified donors of eggs or sperm and a general conclusion that an individual might have more than one mother or father. Thus the surrogate mother and the egg donor mother both need to be mourned for as ‘mothers’ by the child when the time arrives. (The same requirement does not apply to an adoptive mother or step-mother, though it is of course always open to the child to go through the necessary mourning rituals if they so desire.) By drawing a greater rather than smaller circle of kinship around someone whose biological status is challengeable, rabbis hope to avoid any problems of incest. However, such issues are by no means resolved and it must be assumed that as full human cloning becomes closer, there will be more focused consideration of the issues. D.5.d. Abortion The acceptability or otherwise of abortion centres on when a foetus becomes a person, not just a ‘life’ – or in religious terms, when the soul enters the body. Clearly, in Judaism, the killing of non-humans is allowed – the slaughtering of meat for food, the swatting of flies, the cutting-down of trees and so on. Indeed, even the killing of humans under certain circumstances, for example self-defence and fighting in a war (see D.8.c and d), is also allowed. The rabbis consider that there seem to be only two logical moments for deciding that a foetus becomes a person: either at the moment of conception or at the moment of birth. All other moments in the intervening nine months are nothing but arbitrary decisions. (The current debates on abortion indicate that with the development of medical science one can change one’s decision as to how fully a person a foetus is.) Since the rabbis were well aware that it was impossible to fix the time of conception until some time after the event, it seemed foolish to refer to a person that one was not even aware of existing. They therefore decided that the foetus became a full person at the moment of birth, so that an accusation of murder cannot apply in the case of abortion. Nevertheless, it is important to respect the foetus as an emerging potential human life and as time goes on more and more care should be taken to avoid

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harming the foetus. Thus before forty days, the embryo is considered ‘mere fluid’ (Yevamot 69b) and people need not be particularly careful to avoid a miscarriage before ninety days (Niddah 31a) but even then abortion should not be performed merely for convenience. The main view is clearly laid down in the Mishna, ‘If a woman is in difficult labour (to the point that her life may be in danger) her child must be cut up while it is still in her womb since the life of the mother is more important than the life of the foetus. But if the greater part of the child has already emerged it may not be damaged, since one life cannot be more important than another’ (Oholot 7:6). Quite clearly, it is the moment of emerging that makes the foetus a separate person and after that point the doctors must simply carry on their normal procedure of trying to save all people as they come to them rather than making a judgement of one over the other. Therefore, in Judaism abortion is not forbidden even up to the very moment of birth. Indeed, it is required if it is necessary in order to protect the life of the mother. The current thinking in Judaism is divided as to possible justifiable causes for abortion, however. No one thinks that simple convenience is an adequate reason, but possible reasons put forward are that the pregnancy is the product of rape, the child might be seriously disabled mentally or physically, or that the mother’s sanity or health might suffer severely. D.5.e. Euthanasia The Talmud makes it clear that he who shoots a man as he falls off a cliff to certain death is guilty of murder, even though he shortened his victim’s life by only a few seconds. Nothing should be done to shorten a person’s life but nor should anything be done to prolong agony. As a general principle, no one has the right to cut short anybody’s life except in cases of self-defence or war or punishment (see D.6.c and D.8.b). But if something will ease someone’s last hours even though it accelerates his or her death, that may not be unacceptable. One example would be the administering of pain-killing drugs which may also reduce the individual’s will to fight for life. The issue of euthanasia is also relevant in the matter of organ transplants, since that depends on the right to determine that someone is dead and then clinically to take from them something without which they definitely cannot live. Maimonides, who besides being a great rabbi was a great physician, commented that the only way of being absolutely sure that somebody was dead was if their head was missing. Certainly, the view seems to be that principles such as brain death are not clear and objective enough. A doctor needs irrefutable evidence that the individual is not conscious and is not likely to be so again – particularly when the doctor is driven by the urgent possibility of saving another life through organ transplant. Nevertheless it is given to doctors to exercise their best wisdom and conscience in keeping alive the maximum number of people as they fall into their care.

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Recently, a life-support machine has been developed by a team of doctors, medical technicians and rabbis in an Israeli hospital, which has a time-limiting switch on it. When putting someone on life support, the doctors can set the timer. When the machine is about to switch off, it alerts all concerned and they can decide whether to override the cut-off or let it take its course. The virtue of this arrangement is that no one is constrained to turn off the machine. Doctors and family members can decide instead whether to intervene to extend the life of the patient, or that such intervention would be pointless. It is for the reasons stated above concerning the definition of death for an organ donor that Jewish authorities have greeted the possibility of organ transplants from animals with great enthusiasm. It is their feeling that these must be less problematic than transplants from human beings, since one need be less concerned about the life of the donor than if it were a human being – always accepting that animals deserve care and kindness from our hands as we use them for whatever needs we can legitimately justify. It is also worth noting at this point that the main discussion on the use of animal organs has centred around those from pigs. Despite the stringent prohibitions on eating pigs, no rabbinic authority has suggested that the use of their organs would be a problem for a Jew. D.5.f. Vegetarianism There is no fundamental Jewish tradition of vegetarianism and it would probably be fair to say that quite the opposite is the case. The rabbis noted that the biblical text indicates that humanity was vegetarian before the Flood but that after it, God gave humanity permission to eat meat explicitly. Much of the sacrificial programme that once existed in Temple times involves not only sacrificing animals, but also eating them and the rabbis say that both meat and wine are necessities for celebration. Conversely, not eating meat is a way of mourning. At the same time, some rabbis, famously, for example, Rav Kook, the first Chief Rabbi of Palestine (pre-state Israel) in modern times, applauded vegetarianism and tended towards it, and there is a Jewish Vegetarian Society that promotes the practice, pointing out that vegetarianism will be a feature of the Messianic Age and it’s never too early to start to get ready! However, even those Jews who would want to argue that vegetarianism is a virtuous Jewish position tend to embrace lacto-vegetarianism. Vegan vegetarianism does not seem to have any underpinning in Jewish thought at all and, indeed, it might be argued that it is an unacceptable rejection of God’s permitted gifts. Despite this general readiness to eat meat, this does not mean an indifference to animal welfare at all. All animals must be slaughtered painlessly, deliberately and individually. There are no kosher slaughtering conveyor-belts or machinery. Each kosher animal has to be slaughtered by a highly trained

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shokhet (slaughterer) who has considerable religious and technical training and must have high moral standards. Each animal must be slaughtered eye-to-eye by the shokhet so that he cannot avoid knowing that he is taking a life. In between each slaughtering, the shokhet must check his knife thoroughly to be sure that there are no nicks in the blade preventing an entirely smooth single sweep of the knife leading to instant collapse of the blood supply to the brain and thus immediate loss of consciousness. Killing animals through hunting is not a Jewish practice since animals slaughtered in this way cannot be kosher and killing them for sport only would be entirely unacceptable. The right of humans to use animals for their own purpose within the bounds of reason and proper purpose is taken from the account of creation in Genesis in which humankind is given control over, and responsibility for, the world in whichever way it likes to use it. Further, the rabbis note that during the Flood the animals that weren’t saved in the ark all drowned, although they had committed no sins. From these texts, the rabbis concluded that the function and purpose of animals is to be of use to mankind and that they were only created and preserved for that purpose. D.6. QUESTIONS OF RIGHT AND WRONG D.6.a. The Purpose of Law While the term ‘law’ is an insufficient translation of the word ‘Torah’, a large proportion of Torah is law, and is taken up with the expression of 613 rules or commandments for living. These commandments are themselves merely the headings for larger and more complex codes of legislation and guidance. The purpose of such laws is to define for the Jew the right and ideal life in relationship with his or her fellow human being and with God. The laws prohibit certain actions and command others, but in all except three cases are designed to enrich the individual’s life. The rabbis, when interpreting the comment that the law is given so that Jews might live by it, added (as it were in the margin) ‘and not die by it’. In the passage in Deuteronomy where the Israelites are presented with the choice of a blessing or a curse, depending on whether or not they choose the Torah, they are recommended and encouraged to ‘choose life’. I call heaven and earth to witness before you today that I have set life and death in front of you, the blessing and the curse; therefore choose life, that you may live, you and your descendants; love the Lord your God, to listen to His voice and cleave to Him; for He is your life and the length of your days; that you may live in the land that the Lord swore to give to your ancestors, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. (Deuteronomy 30:19)

As a result, virtually every one of the rules can be broken if the purpose is to save life, and in only three cases should life be sacrificed rather than the laws be

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broken. These three cases indicate quite clearly the overall purpose of the laws. They are murder, idolatry and incest (or adultery). These three laws which accentuate respect for life, for God, and for family, should be kept even if it is at the cost of one’s own life. The implication is obvious: it would be absurd to endanger the concepts that preserve life in general, in order to save one’s own. However, there is no great enthusiasm for martyrdom in Judaism and rabbis are at great pains, for example, to limit the definitions of idolatry so that people do not leap too willingly into the flames of religious martyrdom. Jewish law exists to keep society stable and protect the individual from exploitation. It also serves to encourage a spiritual life and awareness. It is more interested in people’s responsibilities than in people’s rights and the personal fulfilment of the individual. D.6.b. Sin and Sins The overarching concept of sin is not really present in Judaism. There is a large range of sins which an individual can commit, but these do not change the state of the individual but rather his or her relationships. The rabbis identified two kinds of mitzvot. One is between people and God and the other is between people themselves. If one breaks or fails to fulfil a mitzvah relating to God, then clearly one’s relationship with God is damaged, but if one breaks or fails to fulfil a mitzvah relating to one’s fellow human being, then one’s relationship with both humanity and God is damaged. It is interesting to note that out of the 613 mitzvot in the Torah, 365 are negative (that is, they are ‘Thou shalt nots’) and 248 are positive (that is, ‘Thou shalts’). The rabbis suggest this indicates that one should perform the mitzvot every day of the year (365 days equal the 365 mitzvot) and with every bone and organ of your body (there are taken to be 248 of these). Like most law codes, secular and religious, there are more negatives than positives. What is perhaps surprising is that there are so many positives. If one looks at British law, for example, one will find very few positive precepts. Law, by and large, usually exists to prohibit wrongdoing, and the proof that the Torah is more than simply law is the large number of ethical positive directives included in it. To tell people that they must not damage another’s property is a reasonable rule to prevent society collapsing, but when the Torah commands them to help their fellow human beings it is clearly trying to improve the quality of social relationships beyond the merely tolerable. When it commands people to help their enemies (Exodus 23:4–5), it is clearly intending to stretch their moral capacity to create a society that is reaching for higher standards, taking it not only from tolerance to respect, but beyond. It requires of the believer that irrespective of how others behave, she or he must struggle against and overcome ‘natural impulses’, in order to help create a Godly world. The tendency of the rabbis to summarise the Torah in terms of people’s relationships with each other indicates their sense that if these relationships

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are good, then probably relationships with God will fall neatly into place. A talmudic discussion between Rabbi Akiva and Ben Zoma makes this point quite clearly. They were discussing which was the most important line in Torah, and while Rabbi Akiva argued that it was ‘Love thy neighbour as thyself’, Ben Zoma argued for the line ‘These are the generations of Adam’. This is a relatively obscure line from the book of Genesis which begins the genealogical list of the descendants of Adam. Akiva accepted Ben Zoma’s choice as the more significant line. Not surprisingly, subsequent commentators have sought an explanation for this apparently idiosyncratic choice. Their conclusion has been that it was not sufficient to love other people as you loved yourself, because this was dependent on how much you loved yourself. Self-deprecating, self-hating, self-denying people could therefore give others quite a hard time. Ben Zoma’s choice of text reminds us that all people are descended from Adam (thereby making them all of equal ancestry) and that Adam was created in the image of God (thereby making it clear that all human beings deserve respect as descended from someone created in the image of God) meant that whatever you think of yourself, you must always award dignity and respect to every human being. D.6.c. Punishments In biblical times and up to the year 70 CE, when the Temple was still standing, there was a wide-ranging and complex system of sacrificial offerings which the individual could give, should she or he act incorrectly. A large proportion of these sacrifices were to do with grain, oil and incense. Contrary to popular imagination, only a small proportion were related to animals and most of these pertained to small animals and birds which were easily affordable. Very rarely was some large sacrifice required of an individual or a family. With the destruction of the Temple, the entire sacrificial system ceased, and in its place the system of prayer and repentance, which had already been running side by side with the sacrificial framework for about three or four hundred years, grew in importance. Nowadays, if a Jew performs some wrong act, there are three courses of action available which manifest repentance. The central statement in the repentance sequence in the Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement) service is ‘Repentance. Charity and Prayer can affect a grim fate.’ The first, and apparently the simplest, is prayer itself. If the individual sincerely repents, Jews believe that that prayer is accepted. But it must involve more than just an apology for the wrongdoing; a genuine resolution to avoid repeating such a misdemeanour must also be present. The second is to commit oneself to charity giving, and the third is fasting. In Judaism fasting involves neither eating nor drinking for a period of time, never more than twenty-five hours. On the Day of Atonement which falls in September or October, the Jew makes a total reckoning of his or her year’s behaviour along with resolutions

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for the coming year. All three facets of punishment play their part: the day is spent in prayer and repentance in synagogue; neither food nor drink are taken for a full twenty-five hours; and customarily a commitment is made to give charity, not in a generalised way, but of a specific amount. On this day confession is made for sins. There is no individual who intercedes in this confession – it is made directly to God – but the whole confession follows a formula framework in which everyone confesses in the plural for every possible sin. By so doing, Jews manifest the principle of mutual responsibility and, perhaps more sensitively, the need not to expose each individual to some public statement of his or her misdeeds. The idea of giving testimony or publicly stating where one went wrong in the past is not normal in the Jewish community, and it is generally felt that the individual would do better to guard personal dignity and self-respect and privately resolve to improve. D.6.d. The Wrongdoer and the Wronged The rabbis are convinced that a person who sincerely repents will receive forgiveness. One rabbi in the Mishnah (Avot 3) recommends that everybody should repent the day before they die. In response to the perfectly justifiable question as to how one knows when one is going to die, he replies: ‘Exactly. One should repent every day.’ However, if the wrong committed is to another human being, it is not good enough simply to try and square one’s account with God. First, one needs to make a genuine attempt to repent and gain the forgiveness of the individual one has wronged. In the month preceding the Ten Days of Repentance in the Jewish calendar, many Jews will take it upon themselves to telephone people whom they feel they may have offended, speak to people they feel they have neglected, and generally try to correct their relationships with their fellows before embarking on a programme of becoming ‘at one’ – atoning to God. Obviously one of the means of making clear one’s repentance to one’s fellow human being is accepting the punishment that human society metes out. Therefore, if a Jew has committed a criminal act, it is no good to repent to God and yet try to escape fine or imprisonment. The acceptance of the fine or imprisonment is one stage towards proper repentance. The wronged have a more difficult role to play. Jews are advised in the Torah ‘not to hate your brother in your heart’ (Leviticus 19:17), and the rabbis are at pains to make it clear that the wish to take revenge, or even bearing a grudge, is not acceptable. In the Talmud, the following example is given: What is revenge and what is bearing a grudge? If one said to his fellow: Lend me your sickle, and the other replies: No, and tomorrow the other asks the first: Lend me your axe, and the first replies: I will not lend it to you just as you would not lend me your sickle – that is revenge. And what is bearing a grudge? If one says to his

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fellow: Lend me your axe, and the other replies: No, and on the morrow the second asks: Lend me your garment, and he answers: Here it is. I am not like you who would not lend to me – that is bearing a grudge. (Yoma 23a)

This does not mean that no one is justified in attempting to bring a wrongdoer to justice. If that were the case, then there would be an open charter to anyone to act unscrupulously. However, the point is stressed that it is the responsibility of each individual to participate in a properly constituted legal system, rather than to carry out their own private or personal revenge. It is not the responsibility of any individual to continue to parade in front of the wrongdoer his or her misdeed, even before he has repented – that would be bearing a grudge. It is interesting to note that the rabbis, when they identify ‘Seven Laws to the Sons of Noah’ – those basic laws required of all humanity to establish a moral society (see D.7.c) – exclude several of the Ten Commandments which are specifically Jewish (keeping Shabbat and so on). They do nevertheless include one or two which are not to be found amongst the Ten Commandments. One of these is the need to establish a proper legal system and to comply with the ruling of the law courts. In the rabbis’ understanding, this is an essential prerequisite of a civilised society. Even Rabbi Akiva, who was himself eventually martyred by the Romans, advised that one should pray for the Roman administration, because without it ‘men would eat each other’. D.7. EQUALITY AND DIFFERENCE D.7.a. Differences between People The rabbis readily recognise that all people are different. Not only are they created differently – short, tall, fat, thin, black, yellow and so on – but also human experience establishes differences between them, for example rich and poor, learned and ignorant, even healthy and unhealthy. It is every individual’s responsibility to attempt to diminish any man-made differences and the prejudices they evoke. (Note here that a difference in colour is God-made, a difference in education is not.) The term for charity is Tzedaka, which also means ‘justice’ in Hebrew. For example, it is the responsibility of every learned person to teach those who know less, in order to try and bring them to the same standard. God-made differences are of a different order and clearly are part of God’s good purpose for the world. If one can alleviate any disadvantage that arises out of such a difference then one should try to do so, and certainly one should not suggest that a person is any the less for their difference. Thus someone with a disability (mental or physical, see D.5.b), with a different skin colour, or born into a different religious community or social class should not be disdained or looked down upon.

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The rabbis of the Midrash (a vast compilation of homiletic teachings almost paralleling the Talmud itself) teach that when God created Adam he selected the soil that he used from all four corners of the earth. Not only that, they say he used dark, light, red and yellow earth in order to make up the first human being. This determination to use variety in the creating of Adam is proof enough in the eyes of the rabbis that God’s desire is for humanity to be varied, and that no single person can claim to be more the original, or pure, style of human. They also point out that when God created other creatures, he made many different kinds; when he made humankind he made only one species. The Talmud asks why God began with only one human, Adam, and answers, ‘So that no one of his descendants should be able to say: my father is better than your father’ (Sanhedrin 37a). It offers a further reason: in this way no race can say that it is better than others. There is a great desire in rabbinic teaching, therefore, to recognise differences, to insist on the divine spark in every individual, and to argue that where differences are disadvantageous it is the responsibility of every human being to try and lessen the disadvantages. However, it is not always within people’s power to correct the disparity between individuals; sometimes it appears that great injustice is purely a product of chance, fate or God. A whole book of Tenakh is devoted to this problem, namely the Book of Job. In this book, a perfectly righteous man is subjected to all sorts of suffering and when he demands an explanation, God replies, ‘You wouldn’t understand if I told you’! While this may be unsatisfactory, it appears to be the only authoritative answer that Jews are prepared to give. However, the broad belief in reward and punishment for good and evil, bestowed beyond this life after the Day of Judgement (whenever that may be), maintains the broad principle of belief in justice in the world, even though Jews readily admit that they do not understand how it works. Different countries and different languages are explained simply in the Tenakh by the story of the Tower of Babel (Genesis 11:6–9) and the suggestion that the three sons of Noah were the fathers of three races: negroid, caucasian and semitic. While this does not in fact allow for all the people of the world, we need not become too obsessed by the scientific accuracy of the Tenakh – it is after all not intended to be a scientific text. D.7.b. Attitudes to Other Religions Other religions can be divided broadly into two categories in Jewish thinking: idolatrous and God-fearing. Judaism sets its face against idolatry, by which it means religions which purport to destroy the sense of the morality of God’s world, or to demote it. Although a bald understanding of idolatry would suggest something to do with idols, in fact the rabbis were much more concerned about how others behaved rather than how they represented their

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understanding of God. Nowadays, few would argue that the primary issue is whether or not statues are used; in fact the Spanish rabbi and poet Ibn Gabirol, of the twelfth century, suggested that even those who worship the sun and the moon are striving to recognise God’s greatness and therefore should not be judged too harshly. The sharp end of this problem is that Jews should rather give up their lives than publicly approve idolatry, and yet they have often been faced with forcible conversion to either Christianity or Islam. The general consensus has been that both of these religions are essentially moral and recognise God, and therefore if it is a matter of saving life, the Jew can publicly accept conversion. This does not relieve Jews from privately maintaining their religious position, which is the reason for the phenomenon of the secret Jews, or Marranos, who arose in the thirteenth to fifteenth century in Spain during enforced Muslim conversions and then the subsequent Catholic Inquisition and have left their mixed practices amongst their descendants in Spain and Portugal. Sikhism is clearly in the same category as Christianity and Islam as a monotheistic religion, but Buddhism and Hinduism are less easily definable. To most Jews Buddhism is a non-theistic religion, and Hinduism is pantheistic. While there are many different opinions and it is only recently that Jews have needed to engage in dialogue with either of these two communities, the consensus appears to be that since both propagate a moral perception of the world, and neither categorically deny the existence of an ultimate reality (God for Jews), it would be more desirable to make no particular judgement on them. It must be stressed that all of the above relates to Jewish attitudes to the religions themselves. As far as the adherents of these religions are concerned, they are deserving of every respect that human dignity demands. For while a Jew may anathematise and condemn any particular philosophy, that does not mean to say that he or she should not respect the individuals who hold such a philosophy, provided they do not act in such a way as to harm other human beings. There are limits to tolerance in Judaism, but those limits apply to people’s immoral behaviour, not their affiliation or philosophy. Jews are unequivocal about the belief that Judaism is the best possible way for the Jew to live. Jews who had clearly converted to another religion, although they could not ultimately deny or destroy their Jewish identity which is a product of their birth, would be considered to have done real damage to their chances of a coherent relationship between themselves and God. Indeed most Jews would see such a conversion as an act of betrayal in view of the hardships so many generations have undergone to preserve Judaism through the ages. Conversion is a sharp act of dissociation from the family and community as well, so the pressures against such a move are intense. This requisite to practise Judaism, however, is only placed on Jews, and non-Jews would be encouraged to seek out their own moral/religious position rather than consider adopting Judaism. This view enables Jews to engage in

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dialogue with other religions perfectly comfortably, because at root Jews are not concerned to convert others. Jews do not want a world full of confused Jews, rather a world full of good Christians, Muslims, Sikhs and so on. As has been stressed, Judaism is an identity and a way of life and Jews tend to view all religions in this light. It is not a matter of changing belief, therefore, but of changing identity if an individual wishes to convert. That is a much more thoroughgoing venture and much less likely to succeed. D.7.c. Attitudes to Ethnic and National Diversity In the Jewish perception, the world is broadly divided into Jews and Gentiles. It is quite clear that according to the Bible, Jews are allocated a specific and special role. In Exodus 19:6 God is quoted as saying to Israel, ‘You shall be for me a kingdom of priests and a holy nation.’ Isaiah also describes the role of the Jews to be a ‘light to the gentiles’. The Jews are called a – not the – chosen people. This does not diminish the responsibility or significance of any other people, but in Jewish terms, the Jew’s preoccupation must inevitably be with the role and responsibility of Jews. Therefore, all other people are considered as equal, and it makes little difference if they are French, Greek, Catholic, Sikh, black, white or anything else. The Talmudic principle that ‘the righteous of all nations will inherit the World to Come’ indicates the belief that, provided people are good, they will receive their reward. There is no need to be Jewish and, in fact, there is a strong suggestion that the only effect of being Jewish is to lay more and tougher demands on the individual in order to gain salvation. However, in a characteristically Jewish and thorough way, Jews do not simply demand of others that they be good but they attempt to define what that goodness requires. Insofar as all humanity is descended from Noah according to the Torah, the rabbis identified Seven Laws to the Sons of Noah or the ‘Seven Noahide Laws’. Very approximately these are the Ten Commandments, with the exclusion of some of those which might be identified as specifically Jewish, for example the need to keep Shabbat. But the two lists are not otherwise identical. Two laws are significant for their inclusion amongst the seven required of all humans (including Jews, of course) to qualify as moral, not least because nothing like them appears in the Ten Commandments. Jews are renowned for their dietary laws and yet there is no reference to dietary restriction in the Ten Commandments. However, one of the Seven Noahide Laws is that people should not eat meat torn from a live animal. The second requirement without a direct equivalent in the Ten Commandments is that all should set up or comply with the rulings of a properly constituted legal system. (The other five are the prohibition of blasphemy (in deed rather than word), of idolatry, of incest, of bloodshed except under certain circumstances such as self-defence or war, and of robbery.)

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Provided people comply with these basic rules of humanity, then no Jew could have any quarrel with them. The Jews appreciate the diversity with which God has created the world and therefore would not wish to do anything to diminish it. The unification of Mankind is anticipated in God’s good time with the coming of the Messiah; prior to that it is the Jewish responsibility to ensure that Jews are good Jews and that other people might benefit from their example of leading a life influenced by the teachings of God. D.7.d. Women and Men While both Orthodox and Progressive Jews would agree on the equality of status of women and men, Progressive Jews have also established their equality of function. Men and women can perform exactly the same roles in the synagogue service and exactly the same parts in all legal and social functions. Within the Orthodox community, women and men have traditionally had clearly defined and separate roles. Women are given total superiority in the home which is the primary focal point of the development of Jewish life – where children are taught and the table prepared for Shabbat and other festive occasions. Men are given total supremacy in the public aspects of legally bound and ritual practice, in the synagogues and courts. This has many repercussions on the lives of Orthodox Jews and in the twenty-first century appearances are often misleading in respect of how people actually live together. For example, women are not prevented from holding down jobs or developing careers, while men are actively encouraged to participate in the maintenance of the home and the nurture of children. The man is recommended, for example, to participate in the preparation for Shabbat and for the Shabbat meals, and the ideal type of woman as outlined in the Book of Proverbs (chapter 31) is described as not only the mainstay of her home and family but also as an active businesswoman. Women are relieved from the responsibility of fulfilling those rules which are bound by time. The rabbis explain that their responsibility to nurture children is paramount and cannot be interrupted by the need, for example, to say the daily services. This does not prevent them from performing these deeds if they wish, and it is notable that many women do what they are not required to do while many men neglect even their basic responsibilities. In addition, some rabbis explain that women do not need daily services as men do because they are necessarily, by virtue of their spirit and body, in closer relationship with God. The late British Chief Rabbi Hertz commented on the line in Genesis that a man should cleave to his wife ‘and not the woman, physically the weaker, to cleave to her husband, because in the higher sphere of the soul’s life, woman is the ethical and spiritual superior of man’ (quoted in Hertz 1933: 9). Men need rules fixed by time because without them they would more rapidly forget God. The rabbis in the Midrash comment that it is because of the virtue

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of the women of Israel that the Israelites were saved from Egypt. Jewish status is transmitted through women and the maintenance of most of the key and distinctive aspects of Jewish practice are in the care and control of women. The Talmud is succinct: ‘If your wife is short, bend down to listen to her advice.’ In Western secular society where the status of individuals is judged either by their economic capacity or the job they hold, it is tempting to see women in Judaism as second-class citizens, but it is noteworthy that in the Bible Miriam was a prophetess, Deborah was a judge, Esther was a queen and all three saved the Jewish People. Women are not able to lead services in the Orthodox Jewish community but the Liberal and Reform traditions now have women rabbis. There has never been a time when the woman was the property of the man, nor was she ever unable to own her own property. What is more, if her husband went bankrupt, she had an automatic prior right as creditor to that which was left. The Jewish ruling that the law of the land is the law of Judaism (so that Jews do not come into conflict with the law of the country in which they live except where the matter is of deep moral or ethical significance) means that many of the most enlightened aspects of Jewish legislation in relationship to women have become dead letters, and women have suffered from the same disadvantages that they have encountered in the wider, non-Jewish community. All of the above accepts the traditional fact that male or femaleness is an incontrovertible given. This is no longer true. Sex-change operations are possible but the sexual identity of the person at birth remains their identity. Talmudic rabbis discussed the indeterminate sexual status of people with the organs of both men and women or neither and came to solid conclusions in each case. In their view sexual assignment was essential, and it would seem that the effect of having a womb or a penis at birth seems to be the main deciding factor. Whatever amendments might then be made or whatever preferences the individual might display, their role in the social order was determined at birth and could not be amended. Modern Progressive authorities, who place a far greater accent on the individual’s right to autonomous judgement and self-definition, influenced as they are by modern post-Enlightenment humanistic thinking, are prepared to be much more flexible in this regard and allow each person to determine their own sexual identity and classification. D.7.e. Are All People Equal? The Talmud is categorical on this issue. ‘The righteous of all nations will inherit the World to Come’, say the rabbis, and in Baba Batra 10b they comment: ‘Deeds of mercy are the Gentiles’ sin offerings, reconciling them with God.’ In the Midrashic book, Bamidbar Rabbah (8:2), we are told that even an idolator can be a righteous man and in another rabbinic text (Eliyahu Zuta 20) we are told: ‘The just among the Gentiles are the priests of God.’

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All humankind is descended from a common ancestor, Adam, and all humankind is produced in the image of God. In the sight of God, therefore, all people are equal and every human being has the responsibility to respect the godliness in everyone. However, experience makes it clear that people do not proceed through life equally – some will be more or less intelligent, more or less good-looking, more or less physically fit, more or less wealthy – and the responsibility of the just society is to attempt to negate these inequalities. Further, the Talmud states that if someone has destroyed one life, it is as if he has destroyed the whole world. The Jerusalem Talmud in Sanhedrin 4:5 gives this as a reason why God began from one person, Adam: ‘In order to teach us that whoever destroys a single life is as guilty as if he had destroyed the entire world; and that whoever saves one life, earns as much merit as though he had saved the entire world.’ In the Torah the Jews are called ‘a chosen people’; by such a phrase they indicate their awareness of having a special role to play. This does not suggest a sense of superiority, rather of distinctiveness which is to live according to Torah and manifest through their lives the goodness and authority of God. There is a sense, therefore, in which it is more difficult for Jews than non-Jews to achieve their reward in ‘The World to Come’, since the Jew might be judged by the more exacting standard of Torah observance. While Judaism is vague about ‘The World to Come’ or any future reward, it is clear that it is available to all humanity and not just to Jews. This is one of the reasons why Jews do not feel the need to win converts to Judaism. It is only if one considers others to be remote from God through their own understanding or religion that one would feel it necessary to try and persuade them to adopt one’s own path. However, in matters of human justice, all human beings have equal rights. The Seven Laws to the sons of Noah require the establishment of proper systems of justice which comprehend all people fairly. Unlike the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights which asserts without any particular reason except the conviction of its framers that all people should have equal rights, the Jewish doctrine that all human beings are created in the image of God provides Jews with an absolute mandate and imperative for universal human rights. While therefore the idea of universal human rights chimes very comfortably with Jewish thinking, Judaism tends to be more interested in discovering people’s responsibilities rather than asserting their rights. D.8. CONFLICT AND VIOLENCE D.8.a. Why does Conflict Exist? The simplest summary of the Jewish understanding of human nature is that all human beings have a yetzer hatov (a good inclination) and a yezter hara (a bad inclination). These two inclinations battle within every individual but with

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right training and following right precepts, the bad inclination can be subdued and turned to some benefit. There is a talmudic story (Yoma 69b) that asserts that the world could not continue without the bad inclination, for example driving people on competitively. By this story, the rabbis sought to resolve the possible theological problem of a good God creating evil in the world. Such a possibility has to exist otherwise humanity would not have free will because there would be no choice, but that does not automatically imply that God has decreed evil to exist. He only created the inclination in that direction. Arising from this insight, the rabbis assert that even the evil inclination can be harnessed for good, but of course, that is easier said than done. People are competitive, greedy, jealous, lustful and so on. Without the constraints of a moral framework, the world would collapse into chaos. Indeed, there is a strong strand of Jewish thought that values government for its own sake, even when it is oppressive, because it keeps order. As one rabbi says in the Mishna (Avot 3), when Roman occupying rule was at its most oppressive, ‘Pray for the welfare of the government, because without it, most people would eat each other alive.’ D.8.b. Why do Different Nations Exist? The simplest and shortest answer to this question can be traced back to the story of the Tower of Babel (Genesis 11:6–9). Humankind attempted to reach God in an arrogant and short-sighted manner by building a tower to the heavens. God himself frustrated the project by introducing different languages to them so that they were unable to communicate and co-operate with each other. But this explanation begs many questions. Are Jews meant to believe that God prefers people to be unable to communicate with their neighbours, or that international communication is working against God’s original intention of introducing different languages? The ideal, as expressed in messianic aspirations, is that all humanity should come together once again in unity. Therefore, obviously, God does not require our disunity. The reasons for dividing people at the time of the Tower of Babel was because their co-operation was leading towards unconstructive ends. This clearly indicates the line that Jews would draw. When nations co-operate in order to challenge God, such co-operation should be undermined. An alliance between oppressive countries, for example, cannot be approved. But when nations come together in order to encourage goodness and enrich the world, then this is working towards the messianic dream and should be supported. It is interesting that the quotation at the entrance to the United Nations headquarters in New York, which refers to the dream of world peace, comes from the Jewish Bible – Isaiah. Certainly the basic purpose of the UN is one of co-operation towards an ideal world. In Midrashic teaching it is clear that the rabbis were more than ready to accept the possibility of national characteristics. This might seem strange

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when Jews have often had to bear the brunt of unpleasant generalisations based on prejudice and ignorance. However, the existence of national characteristics is not only borne out by experience, but by reason as well. Different nations are influenced by different philosophies, different climates and different manners of upbringing, so that one nationality might tend to be more phlegmatic, passionate, or adventurous, and so on. This should not blind anyone to the possibility of individuals within that nation not conforming with the norm or stereotype, nor should the stereotype or norm be used to attack a given nationality or define it as a weakness. Each national characteristic gives a nation, after all, its character, and therefore its strength. Once again, the Jewish ease with the pluralistic nature of human society emerges. Indeed, even in the midst of the critical tensions of Israel in the Middle East, the rights of Muslims, Druze, Christians and Baha’is have been carefully respected and protected in Israel. The military and political conflict that exists between Israel and its neighbours should not be misunderstood as a doctrinal conflict. Isaiah is explicit about God’s concern for Egyptians and Assyrians just as much as for Jews, even though they were traditional enemies, but neither he nor any other Jews would wish to argue that they are all identical. If that were so, it would remove the sublimity of the teaching of the equality of humankind. So the differences between nations exist in order to prevent their arrogance and to control their combining for destructive purposes. While on the face of it, it may appear that divisions between nations bring about destruction or at least bring it nearer, it may also be argued that alliances between nations have been even more dangerous on some occasions. Humanity needs to be sure that in its pursuit of the Messianic Age, it does not end up instead striving after the Tower of Babel. D.8.c. National and Ethnic Conflict Judaism does not have a pacifist philosophy but it does believe in peace as the highest good. While revenge and unprovoked aggression are immediately condemned, self-defence is considered to be a justifiable course of action, and refusal to act at the cost of one’s life is generally to be criticised. So while people are not allowed to take an innocent life in order to save their own, they are certainly allowed, and indeed encouraged, to take the life of the aggressor if that is the only way to save themselves. Not only that, but responsibility to save one’s own life is almost paramount. This is the reason why Israel was able to mobilise easily without any crisis of conscience when it was attacked on Yom Kippur, the Day of Atonement, the most holy day of the Jewish year on which customarily people would not even travel, let alone drive tanks. Necessary violence in self-defence is quite acceptable according to Judaism. Unnecessary violence is not allowed, so even war is bound by strict rules. In Deuteronomy, Jews are required to warn their enemies first that

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if they continue with their course of action, they will be attacked (Deuteronomy 20:9–12). Jews are also exhorted to limit damage to the environment in a war as much as possible. The example given is that they should not destroy the fruit trees round a town when besieging it (Deuteronomy 20:19–20). Generally speaking, the concept of total war is alien to Jewish thinking. In today’s warfare, where the pre-emptive strike becomes a necessary manœuvre owing to the speed and efficiency of modern weapons, these principles may seem inapplicable. None the less, as far as possible, Jews still believe that one should try to warn enemies of the consequences of their actions so that they cannot say they did not know that whatever they were doing would lead to retaliation of some sort. Sometimes, of course, Jews have found themselves helpless. During the Holocaust, for example, Jews in the camps were often unable to fight back. Where they were able, they did, and there were many breakouts, revolts and sabotage attempts in even the worst death camps of eastern Europe. The Warsaw Ghetto resistance is a famous example of Jewish determination to fight, if not for self-defence, at least for self-respect. Where one is unable to fight, one should at least maintain one’s dignity to the end. The Jews in the camps often manifested a strength of spirit and a determination not to drop to the level of their Nazi oppressors, which was in itself a kind of resistance. The story is told of a Jew standing by a rabbi in one of the concentration camps, compulsorily watching a fellow inmate being flogged to death. He asked the rabbi why it always seemed to be the lot of the Jew to be the victim of such persecution. The rabbi replied: ‘In this camp, where you can only be a victim or a perpetrator, we should be proud we are the victims.’ This manifested the indomitability of the human spirit and as such was a slap in the face for any totalitarian regime. Recently, Jewish thinkers have been pondering the issue of nuclear arms. It would appear that if nuclear arms serve as a deterrent or as a means of selfdefence, then clearly, according to Jewish thinking, they must be acceptable. Any means of self-defence is a desirable thing. Other thinkers argue that nuclear arms encourage war, and it has often been pointed out that no weapon has ever been devised that has not eventually been used. If this is the case, then the holding of nuclear arms is a provocation to war, but no more severe a provocation than the holding of any other kind of arms. Nuclear arms, however, are different in quality, not just power, from conventional arms, because they have a different effect both on the enemy and the environment. At this point, many Jewish thinkers would argue that the rules laid down in Deuteronomy come into play. The opposition to the concept of total war on the one hand, and the command not to damage the environment in a lasting way on the other, could be said to prevent the use of nuclear arms. The debate is by no means closed and, as has been seen, centres around the question whether nuclear arms are the ideal form of selfdefence or the ultimate weapon of destruction.

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Finally it might be mentioned that a former Chief Rabbi of Britain, Lord Immanuel Jacobovits, has with typical pragmatism argued that while one might be distressed by the idea of nuclear arms, they have not yet been used in any conflict since their effects were discovered in Hiroshima and Nagasaki at the end of the Second World War. On the other hand, conventional weapons are used every day around the world and are manufactured in vast numbers. He, therefore, would rather oppose the arms race in general and the use of conventional arms in particular, rather than join the bandwagon of nuclear arms opposition. This is as good an example as any of the way in which Jewish thinking, while contemplating from within its own tradition a reaction to a current issue, adopts a pragmatic as well as idealistic stance. The problem of arms is not discussed on the basis of a pacifist ethic but rather on the issue of their danger to the future of human life. D.8.d. ‘Just War’? As is implicit in the section above, the concept of just war (not to be confused with holy war) exists in Judaism and can be divided into two types. More accurately such wars are called obligatory wars in Jewish sources. The first type of obligatory war is deposited in the Bible and left there. The rabbis note that God commanded a number of wars in the early stages of the life of the Jews, not least in the conquest of the Land under Joshua. In some cases, the conduct of these wars appears very savage to modern eyes, and clearly bothered the rabbis two thousand years ago too. They resolved their unease by concluding that these wars were of a particular quality no longer to be attempted since all agreed that the kind of direct prophetic contact with God which mandated them had been lost several centuries before. They were not prepared to condemn such wars since they appeared to be divinely dictated, but at the same time they did not want to sanction their repetition. No Jew therefore can use the biblical wars as mandate for imitating their conduct. The second type of just war is a war of self-defence. Where attempts at peaceful negotiation have failed or the conditions being set for peace are ultimately destructive to the continued existence of the Jewish people as a Jewish entity, then one is allowed, indeed, required to engage in war, always however within the boundaries of the rules of war as described above. Such a war would have to be declared by the duly constituted authorities (either the Sanhedrin or the king in talmudic terms). The war fought by the Maccabees against the Syrian Greek occupiers in the second century BCE (which the festival of Hanuka commemorates) almost fits the bill of a just war, except that it appears to have been declared ‘unofficially’, there being no strong Jewish authority in the land at the time which was not co-operating with the occupying forces. Jewish tradition however chooses to focus on this event as a time of miraculous intervention rather than of magnificent military achievement.

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D.8.e. Contemporary Challenges Nowadays, however, the prosecution of total war and the widespread existence of terrorism make such scruples and rules seem almost quaint, but in Jewish thought they are still pertinent. Attacking the innocent remains unacceptable (though it is understood that others than the direct protagonists might get hurt in war). Such a distinction is not specious. Any problem can be resolved ethically by an honest answer as to whether or not one was actually intending to attack the bystanders or whether they got hurt because they were unfortunately caught up in the battle. One would also need to investigate whether or not the battle could have been fought some other way with fewer innocent people becoming implicated. But Judaism would be clear that if the enemy chose to use innocent people as a shield, that should not prevent one from prosecuting the war if it was felt to be a proper war, otherwise the enemy could always use the innocent as hostages, encouraging them to take more. It is also true that surprise is an important part of modern warfare and the pre-emptive strike might be essential to success. This would seem to contravene the requirement to warn one’s enemy of the consequences before acting. But the need to warn is not the same as denying oneself the right to take one’s enemy by surprise. There are two different kinds of pre-emptive strike. In the Six Day War between Israel and six surrounding countries in 1967, several months of build-up took place before the outbreak of hostilities. Each side had warned the other of the consequences of making matters worse but eventually Israel struck pre-emptively and destroyed most of its enemies’ air forces on the ground. In this instance, it would have been impossible for either side to claim that they did not know that war was imminent. Carrying out a pre-emptive strike in such circumstances is simply good tactics. The kind of pre-emptive strike that would be unethical according to Jewish principles is Japan’s raid on Pearl Harbor in 1941. This appeared generally unprovoked, no state of war was pending and it would be fair to say that America was not threatening Japan at that time. The modern proliferation of terrorism also challenges our ethical boundaries. Although the definition of terrorist is famously disputed (in the old adage, ‘one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter’), Judaism is clear that the simple intention to cause mayhem and bloodshed amongst those not carrying arms is entirely unacceptable. Blowing up people on a train or as they come and go about their daily business in Jewish terms is utterly immoral and would be classed as terrorism regardless of the motives or ideology of the perpetrator and the justice of their cause. Similarly, it is the indiscriminate nature of such action that also makes so called ‘weapons of mass destruction (WMD) so problematic. It is not just the scale of their destructiveness but also the nature of it. As discussed above (see D.8.c), nuclear arms (along with chemical and biological warfare) are arguably deterrents to war rather than sources of greater destruction and so, as

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strategies of self-defence, could be justified ethically. But the minute one moves into the actual contemplation of using them one enters in to the ethical territory discussed above. D.8.f. Social and Domestic Violence It is utterly forbidden to strike another except in self-defence. This prohibition is regardless of any disparity in status, so that a master is not allowed to strike a servant or a slave (in ancient times when slavery existed in the Jewish world). One of the Noahide laws by which Jews determine general civilised behaviour for all is the need to abide by properly constituted courts of law. Within this mindset, recourse to violence to resolve a sense of injustice is utterly repugnant and can never be justified. In domestic circumstances the repugnance is redoubled. The Kitzur Shulkhan Arukh (an abridged version of the Shulkhan Arukh compiled in the nineteenth century) summarises succinctly. ‘A man should ever be careful to treat his wife with respect, for it is only for a wife’s sake that a man’s house is blessed’ (145:10). Indeed the idea of domestic violence is so far from Jewish thought that there appears to be no generally cited direct reference to it in any of the sources. What can be said is that any reference to family life expects both the father and mother to be respected equally, without any suggestion of hierarchy between them, for the man of the household to defer to his wife’s views in domestic matters and so on. The availability of divorce in Judaism (see D.3.c) means that no man would be considered justified for harming his wife because he did not get on with her for some reason. Once again, he should have recourse to the legal remedies. Similarly a woman has the right to leave her husband if he mistreats her. It does not appear that any of the sources consider violence of wife against husband. However, it is mentioned that, while one cannot strike a servant, it is permissible to ‘chastise’ children in order to discipline them. This is based on the line in the biblical book of Proverbs ‘He who spares the rod hates his child; but he who loves him chastises him sometimes’ (13:24). D.9. GLOBAL ISSUES D.9.a. Responses to World Poverty As has been shown elsewhere (see D.4.d), Jews have never wished to make a virtue out of poverty, so as soon as they were allowed to join in international activity and thought, the issue of the distribution of wealth concerned them greatly. Left to themselves, Jews had always brought prosperity to the country in which they lived. It is no surprise to discover that Jews were in the forefront of the development of trade unionism and the socialist ideal and ethic. At the same time

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Jews are traditionalists, and therefore they have tended to be on the less radical side of left-wing politics. They are also individualists and were to be found leading the entrepreneurial revolution of the 1980s. In a word, it is impossible to generalise about Jewish political and economic positions except to say that Jews play a vigorous and constructive part in the development of new movements and ideas. As previously stated, the Jewish religion does not (except in the most general terms) legislate for the behaviour of others. Therefore how people in different countries respond to the poverty they experience is very much a matter for the individual society concerned. However, now the world has shrunk to a global village, so that we are increasingly visibly responsible for people thousands of miles away, Jews, as well as others, are required to respond to the plight of people with whom they might previously have felt little association. In this case the principle of Tzedaka applies, as it would in any other (see D.5.b and D.7.a). It becomes the responsibility of the rich to help the poor, since charity is only another word for justice. Quite clearly, world poverty is a product of the misdistribution of resources since there is already enough food, wealth and industry to provide for everyone. The Make Poverty History campaign of 2005 was warmly espoused across the Jewish community of the UK and proved to be one of the causes on which Jews found it possible to work together across their denominational divides. The experience was so positive that the MPH Jewish Coalition continued in existence after the national campaign was formally disbanded in 2006. It is significant that in 1956, while the State of Israel was still a new and financially weak country, it established a programme of aid to Third World Africa which is still going on. It even continued this aid when Black African countries cut off diplomatic relations with the State of Israel. This is fully in keeping with Jewish ethical principles as to how one behaves to the poor, as is the fact that the main aspect of that aid was training and technological support so that the recipients could become independent. This was recommended by Maimonides as the highest level of Tzedaka. The fact that the recipient may be neither grateful nor gracious does not relieve the donor from performing the act of Tzedaka. In addition, the State of Israel was the first to open its doors to the Vietnamese boat people. While Jews only constitute a tiny proportion of the world’s population, they have always been disproportionately active in the alleviation of poverty in whatever society they are living. Similarly therefore, it is no surprise that Jews are taking up the initiative of purchasing ‘fair trade’ products wherever possible. The Third World charity Tzedek (which means ‘justice’ and is closely related to the Hebrew word for charity) urges its supporters to add fair-trade products to the plates of foodstuff traditionally given between friends on the festival of Purim, and synagogues of every stripe have taken up the challenge of being ‘Fair trade synagogues.’ At the same time, Jewish sources are keenly

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aware of how markets work and the danger of trying to rig them. Under- or over-pricing by more than one sixth of the going rate is considered destructive and the rabbis rule such a deal as invalid. Growing concern that fair-trade initiatives might be disadvantaging those who traditionally sell cheap or might be distorting the market with unintended consequences would do well to bear in mind such sensitivities. The Jubilee 2000 campaign which gave real momentum to the international movement to get rich countries to wipe out the debt owed cripplingly by many Third World countries significantly adopted a term from the Torah. Jubilee according to the Torah was the fiftieth year in which all land returned to its original owner. (The framers of this campaign may have confused the jubilee with the more frequent sabbatical year – every seven – when all debts were wiped out.) Such Torah legislation clearly was designed to ensure that no one was saddled with the debt-incurring of past generations or even simply their own past mistakes, but the rabbis quickly detected the disincentives for lenders in this arrangement, especially in the latter years of the cycle. Because of this, they instituted a legal fiction which allowed debts to be carried over by being transferred to the authorities from the individual lender concerned. This procedure mirrors the concerns that such concessions might lead to profligacy on the part of the borrower and reluctance to lend on the part of the lender, neither of which is in the system’s long-term interests. Such arrangements indicate Judaism’s pragmatic and unsentimental approach to helping the poor. The long-term aim is to help them help themselves, but the Jewish tradition does not think this is best done either by ignoring the legitimate interests of the rich or by coddling the poor till they cannot see the point of taking responsibility for themselves in the real pressures of the world. D.9.b. Responses to Population Control Jews note that they are commanded in the Bible to be fruitful and multiply (Genesis 1:28) and therefore they view it as desirable for all people to have children. There is no concept of celibacy in the mainstream of Jewish thinking (see D.3.a), and the general view is that the more children, the better. However, this is only true if the increase in the number of children is not damaging to the health and sanity of the parents. In the matter of abortion (see D.5.c), if the choice is between saving the life of the mother and saving the life of the embryo, then Judaism unequivocally says you must choose the mother, since she is a full independent person. Clearly then, in a situation where population increase threatens the future of society, Judaism would exercise population control. Preventing births is definitely better than allowing deaths. At this point, we should be careful to establish two things. First, Jewish teachings and principles are primarily for Jews. Second, Judaism never advocates choosing the easy answer without carefully investigating its implications and alternatives. For example, if it is possible, it would be better to increase

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food supplies than limit population. It would be wrong to prevent individuals from choosing the size of their families. It is the responsibility of the parents to decide how many children they have; but the Jewish ideal is that parents should have the minimum of two children in order to fulfil their responsibility of ‘replenishing the world’ (see D.3.a). Generally Jews accept and understand the view that large families are happy families, and that children grow up to provide for the elderly. While this may not seem to be true in the welfare state, one must not overlook emotional needs, and it is quite clear that a society which is not producing young people to be the wage earners of the future will not be able to maintain the welfare state that provides for the elderly. Family planning is often about choosing not to have a family at present, and population control often seems to be a programme imposed upon others. When people choose it for themselves it is often true that the choice is a fairly selfish one. Therefore, while Judaism would not consider population control altogether wrong, it would be wary of it because it so easily exploits the most short-sighted and selfish tendencies of humanity. At this point it should be mentioned that Judaism has considered the various systems of contraception that exist. The broad principles that guide the acceptability or otherwise of a form of contraception are that it must not spoil the pleasure of the sex act, and it should not act abortively, but rather preventatively. Therefore, the withdrawal method is completely unacceptable but many scholars would suggest that the pill is completely acceptable. D.9.c. Planet Earth and Ecology The issue of conservation is well recognised in the Torah, and further developed in the Talmud and later writings. The Torah deals primarily with the land of Israel and it legislates that the land should be allowed to lie fallow for one year in every seven (Exodus 23:10–11). No profits should be taken from the produce of the land at that time. Many religious kibbutzim today grow their produce in trays suspended above the ground during the Sabbatical year. There are rules defining how early one could take fruit from a tree: one could not take the fruit from a tree less than two years old, one could not profit from the third year’s produce, and one could only start to sell produce from a tree in the fourth year (Leviticus 19:23–5). Such agricultural legislation has been subsequently identified as most enlightened; there are still many countries which have not been able to start the kind of programme of tree planting which is implicit in Jews having a specific festival called ‘The New Year for Trees’ (Tu B’Shevat). Over the last hundred years, one of the most commonplace gifts from Jews to each other on special occasions such as barmitzvahs, weddings, anniversaries or birthdays is to plant trees in the land of Israel in the name of the person concerned. Through such programmes, a land which was originally

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mostly desert or marsh has been extensively re-afforested. In fact, Israel claims to be the only country in the world to start the twenty-first century with more trees than there were at the start of the twentieth century. The rabbis note that the account of the creation consistently describes the world as good. It is clear, they say, that the world in itself is beneficial. The only component of the creation which God did not describe as good was Man, on whom he announced no judgement. The rabbis interpreted that when God said in Genesis ‘Let us make Man in our own image’, he was enlisting the help of Man in this process. By so doing he required Man to become a partner in the whole development of the world’s creation. What is more, Torah legislation requires that during a war, people should not gratuitously damage the environment (see D.8.b). In Deuteronomy, for example, Jews are required to avoid damaging the trees around the city that they are besieging. By such concerns, Jews have always been encouraged to conserve and respect their environment. Add to that the tendency of the Jewish time cycle to observe the processes of the sun, the moon, the seasons and agricultural events, and however urbanised the Jewish community may have become, it has an important system for ensuring that it does not forget its relationship with the land and its responsibility for it. At the same time though, Judaism recognises the right of humanity to manipulate the environment to its benefit and advantage. The essential principle of genetic modification does not appear to contravene any Jewish law and would seem to be in keeping with positive Jewish attitudes to scientific advance, especially if it might be seen to benefit human beings by, for example, producing strains of grain that can thrive in dry climates or other usually inhospitable conditions. However, the current debates about GM foods are ethically more complicated because of the attempts by some of its producers to restrict access to the technology or to capitalise rapaciously on a short-term benefit. These tendencies would be condemned by Jewish thought, though it would have regard to the valid self-interest of the companies concerned and their right to protect – and motivate – themselves when spending huge sums on research. In the light of the above it also follows that Jewish teaching does not automatically perceive any intrinsic benefit in organic produce except insofar as it can be demonstrated that non-organic procedures are harmful in the short or long term. Certainly consumers have the right to expect, for example, that pesticides do not leave a residue to the detriment of consumers’ health and they also have a responsibility not to put their own convenience above that of sustainable farming so that future generations can also enjoy the fruits of the world. But the Torah in Genesis gives humanity a mandate to tend the world but also to have dominion over it, so we can use it as we choose so long as we do not damage it in the long term. This then sets up an interesting divergence of views around global warming and its apparent challenges. One strand of Jewish thought would urge humanity to think its way out of the problem. We have God-given capacities to

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develop technologies to alleviate the consequences of our actions and we should be spending ever more on research to ensure that we can outlive any harmful outcomes from the rise in global temperatures. In this view, there is nothing intrinsically virtuous in the way the globe happens to operate just now and if we can make it work sustainably in some other way, all well and good. The other view sees the way the world is set up as God’s way and recognises humanity’s responsibility to preserve it substantially in that manner so that future generations can enjoy it in like form. Perhaps counter-intuitively, it tends to be Orthodox Jews who take the first, more permissive, view and Progressive Jews who take the second, more restrictive, position. This is because, as in all other matters, the Orthodox tend to arrive at their positions by application of rules drawn from texts, distrusting human instinct as both fallible and susceptible to current fashions of thought, while Progressive Jews tend to value human sensibility more than the Orthodox, believing that much can be learnt from the best of current attitudes and being prepared to submit their understanding of traditional texts and teachings to modern trends in thought. D.10.a. Glossary Barmitzvah Bet Din Diaspora Gentile Get Ghetto

Halakha Hasidism

Holocaust

Huppa Kabbala Ketuba Kosher

The ceremony by which a Jewish male becomes a full adult member of his faith and community A Jewish court of authority consisting of at least three rabbis The world outside the Land of Israel and the Jewish community that lives there A non-Jew A document of divorce An area in which people are forced to live. The first ghetto was established for the Jews of Venice in 1516 CE. At their worst they were surrounded by high walls and the Jews were only allowed out under certain restrictions The established consensus as to the correct interpretation of Jewish law A charismatic, mystical movement which developed in Eastern Europe in the eighteenth century. Its adherents are now characterised by their distinctive dress The systematic destruction of seven-eighths of European Jewry by the Nazis. About six million Jews were killed between 1933 and 1945 The canopy under which a marriage takes place The esoteric, mystical tradition of Judaism, which forms an important part of Hasidic thinking A marriage contract Acceptable or fit. Usually used of food that complies with the dietary laws but in fact applicable to anything defined by Jewish law

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Macabees

Marrano

Messianic Age

Midrash Mishna Mitzvah (s.) mitzvot (pl) Orthodox Pharisee

Progressive

Purim Rabbi The Seven Noahide Laws Shabbat Shema

Shulkhan Arukh Talmud

ETHICAL ISSUES IN SIX RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS A group of Jews who led a revolt against the occupying Syrian Greeks in the second century BCE. The events of this time are recorded in the two books of the Macabees in the Apocrypha and commemorated by Jews in the festival of Hanuka A ‘secret’ Jew. During the time of the Spanish Inquisition a number of Jews took on the outward trappings of Christianity but maintained their Jewish commitment in private to avoid persecution The ideal Age to which Jews look forward and for which they work. It is so called because of the belief in the Messiah who will inaugurate the Age. Belief in the Age is much more important than belief in the person The major compilation of homiletical teachings or a homiletical teaching The first authoritative attempt to codify the Oral Torah, completed by Judah the Prince in the second century CE A rule of Torah of which there are 613 in the written Torah. Also a good deed Those Jews who give the traditional interpretations of Torah full authority A democratic and innovative teacher of Judaism of about two thousand years ago. Pharisees mainly operated through the synagogues and were largely responsible for the survival of Judaism after the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem in 70 CE Those Jews who do not feel that traditional interpretations of Torah are binding. This term is used by many Jews to include the Reform, Conservative and Liberal movements Early spring festival celebrating the events recounted in the biblical book of Esther. Carnival time A teacher and scholar. Now also often a minister to a congregation Seven basic rules of moral behaviour defined by the rabbis as the prerequisites for a civilised society The weekly day of peace commemorating the creation and the exodus from Egypt Paragraphs from the Torah forming a twice-daily prayer which includes a declaration of faith and several important Mitzvot A compilation of halakha made in the sixteenth century by Joseph Karo and considered to be the most comprehensive and authoritative halakhic code An encyclopaedic work recording the discussions of over a thousand rabbis covering several hundred years concerning the halakha and general principles and traditions. Its core is

Judaism

Tenakh The Ten Commandments Torah Tzedaka The World to Come Yeshiva (s.) Yeshivot (pl.) Yom Kippur Zionism Zohar

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the Mishna, and the two Talmuds – the Jerusalem and the Babylonian – are a product of two different discussions on the Mishna. The Babylonian Talmud is the more complete and the more authoritative. The Talmud is the central feature of traditional Jewish learning The acronym for the Jewish Bible standing for Torah, Nevi’im and Ketuvim – Torah, Prophets and Scriptures A group of fundamental laws of Judaism, but not necessarily considered more important than some of the other 603 mitzvot in the Torah The first five books of the Bible. The entire body of Jewish teaching and law Justice/charity The context in which the system of reward and punishment after death will demonstrate itself A college of advanced Jewish study The Day of Atonement. The most solemn day of the Jewish year The movement that supports the right of the Jewish People to a state of their own in Israel The fundamental work of Jewish mysticism (kabbala)

D.10.b. Bibliography Texts Danby, H. H. (tr.) (1933), The Mishnah, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Epstein, E. (tr.) (1952), The Babylonian Talmud, London: Soncino. Friedman, H. and M. Simon (tr.) (1977), The Midrash Rabbah, London: Soncino. Ganzfried, S. (1961), Code of Jewish Law, Kitzur Shulkan Arukh, New York: Hebrew Publishing Co. Hertz, J. H. (ed.) (1933), Pentateuch and Haftorahs, London: Soncino. Maimonides, M. (1956), The Guide for the Perplexed, New York: Dover. Maimonides, M. (abridged) (2001), Mishne Torah, Yad Hachazakah, Jerusalem: Yeshivat Bet Moshe. Newman, L. I. (ed.) (1945), The Talmudic Anthology, New York: Behrman. Sperling, H. and M. Simon (tr.) (1933), Zohar, vols I–V, London: Soncino. Steinsaltz, A. (1976), The Essential Talmud, New York: Basic Books. General Biale, R. (1984), Women and Jewish Law, New York: Schocken. Borowitz, E. B. (1972), Choosing a Sex Ethic, New York: Schocken. Breslauer, S. D. (1985), Contemporary Jewish Ethics: A Bibliographical Survey, Westport: Greenwood. Breslauer, S. D. (1985), Modern Jewish Morality: A Bibliographical Survey, Westport: Greenwood.

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Carmell, A. and Domb, C. (eds) (1978), Challenge: Torah Views on Science and Its Problems, Jerusalem: Feldheim. Cohn, H. (1984), Human Rights in Jewish Law, Hoboken: Ktav. Dorff, E. N. and Newman, E. (eds) (1995), Contemporary Jewish Ethics and Morality: A Reader, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dorff, E. N. (2006), Love Your Neighbour and Yourself: A Jewish Approach to Modern Personal Ethics, Oxford: Blackwell. Encyclopaedia Judaica (2006), London: Macmillan. Freeman, D. L. and Abrams, Z. A. (eds) (1999), Illness and Health in the Jewish Tradition, Philadelphia: JPS. Greenberg, S. (2004), Wrestling with God and Men: Homosexuality and the Jewish Tradition, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin. Haut, I. H. (1983), Divorce in Jewish Law and Life, Jerusalem: Sepher Hermon Press. Herring, B. F. (1984), Jewish Ethics and Halakhah for Our Time, Hoboken: Ktav. Jacob, W. and Zemer, M. (eds) (2004), The Environment in Jewish Law: Essays and Response, New York: Berghahn Jacobovits, I. (1975), Jewish Medical Ethics, New York: Bloch. Jacobs, L. (1973), What Does Judaism Say About ...?, Jerusalem: Keter. Jacobs, L. (1990), Jewish Personal and Social Ethics, Springfield: Behrman. Kalechofsky, R. (1995), Judaism and Animal Rights, London: Kuperard. Kellner, M. M. (1978), Contemporary Jewish Ethics, New York: Sanhedrin. Plaskow, J. (1991), Standing at Sinai: Judaism from a Feminist Perspective, New York: HarperCollins. Rapoport, C. (2004), Judaism and Homosexuality: An Authentic Orthodox Viewpoint, London: Vallentine Mitchell. Romain, J. (2004), Reform Judaism and Modernity: A Reader, London: SCM. Rose, A. (1992), Judaism and Ecology, London: Cassell. Rosenbaum, I. J. (1976), The Holocaust and Halakhah, Hoboken: Ktav. Rosner, F. (1986), Modern Medicine and Jewish Ethics, Hoboken: Ktav. Ross, T. (2004), Expanding the Palace of Torah: Orthodoxy and Women, Boston: Brandeis University Press. Sacks, J. (2002), The Dignity of Difference, London: Continuum. Sacks, J. (2005), To Heal a Fractured World: The Ethics of Responsibility, London: Continuum. Silver, A. H. (1989), Where Judaism Differed, New York: Collier. Solomon, N. (1991), Judaism and World Religion, London: Macmillan. Strassfeld, S. and M. (eds) (1973), The First Jewish Catalog, Philadelphia: JPS. Strassfeld, S. and M. (eds) (1976), The Second Jewish Catalog, Philadelphia: JPS. Strassfeld, S. and M. (eds) (1978), The Third Jewish Catalog, Philadelphia: JPS. Tamari. M. (1996), The Challenge of Wealth: A Jewish Perspective on Earning and Spending Money, Lanham: Jason Aronson. Waxman, C. and Diament, N. (eds) (1997), Tikkun Olam: Social Responsibility in Jewish Thought and Law, Lanham: Jason Aronson. Wigoder, G. (ed.) (1974), Jewish Values, Jerusalem: Keter.

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D.10.c. Addresses UK For general information and contacts on specialist subjects: Board of Deputies of British Jews, 6 Bloomsbury Square, London WC1A 2LP. www.bod.org.uk For authoritative Orthodox Jewish positions on ethical issues: Office of the Chief Rabbi, Adler House, 735 High Road, London N12 0US. www.chiefrabbi.org For access to Reform and Progressive perspectives on ethical issues: The Sternberg Centre for Judaism, Manor House, 80 East End Road, London N3 2SY. www.reformjudaism.org and www.liberaljudaism.org For information on Jewish attitudes to sex education and sexual health: Jewish AIDS Trust (JAT), DVS House, 4, Spring Villa Road, Edgware, Middlesex HA8 7EB. www.jat-uk.org For information on Jewish Business Ethics: Jewish Association for Business Ethics, PO Box 3840, The Hyde, London NW9 6LG. www.jabe.org For information of environmental issues: The Noah Project, PO Box 1828, London W10 5RT. www.noahproject.org.uk For information on Jewish response to Third World issues: Tzedek, 25 Kings Close, London NW4 2JU. www.tzedek.org.uk North America B’nai B’rith International and Co-ordinating Board of Jewish Organisations, 1640 Rhode Island Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20036, USA. www.bnaibrith.org Canadian Jewish Congress, 1590 Docteur Penfield Avenue, Montreal, Quebec H3G 1C5, Canada. www.cjc.ca Hebrew Union College, Jewish Institute of Religion, 3101 Clifton Avenue, Cincinnati, Ohio 45220, USA. www.huc.edu Jewish Education Service of North America, 730 Broadway, New York, USA. www.jesna.org Jewish Information and Referral Service, 130 E 59th Street, New York City 10028, USA. www.jirs.org National Jewish Community Relations Advisory Council, 443 Park Avenue S, 11th Floor, New York City 10016, USA. www.namebase.org/xmza/National-JewishCommunity-relations-advisory-council.org Rabbis for Human Rights, North America, PO Box 1539, West Tisbury, MA 02575, USA. www.rhr-na.org

E. Christianity Alan Brown

E.1. RELIGIOUS IDENTITY AND AUTHORITY E.1.a. On Being a Christian The term Christian indicates someone who is a follower of Jesus, believed to be the Christ, a title meaning The Anointed One taken from a Greek word which translates the Hebrew for Messiah (see D.10.a). Christians also believe that Jesus is the incarnate Son of God and the one Gospel text that has been regarded as summing up the Christian faith is John 3:16. This can often be seen at major sporting events when people in the crowd hold up a sign saying ‘3:16’. The verse says: ‘God loved the world so much that he gave his only son that everyone who has faith in him may not die but have eternal life’. This verse encapsulates the faith of Christians across the world. They may have very different theological, ethical and social views and indeed have very different opinions about Jesus himself, but all Christians respond in some way to the potent figure of Jesus. People are Christians by birth, conversion, by baptism or naming ceremonies, but the identity of a Christian is someone who makes the affirmation that they are Christian and the only person who can make a true judgement of the integrity of that claim is God. Other than the above touchstone, it is very difficult to establish any clear definition of what it means to be a Christian. There are about 2 billion Christians in the world, roughly half of whom are Roman Catholic, and while all Roman Catholics look to the Pope for guidance and leadership, there are internal differences of opinion on some issues. Within the 23,000 movements and denominations that make up the ‘other half’ of the Christian religion, there are wide differences of views, belief and liturgical practice. In fact, one could make out a case for the diversity of Christianity being its strength. One interpretation of what identity might mean in a Christian context would be to feel part of a large group of humanity for whom the person of Jesus is central. In the 2001 Census in the United Kingdom over 70 per cent of people claimed allegiance to the Christian religion, yet church-going is fewer than 10 per cent and continuing to fall. Some people appear to believe that one can be a Christian without going to a church. To lead a good moral life, caring for

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one’s neighbour and ‘doing to others as you would like them to treat you’ seems to be a sufficient code to qualify as a Christian in the eyes of many. The convenience of such a view is that it takes the belief out of the religion while acknowledging the value of its moral and ethical teaching. Many Christians would argue that this lack of faith in the person and work of Jesus and not considering it necessary to be part of a worshipping church community is a form of humanism, occasionally referred to as Christian Humanism; but that means that while one may be an admirable person, socially and morally acceptable within society, one is not actually a Christian. Attitudes to being a Christian and how one identifies with the faith may well depend on how a person regards the role of religion in their life. Many Christians believe that reading the Bible, prayer and following the guidance of Church leaders (see E.1.c) will help them to lead a good Christian life and to discern what is right and wrong. Others may believe that the main function of their faith in moral terms is to allow each person to grow as a human being by supporting them through the various situations experienced in life and that their Christian faith helps them cope with the vagaries of the world. In practice, neither of the views excludes the other but they do recognise the divergent ways in which Christians see the world and approach moral problems and ethical dilemmas. For Christians, living a good life or doing what is right is not a way of winning God’s approval, though some Christians would argue strongly that they demonstrate their personal faith by living a good life and therefore God approves. One of the fundamental beliefs of Christianity, however, is that God loves people unconditionally, just as they are ‘warts and all’. This allpowerful, all-embracing love is revealed and demonstrated through the life, death and resurrection of Jesus. Jesus’ life, death and resurrection overcame the human condition which, Christians believe, had fallen from a state of grace in which they were created in a perfect relationship with God. This fallen state is in the broad Christian tradition referred to as Original Sin (see E.6.b). Often referred to as The Fall, the belief in Original Sin is an indication of the separation of God and creation, but once human beings realise that God loves them, however bad they may be, they can then respond with gratitude and joy. The Christian does not earn the love of God by being good; this would give them power over God. As each person realises and accepts that God loves him or her, they are then able to respond by trying to live in accordance with God’s commands – a process known as sanctification. So any sense of Christian identity relies on each individual coming to a personal recognition of the presence of God in their life; experiencing the sense and power of God’s love and then responding to it. The importance of the personal recognition of the love and power of God is recognised in different ways in the different churches. Some place a greater emphasis on a personal interpretation of God’s word, while others, still looking for a personal commitment, look to the guidance and leadership of the Church.

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When faced with a particular moral dilemma, a Christian will often arrive at the same conclusion in practical terms as people of other faiths, agnostics or atheists. The difference for a Christian will be the fundamental reason for arriving at their decision, which will be rooted in their experience of God (see E.5.c). In determining whether a moral decision is a Christian one or not, one question might be: ‘Is the decision in accordance with the law of love?’ Amid all the rules and regulations that can be found in the Christian tradition, this for many Christians will stand supreme. Again it begins with God’s love for the world (see John 3:16) and Jesus’ life. Jesus said to his disciples, ‘I give you a new commandment: love one another; as I have loved you, so you are to love one another. If there is this love among you, then all will know that you are my disciples’ (John 13:34). The Synoptic Gospels record that Jesus summarised Jewish Law in the words, ‘Love the Lord your God with all your heart, with all your soul, with all your mind and with all your strength’, and ‘Love your neighbour as yourself’ (Mark 12:29–31; Matthew 22:37–9; Luke 10:27–8). These words are also found in the Hebrew Scriptures and reflect that Jesus’ teaching is based on his Jewish religious upbringing. Once again the theme is taken up, by Paul in his observation that ‘All [commandments] are summed up in one rule, “Love your neighbour as yourself”. Love cannot wrong a neighbour: therefore the whole law is summed up in love’ (Romans 13:9–10). Paul also wrote the great ‘Hymn of Love’ in which he defines the love that is central to Christian morality: Love is patient; love is kind and envies no one. Love is never boastful, nor conceited, nor rude; never selfish, not quick to take offence. Love keeps no score of wrongs; does not gloat over other men’s sins, but delights in the truth. There is nothing love cannot face; there is no limit to its faith, its hope and its endurance. (1 Corinthians 13:4–7)

Another New Testament writer, John, stresses that the love that is demanded of Christians is not a human faculty to be striven after, but a gift from God to be received and shared. ‘Dear friends, let us love one another because love is from God ... God is love; he who dwells in love is dwelling in God, and God in him ... We love because he loved us first’ (1 John 4:7, 16, 19). Christians can, therefore, check any moral decision by asking ‘Is it in accordance with the law of love?’ Imitating Jesus and fulfilling the law of love are, for the Christian, different ways of speaking of the quest for the ideal standard of Christian morality. Of course, one can love a person but not their actions: love can be expressed in a stern and firm manner and while for many Christians love is identified by encouraging others to ‘live in Christ’, for others there is a strong element of judgement. Jesus speaks frequently of judgement. Jesus is recorded as saying ‘Judge not that you be not judged’ (Luke 6:37), apparently saying that we bring ourselves to judgement by our thoughts and actions. Another Christian view is that by recognising (or not) Jesus as the Son of God

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one is bringing judgement upon oneself. ‘The Father does not judge anyone, but has given full jurisdiction to the Son’ (John 5:22). But then ‘If anyone hears my words and pays no regard, I am not his judge; I have not come to judge the world but to save the world’ (John 12:47). A Christian’s responsibility to other Christians, in the opinion of some, may be to ensure that those who profess faith in Jesus are kept up to the mark – up to the standards that Jesus and faith in Christ demands. One has to behave in a Christ-like way. This is a very important part of being a Christian; expressing God’s will in action is a part of what it means to be a Christian. This can lead to tensions between Christians. One person or group might be judgemental about whether the other person or group is really living a life worthy of being a Christian. When Pope John Paul II addressed the European Parliament in the 1980s, one member of the Parliament, The Revd Dr Ian Paisley, a Presbyterian minister from Northern Ireland, held up a banner depicting the Pope as the ‘AntiChrist’. There is a tension within Christianity polarised between the unconditional love of God for all of creation (often referred to by the Greek word agape) and the judgement each person invites by seeming not to follow the requirements of God. E.1.b. Authority Against the background of the ideal of faith and behaviour standard, a Christian might take one or all of the following five steps as authoritive on the way to a decision. Firstly, there is the Bible. Christians believe that the Bible is in some sense the Word of God, and that as such it is a proper source of guidance but it can be uncomfortably quiet on some of the seminal and fast-growing contemporary issues. Different Christians use and interpret the Bible in different ways. Some see it as an infallible guide: literally and fundamentally the Word of God and to be regarded as such in all circumstances. Others say that its religious, social and moral teaching must be studied in its historical, social and theological context and then applied to contemporary circumstances. Others again will believe that it is the work of people who were inspired by God and who have been able to write down the holy truths and spiritual guidance, but that the text itself is not the actual word of God. Of course one can extrapolate from the Bible by analogy to theoretise why a certain ethical stance would be appropriate today, but the biblical world is a different world from the intensive scientific world of the twenty-first century. Secondly, there is the example of Jesus and his teaching. Two questions can be asked, both being ways of deciding whether a moral decision is distinctively Christian. The first question is often found in contemporary devotional literature and can be characterised as ‘What Would Jesus Do?’ (WWJD). Of course, no one knows what Jesus would have thought, said or done about questions such as abortion, nuclear weapons or the destruction of the environment. The lack of specific guidance on many contemporary issues means

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the door is open for a variety of opinions, ideas and attitudes. Christians can argue what Jesus might have thought or done, or take analogous examples, but the opinion will be touched by each person’s own life experience and faith. The urge to imitate Jesus has been a continuous thread running through the Christian tradition, whether it has been to share in the suffering and forgiveness of enemies of Jesus on the cross or simply to copy examples of his behaviour recorded in the Gospels and the rest of the New Testament. Jesus is recorded as saying to his disciples, ‘If I, your Lord and Master, have washed your feet, you also ought to wash one another’s feet. I have set you an example: you are to do as I have done for you’ (John 13:14–15). Paul, writing earlier than the Gospel of John quoted above, says in the first of his letters to the people of Corinth ‘Follow my example, as I follow Christ’s’ (1 Corinthians 11:1). Francis and Clare of Assisi, from the thirteenth century, are revered as great saints of Christianity because they set out deliberately to imitate Jesus, giving up their possessions and caring for the outcasts of society. Many other saints like Martin who gave his cloak to a beggar are quoted as exemplars for the faithful to sacrifice themselves as Jesus sacrificed himself. Although some evangelical Christians follow a ‘What Would Jesus Do?’ theology, it is not wholly persuasive across the breadth of Christian belief and practice. Thirdly, there is prayer, personal and corporate. This is a very difficult process to share with others as the power of prayer, to those who believe in it, is very persuasive and ultimately convincing to the person praying. In other words, ethical decisions may be made by speaking and listening to God in prayer. Fourthly, the stable, secure guidance for Christians down through the centuries has been the community of the Church. One may disagree with the various churches on various issues but all the churches claim authority, in varying degrees, to guide and support. In making a decision the Christian may also look to traditional teaching on moral or spiritual issues (see E.1.b and c). Such teaching does not exist directly on all moral issues and the churches will interpret the Bible and offer guidance on moral issues from differing points of view. The Roman Catholic Church is, perhaps, clearer in its advice on what is appropriate or not in ethical situations and its claims of authority guide the lives of half the Christians of the world. Not all Roman Catholics will obey the dogma of the Church on all occasions but the strength of the Roman Catholic Church is that it is clear and direct on issues surrounding reproduction, abortion and embryo research (see E.5.c and d). Once again Christians believe both that God’s Holy Spirit guides them by working through the tradition and teaching of their Church leaders as a body and through the prayer and personal interpretation of God’s will by individuals. The fifth and final resource for Christians when arriving at ethical decisions is reason. This may appear strange for those for whom the existence of God is already beyond reason, but the Church argues that God gave human beings

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the power to reason, and changing circumstances and changing situations mean that the application of reason is a right and proper religious duty. A Christian will pray for guidance. In doing this she or he is demonstrating a belief that through the work of the Holy Spirit, which Jesus promised the disciples would guide them into ‘all the truth’ (John 16:13), they will arrive at a conclusion acceptable to God. Christians do, in the main, believe that God’s Holy Spirit can speak to them through their conscience. A famous nineteenthcentury Roman Catholic, Cardinal Newman, once said: ‘I toast the Pope but I toast my conscience first’. No one, of course, can prove that they are right about being guided by the Holy Spirit, nor that their conscience is properly informed. The doctrine of the Holy Spirit can be spiritually convenient as it allows the individual to state what God is saying to them. It is their personal message from God and cannot be overridden easily. Such strength of belief can lead to a range of actions that some will contest as being Christian. Qualifying decisions with this sense of faith and reason is an important part of Christian humility. Some Christians believe that all rules are broad guidelines which must be applied individually with the particular circumstances of each case being taken into account. Thus, while stealing is wrong as a general moral rule, there may be cases in which it could be the lesser of two evils, for example if a person stole to feed a child who would otherwise die. In addition to following Jesus’ example, prayer, reading the Bible, seeking guidance from the Church and Holy Spirit or abiding by one’s powers of reason and conscience, a Christian inevitably brings all the conditioning of his or her situation. The attitudes and pressures of modern life cannot be avoided. Western Europe is often said to be a largely secular society although many people still retain some form of residual faith in God within broad Christian traditions. There are now also gurdwaras, mosques, synagogues and mandirs alongside churches in many towns and cities, so a visitor to Western Europe would still see many signs of a religious presence in society. The West prizes individuality and applauds material success. These modern attitudes may sometimes contradict the law of love or the desire to imitate Christ but contemporary Christians are still affected by them. It is often claimed that traditional Christian beliefs and values were formulated in a more authoritarian age than ours. However, there is not, never has been, and never can be only one Christian ethic. Basing one’s response on Christian love allows a flexibility of response to a variety of issues. Certainly in the past the authority of parents and religious leaders was more accepted and sustained by law. E.1.c. Authority Figures in the Faith There is little in the New Testament to suggest that Jesus was a rebel against the political authorities. Some scholars believe that any protests were edited

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out of the text as Christianity tried to commend itself to the Roman world in the decades after Jesus’ death. Certainly several books of the New Testament stress that Christianity did not present a political challenge to Rome. However, it is reasonable to assume that any major religious movement or any fervent expression of faith will have political implications for the society in which it is present, and the Gospels indicate that the Romans crucified Jesus as a perceived source of social and religious unrest. Paul seems to have accepted the authoritarian structures of his day. He was a Roman citizen and benefited from the social and political structures that ensured his place in the Roman world. He recommends obedience to the powers of the state: ‘Every person must submit to the supreme authorities. There is no authority but by act of God, and the existing authorities are instituted by Him’ (Romans 13:1). He tells husbands to love their wives (Ephesians 5:25) but only after he has told wives to obey their husbands (5:22). Children must obey their parents (6:1) and slaves their masters (6:5). Paul does not seem to suggest that slavery is wrong, but that masters should be gentle and considerate (6:9). Paul has been criticised for a lack of sensitivity about the rights of women and the under-privileged. The criticism may be justified, but realistically Paul was simply a man of his time and accepted many of the social standards of his day, not seeing them as contradicting the ethic of love. Like many early Christians, he thought the advent of the Messiah, Jesus, meant the world would not last for long so political and social reform was not an urgent issue. However, for later Christians there have been many clashes between the authority and laws of states and their Christian faith, for example over issues of segregation and matters of war and peace (see E.8). On one level, therefore, the New Testament seems to suggest that Christians should accept the secular authorities that exist. But there is another side. The New Testament presents Jesus as a man who acts with a self-confidence born of a natural authority. When he spoke and acted, people said: ‘What is this? A new kind of teaching! He speaks with authority. When he gives orders even the unclean spirits submit’ (Mark 1:27). Christians believe that Jesus’ authority came from God, that he was God’s only son and acted on God’s behalf. He is quoted as saying ‘I do nothing on my own authority, but in all that I say, I have been taught by my Father’ (John 8:28). Christians also believe that Jesus passed on his authority to his followers – ‘As the Father sent me, so I send you’ (John 20:21). To Peter, who became the disciples’ leader, he says: ‘You are Peter, the Rock; and on this rock I will build my church, and the powers of death shall never conquer it. I will give you the keys of the Kingdom of heaven; what you forbid on earth shall be forbidden in heaven, and what you allow on earth shall be allowed in heaven’ (Matthew 16:18, 19). (This has been used as a central text for the authority of the Church.) Leaders in the Church today are seen as possessing the authority which Jesus passed on to his disciples though this is reflected differently in the roles of, for example, priests and ministers. The Pope is believed by Roman Catholics

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to stand in a direct line of spiritual descent from Peter as the first Bishop of Rome and the position carries the authority given to Peter by Jesus; but this view would not be shared by many other groups of Christians. It is important to remember, however, that all the people, women and men, who claim the authority to lead in the name of Jesus are ministers, which means servants. Even the most influential and powerful Christian leaders consider themselves to be servants of God and of God’s people. When Christian leaders speak or write in their official capacity they do so with the authority they have as people chosen by God and the Churches. Many Christians, particularly those in what are called the radical reformed traditions, emphasise the equality or priesthood of all believers and do not accept formal structures of authority within Christian communities. Any person who has the respect of the fellow worshippers can lead the worship and ‘minister’ to the congregation. Other Christians believe authority is to be found in personal qualities (see E.2.a) and the gifts they believe are given to people by God. Neither Mother Teresa of Calcutta (Roman Catholic) nor Brother Roger of Taizé (Protestant), who were powerful symbols of Christian service in the second half of the twentieth century, held an official position in their churches, but both exercised a powerful personal, spiritual and moral authority. E.1.d. Duties of Leaders Christian leaders, local, national and international, have the responsibility of maintaining the faith and making it relevant to their own day, while preventing it from being seduced by passing fashions of thought. They have the responsibility to speak on matters of faith and morals. Even people who are not Christians often expect the leaders of the Churches to give a lead on moral questions of the day. Some topics like abortion and euthanasia (see E.5.d and E.5.e) are of constant concern and many people expect the Pope, a Patriarch or Archbishop to speak out. Some Church leaders find it more difficult than others to do so because, as we have seen, there is often no simple, single Christian view or even an agreed opinion within an individual Church. One feature of leadership in all churches is the way in which leaders are appointed. Some are appointed by the congregations they serve, others are appointed or elected by bishops or archbishops. The Pope is the most powerful figure in the Roman Catholic Church as he has responsibility for appointing senior clergy and the cardinals who will choose his successor. The morality of choice is an interesting one as the manner in which leaders are chosen in some churches is transparent; in others it is less clear how senior clergy are appointed. Christianity arose as a small movement within Judaism. During the sixty to seventy years after the death of Jesus there was little guidance for those who were to deal with the organisation of a dispersed group of Christians, never

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mind thinking about a religion as large as Christian denominations and groups today. In New Testament times and the following centuries, Christians were frequently a persecuted minority and their writings contained no direct guidance and teaching for a Christian head of state. Later, when Christianity became a state religion and a powerful political and military force, it borrowed teaching about the place of rulers from the Hebrew Scriptures (see D.1.d and e). In Israel, however, it was notable, as can be seen in the prophet Nathan’s challenge to King David, that the king was under God’s Law and not himself the maker of the Law (see D.1.c and d). Kings and emperors were regarded as God’s anointed, their authority was derived from God and they held authority and leadership as a divine right. Historically, there has often been considerable collusion of power between religious organisations and the state: this is true of virtually every society where the state looks to the religious authorities to endorse and support their actions and decisions. An example of this is to be found in England where the Church of England has senior clergy appointed by the monarch through the advice of the office of the Prime Minister. Christian rulers, presidents or prime ministers carry the expectation that they will observe Christian moral teachings in their private lives and be concerned for justice, mercy, the poor and the oppressed. E.1.e. Duties of Subjects and Citizens In the modern Western world the idea of being a subject, having duties or owing obedience, is not a popular one. Terminology varies, the citizens of the United Kingdom are in fact subjects of the monarch, but citizenship education is part of school syllabuses. In North America the terminology is that of citizens. But Christians may be more likely to think of their duties in relation to their own local and senior church leaders, the Pope, or an Eastern Orthodox Patriarch, or the Archbishop of Canterbury than to a head of state. Most Christians accept that they have a duty to obey the proper authorities of their state. If that authority is corrupt or unjust a situation might arise in which Christians believe they have to challenge it. Dietrich Bonhoeffer, a pastor in the German Confessing Church and a Professor of Ethics, made such a decision in Hitler’s Germany. He was involved in a plot to kill Hitler on the grounds that it was a moral and ethical thing to do because of the nature of Hitler’s beliefs and actions. Bonhoeffer was arrested and imprisoned and killed by the Nazis shortly before the end of the Second World War. In modern Central and South America some Christians have sided with political rebels against oppressive regimes, and teach ‘liberation theology’. They believe that the will of God and the teaching of Jesus are fundamentally opposed to the sort of social and economic oppression found in some countries. In those contexts, they claim, reasoned argument will have no effect on those in authority. The only avenue left is revolution, violent if necessary.

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This development of Christian liberation theology is often embodied in a poster showing Jesus (with halo) carrying a sub-machine gun and as a revolutionary. One of the remarkable features of liberation theology is that it has captured the hearts and minds of the poor and oppressed while still allowing them to remain within the broad family of the Roman Catholic Church. Modern Christians can find themselves in a dilemma. Life is easier if all one has to do is to obey: most of the difficult decisions are taken away; they are not one’s personal choice. One may not be content but one can at least put the blame on other people for unpopular decisions. But Christians believe that their reasoning ability is God-given and that they have a duty and responsibility to think for themselves; to enquire of their conscience and listen in the context of their personal faith to what they believe is the voice of the spirit of God. All parts of the Christian Church hold that people must obey their consciences which they also have a duty to ‘inform’ through prayer, Bible study and the teaching of the Church. Such views will involve taking seriously the pattern of Jesus’ life and listening to what Christian leaders say, as well as considering the historic teaching of the Churches (see E.1.a). But in the end each person has to obey their own conscience. It may, of course, be the case that some people claim that their conscience has led them to act in ways which seem wrong to other Christians and may be illegal in a particular context. Although a state or even Churches may punish such people, Christians believe judgement is ultimately in the hands of God, who knows each person’s intentions and the secrets of their hearts. E.2. PERSONAL AND PRIVATE? E.2.a. Personal Qualities In his letter to Galatians (5:22) St Paul wrote, ‘the harvest of the spirit is love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, fidelity, gentleness and self-control’. It is difficult to find a better list of the personal qualities which Christians find admirable. These qualities are all positive. Love is the supreme Christian virtue (see E.1.a) while joy comes next in the list – a reminder to those Christians who can show a joyless, negative face to the world. Christianity also identified the Seven Virtues, all of which are very close to ‘the harvest of the spirit’. There are three theological virtues – faith, hope and love – and four cardinal virtues – prudence, justice, temperance and fortitude. The cardinal virtues overlap the classical virtues in Greek and Roman culture. Christians believe these qualities are gifts from God, not the result of human endeavour, and therefore possession of them is not a cause for pride, rather it is the case for adopting a humble approach to other people and life in general. The stories of many Christian saints provide moral and spiritual examples of the Christian struggle to achieve supreme qualities such as selfemptying love (see Philippians 2). The personal qualities are, of course, for

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Christians exemplified in the person of Jesus but as so little is known of his life that these qualities can be regarded as ideals towards which the Christian should strive. E.2.b. Friendship Friendship is not a specifically or even distinctively Christian virtue. Christians would say that loyalty and love for a friend, though admirable, is extended further by the Christian ideal of love for all, including enemies and those one finds difficult to love. Christians often use a phrase from Paul when they have to say difficult things to each other: ‘Speak the truth in love.’ Generally we choose our friends but are born into a family and much of our early development is about learning to live within that family and establish how to make relationships and develop our own perceptions of what friendship might be. A real friendship should bring with it the demands and support that are found in family life. Jesus spoke of the great demands of friendship when he said, ‘There is no greater love than this, that a man should lay down his life for his friends’ (John 15:13). This sets out the standard of friendship required of Christians and there are examples of this level of sacrifice happening within the Christian tradition. Friendship of the sort described by Jesus has been seen as so important by some Christians that they call themselves ‘The Religious Society of Friends’, more generally known as Quakers. Their fuller title stresses the joy, loyalty and mutual support they find in their friendship with Christ and with each other. In Christianity the ties of friendship have often been spoken of in family terms. From the earliest days Christians often referred to each other as ‘brother’ and ‘sister’. Senior members of Christian communities are often called ‘father’ and ‘mother’. These terms are still used in communities of monks and nuns, and many Christians, especially Roman and other Catholics, call priests ‘father’. The term ‘sister’ survives in secular life in hospitals, where originally the nursing was done by nuns. The usage is not simply to indicate the family nature and intensity of friendship. It is also an indicator of authority which is why the terms continue to be used in some Christian groups. Using brother or sister implies an equality within the friendship whereas the use of father and mother includes distinct overtones of authority and recognised authority within the group. The Pope is called the ‘Holy Father’ by Roman Catholics. E.2.c. Sex before Marriage The Christian view of sex is that it is God’s gift and is to be used for procreation and to be enjoyed but only within the context of marriage. Like other gifts of God it ceases to be a joy and blessing when it is abused. Traditional Christian belief has been that it is only within marriage that sexual activity

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can properly fulfil its role of being both unitive and procreative (see E.3.a). This means that sexual intercourse, and indeed all acts of sexual activity, should express and deepen the love of the partners for each other. Many Christians also see the conception and upbringing of children as an extension of the love between the partners and as a desirable result of sexual activity. This latter teaching is more strongly emphasised in the Eastern Orthodox and Roman Catholic Churches than by Protestants. The term ‘pre-marital sex’ can be understood in two ways. It can mean either indiscriminate sexual activity before a person settles down with one partner in marriage, or the sexual expression of the love existing between two people who intend to marry. The Christian view of humanity has been that it is fully achieved by the coming together of male and female, both of whom are separately incomplete. This traditionalist view, however, has been challenged by Christian writers down the centuries. Jesus taught that when man and woman come together they complete each other and become ‘one flesh’ (Mark 10:8). Paul taught the same (1 Corinthians 6:16). A casual multiplicity of partners is in this view damaging to the individual person and reduces the sexual act to purely animalistic appetite which lacks any ideal of physical and spiritual union. Quite apart from Christian objections to promiscuity, the practical consequences such as sexually transmitted diseases – which have developed new strains not easily treated – and, of course, AIDS have given strength to the arguments against casual sex (see E.2.e). Many people are wary of marriage in contemporary Western society. They may be worried by the high divorce rate, they may themselves be the children of unhappy marriages, or they may have had an unsuccessful marriage of their own. Some choose to live, without marriage, in a loving and stable relationship. Others have a ‘trial marriage’, living together before taking the formal, public and legal step of marriage. Perhaps the main reason for this attitude to marriage and sexual relations is the ready availability of contraceptives, making sexual activity comparatively safe and freeing people from the fear of conception and infection. Another factor is the stress on individuality; the idea that people should not be constrained by old attitudes or values but be free to – as it is said – ‘do their own thing’. Clergy and others teach and preach against the way in which agreed Jewish- and Christianderived values are no longer given the central place they once had. Some Christians find it hard to condemn a sexual relationship which unites the partners, deepens and expresses their love and results in the procreation of children who can be brought up in a stable and loving home. The strains and pressures of marriage are not caused by the taking of vows but exist because living closely with another person can be difficult. These difficulties are not removed by omitting marriage. Indeed the taking of legal vows, before family and friends, can give both incentive and support to the partners. In Christian marriage the support of the Christian community and the grace of God are seen as extra sources of strength.

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E.2.d. Homosexuality It is important to understand the critical distinction between homosexuality and homosexual acts. The condition of homosexuality means that a person, whether man or woman, is sexually attracted by persons of the same sex. The exact causes of this are still unknown: they may be social, genetic or hormonal but the recognition of the possibility of a variety of possible reasons for a person being homosexual is quite recent. Consequently, biblical and secular laws concerning homosexuality deal with homosexual acts and, in spite of a growing body of evidence to the contrary, some traditionalists continue to believe that homosexuality is a choice of lifestyle and partner rather than having a more complex origin. While some Christians will not condemn homosexual orientation they will advocate celibacy (Catechism of the Catholic Church, Article 6, Section 11, para. 2,359). The issue of whether priests can be ordained if they are homosexual has become a live issue in the last decades and the debate has been intensified by the appointment in the American Episcopal Church of a bishop who is a practising homosexual. One of the Canadian Episcopalian dioceses has also agreed to bless same-sex relationships in church. These events have caused a deep schism within the Anglican Communion, the consequences of which are not yet fully understood. It should be noted that there are and have been priests and ministers who have been ordained and appointed who are homosexual but whose orientation has either been covert or they have accepted the need to lead a celibate life. The Roman Catholic Church considers homosexual acts to be sinful: ‘[they] are contrary to the natural law. They close the sexual act to the gift of life ... Under no circumstances can they be approved’ (ibid., para. 2,357). The Old Testament condemns homosexual acts in Leviticus 18:22: ‘You shall not lie with a man as a woman: that is an abomination’, and 20:13 adds the penalty ‘they shall be put to death.’ In the New Testament Jesus makes no statements directly about homosexuality; he simply speaks of the married state, in which man and woman become ‘one flesh’, as being God’s plan. Paul, however, speaks forcefully of the wickedness he sees in society. He says, ‘women have exchanged natural intercourse for unnatural, and their men in turn, giving up natural relations with women, burn with lust for one another; males behave indecently with males’ (Romans 2:6–7). In 1 Corinthians 6:9–10, Paul is again outspoken, but notice that it is not only homosexuals who receive his condemnation here. ‘Make no mistake: no fornicator or idolator, none who are guilty either of adultery or of homosexual perversion, no thieves or grabbers or drunkards or slanderers or swindlers will possess the kingdom of God’. Such straightforward condemnation influenced not only people’s opinions down the centuries, but also the formulation of laws in Western societies. Consequently, until fairly recently most Christians (and others) would have simply and righteously condemned homosexuals. To most people the condition itself was unimaginable and

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homosexual acts seemed repulsive and unnatural. Public opinion of this kind made homosexuals feel guilty and dirty; they were driven to secrecy and subterfuge, becoming targets for blackmailers and swindlers. Contemporary Christians in South America and Africa are typically more outspoken against homosexuality than in the more liberal West. Theologians who do not believe homosexuality is sinful argue that the verses are used selectively. They point out that many things are condemned in the Bible – eating shellfish, getting a haircut and planting two crops in a single field. These Christians feel such things have been surpassed by the message of Jesus Christ. There is a diversity and an intensity over the differing attitudes to homosexuality within the Christian Churches and between Christians themselves. Attitudes began to change in the UK in the 1950s with the publication of the Wolfenden Report in 1957. The report led Parliament to do away with the severe sentences for any homosexual behaviour. It became lawful for homosexual acts to take place privately between consenting adults. Great care was taken to protect anyone at risk, particularly children. Since this report, homosexuals have been able to come out into the open. They have (to some people’s distress) taken over the word ‘gay’ and campaign for a wider acceptance of their way of life. For Christians of all opinions there are several important facts to bear in mind. First, it is not acceptable to make a moral judgement that condemns a person for having homosexual inclinations: it is a sexual orientation that is not arrived at by choice (though as mentioned above some traditionalists do not accept this). To be homosexual does not make one more morally culpable than to be blind. Secondly, if it is believed that God made male and female complementary with the sole purpose to reproduce and have children, then sexual acts between persons of the same sex will not be normal or ideal. It is with this in mind that some Churches teach that homosexuals should not give physical expression to their desires, whilst others are more tolerant. But thirdly, and most important, for Christians the homosexual, whether he or she participates in homosexual activity or not, is a person loved by God and for whom Christ died. E.2.e. HIV/AIDS The growth of HIV/AIDS across the world has become a major concern for the Churches. On the one hand it is believed that faithfulness to one sexual partner within marriage is the safest way to avoid contracting HIV; on the other hand, there is a more realistic approach that recognises the ideal will not always happen so the sexual partners should take precautions. The Roman Catholic Church is strongly opposed to any artificial means of birth control and, in spite of some internal opposition, will not approve of the use of condoms. The appointment of Cardinal Ratzinger as Pope Benedict XVI in April 2005 would suggest that the traditionalist and rigorous teaching of the Roman Catholic

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Church on this issue will continue. Other Churches take a different and more pragmatic view, disapproving of promiscuity but accepting that the use of condoms will reduce the likelihood of infection. There are other concerns about AIDS, of course. There are children born with the virus and there are people who catch AIDS because of rape or their partner’s extra-marital activity. All Christians have sympathy and concern for these persons and the Churches minister to them with great care and sympathy. The same concerns are expressed in the Churches’ views on homosexuality (E.2.d). E.3 MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY E.3.a. The Meaning of Marriage The Christian understanding of marriage is that it is given by God for the proper ordering of relationships between the sexes (see E.2.c). This will ensure the best conditions for the raising of children and for the stability of society. Christians, paradoxically, have also emphasised celibacy as a high ideal, especially since it is believed that Jesus himself did not marry. Peter, Jesus’ leading disciple and traditionally believed to be the first Bishop of Rome, was married, but Paul, in 1 Corinthians 7:8–9 writes: ‘To the unmarried and to widows I say this: it is a good thing if they stay as I am myself; but if they cannot control themselves, they should marry. Better be married than burn with vain desire’. Paul clearly thought his was the example to follow and he did not always see eye to eye with Peter. All monks and nuns and priests in the Roman Catholic Church and bishops in the Eastern Orthodox Churches, who are selected from the monasteries, take vows of celibacy. Priests in the Eastern Orthodox Churches, however, Anglican priests and Protestant ministers may be married. Christian marriage is not unique: it shares the nature of marriage in most societies. It involves a legal contract between the partners. In those parts of the Church which regard marriage as a sacrament, the Roman Catholic Church, the Anglican Communion and the Eastern Orthodox Churches in particular, it is the partners, not the priest, who are the ministers of the sacrament. The priest is present to give God’s blessing. Old forms of the marriage service gave three reasons for marriage: 1. having children; 2. mutual society, help and comfort; and 3. the avoidance of sin. In modern services, the reasons given are: 1. mutual help and comfort; 2. delight in bodily union, strengthening the union of hearts and lives; and 3. having children.

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Based on biblical teaching, Church tradition and social custom, Christians hold that marriage is permanent. In Mark 10:1–12 Jesus taught that ideally, husband and wife become ‘one flesh’ and this bond, once made, is indissoluble. Jesus did not ignore the fact that in his day divorce took place, but he clearly regarded it as a departure from the ideal. In Matthew 5:32 Jesus says, ‘If a man divorces his wife for any cause other than unchastity he involves her in adultery’. This so-called ‘Matthæan exception’ seems to show that Jesus accepted that adultery could be sufficient cause for divorce, though it does not form part of mainstream Christianity. There is also an obscure section in 1 Corinthians that appears to suggest that if a Christian marries a non-Christian and the latter eventually wants a divorce, it might be acceptable: ‘If ... the heathen partner wishes for a separation, let him have it. In such cases there is no compulsion; but God’s call is a call to live in peace’ (1 Corinthians 7:15). It seems clear that the stability and security of a permanent union is desirable for society and for the children of the marriage. But it is also supposed to benefit the married couple through its premise of ‘mutual society’. Sex is important of course, but more than this, husband and wife should be each other’s confidant, critic and best friend (see E.2.b). Modern forms of the marriage service in the UK, and particularly in the Anglican Communion, make it possible for the marriage to be a contract between equals. In the past, the man was dominant both in law and in social practice. That is not so much the case now, and generally both partners take identical vows and make identical promises to ‘have and to hold ... to love and to cherish’. Provision is, however, still made for the woman to promise to ‘obey’, if that is what the couple wish. Most women in the UK continue to accept the name of their new husband, as has been the custom, indicating a transference of ‘ownership’ from their father’s household, now to be the responsibility of the new husband. What is left of that tradition is in the language of the bride’s father ‘giving her away’. Christianity has often been criticised for its repressive attitude towards women in society and there are many scriptural passages and Church practices that seem to support this (see E.7.d). Of course there is some truth in the charge and Christians need to address these issues. But it is also true that Jesus’ liberal and affirming attitude to women in his day, and Paul’s general statement that ‘in Christ Jesus there is neither male nor female’, set examples and standards that those advocating women’s rights have found useful. E.3.b. Family Relationships When one speaks of ‘the family’ in the West today we usually mean the socalled nuclear family of a man and woman who freely chose each other as partners and who live in their home with their children. In many cases both parents will work, though this is more the case in the United Kingdom and North America than in some other European countries such as Germany. If, when the children are young, one parent needs to be at home, it will usually,

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though not always, be the mother. This pattern of family life is comparatively recent. In the past, marriages, where they occurred, have been the means of economic survival or for family or tribal alliances. It was most unusual for partners freely to choose each other. In the past fifty years, other changes have occurred as people have moved around the country and world and married people from other areas, nations, religions, races and social groupings. Families can now be isolated from in-laws and other relatives in a way that would have been unthinkable fifty or sixty years ago. In this new situation with all its implications for parents and children Christians still maintain that the family is the best environment for raising children and ensuring the stability of society. Christian values regarding the family are rooted in Judaism (D.3.b) together with the teaching of Jesus and other teaching in the New Testament along with contemporary social and cultural customs. The fifth Commandment in Exodus 20 requires that parents should be honoured, respected, and Jesus used the relationship of father to child as an analogy for the relationship between God and humankind: ‘This is how you should pray: “Our Father ...”.’ But Jesus did not place the family above all else. For him and for his followers, the Kingdom of God had to have priority, and might require a person to leave the family. When he was teaching and disputing with the doctors of law he was told: ‘Your mother and brothers are outside asking for you.’ He replied, ‘Who is my mother? Who are my brothers?’ And looking round at those who were sitting in the circle about Him, He answered Himself: ‘Here are my mother and my brothers. Whoever does the will of God is my brother, my sister, my mother’ (Mark 3:33–5). In Luke’s Gospel, Jesus stays behind after his parents have left Jerusalem: though only 12 years old, he joins in discussions with the religious teachers in the Temple. When his parents return, looking for him, he says: ‘Did you not know I was bound to be in my Father’s house?’ (Luke 2:49). The text continues ‘he returned with them and remained under their authority’ – but is this a suitable model for Christian families? The symbolism of the occasion is clear but for the literal fundamentalists it raises questions about familial relationships. One wonders if his parents were cross with him and his behaviour is certainly not that of the ‘mild and obedient’ child of the Christmas carol! In giving advice to young Christian communities, Paul spoke of the relationships that should exist within families: Be subject to one another out of reverence for Christ. Wives, be subject to your husbands, as to the Lord; for the man is the head of the woman, just as Christ also is the head of the church. Husbands, love your wives, as Christ also loved the church and gave Himself up for it ... Children, obey your parents, for it is right that you should ... Father, provoke not your child ... (Ephesians 5:21–3, 25; 6:1, 4).

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In modern Western society the duties of love and obedience which Paul requires from husbands and wives respectively are more often understood as being equally binding on both partners. Christians have often referred to Jesus’ upbringing in a family in Nazareth as confirmation that family life is what God intended. That may be so, but in fact there is very little evidence about Jesus’ family life. The traditional view is that Jesus would be brought up in his (earthly) father’s trade – part of the family business. There is no evidence to indicate whether Jesus was married although it would be usual for a Jewish young man to be so. Whether he was married or not, modern family life in Western society can bear little resemblance to firstcentury Jewish family life. Modern life puts all sorts of strains on the family. National and global mobility separates people from their roots. The clear-cut authority of parents no longer exists now that schools, television, radio, newspapers, pop culture and youth culture make their own and often conflicting claims. Parents can easily find themselves feeling inadequate, taking refuge in either authoritarianism – laying down the law and running the risk of rebellion by their children – or permissiveness: allowing children to make their own choices and decisions, with the risk that they will make disastrous ones. Reflecting on this, it is as well to remember that family life as it is now in Western society is of recent origin, and it is still working through the rapid changes that modern life brings. Christians might well ask what is distinctively Christian about the way they live their family life and arrive at a variety of answers. E.3.c. Marriage Breakdown Despite good intentions and real effort, marriages do break down. This happens to Christians as well as to others. The breakdown of a marriage causes great distress and pain for all concerned – not just the partners. Those who actually have to go through this pain need all the compassion and help Christians can give. Many Christians have always recognised that some marriages break down and separation – living apart by agreement – has been seen as a way of dealing with the situation. So far the matter is simple, if painful. The real difficulty for Christians comes with the question of divorce and remarriage. This is one of the issues that divides Christians into Absolutists and Relativists or Situationists (E.1.a). The Absolutist would say that if marriage for Christians is for life, then a second marriage is totally out of the question. If contracted it would involve adultery because, in the eyes of God, the first marriage cannot under any circumstance be unmade (though see E.3.a). This is what Jesus seems to mean when he said: ‘Whoever divorces his wife and marries another commits adultery against her: so too, if she divorces her husband and marries another, she commits adultery’ (Mark 10:11–12). But other Christians look at things in a

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different way. Marriage is for life – ‘till death us do part’. So it has always been accepted by the Church that after the death of one partner, the other may remarry. The Eastern Orthodox Churches have traditionally extended this to allow for the idea of ‘moral death’, by which is meant behaviour such as adultery or bigamy and allowed remarriage after careful contact with all parties concerned and an emphasis on forgiveness. In recent years some Christians have spoken of the ‘death’ or breakdown of the marriage as grounds for cancelling the bond and allowing remarriage. The Roman Catholic Church also allows the dissolution or annulment of marriages if they have not been consummated or if there has been what is called ‘defective intention’ on the part of one of the partners. In some Christian traditions clergy have not usually been prepared to allow second marriages to take place in a church on the grounds that it is nonsensical for someone to make the same permanent promises for a second time to a different person. And yet the same clergy have been unable to deny that many second marriages are good, successful and apparently blessed by God. If God blesses the marriage, should the clergy refuse to do the same? Today more clergy are prepared to officiate at second marriages, but of course they are criticised by Absolutists as pandering to modern ideas and being disloyal to the difficult teaching of Christ and his Church. In 2005 the heir to the throne of the United Kingdom, who will, on accession, become the Supreme Governor of the Church of England, was married (his second marriage) in a registry office but had his wedding blessed in a Christian service conducted by the Archbishop of Canterbury. It is an indication how, in some Churches, there is sadness at the breakdown of marriage but an acceptance that with an expression of contrite remorse, and the minister or priest’s conviction that the couple recognise the sincerity of their second marriage, it is possible for the Church to bless the civil union. All Christians are aware of the pain that is associated with the breakdown of a marriage. Today stress is placed by priests and ministers on careful preparation for marriage. Clergy bring together groups of couples who are planning to marry in order to explore the meaning of marriage and prepare for the opportunities and difficulties it will bring. E.4. INFLUENCES ON AND THE USE OF TIME, MONEY AND OTHER PERSONAL RESOURCES E.4.a. Education Christians believe that the purpose of education is to help the individual fulfil all his or her potential and grow to be a mature and useful member of society. Education is always more than acquiring information. Paul’s words about Christians growing to maturity, ‘measured by nothing less than the full stature of Christ’ (Ephesians 4:13), express for many the ideal of education. This

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process begins in the family (see E.3.b) before schools are attended and continues there even when formal education is underway. In Europe, for centuries the Church was the only educator. Schools, colleges and universities were Christian foundations. It was only in the latter part of the nineteenth century that the state began to take responsibility for education. In England and Wales, church schools were not abolished, and there is now a system with a number of religious schools (mainly Roman Catholic and Anglican) alongside the vast majority of non-religious schools, though they continue to be largely funded by the state. There are about 5,000 of these religious or ‘faith’ schools out of the total number of 24,000 state schools. Most people would agree that the purpose of education in a church school is not to indoctrinate children into Christianity. It is rather that the ethos or atmosphere of a school should be Christian. It is true that in the UK there is a different rationale for the existence of Anglican and Roman Catholic schools. It is often said of the Roman Catholic education system that it offers a ‘cradle-to-grave’ model of education. Children go to a Catholic primary school, on to a Catholic secondary school and even on to Catholic colleges of higher education. The Anglicans have a more complex approach. Church of England schools were first established at the beginning of the nineteenth century when the aim was to establish a ‘school in every parish’ so children attended the schools even if they were not Anglican. The Church of England saw itself as offering a service to the nation, teaching children of the poor basic literacy and numeracy skills supported by some religious and moral teaching. Today the Roman Catholic schools still provide, in the main, an education from 4 to 18 years. The changes in the structure of education over the years, however, have meant that most Church of England/Church in Wales schools are now primary schools. The relatively few Anglican secondary schools are usually over-subscribed as religious schools are currently very popular. They are perceived as schools offering high standards of care and discipline at both primary and secondary level and are, therefore, attractive to religious and secular communities alike. Some think that church schools are divisive in society. The usual policy of church secondary schools of admitting first (and sometimes only) the children of Christian parents or even only Roman Catholic and Anglican families can open the schools to the criticism that they accept middle-class, high-achieving children whose parents attend church regularly. This policy can exclude those in lower social classes or who come from non-Christian communities in which the school may be situated. In the United Kingdom, most independent or private schools are Christian in origin. The United Kingdom has hundreds of private schools, many with a religious, even monastic, foundation with chapels at the centre of their lives. These are funded by parents and historical and contemporary benefactors. About 7 per cent of children in the UK attend private or independent schools of one sort or another. As far as race and religion are concerned they take in

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a broad cross-section but, as they are fee-paying schools, they are again open to the charge of being divisive. In 2006 the fees at one of the top independent schools would be well over £20,000 per year. In the USA and France public (state) schools do not teach religion, though churches are involved in private educational institutions. Christian education has never and can never be limited solely to schools. Home and the local worshipping community have a vital role in the educating of a child in the Christian faith. If education becomes merely a means of getting a good job (important though that is) or if it teaches by example rather than by words that success is all that matters in life, then it is not good education from the Christian point of view. The curriculum of all schools should include subjects which are concerned with meaning and values. E.4.b. Work and Employment Christian attitudes to work grew largely out of Jewish attitudes (see D.4.b). Work is honourable as well as being a necessity. All Jewish boys were taught a trade. At the same time burdensome work was seen as a consequence of human beings disobeying God, according to the story in Genesis 3:17–19. For Christians, work was consecrated by Jesus’ work as a carpenter (Mark 6:3). Acts 18:3 records that Paul earned his living by his trade as a tent-cloth maker. Paul also gives clear advice: ‘Let it be your ambition to keep calm and look after your own business, and to work with your hands ... so that you may command the respect of those outside your own number, and at the same time may never be in want’ (1 Thessalonians 4:11–12). He also sternly rules that Christians should not be spongers: ‘We laid down the rule: the man who will not work shall not eat’ (2 Thessalonians 3:10). This seems too stern for many today and lacking in compassion for those who have no employment. Jewish influence thus led to the Christian belief in the dignity of work. Greek thought also influenced Christianity and ancient Greeks had slaves to do heavy and dirty jobs. Paul, when writing to Philemon concerning the runaway slave, Onesimus, does not argue for the release of Onesimus from the duty of slavery though he does ask that the Christian slave-owner should recognize the Christian faith of his slave. Christians often use the term vocation, the idea of ‘being called’, when they have in mind a job such as priest, nurse, doctor or teacher. The term tends to cover jobs which involve service to the community but also sets an occupation apart from the humdrum workaday activities that employ most of the population. One may have a vocation to be a priest but not a vocation to drive a bus? It should be more fully understood that any job which is not morally doubtful may be a vocation in which a person can fulfil God’s purpose; though there seems to be a sense in Christianity that a vocation to academic, professional and ‘whitecollar’ jobs is more common.

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What of unemployment or retirement from work? The traditional Western view of the dignity of work naturally makes unemployment appear undignified. Many people suffer depression and despair because they are unemployed or retired and it has become a serious problem in modern society. Unemployment can be seen to have a moral stigma attached to it and in retirement people may feel useless. It may be that such a view arises out of the Protestant work ethic where success in business or in one’s chosen occupation was a sign of God’s favour with the opposite implications for those not in work or living in poverty. One of the reasons for increasing unemployment is that advances in technology have meant machines doing work previously done by people. Similarly, the global economy’s use of that technology has meant jobs can be carried out across the world. Since this is not likely to change, people will probably not do one job for the whole of their working life so retraining will be necessary. It may be that some people will need to find a reason for living if one of the most purposeful activities in human life is removed. Will the spiritual life of a faith be able to fill the gap? Since Christians value selfless giving, including of one’s time, voluntary work is held in high esteem and can be regarded as a way forward. This makes understanding leisure a necessity. E.4.c. Leisure and its Use For a Christian to be lazy is to fail to use the talents God has given to the full. One of the tenets of the Christian life is that one should put using one’s abilities at the forefront and offer them to the glory of God. Equally, it is not good to be a workaholic, slaving away day and night with little thought for the quality of life God has given or without paying due attention to those around either at home or at work. Leisure is a necessary and good part of life but there is the qualification of how one uses it. The Christian tradition of a Sabbath day is rooted in the Jewish tradition (see D.4.c) where the Sabbath runs from Friday dusk to Saturday sunset. The first creation story in Genesis says that God rested on the seventh, or Sabbath, day (Genesis 2:2–3). The Ten Commandments list resting on the Sabbath as a religious duty: Remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy. Six days shall you labour, and do all your work; but the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord your God: in it you shall not do any work, you, nor your son, nor your daughter, your manservant, nor your maidservant, nor your cattle, nor the stranger that is within your gates. (Exodus 20:8–10)

A later listing provides another reason for the institution of the Sabbath as well as the people’s need of rest: But the seventh day is a Sabbath of the Lord your God; that day you shall not do any work, neither you, your son or your daughter, your slave or your slave-girl, or

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your ox or your ass, or any of your cattle, nor the alien within your gates, so that your slaves and slave-girls may rest as you do ... Remember you were a servant in the land of Egypt, and that the Lord your God brought you out of there through a mighty hand and by an outstretched arm: therefore you are commanded to keep the Sabbath holy. (Deuteronomy. 5:14–15)

For Christians the rightness of rest and leisure is underlined by Jesus: ‘He said to them, “Come with me by yourselves, to some lonely place where you can rest quietly.” For they had no leisure even to eat, so many were coming and going’ (Mark 6:31). Christians also remember in particular Jesus’ resurrection which was on a Sunday, so it is their traditional day of rest. In recent years in the United Kingdom the change in the Sunday trading laws has made a huge difference to how people spend their leisure time. When shops and pubs were closed on Sundays it did not mean the whole nation went to church, but there were fewer options to take people away from church. Sunday trading has created a ‘seven days a week’ syndrome which means the days of the week blend together and are becoming increasingly inseparable from each other. One of England’s most famous athletes, Jonathan Edwards, a gold-medal-winning Olympic triple-jumper and world record holder, refused to compete on Sundays early in his career. He changed his mind when he felt that if he didn’t compete he would not be using the talent God had given him to its fullest extent. But there are some Christian groups that remain very strict about Sunday observance. Some Christians worked hard to ensure that people were allowed time off work at a time when the hours of working were far beyond the present European directive of forty-eight hours per week. In the nineteenth century Lord Shaftesbury fought to reduce the hours children worked in the mines. But he did expect them to go to Sunday school on the Sabbath! Today churches organise a whole range of activities so that while the main services will still be on Sunday, there are other classes and groups that meet during the week in people’s leisure time. The word ‘recreation’ means to ‘re-create’, indicating the intention that people feel renewed, created afresh by what they choose to do in their leisure time. When they work, they work: but when they worship God they are essentially re-creating themselves, refreshing their faith and recharging their batteries for the week ahead. E.4.d. Wealth Christians and Christianity have always struggled with the notion of wealth. It appears clear from the Gospels that Jesus was not wealthy and often criticised those who had or sought after great wealth. Yet the Roman Catholic Church and the Church of England are very wealthy indeed as are many other Christian groups and denominations. Is this a circle that cannot be squared?

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The private wealth of some Christian evangelists and other Christians is understood as a form of stewardship. The reasoning is that as God gave humans ‘dominion’ over the earth – perhaps better translated as ‘responsibility’ or ‘caring’ – so one’s personal wealth can be used for the glory of God through careful stewardship. Wealthy Christians can donate money to help the poor or create opportunities for the less fortunate members of society to participate in purposeful and useful activities. It is like walking a tightrope for the temptations of wealth can easily lead people astray. Money and wealth are not good or bad, they have no moral weight of their own – it is how they are used. The issue is not unlike the stewardship argument for just as all Christians should care for God’s world so wealthy Christians can wisely use their resources to make the world a better place. They can do this by fighting for justice, equality of opportunity and using the entrée that wealth brings to pressure those in power. An interesting observation on this theme is provided by the Live8 concerts of July 2005 held at the insistence and persistence of Bob Geldof. Many of those taking part were very wealthy, some may or may not be Christian, but because they have money and fame they have a platform to launch social and humanitarian concerns. Jesus lived in a world where there were many poor people. It is not known whether Jesus’ family was wealthy but if tradition is correct and he was skilled in carpentry he would have a skill and one would expect him not to be among the poorest in his community. He did, however, live in a world where there were very rich people and people who were destitute. He spoke much about the poor; in fact, it is difficult to overemphasise his teaching on this theme. In Luke’s Gospel when he preaches his first sermon he uses Isaiah 61:1–2 as his text: ‘The spirit of the Lord is upon me because he has anointed me; he has sent me to announce good news to the poor’ (Luke 4:18). Similarly, the tax collector, Zaccheus, on meeting with Jesus offers to give half his money away to the poor. Not all of it, just half. ‘Go, sell all you have and give to the poor’, Jesus advises a rich young man dissatisfied with life (Mark 10:21). It was a challenge too hard to bear. If one is to love God with all one’s heart and with all one’s soul there will be little space for money and the temptations it brings. Wealth focuses the mind on earthly things, not on the Kingdom of God: ‘how hard it is to enter the Kingdom of God. It is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter the Kingdom of God’ (Mark10:24, 25). This is one of Jesus’ most famous sayings with regard to wealth largely because it is such a graphic image. Is he saying very clearly that the wealthy have no chance of entering the Kingdom? It does appear so but perhaps he is also drawing attention to the additional responsibilities the wealthy have in their stewardship of the earth and its peoples. Jesus’ teaching on wealth is not original; the Hebrew prophets had warned against obsession with wealth and what it could buy, taking the place of God in the minds of God’s people. But simply because it is a recurring theme it is

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no less significant. Jesus said it neatly: ‘you cannot serve God and Money’ (Luke 16:13). Finally from the New Testament we should note that the author of the Letter to Timothy wrote, ‘The love of money is the root of all evil things’ (1 Timothy 6:10). And he looked up, and saw the rich men casting their gifts into the treasury. And he saw also a certain poor widow casting in two mites. And he said, ‘Of a truth I say to you, that this poor widow has cast in more than they all: for all these have of their wealth cast into the offerings of God: but she in her poverty has cast in all the living that she had.’ (Luke 21:1–4)

How then are Christians able to respond to teachings that encourages them to ‘Take no thought for your life, what you eat or what you drink ... Take therefore not thought for the morrow: for the morrow shall take care of itself’ (Matthew 6:25–34)? They live in a world where there is great inequality of wealth: the affluent nations of the West and the developing world stand in stark contrast. In our Western society we can consider television sets and refrigerators to be necessities, while for many people in the world one meal a day would be a luxury. Everyone is urged by advertisers (see E.4.g) to buy things which are often not needed. From time to time the needs of the world’s poor or our country’s poor become headlines, and many people give generously. Obviously this is a good and generous action but is it a way of relieving guilt while doing nothing about the deep-seated causes of poverty? All Christians have a duty to care for the poor. Some believe that the only way to do this properly is by identification. Anthony, an Egyptian Christian of the fourth century, read the story of the rich young man in Mark 10:17–22 and felt that it applied to him personally. He gave up everything and went to the desert to live in poverty. Francis of Assisi is perhaps one of the best known saints and though he was born into a wealthy Italian family he felt that in order to live as closely as possible to Jesus’ teachings he had to give everything away to live in poverty. The ascetic ideal of voluntary poverty amongst the monks, nuns and friars who followed the same path has made an important contribution to Christian living. Many priests and ministers live on very little money as part of their vocation with their basic needs being provided by their churches. When Pope John Paul II died in 2005 he left no money and very few possessions. This is not the way required of all Christians. All have a duty to help according to their means, and many do so privately because of what Jesus said about the right hand not knowing what the left hand is doing in giving charity (Matthew 6:2–4). Christians in an affluent society have the twofold responsibility of ensuring that they do not give in to the temptations wealth presents, while thinking and acting compassionately towards the poor of the world. Christians cannot ignore the needy by saying they are feckless or lazy because Jesus said that the way we treat others is the way we treat him (Matthew 25:31–46).

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E.4.e. Drugs ‘Drugs’ is an emotive word. Most Christians would say that the careful medicinal use of drugs is perfectly acceptable and good. Drugs in this case are seen as God’s gifts in creation and properly used they benefit human beings across the world. The discovery of certain drugs has virtually eradicated some of the most powerful ailments that killed people in their millions. But it is not quite as simple as that. The medical use of drugs is not without controversy or even danger. Some drugs are used to control birth; some drugs can be administered to bring about premature death; some patients become increasingly and permanently dependent on drugs prescribed to help them through a temporary crisis. A Christian would see such a permanently dependent condition as being less than the complete person which God intended human beings to be. For Christians, is any drug that inhibits the proper working of the body or distorts reality (whatever is meant by ‘reality’) appropriate if one wants to live out one’s life in the fullness of Christ? Jesus made no recorded comment on drugs as we know them today though, while some Christians are teetotal for the reasons given above, the Gospels record Jesus sharing wine with his disciples. People have learned to live with socially acceptable drugs and it is not easy to identify a Christian view of them other than moderation in all things being a useful watchword. Perhaps the most easily understood comparison is with the Christian approach to wealth. Greed and certain forms of drug dependency can remove God from the forefront of the Christian’s mind. The lust for greater wealth can be like a drug – one is searching for more, more is acquired so one needs to quench the thirst. The person whose life is dominated and ruined by drugs, whether it is alcohol, heroin or any other, is a person in desperate need. Jesus said quite clearly it was people in need he was chiefly concerned about. ‘It is not the healthy that need a doctor, but the sick. I did not come to invite virtuous people, but sinners’ (Mark 2:17). Chapter 15 of Luke’s Gospel is about Jesus’ concern for the lost and anyone trying to rewrite the Parable of the Prodigal Son (Luke 15:11–32) in modern terms might well make the younger son a drug addict. With Jesus’ clear example before them, Christians can only respond to the problem of drug addiction with love and compassion. But besides caring for those who are addicted, they try to discover the causes, both in individuals and in society, that lead to the situation. They will then try to do something about it. Christians cannot and do not claim a monopoly of compassion in the world. Their motivation, however, is different. No matter how degraded someone may become, to the Christian they are a person for whom Jesus died. Many Christians would say that in helping such a person they are helping Jesus himself for they see Christ in all people: ‘Anything you did for one of my brothers here, however humble, you did for me’ (Matthew 25:40).

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The complete parable of the Sheep and the Goats (Matthew 25:31–46) illustrates how Christians see Jesus in other people. While Christians can be fairly certain that they are doing the work of Jesus if they love and care for addicts, it is much more difficult to be certain about how they prevent people reaching the stage at which they need such help. A Christian response to the drug situation would reject the attitude that it is people’s own concern whether they drink, smoke or take drugs, not the concern of anyone else. But Christians believe that all people are God’s creatures. They did not create themselves; they do not own themselves; their bodies are not their own to use or misuse as they please. St Paul wrote, ‘Do you not know that your body is a shrine of the indwelling Holy Spirit, and the Spirit is God’s gift to you? You do not belong to yourselves; you were bought at a price. Then honour God in your body’ (1 Corinthians 6:19–20). In the latter part of the nineteenth and the earlier part of the twentieth century the dangers and evils of alcohol were well known. Many people who drank to drown the sorrows of their lives lived in appalling conditions. In reaction to this situation, many Christians, particularly those in membership with the Free Churches, signed the pledge, that is, they promised never to drink alcohol. Some would have signed the pledge when they were very young, hopefully to continue in the same path throughout their lives. This is still a requirement, voluntarily undertaken, for members of the Salvation Army who promise that they will neither drink nor smoke. Many Christians think that today’s drug problem arises from a dissatisfaction with life, a lack of meaning and purpose. For Christians, Jesus Christ is the focus, the model and the exemplar, so to work with the desperate and drug-dependent is bringing life, meaning and purpose to them in the person of Jesus. Christians would say that the emptiness many people feel in their lives is because they live on the purely materialistic level. They lack depth, and that depth can only be provided by faith in God. It is sometimes said that many Western people have a God-shaped hole in their lives. Christians would argue that if people were more open to the spiritual dimension of life, their lives would not be so empty. To take drugs is a poor substitute for this spiritual and religious experience, though some claim to have had religious experiences when under the influence of drugs. E.4.f. The Media Radio, television, the internet and the press are immensely powerful and influential because they make an immediate and profound impact. They can never be neutral: they inevitably represent the views of their editors, producers and owners. It is important, therefore, that there should be a variety of newspapers and radio stations and a choice of television channels – including the choice of switching them all off. So effective are the media at shaping people’s minds that there are Christians who feel the Churches should use the

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media more fully to proclaim their own faith and standards. In the United Kingdom, it was only in the late 1990s that it became permissible to advertise religion on television, but there is, and has long been, a so-called ‘God slot’ on television and radio and the religious correspondents of the allegedly serious newspapers give Christians the opportunity to use these modern methods of teaching and preaching. Some Christians believe that the influence of the media is so great that the contents of programmes and papers should be closely monitored, and if necessary censored, lest people are corrupted by what they see, hear and read. Others think censorship restricts human freedom and would be a backward step, that what people see, hear or read does not influence their behaviour. More subtle than advertising, however, is the way in which Christians and their ministers, pastors and priests are represented on TV and radio programmes. Both of the main TV programme producers, ITV and the BBC, have made very funny and successful comedy programmes where the clergy are caricatured and, like much humour, there is an element of truth in the caricature. The media has also used investigative journalism to explore aspects of the mainstream Churches that have caused embarrassment and discomfort to the Churches and individuals within them. In this way, as in so many others, the media can drive the immediate concerns of a Church. It may be an investigation into the finances and lifestyle of a wealthy evangelist, the appointment of a sexually active homosexual as a bishop, the abuse of children by priests or even the discussion as to whether women priests should be allowed to become bishops. It may just be gossip and tittle-tattle based on little evidence but once the media is attracted to a topic, the Christian Church has to respond. On the other hand, the media’s interest in the papacy in 2005 in the months surrounding the death of Pope John Paul II and the election of Benedict XVI was an amazing example of the continuing interest in conventional religion. The Roman Catholic Church had to deal with various controversies during that time: child abuse; birth control; attitudes to AIDS and so on but media interest was enormous for, of course, the Pope is the leader of half the Christians in the world. E.4.g. Advertising Advertising is a by-product of an affluent society or at the least a society that offers choice to its members. Advertising, like wealth, may not be wrong in itself but it is how it is used that is so important. Christians certainly advertise, even if it is only the list of services outside the church or their fundraising fête. The problem with advertising is whether one can tell the whole truth or not and even whether one wants to. It seems there are two sorts of advertising. The first tries to persuade people to buy one particular brand of something that is genuinely needed, for example, soap or a religious message.

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The other kind tries to make people buy things they may want but do not need. This aspect of advertising encourages acquisitiveness while playing on people’s weaknesses and inadequacies to suggest that unless they have or use a certain product they will not be manly or feminine, trendy or popular. Christians may react very strongly to certain advertisements either because of the content, for example, advertising an abortion service, or the style of promotion where sexual images or innuendo is used. But then Christian advertising itself can also play on fears and anxieties. ‘Be a Christian, like me, have a good job, nice wholesome family, respect from my family, friends and neighbours. I am a good person free of sin and guilt since I received the Lord Jesus into my life.’ Many Christians in the United Kingdom would not be happy with an overt evangelistic style of advertising that promotes a style of Christianity not uncommon in the Southern states of the USA. E.5. THE QUALITY AND VALUE OF LIFE E.5.a. The Elderly Advances in medical science have made it possible for diseases and conditions which were at one time ‘killers’ to be conquered or controlled. The result is that many people live longer and, for many, they remain active until well into their nineties. Longer lives and the mobility of population (see E.3.b) mean that some elderly people become isolated and lonely when their grown-up children move away. The very length of their lives, small private houses and the patterns of life, particularly for women who work outside the home in Western society today, mean that many elderly people cannot live with their children. Some Christians, however, argue that the crux of the issue is one’s Christian values. Should the elderly not be the focus of family life and those who are younger be prepared to adjust their needs and ambitions for their sake? In Europe, generally, church congregations are dwindling, though not in the USA, but the age of the congregations is growing; clergy are usually good at visiting local homes for the elderly and those in their congregation confined to their homes. Christians inherited from Judaism (see D.5.a) a respect for the elderly which seems to be in some danger from modern society’s preoccupation with the young, the active and the successful. Some of the great biblical characters are recorded as living to a great age. In the context of the Bible, however, it should be borne in mind that old age is relative to the society and age within which one lives. One may be ‘old’ at 50 in some parts of the world even today, though the Old Testament does seem to settle on ‘three score and ten’ as the appropriate expected life span. The elderly have much to offer to the young. But in general it is doubtful whether Western society as a whole makes the best of the accumulated

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wisdom and experience of the elderly. This may well be because in Western Europe the elderly continue to live longer. Far more people live to be 100 years old now than even 20 years ago. Children born at the beginning of the twenty-first century may well be alive at the beginning of the twenty-second. The Irish playwright, George Bernard Shaw, who himself lived to a great age, regretted the fact that people go through life gaining knowledge and experience and then, just as they are becoming wise, they die and the world is deprived of their wisdom. The elderly and the infirm often have to be passive and some Christians relate this to the passivity of Jesus in the later part of the Gospels. Only when a person is passive can they fully understand the nature of God for that is when things are done to and for us, rather than by us. This is an important aspect of any Christian consideration of the needs and contributions of the elderly. For many Christians of all denominations the struggle of Pope John Paul II with increasing age and infirmity acted as a model for what is possible. When those of a younger generation think about the elderly, they often think of them in terms of problems or needs (see E.5.b). The elderly, of course, do have needs. They need social and financial security; they also need to get out to meet with other people; they need companionship; and they may need special medical care. The passivity of some elderly people can be thought of as indicating an inferior quality of life to the active life but by no means all the elderly are wholly passive. They may lack some mobility but they will have strong views on many aspects of life and even governments now have to take account of the ‘grey vote’ of the pensioner. Perhaps the young find it difficult to understand the satisfactions and joys there can be in the life of an 80- or 90-year-old. It should not be regarded as an inferior sort of life because it is not what we seek now. Christians will see the hand of God in their situation and put all things in his hands; their life is filled with trust and faith in God. In the same way, at the most acute time in his life, his kairos, when he was preparing for his death, Jesus put all his trust in God in the knowledge that God was caring for him and was with him. E.5.b. Those in Need What is meant by ‘The Needy?’ When people use the term ‘the needy’, they often have in mind individuals or nations who lack the material things which, in the twenty-first century, are considered to be the basic necessities of life – water, food, shelter, clothing and reasonable comfort. Thus the nations of the developing world (see E.9.a) are needy, as are the homeless and the poor of more affluent societies. The general Christian view is that everyone has a need but it is not understood in quite the way outlined above. Christians believe that all human beings are imperfect; they are born into sin and need to receive the love of God if they are to grow in faith and as fulfilled human beings (see E.6.b). Even

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the most materially advantaged can have profound needs; illness, unhappiness, anxiety, loneliness, the fear of death and bereavement affect them as much as anyone else. The Christian response to the needy is based on the teaching and practice of Jesus, which in turn was informed by his own Jewish background and upbringing (see D.5.b). In the Sermon on the Mount (Matthew 5–7) he spoke of the way his followers should practise the three great aspects of their religion: prayer, fasting and the giving of charity. He did not have to argue for the rightness of giving charity, or helping the needy; he knew that it was an accepted part of his Jewish tradition that would be understood by those to whom he was speaking. The Hebrew Scriptures and the teachings of the rabbis stressed the importance of loving acts of kindness as well as an obligation towards the poor and the widowed and orphans (Deuteronomy 15:11; 10:18; Isaiah 58:7). Jesus was teaching on familiar ground. At many points in the Gospels Jesus is seen in contact with the needy. He often speaks of the needs of the poor, the disabled and those who are at a particular disadvantage such as widows and orphans (Luke 7:11–17; John 5:1–9). Paul and other New Testament writers demonstrate how the care of the needy became an accepted part of Christianity (as it is of all faiths). Paul wrote, ‘Let us never tire of doing good, for if we do not slacken our efforts we shall in due time reap our harvest. Therefore, as opportunity offers, let us work for the good of all, especially members of the household of faith’ (Galatians 6: 9–10). The Epistle of James warns against a so-called faith which does not place the care of the needy high on its list of priorities. ‘Suppose a brother or sister is in rags with not enough food for the day, and one of you says, “Good luck to you, keep yourself warm, and have plenty to eat” but does nothing to supply their bodily needs, what is the good of that?’ (James 2:16). James also writes: ‘Pure religion which is without stain or fault in the sight of God our Father is this: to go to visit the orphans and widows in their distress and keep oneself untarnished by the world’ (James 1:27). The word used in the New Testament for charity and its Latin translations (Latin caritas; Greek charis) came to be associated with unconditional love, or agape, the love of God which is of a different quality to human love ‘... and now lives faith, hope, charity, these three; but the greatest of these is charity’ (1 Corinthians 13:13). The Christian response to the needy in the twenty-first century is directed to both individuals and to nations through agencies like CAFOD (Catholic Fund for Overseas Development) and Christian Aid. It is sharply addressed in parables such as that of Dives and Lazarus (Luke 16:20) and the sheep and the goats (Matthew 25:31–33) and the last judgement that follows: ‘for I was hungry and you gave me meat; I was thirsty and you gave me drink; I was a stranger and you took me in; naked but you clothed me; I was sick and you visited me; I was in prison and you came to me. Then shall the righteous

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answer him saying, Lord when did we see you hungry and feed you? Or thirsty and gave you a drink? When did we see you as a stranger and took you in? Or naked and clothed you, or when did we see you sick, or in prison and came to you? Then the King answered them saying, Truly, I say to you, inasmuch as you have done it to one of the least of these my brothers, you have done to me.’ There are three basic aims in Christian charity that seeks to meet the needs of those who are disadvantaged or indisposed in some way. The first and very important aim is to meet a spiritual need in those being helped, and those doing the helping, regardless of religion or culture. The second is the response to the immediate problem, perhaps providing companionship and as an emergency measure food, warmth, clothing, medicine and healing. The third is more important. It is the attempt to discover the causes of need and deprivation, so that they can be addressed. Long-term projects to prevent famine, to plan agricultural development, to provide homes, food, skills and work for individuals is a vital part of Christian care for those in need. The work of Dame Cecily Saunders to provide hospice care for those who are dying originally had a Christian impetus, though it now has a wider concern (see E.5.e and B.5.b and e). E.5.c. Reproduction The Christian approach to all aspects of reproduction and ethical issues rising from this controversial area is founded on the sanctity of life: the belief that God is responsible for all human life. This is rooted in Judaism and the Bible: ‘For you formed my inward parts, you knitted me together in my mothers’ womb. I praise you, for I am fearfully and wonderfully made’ (Psalm 139:13 is frequently quoted). The issue of when human life begins and the principle of loving one’s neighbour which is taken to mean the care and protection of the dying child is crucial. If these two principles appear straightforward then the complications certainly arise out of their interpretation. Essentially they both state that life is the gift of God and therefore precious to God as well as having its own intrinsic value. It should not be lightly or thoughtlessly destroyed, especially not for utilitarian reasons. Embryology, fertility issues, designer babies, cloning and surrogacy are all part of the contemporary medical challenge for the Christian community. Are the terrifyingly speedy advances in medical technology moving too swiftly for the Churches and individual Christians, as well as members of other traditions, to respond effectively? Again the answer is complex. Christians who accept certain theological principles can apply these to emerging situations; so the compassionate concern for the foetus is based on the Christian concern for the weak and disadvantaged, God as Creator. Equally, the rapid advances in genetic engineering and the use of discarded embryos which is anathema to some Christians will seem to others to be

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nothing more than the application of God’s command to be stewards of creation. They argue that scientists who move forward the scientific possibilities of medical research can be understood as glorifying God through the creativity of their work. This work results in the possibility of providing cures for life-debilitating ailments and genetic defects and has to be regarded as pushing back the boundaries of science and the created world rather than usurping the power of a creative God. On the other hand, the knowledge available which allows parents to choose the sex of their child can be understood as a usurpation of the creative power of God. The medical advances to date and those that will come in the future place great pressures on Christian thinkers. Should one, for, example, use the medical skills to screen out debilitating genetic diseases? What is a ‘defective’ gene? Is a (hypothetical) ‘homosexuality gene’ a defective gene? These and many other developments all challenge the spirit of Psalm 139 and Christian thinking. Those couples who rely upon medical advances in order to conceive can use in vitro fertilisation as one way in which conception may be possible. Some Christians will be opposed to such use, believing it to be ‘God’s will’ that they are unable to conceive. The acute aspect of the problem is that some embryos are used, others are frozen and others will be killed. For Roman Catholics this represents an invasion of the sanctity of life based on the principles enunciated above. Surrogacy is another topic which raises sensitive issues for Christians. The Old Testament story of Abraham, Sarah and Hagar (Genesis 16) offers an interesting biblical analogy, for Sarah suggests to Abraham that as she is apparently unable to conceive, he should conceive a child with Hagar, her servant. The story moves on once Sarah herself conceives and gives birth to Isaac with Hagar and Abraham’s son, Ishmael, put out of the family home. This is, perhaps, an early indication of some of the emotional and practical problems that can be linked with surrogacy. Contraception is, in many ways, the most straightforward issue (see E.9.b). Many Christians would argue today that contraception is not an evil though a refusal to have children could be interpreted as a rejection of God’s injunction to ‘go forth and multiply’. The Roman Catholic Church opposes all forms of artificial contraception, while allowing, apparently perversely, the ‘rhythm method’. The IUD and the ‘morning after pill’ would not normally be regarded by Christians as contraceptives as they work after conception rather than prevent it and are, therefore, a form of abortion. E.5.d. Abortion Abortion is normally defined as the artificial termination of pregnancy. When such termination occurs naturally it is called ‘miscarriage’. There is a general tendency for all religions to disapprove of abortion but agree less unanimously on the detail. Abortion is an issue on which Christians are widely and

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strongly divided. There are Absolutists who believe that all abortions are wrong. There are Liberals who believe that the decision should be left to the individual woman whose body is the most affected. Between these two extremes there will be Christians who will advocate a variety of points of view. In Christianity, abortion is normally understood as being the killing of an innocent person but there is no agreed definition of when the foetus becomes a ‘person’ (that is, when human life begins) and Christian teaching down the centuries has not been consistent. In the first two centuries of the Christian era, when abortion and infanticide were not uncommon, the Church was firmly against them. A thousand years later Thomas Aquinas stated that the sin of murder exists if, on striking a pregnant woman, an abortion results as long as ‘ensoulment’ has taken place which, in his view, happened forty days after conception for a male and ninety days for a female. It has also been held that the time of change to life existing independently was at ‘quickening’, when the mother could feel the movement of the foetus within her, which is rather a subjective test. The great Protestant reformers, Luther and Calvin, both held that body and soul exist immediately at conception. People today may not discuss whether the foetus has a soul, but they do discuss at what point it becomes a separate, unique, person. Because of the knowledge of how the foetus changes and develops, different terms are used: ‘embryo’ for the organism between conception and the ninth week of pregnancy; and ‘foetus’ from the ninth week until birth. Before the 1967 Abortion Act in Britain and the 1971 Act in the USA, abortions, which were then illegal, were often carried out by people unqualified to perform such operations, usually in unhygienic conditions. The Abortion Act in Britain in 1967 states that it is illegal for foetuses to be aborted after twenty-four weeks of pregnancy unless two registered doctors confirm that the continuance of the pregnancy would: involve risk to the life of the pregnant woman; injury to either her physical or mental health or that of any existing children of her family, greater than if the pregnancy were terminated; or if it were testified that there was a substantial risk of the child being born with such physical or mental abnormalities as to be seriously handicapped. This time was chosen because after then the foetus is normally viable, that is, it can live outside the womb. Most people agree that to kill a viable foetus would be murder but some foetuses are born and survive prior to twenty-four weeks although their survival is not assured and there are often medical complications. Medical science will, however, continue to push back these boundaries. In 2005 the British Medical Association voted to maintain the twenty-four-week period as the length of time when abortion would be permissible. The Bible implies the unborn child is a gift from God, with the following verse from the Book of Psalms being most frequently used to illustrate this view: ‘For you created my innermost being: you knit me together in my mother’s womb’ (Psalm 139:13). The Roman Catholic Church is the only part

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of the Church to lay down precise teaching on abortion. From 1869 the Roman Catholic view has been that a unique life is formed at conception and therefore abortion is wrong at any time. The life of the embryo had human status and any abortion is to be regarded as unlawful killing. The life of the foetus is, in theory, as important as that of the mother. Abortions have been allowed by what is normally referred to as the principle of double effect. If a Roman Catholic doctor has to save one life at the expense of the other, in practice it is usually the life of the mother which is saved as this is common medical practice. The Roman Catholic Church bases its fundamental opposition on the following statements: ‘Abortion is a terrible crime ... the law provides appropriate sanctions for every violation of the child’s rights’. In the Declaration on Procured Abortion (1974): From the time the ovum is fertilized, a new life is begun which is neither that of the father nor of the mother. It is the life of a new human being with its own growth. It would never become human if it were not human already.

The Church of England and many Protestant churches would agree with the Roman Catholic Church in principle but generally argue that each case is unique. The Church of England’s General Synod agreed the following in its most recent debate on abortion, in 2002: ... this Synod, being gravely concerned with the fact that in England there are currently 500 abortions every day of the year, call upon Her Majesty’s government to bring in urgent legislation to restrict the abuses of the Abortion Act, and in doing so, to give consideration to the following: a) protecting women from being coerced into abortions and providing counselling facilities to help women keep their babies; b) guaranteeing a woman’s right to full disclosure about the balance of risk involved; c) protecting those women most likely to be injured by abortion, by requiring screening of patients.

Anglicans would probably largely agree on the need to have compassion for the mother and a proper responsibility for the life of the unborn child but they may come to different conclusions about the correct course of action in individual cases. Christians who are not Roman Catholics may support this view, as may some members of other religions and people with no religious allegiance at all. Most Christians hold to an incremental view of human development, and admit that there are circumstances, for example, rape and incest, where abortion may be permissible. The more far-reaching incremental notion that looks at the development of the family and the child’s place in it still causes great controversy. Many Christians want to look at each individual situation and ask what factors ought to be considered – the health of the mother and family (as the

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Abortion Act of 1967 lays down), the circumstances under which the woman became pregnant (was she raped?) and the age of the woman (is she very young, or rather old to be having a child?). They might also ask (as in the case of killing in war, see E.8.d) whether a society which readily accepts abortion may be valuing life cheaply, giving cause for fears that the destruction of life might be extended to that of the old and the disabled (see E.5.e). What is clear is that while there will be Roman Catholics who do have abortions and while there are doctors willing to carry them out, the subject will continue to touch the very edges of controversy in and between the Christian Churches. E.5.e. Euthanasia Euthanasia or dying well has been discussed increasingly as people live longer and as drugs and technology can sustain ‘life’. Usually it is taken to mean voluntary euthanasia. The question is: does a person for whom life has become a burden, or for whom it is intolerably painful, or is in a permanent vegetative state, or on a long-term life-support machine, have the right to ask for that life to be ended? Many factors have to be considered. One area of debate is what is meant by artificially preserving life. Machines, for example, can be used to keep the heart and lungs working when the brain is dead. Few people today would argue that a doctor who advises and relatives that agree the machines should be switched off in such a case are breaking their Hippocratic oath or killing the patient or showing a lack of care. Many Christians argue that people do not own their lives. Life is God’s gift and no one has the right to terminate it. This is why suicide is still seen as wrong by most Christians. The person who reaches the state in which he or she attempts to commit suicide requires the most gentle and loving care. But that does not make the act right. In the same way euthanasia, however desirable it may sometimes seem, takes God’s prerogative and gives it to humans. For Christians who do not take the above view questions to be faced are: which is the more important, length or quality of life? Should drugs be used to prolong life if that life will be one of pain and distress? If it is agreed that there comes a point when life should not be prolonged, who should make the decision? Should it be the patient? Sick people may make a decision during a period of pain or depression which later they would change. So should it be the relatives who decide? But, then, is it acceptable to lay on people under strain the extra burden of a life-and-death decision? And suppose there were disharmony between patient and relatives. Would that plant fear in the patient? Finally, what about doctors’ rights? Is it appropriate to place the burden on them when they would have to make the decision repeatedly? More importantly, would it undermine the confidence a patient has in a doctor who is professionally committed to saving life? Despite these questions, many people today, including some Christians, believe that euthanasia should be made lawful. In the UK the Voluntary

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Euthanasia Society is a reputable body and its literature gives examples of prolonged suffering and distress which support its view powerfully. This approach to the problem has the virtue of taking death seriously, and of insisting that people ought to be able to prepare for it with care and dignity. Some Christians are comfortable with arguments for euthanasia and do not consider that God wishes for unnecessary suffering nor is angry at a decision to bring death forward or stop the use of artificial life support. In recent years the hospice movement has gained strength and support. Hospices provide care for the dying rather than attempt healing. Patients are surrounded by love and understanding. They and their families are taken fully into the confidence of the medical staff, so that they can discuss and prepare for death and consider the future of the family and dependants. Hospices relieve the pain, physical and emotional, of the dying and help them meet death in dignity and peace. Many of the Christians who are involved in hospices think that the care provided undermines and eradicates arguments for euthanasia. Finally something must be said about compulsory euthanasia. Of course, all forms of euthanasia are at present unlawful. But some people fear that if voluntary euthanasia became lawful it could be ‘the thin end of the wedge’. If decisions were made for patients who were paralysed or comatose, could we guarantee that they would not be extended to the senile, the mentally disturbed, the severely disabled and so on? It is perhaps only a remote possibility, but nevertheless it deserves serious consideration. E.5.f. Vegetarianism There are Christians, like the theologian Andrew Linzey, who are vegetarian and regard this as an essential aspect of animal theology (see Linzey and Clarke 2005; Linzey and Yamamoto 1998). There is, however, no evidence in the Gospels that Jesus might have been vegetarian. In general, the major concern for Christians is the stewardship of the world that they believe God has created for them and that could involve an implied commandment to be vegetarian in relation to modern conditions for breeding, keeping and slaughtering animals for food. It might even lead some Christians to be vegan, which involves avoiding eating eggs and drinking milk or wearing leather items of clothing. So a re-evaluation of the relationships between human beings and animals is an important part of the contemporary Christian concern. E.6. QUESTIONS OF RIGHT AND WRONG E.6.a. The Purpose of Law Christians have a curious ambiguity in their approach to law. They accept the revelation of God as explored in the Old Testament with its legal underpinning through the teaching of the Ten Commandments and the Gospels

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and various other ethical and religious commitments necessary to live in God’s way. They also continue to debate the requirements of the rules or teachings set down by Paul in his letters to the early Christian churches. So, it may be argued, there is a strong legal and moral basis to Christianity. The importance of obeying the law of God, however that might be defined, is a strong and powerful theme running through Christian teaching. Yet at the same time, a fundamental tenet of the faith is that God loves each person regardless of how well they keep to the law. Martin Luther, the great reformer of the sixteenth century, basing his argument on Paul’s writings in letters to the Galatians and Romans, argued forcefully that salvation was by faith and faith alone; it was not a reward for a person’s worthiness or pious lawkeeping. There is a tension at the heart of Christian teaching between faith and good works. Christians believe that God created everything. There will therefore be some laws which will govern the pattern and order within the universe and the world and others that govern humanity’s place in it. Some of these laws or rules are known to humanity but there may be others that are either hidden or simply not yet discovered. The laws that concern the physical world are generally called laws of nature or laws of God. Fire burns. If you put a kettle of water on a gas flame, the water will boil. If you put your hand into the flame, you will feel pain. These are the physical laws which govern the way physical objects interact. Christians believe that there are also moral laws and failure to observe them can also lead to pain: physical, mental or spiritual. The Bible sometimes speaks of the ‘wrath of God’. Christians often interpret this as meaning that God does not maliciously watch over people, noting their actions, and being ready to pounce and punish those who break these divine rules or laws (though it has to be said that the Bible does list a number of occasions when God does visit punishment on those who do not obey the law or who oppose the divine will). Rather they take it to mean that if God has ordered the world in a certain way, actions which contravene those instructions and directions are likely to carry their own result, even punishment and pain. This can lead to problems for many Christians who do want to follow the will of God but who fall short and therefore expect punishment. But does this match the emphasis on the compassionate, loving God that lies at the heart of the Christian message? Certainly teachers and preachers within the Christian church have used, and still use, the threat of pain and punishment as a ‘reward’ for breaking the laws of God. The concept of law (Torah) is very important in Judaism (see D.6.a). The Torah is a guide to living contained in the first five books of the Hebrew Scriptures regarded as God’s revelation, and the oral Torah, exemplified in the debates of the rabbis passed down through the centuries, discusses its application. The earliest Christians were Jews and they naturally respected these teachings in the same way that other Jewish teachers had sought to

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understand and interpret the law. Jesus said, ‘Do not suppose that I have come to abolish the Law and the Prophets; I did not come to abolish, but to complete. I tell you this: so long as heaven and earth endure, not a letter not a stroke, will disappear from the Law ...’ (Matthew 5:17–18). He came into conflict with the religious authorities of his day, and challenged the interpretations of the religious teachers of his time. Sometimes he seems to have heightened the demands of the law: ‘You have learned that they were told, “Do not commit adultery”. But what I tell you is this: If a man looks on a woman with a lustful eye, he has already committed adultery with her in his heart’ (Matthew 5:27–8). Paul wrote in the Epistle to Romans, ‘... the Law is in itself holy, and the commandment is holy and just and good’ (Romans 7:12). No Jew contemporary with Jesus and Paul would be surprised at this teaching though they may well have disputed its application and interpretation with Jesus. The importance and intensity of debate and dispute within the Jewish tradition should not be understated when examining the importance of the law in early Christianity. Paul, in the Christian tradition, is believed to have been trained as a Pharisee (he hints at this in his writings though his claim has been challenged by modern Jewish scholars) and had desperately tried to keep the law, hoping it would help him win God’s approval: ‘In the practice of our national religion I was outstripping many of my Jewish contemporaries in my boundless devotion to the traditions of my ancestors’ (Galatians 1:14). His experience was one of disappointment: he never felt that he succeeded in keeping the law and felt no nearer to carrying out God’s will. When he became a Christian he found that the problem was solved for him; he did not need to keep the Jewish law to win God’s approval. God’s love, grace and justice were freely available to him despite his failures. Paul wrote: ‘But now, quite independently of law, God’s justice has been brought to light ... all alike have sinned ... and all are justified by God’s free grace alone’ (Romans 3:21, 23–4). Paul made this the central point of his teaching. Human beings cannot and do not need to seek God’s favour by keeping the law. It is the other way round: God loves all people no matter how badly they keep the law. Acceptance of this free gift – grace – of God’s love enables people to be free to keep the law. For Christians God’s unconditional love comes first; living a good faithful life and keeping to the law will flow from it. Nevertheless, Christianity has often been practised as a religion of law and Christians normally obey the laws of the land (see E.1.e and E.6.c), though some have tried, and continue to try, to change those laws they believe to be unjust (see E.6.c). E.6.b. Sin and Sins Sin is the condition of being alienated or separated from God. This, for Christians, is the root of all human problems. Sin began, Christians believe, when humankind first began to disobey God (Genesis 3). The story of Adam

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and Eve in the Garden of Eden has passed into Christian theology as being the time (or meta-time) when the couple’s failure to keep to the promise they had made to God meant not just that they would be punished but that the punishment would be handed down to all their descendants. It was not a simple act of disobedience. It resulted in early Christian teachers, notably Augustine, teaching that sin was passed down from parent to child. Aquinas, writing centuries later than Augustine, regarded sin as a falling short from the good. Human beings are less than God intended them to be. Human nature became flawed, and no generation escapes its effects. This is what Christians mean by ‘original sin’. Roman Catholics and Protestants have different views about the nature of original sin. Contemporary Roman Catholic teaching tends to depict original sin as the loss of grace whereas the Protestants see it as an inability to rescue oneself from the human condition by one’s own resources. Separation from God, Christians also believe, leads to separation from other human beings (with results such as hatred, conflict, war), separation from oneself (with results such as anxiety, insecurity and a feeling of worthlessness), and separation from the natural world. The most superficial consideration of human life would lead most people to say that all is not well with humanity. We cannot claim that the last or current century, with two world wars and continuing conflicts in the world, Hitler’s Holocaust, Stalin’s purges, Pol Pot’s genocide, Islamophobia, the material gap between the developed and developing nations, materialism, apartheid and so on, is better than any other period in history. Christians speak of sin as being the reason for the situation. Often the word sin is used of particular more personal actions such as stealing, lying and adultery. It is interesting to note that this use of the word sin has this secular meaning. Is it a sin to break the speed limit? There is no biblical teaching about speed limits but some Christians would argue that it is one’s Christian duty to uphold the laws of the land. Others would not regard it as a sin but as a case of breaking a secular law created for the benefit of that society. E.6.c. Punishments Because Christians live in society they are subject to civil, national and international laws. The laws are made by the government of the country for the good of society as a whole, and failure to keep them will lead to punishment. There may be times when circumstances arise in which Christians feel that the laws are not good and against Christian teaching and they have a duty to disobey them as, for example, in the case of apartheid in South Africa. It should be noted that in this case apartheid was supported by one of the Protestant churches in South Africa so even in this case Christians are not always unanimous. A similar situation arose and continues to exist in parts of the Southern states in the USA. Generally, however, Christians accept that punishment is necessary on a practical, worldly level. It demonstrates that

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laws cannot be broken with impunity; it reassures society that it is protected by laws which carry some weight; it also may satisfy the offender in some cases that his or her guilt can be expunged by taking the punishment. Christians should always be concerned that punishments are fair and appropriate. They must not be degrading either to societies or to the offender. To take one example: some Christians oppose capital punishment on the grounds that it brings society down to the level of the offender and leaves no room for rectifying the mistakes which sometimes will be made by judges and juries. Other Christians speak openly and forcefully for the reintroduction of the death penalty in Great Britain and, of course, the death penalty is still in place in parts of the USA with its very high proportion of over 45 per cent of citizens who attend church regularly. On the theological level there is strong teaching about forgiveness, and Christians may try to bring about some sense of this alongside state punishment (see E.6.d). Christian teaching accepts that there may be some form of punishment for wrongdoing – or sin – not only in this life but also in the next. If life is a preparation for death and the next life, then some form of judgement will be exercised. ‘So shall it be at the end of the world: the angels shall come forth, and sever the wicked from among the just, and shall cast them in to the furnace of fire: there shall be wailing and gnashing of teeth’ (Matthew 13:49–50) and: ‘Truly I say to you, because you did not help one of the least of these, you did not help me. And these shall go away into everlasting punishment: but the righteous into life eternal’ (Matthew 25:45–6). Roman Catholic teaching has a place of purgatory where one goes for one’s sins to be ‘paid for’ and some punishment will be undergone before being admitted to the presence of God. Protestants reject purgatory as unscriptural and a denial of complete forgiveness of sins through faith in God. Some Christians believe in universalism which argues that an all-loving God cannot impose eternal hell and damnation on those whom are so loved, so all will eventually be saved. There has been a thread of this universalist teaching in the Church for nearly 2,000 years but for some, like the theologian Thomas Aquinas, one of the joys of heaven is to see the sinners in hell! The parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus in Luke 16:19–31 provides an insight into the more traditional views of heaven and hell and is a clear pointer if one is to understand Aquinas’ point of view. E.6.d. The Wrongdoer and the Wronged Christians teach that human beings should forgive each other as this is how God is prepared to deal with them. The Lord’s Prayer, learned by virtually all Christians, says: ‘Forgive us our sins as we forgive those that sin against us’. Thus Christians believe that true repentance for their sins and the capacity to forgive others means God will forgive them, though carrying out some penances here on earth might also be suggested in some churches.

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Punishment, however, is not incompatible with love. Parents may punish a greatly loved child so that the child will learn what is acceptable to them or to society though the weight of punishment should be proportional to the misdemeanour. The Bible has a number of occasions when Israel is punished for breaking the promises it has made to God but God always offers another chance. ‘There is more joy in heaven over one sinner who repents than over the ninety nine just persons who need no repentance’ (Luke 15:7). Society has the responsibility to punish and care for the wrongdoer while also aiming to reform as well as punish. So while a prison sentence is intended to deprive offenders of their freedom, to separate them from family and friends, to take away their rights as citizens as well as prevent them continuing their wrongdoing, it also has a concern for the prisoner and has a reforming and rehabilitation aspect. Prison is a punishment but should provide reasonable living conditions, food and exercise. Christians like the Quaker Margaret Fell worked hard for prison reform. There is often a tension between the severity of punishments guilty people should receive and a Christian concern for rehabilitation and renewal. It is likely that the Christian concern for the value of each person will continue to underpin British justice and punishment. Matthew 13 (see E.6.c) has references to what will happen if Jesus’ hearers reject him and the message he brings. When examining Gospel teaching on the wronged and the wrongdoer one should not assume a liberal regimen to determine Christian notions of punishment has a firm scriptural base. There is plenty of evidence in the Bible and for subsequent ‘hell-fire’ Christian preachers calling for the wrath of God to descend upon those who are not walking in the correct path, normally this being defined as the one they are following themselves. It is clear that Jesus would be influenced by the traditions and customs of his time and the society in which he lived. His message is to be aware that the Kingdom of God is both at hand and within the community, demonstrating the absolute nature of God’s love for all human beings and the whole of creation. Jesus’ teaching illustrates the hard judgements people will bring upon themselves, if they who have eyes and ears do not see and hear his message. Judgement and punishment are the result of ignoring or not understanding the will of God but while justice has to be carried out the hand of compassion to both wrongdoer and wronged is always present. This is a creative tension which lies at the centre of Christian ethics. E.7 EQUALITY AND DIFFERENCE E.7.a. Differences between People Christians believe in one God, the creator of all human beings. They believe that the love God for all people has been demonstrated in the life, death and resurrection of Jesus, God’s only son: ‘God loved the world so much that He

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gave his only Son, that everyone who has faith in him may not die but have eternal life’ (John 3:16). When Christians use the term ‘Father’, it designates a relationship between God and the believer and shows the intimacy and power of God’s love. God revealed that great love for creation when Jesus, as Christians believe, chose to die on a cross to take away the sins of the world and allow all humanity to have the opportunity to enter into the Kingdom of God. By rising from the dead and removing sin, Jesus restores the original relationship between the created and the Creator (see E.6.b). Differences of race, sex, religion, colour, physique and capacity undoubtedly exist within the human race but they are all seen by Christians as part of the richness of humanity. They are insignificant in comparison with the fact that everyone is related to each other as a child of God. Paul expressed the Christian attitude when he wrote, ‘There is no such thing as Jew and Greek, slave and freeman, male and female; for you are all one person in Christ Jesus’ (Galatians 3:28). Paul’s words have defined the principle of Christian attitudes to each other but, in practice, things are different as those very principles are challenged by the differences listed above. Paul’s words may mean all are equal in the eyes of God but equality in the eyes of all Christians is more difficult to achieve. This view of the unity of humankind is held, in principle, by almost all Christians. But there have been exceptions. Some members of the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa have claimed that the white race is superior to black or coloured races, and the political system of apartheid, now illegal in South Africa, reflected this. Other Christians vigorously oppose this view as totally unchristian. It is a complex issue as racial and cultural attitudes inform the way in which various groups think and function within worldwide Christianity. The history of the Papacy, for example, does not make it clear why the leader of the Roman Catholic Church should for nearly 400 years have been an Italian. That tradition was broken with the election of John Paul II, a Pole, in the 1980s, followed by Benedict XVI, a German, in 2005. Again, for some, the story of Christianity has become the story of a white religion being taken across the world at times of invasion, imperial domination and economic exploitation. When European invaders arrived in countries of India, China, Africa and the Americas they took with them the teachings of Jesus, opening up opportunities for missionary activity whilst often seeing the conquered peoples as inferior, spiritually and as human beings. Some of the greatest and most effective figures in the struggle for freedom and human rights for all people have been Christians from different races: people like Martin Luther King, Trevor Huddleston and Desmond Tutu. E.7.b. Attitudes to Other Religions Christians today vary in their attitudes to other religious traditions. Not all would agree with Hans Küng when he wrote in 1991: ‘No survival without a

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world ethic. No world peace without peace between religions. No peace between religions without dialogue between the religions’ (Küng 1991: 34). The basic principle for dialogue is, or should be: ‘Do as you would be done by’; the Golden Rule immortalized in Victorian Britain by the character Mrs Doasyouwouldbedoneby in Charles Kingsley’s The Waterbabies. The use of the term ‘dialogue’ has an interesting resonance in interfaith activities. A ‘dialogue’ takes place when all parties are genuinely open to change, so the very act of being in dialogue encourages the participants to look beyond themselves. Alan Race (2001) identifies three areas of interchange: exclusivism, inclusivism and pluralism. Between these challenging positions there are others with subtle nuances. Exclusivism is the approach often associated with Christians by those of other faiths. It expresses the conviction that the only way to God is through Jesus. Exclusivists often use the text in St John’s Gospel in which Jesus is quoted as saying, ‘I am the way, the truth and the life and no one comes to the Father except through me’ (John 14:6). Exclusivism probably remains the majority Christian view across the world and is expressed in the phrase ‘outside the Church there is no salvation’. This indicates not only that Christians alone will be saved but also, in certain circumstances, only those belonging to a particular church. One of the important factors in this approach is that Christianity is essentially a missionary religion. It seeks converts with the conviction that it (Christianity) is right and others wrong. Exclusivism offers a clear statement of what is the case which, with crystal clarity, can also be applied to other Christian churches not in sympathy with the exclusivist. These other groups are considered to be misguided and outside what is thought of as ‘the true Church’. The Roman Catholic Church, although more willing to be in dialogue over the last thirty years, is one major church which has had an exclusivist approach, not recognising the orders, beliefs and practices of those churches with whom it is not in communion. Today, however, there are a range of positions within the Roman Catholic Church, including that of Küng. After the Second Vatican Council of the Roman Catholic Church in the 1960s and the writing of Karl Rahner another position emerged, called Inclusivism. Inclusivists often refer to the story in the Acts of the Apostles (17:22–34) in the New Testament where Paul is visiting Athens and recognises that, in their search for an Unknown God to whom they have built an altar, the Greeks were on a genuine religious path. Inclusivists regard those members of other religions who lead a life in harmony with Christian moral standards and whom Christians can respect as ‘anonymous Christians’, that is, as those who can be saved. This has more than a hint of patronage about it as it appears to create a second class of Christian; a class which is just about acceptable. The third position is called Pluralism and is expressed in the work of the Christian philosopher of religion, John Hick. He argues that all religions

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focus on Reality (a term he uses to include even those who do not talk about a personal God) and enable people to move from self-centredness to Realitycentredness. If we look at the records of religions, he says, they have all produced good and bad moral fruits. Also they all indicate that Reality is beyond human expression and that the final verification of the truth of what people believe lies at the end of time, when everyone will be saved. To the pluralist, Christianity is only one of the possible ways to liberation or salvation and the final outcome is left to the eschaton, the end-time. That there has been a shift in the attitudes of many Christians during the last 150 years owes a great deal to the increased knowledge and understanding that these Christians now have of faiths other than their own. The interaction of peoples from across the world in what has been called the global village has encouraged Christians concerned about secularism, materialism and the advance in rapid communications to become involved in interfaith dialogue. E.7.c. Attitudes to Ethnic and National Diversity Christianity emerged in the Middle East. Jesus was a Jew, born in Bethlehem, and his earliest followers were all Jews. Within fifty years of the death of Jesus there were Christian Syrians, Cypriots, Turks, Greeks, Italians, Ethiopians and Egyptians. The principles behind this development spring from the teaching of the New Testament, and especially from the teaching and work of Paul. His words in Galatians 3:28 are the starting point: ‘There is no such thing as Jew and Greek, slave and freeman, male and female; for you are all one person in Christ Jesus.’ Thus, for Christians, people of other races and nations are brothers and sisters in Christ under the one fatherhood of God. Christianity is, therefore, not tied to any particular race or nation although its missionary zeal, linked to the expansionism of European powers, has attached Christianity, in the eyes of many in the developing world, to the white, Western, economically and militarily successful powers; a Christian imperialism. Between the first century and the present day, Christianity developed mainly as a religion of the Western world. It spread into North Africa and across the Roman Empire and, although there are strong traditions of Jesus’ teachings being carried to India and beyond, the religion took hold in what is now called the West. In the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries it was taken to the Americas and the Australasian islands. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in particular, the churches of Europe and North America saw it as their duty to send missionaries to Africa, India, China and elsewhere, to try to convert people of other races, nations and religions to Christianity. As the twentieth century has passed, there has been a great change in the distribution of Christians throughout the world. The majority of Christians in the world now live south of the Equator; half of the Christians in the world

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are Roman Catholic and virtually half of those live in Central and South America. Christianity is growing especially rapidly in Africa. European and North American countries are sometimes said to be secular post-Christian, meaning that despite much outward observance and vestiges of Christianity in society, religion makes little impact on the lives of most people. The ethical roots of this society may be less informed by Christian values than by secular materialistic concerns. These societies may turn to broad Christian values (often shared by other religious and humanist people) at key moments in the life of nations, but there are other encroaching values that determine behaviour and attitudes. E.7.d. Women and Men Christians are sometimes accused of discriminating against women because of the roles traditionally assigned to them in Church life and in Western society, which has been much influenced and shaped by Christian attitudes and teaching. In the older traditional churches women were not, and in some churches are still not, allowed to become priests or exercise leadership roles. Some evangelical Churches also reject the idea that women can be in a position of leadership in the Church. Generally speaking, in Church life it is women who have often been required to perform lowly tasks and accept the leadership of men. Women have been expected to arrange flowers, make tea, scrub floors, polish pews and teach in Sunday school. Until recently most people, including women, accepted this situation. Things have, however, changed and are continuing to change. In many Churches women now play, if not yet the leading part, at least a significant part, in public worship. In the so-called Free Churches it has long been recognised that the position of women in contemporary society is very different from what it was 2,000 years ago. The Methodist, Congregational and United Reformed Churches have had women ministers for some time, and the Salvation Army has had senior women officers from its earliest days in the late nineteenth century. In the Church of England women have been ordained to the priesthood since the early 1990s, although not without strong initial and continuing opposition. In 2005 the Church of England began the legal process that will see the possibility of ordained women becoming bishops, again in the face of concerted opposition. There are women bishops in other parts of the Anglican Communion but this is a big step for the Church of England. The Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox Churches, however, still do not think this recognition of the role of women is necessary or appropriate. Another symptom of the concern being shown over the place of women in the Church is seen in the way the wording of services has changed to avoid phrases like ‘fellow men’ or ‘all men’ when what is meant is the human race; many people now find such phrases discriminating and offensive.

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What is happening in the Church is, of course, symptomatic of what is happening in society at large. Women are being accepted and welcomed in, or are making their way into, many professions and walks of life that would not have been open to them even twenty years ago. They are rising to the top and challenging traditional male roles. So what are the reasons for the traditional stance taken by some of the Churches and present changing attitudes? First, Jesus chose twelve men to be his closest companions and to share his work of preaching and healing (Mark 3:14–19); women were there to ‘wait on him’ (Mark 15:41). But it is also the case that in the accepted social customs of his time, Jesus was liberal in his attitude to women. His conversation with the Samaritan woman (John 4:8–26), his judgement on the woman accused of adultery (John 8:2–11), his friendship with Mary and Martha (John 11:1–44 and Luke 10:38–42) and his acceptance of Mary Magdalene are evidence of an open and relaxed attitude to women. Women were also the earliest and most important witnesses of the resurrection of Jesus (though the men had to go to confirm the empty tomb as women’s testimony would not hold up in a contemporary court of law) (Mark 16:1–8; Matthew 28:1–8; Luke 24:1–11; John 20:1–2). One might argue that it is surprising in the climate of opinion of the time that such a crucial role was given to women, that the Gospel writers recorded it and that later Gospel editors did not remove the women from the scene. It is Paul upon whom the wrath of Christian feminists chiefly falls for he has very clear views on the role and place of women, expressed in various letters. As already noted in E.3.a, Paul, more conventionally than Jesus, reflected the ideas and practices of his own day. He writes that ‘the man is the head of the woman, as Christ is the head of the Church’ (Ephesians 5:21); that a wife should ‘obey’ her husband, while a husband is told to ‘love’ his wife (Ephesians 5:22, 23, 25) (see E.3.b). When considering arrangements for public worship the author of 1 Timothy wrote: ‘I do not permit a woman to be a teacher, nor must woman domineer over man; she should be quiet’ (1 Timothy 2:12). These statements, carrying the authority of Paul, the early apostles and the leaders of the early Church, together with the evidence that Jesus chose twelve men as his closest companions, have been the main reason for women not being given positions of leadership in the church. There is also a close and distinctive association in traditional Christian teaching about women and their place in society and the Church with Eve who is characterised as the temptress in the story of the Fall in Genesis 2–3. There is another side to Paul not always fully attributed: it was he who wrote ‘There is no such thing as Jew and Greek, slave and freeman, male and female; for you are all one person in Christ Jesus’ (Galatians 3:28). In this sentence Paul instinctively stated the ideal relationship within the Christian community, no matter how far he and his fellow Christians might deviate from it in practice.

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The Church has afforded some women recognition and they have been very influential in Church life. Among them are: Helena, the mother of Constantine, the first Christian Roman Emperor in the fourth century; Hilda of Whitby (614–80); Teresa of Avila (1515–82); as well as Hildegaard of Bingen (1098–1179), Elizabeth Fox (Quaker, 1727–1812) and Catherine Bramwell Booth (Salvation Army, 1883–1987) and more recently Mother Teresa of Calcutta (b. 1910, Nobel Peace Prize 1979). These women were great leaders and organisers. The Eastern Orthodox Churches and the Church of Rome also recognise many other women saints with the most highly revered of all saints being Mary, the mother of Jesus. Christians believe that God created the two sexes and the differences are important. Even when they have different roles they remain equal in the eyes of God. Christians are frequently challenged about the ambivalent attitudes towards women that arise from their interpretations of the story of the Creation of Adam and Eve and the Fall recorded in the first chapters of Genesis. Eve has been seen as inferior to Adam, she is the cause of the Fall and herself a temptress. Ambivalence towards women has been part of Christianity’s ambivalence towards sex and marriage. Some churches have held up the ideal of celibacy as necessary for high spiritual attainment (see E.3.a.) reflected in the establishment of the powerful orders of monks and nuns with their vows of poverty, chastity and obedience. But many Christians would now emphasise that the differences between men and women, like all other differences between human beings, count for little compared with their shared nature as children of God, created and loved by God. E.7.e. Are All People Equal? Paul wrote in Romans 3:22–3 ‘there is no distinction [between people]; since all have sinned and fall short of the glory of God’. On the other side there is the belief that God deals totally impartially with all. There is a story in the Acts of the Apostles 10 which records how Peter found the truth about God’s impartiality forced upon him. In the key verse 10:34 Peter says, ‘Truly I perceive that God shows no partiality, but in every nation any one who fears Him and does what is right is acceptable to Him.’ Most Christians accept that people differ in their abilities, appearance and character, but that all are of equal value in the sight of God (see E.7.a–d). Christians have not always lived up to this ideal. The history of the Christian Church is littered with examples of persecution against people of other faiths and of the same Christian faith but of a different denomination; Christians have participated with enthusiasm in the slave trade and in the promotion of slavery, apartheid, prejudice, persecution of homosexuals and the oppression of women, all of which continue in some form today. Periods in Christian history where the Inquisition and the Crusades were used against

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other human beings hardly reflect Paul’s words to the Romans though Paul himself did not advocate the abolition of slavery. There might be said to be two sides to the Christian belief about equality. On the one side, even the cleverest, most talented person is still imperfect, still a sinner and in need of God’s grace and forgiveness; on the other, according to Christian teaching, all people are equally loved by, and equally important to, God. E.8. CONFLICT AND VIOLENCE E.8.a. Why does Conflict Exist? One of the great ironies of religion is that all the major religions teach the importance of peace as a major objective of how life should be lived. However, as religions grow and develop they become enmeshed in the political activities of the societies in which they find themselves. What is a new scenario for them over the last century is the global nature of conflict. Certainly there have been conflicts in the world for centuries but the twentieth century witnessed war on a grand scale. The Second World War came to an end with the use of an atomic bomb and the weapons armoury of the world took up the position of what came to be known as the arms race. Chemical warfare had been used in the First World War but this new generation of nuclear bombs, together with the increased sophistication of conventional arms, has moved conflict and the fear of conflict into new areas. This all exemplifies, for Christians, the fallen and sinful nature of the world (see E.6.b). E.8.b. Why do Different Nations Exist? The story of the Tower of Babel in Genesis 11:1–9 is one account of why different people speak different languages and are spread across the world (see D.8.b). Christians, with their ambiguous approach to biblical literalism, will regard this story in different ways. Some will affirm, straightforwardly, that it is a literal, factual historical truth. Others will regard the story as an explanation of, or reflection on, a situation rather than a cause. Human beings had lost their chance of living in the Garden of Eden in a perfect relationship with God; they were cast out and were doomed to live in sin; so what would they do? They would band together to work to a common purpose – that of building a ‘pathway to heaven’. Such presumption had to be destroyed and people were scattered throughout the world, never to be able again to regain that sense of unity that might challenge the divine authority of God. Whether a nation has a proud history going back over thousands of years or whether it is ‘new’, every nation has been caught up in warfare, occupation and change, changing its sense of nationhood over the years. For people to favour their own nation seems a simple and natural extension of the

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biological and social necessity to care for one’s own family. For most people, therefore, patriotism is a virtue. But as communications make the world smaller, in the sense that people can talk of a global village, narrow patriotism – ‘my country right or wrong’ – can be seen to be inadequate and unchristian. Certainly in wars between ‘Christian’ nations God is claimed to be ‘on our side’ by both contestants. Jesus’ teaching assumes his hearers knew their Jewish heritage; his parables rely upon the everyday events that happen in his environment. It is not easy to understand the pictures he draws in his stories and parables if one is not familiar with his world. Paul, the great missionary apostle, was very proud of being a Jew, his training as a Jewish scholar, his birth in Tarsus in (modernday) Turkey and of being a citizen of the Roman Empire. He knew, however, that national divisions were secondary to humankind’s essential unity as creatures of God: ‘he (God) created every race of men of one stock, to inhabit the whole earth’s surface’ (Acts of the Apostles 17:26). E.8.c. National and Ethnic Conflict At the heart of the basic vision of Christian faith and of all post-axial religions is the summons to transcend the narrow interests that confine our belonging to ethnic groups, tribes, local cultures or nations. In ethical terms, the vision embraces the virtues that do not specifically privilege the group in which they have taken root. These include, in varying degrees and according to the emphasis of specific religious insights, at least the following: compassion towards others, social justice, inclusion of strangers, peace, unity of all peoples, care of the natural world. Yet history teaches us that obedience to this summons has proved highly elusive. Race (2001:124)

Race encapsulates the essential dilemma of Christianity in its relationship with the world. The fallen nature of humankind (see E.6.b.) makes it inevitable that conflicts will occur between individuals and between communities (see the story of the Tower of Babel in E.8.b). When Christians think about the issues of war and peace, they will look to the Bible, to tradition and to conscience. The Old Testament is the history of God’s dealing with Israel – a history in which there is plenty of war, blood and violence. Incidents can be found in which God is regarded as encouraging war of the bloodiest sort. The Book of Joshua, commenting on the resistance of the Canaanites to the Israelite invasion, says, ‘It was the Lord’s purpose that they should offer an obstinate resistance to the Israelites in battle, and that thus they should be annihilated without mercy and utterly destroyed, as the Lord commanded Moses’ (Joshua 11:20). At the same time, the Old Testament offers an inspiring vision of a peace which is not just the absence of war but a settled, contented security:

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They shall beat their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning knives; nation shall not lift sword against nation nor ever again be trained for war, and each man shall dwell under his own vine under his own fig-tree, undisturbed. (Micah 4:3–4)

The central theme of the teaching of Jesus was the coming of the Kingdom of God (Mark 1:15). Jesus vigorously opposed evil: he denounced people he believed were hypocrites (Matthew 23:13–15) and used a whip of cords to drive animals (and perhaps people) from the Jerusalem Temple when he believed they were defiling it (John 2:13–17). But he also told Peter to put away his sword (Matthew 26:52), and taught his disciples not to resist an evil person but to offer the other cheek (Matthew 5:39) and love their enemies (Matthew 5:44). It was, he said, the peacemakers who are blessed (Matthew 5:9). It appears from the Gospels that Jesus refused to be associated with the Zealots who were dedicated to driving out the occupying Romans. This suggests that he did not regard violence as a possible way to go about setting up the Kingdom of God. Some scholars think that when Jesus said ‘love your enemies’, he was deliberately offering an alternative to the Zealots. For the first three centuries of the Church’s existence, Christians seem to have believed that Jesus forbade his followers to engage in war or violence of any kind. ‘The Way’, as Christianity was called in its earliest days, was a pacifist religion. Christians were persecuted for most of that time and what is possible when one is a persecuted minority is not necessarily possible when the religion becomes a majority movement and its members become involved in governing, directing the fate of nations and initiating their own forms of persecution and conflict. According to United Kingdom law two religions, Judaism and Sikhism, are treated as races and therefore have some protection under the race laws. The Church of England, alone among other Christian groups, because it is the national Church, enjoys legal protection against blasphemy. The Church of England’s role, apart from its involvement in state issues, can bring it into conflict with ethical issues surrounding the will of the Government. The church opposed the Iraq war, has counselled caution on medical advances, has views on abortion and other medical issues and feels able to criticise, or support, political decisions as appropriate. In one sense it has a role as a national conscience and because twenty-five of its bishops sit in the House of Lords it has a political platform to make its views known. The Anglican Communion is, however, a multi-racial, multi-ethnic body with there being far more Anglicans throughout the world than live in the United Kingdom. The College of Cardinals of the Roman Catholic Church is clearly multi-racial and multi-ethnic and while some Protestant denominations may reflect an ethnic preponderance – such as in the African, African-Caribbean and

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Chinese churches – there should be no ethnic divisions in Christianity. That said, there are always some Churches where ethnicity may be regarded as a means of admission. Nationalism/ethnicity has a different context within the Eastern Orthodox tradition where it identifies itself with particular countries, for example, Russia, Greece and Serbia. Chinese Christians are now allowed some freedom of worship but within a national context where, for example, the State insists upon appointing Roman Catholic bishops regardless of the opinion of the Vatican. E.8.d. ‘Just War’? Kill Germans. Kill them, not for the sake of killing, but to save the world, kill the good as well as the bad, kill the young as well as the old, kill those who have shown kindness to our wounded. As I have said a thousand times ... I look upon everyone who dies in the war as a martyr. (Arthur F. Winnington-Green, Bishop of London during World War One, quoted in Hazlett 2004: 104)

This is one strong and controversial Christian statement. Other Christians believe that God desires peace, but also desires that humankind should live in justice and freedom. What happens when peace and justice conflict? Is there a moment when injustice becomes so intolerable that to fight against it is the lesser of two evils? The World Council of Churches meeting in Amsterdam in 1948 stated its position clearly: ‘War as a method of settling disputes is incompatible with the teaching and examples of our Lord Jesus Christ’. Those Christians who fully embrace this are pacifists. They believe that war is unjustifiable under any circumstances and that better results come from opposing wrong by non-violent means. It should be noted that this is not an easy option! In 1963 the Vatican published Pacem in Terris. It argued that peace can only be established if the moral order ‘imprinted by God on the heart’ is obeyed. It has four parts: the rights and duties of human beings; the relations between citizens and states; the relations between states; the relations between states and the world community. In response to these hard questions some Christians, a minority, say that war is and always has been morally wrong and the conditions of life created by war are never better than the conditions of oppression or injustice which some people would go to war to remove. The Religious Society of Friends (Quakers), the Brethren and the Mennonites represent this view as well as other members of Christian groups. Other Christians say that in certain circumstances war may be the lesser evil. This sincerely held belief led to the idea of the just war. Augustine, in the fourth century, suggested two basic conditions to be fulfilled if a war were to be considered just: 1. It had to have legitimate authority.

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2. There had to be a just cause. Aquinas, in the twelfth century, added a third: 3. There had to be right intention. It is, however, clear that these three conditions are insufficient and during the early part of the twentieth century it was accepted there might be two separate but related issues: when is it right to go to war (Jus ad Bellum) and how should war be fought (Jus in Bello)? In 1983, long after the Second World War, the Roman Catholic bishops in America responded that conditions for Jus ad Bellum were: 1. There must be a just cause. 2. War must be declared by a competent and legal authority. 3. There should be comparative justice – the justice of both sides’ claims should be compared. 4. A right intention. 5. War must be the last resort. 6. There must be a reasonable probability of success. 7. There must be a reasonable proportion between the injustice suffered and the death and suffering of war. The conditions for Jus in Bello were: 1. Proportionality – the manner in which the war is waged and in proportion for the reasons for the war. 2. Discrimination – the accidental and intentional killing of innocent people. Ian Hazlett (2004) suggests four chief positions within the broad spectrum of Christianity. The first is pacifism: this has been a minority position since the fourth century and can be summed up as the refusal to kill or bear arms. The second is being able to accept the notion of the just war – the majority position. It is one of qualified assent. The third is the offensive holy war or crusade where militarist Christians target non-Christians or Christians regarded as unorthodox. This has been a majority view at different times. The fourth is what Hazlett calls ‘public, but non-doctrinaire Christian peace witness and lobbying’ (Hazlett: 112) which is the favoured view of most contemporary churches. It exemplifies extreme reluctance to go to war without actually excluding the possibility. It should, however, be noted that the mainstream Churches in Britain and the USA opposed the policy of their two governments over the war in Iraq. In 1983 the World Council of Churches said that Christians should stand against both the use and the possession of nuclear weapons. Many Christians agree with this statement because they believe that nuclear, chemical and

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biological weapons make the idea of a just war impossible. However, not all Christians oppose the actual possession of nuclear weapons. They point to the fact that for more than fifty years such weapons have acted as a deterrent in the world. The contemporary challenge to Christianity and others is the increased awareness of what is called collateral damage. As the potency of weapons increases there are increased civilian casualties. The use of chemical weapons raises the spectre of mass destruction and a so-called dirty war. The coalition attack on Iraq in 2003 was introduced with the threat of ‘shock and awe’ – at the power of the attack to be launched on that country. Many Church leaders call for everything possible to be done to avoid warfare and if it comes to war then Christians participate with a sense of resignation and recognition of human failure. Christians have various views about war and peace, there has been little unanimity over the centuries even since earliest times. It appears that all want peace – but on their own terms. Christians individually may decide to accept violence against them without resistance. But is a Christian justified in standing idly by when someone else, perhaps weak and defenceless, is attacked? Jesus, Gandhi (a Hindu) and Martin Luther King Junior practised non-violent resistance and all were killed. Christians know, of course, that there is no such thing as complete safety in life. We are all subject to disease and accident and it is unrealistic to expect a fallen world (see E.6.b) to be free of war and conflict. They agree upon the desirability of peace, upon the evil of war and the need to work to resolve international disputes by means other than war. E.8.e. Contemporary Challenges Christian attitudes to terrorism will be informed by the range of arguments and opinions expressed above. Terrorism, as normally understood, would not meet all of the above criteria for a just war, for example. In 2005 the United Nations failed to agree on a definition of terrorism as it depended on a whole series of definitions. Is one person’s terrorist someone else’s freedom fighter? Is terrorism a catch-all phrase to describe any person or a group taking action either against the state or a group or groups within the state? There are, however, minorities of Christians who feel very strongly on key issues such as abortion and some have threatened and killed those who carry out abortions. Should they be regarded as terrorists? In 1967 Israel launched a preemptive strike against Egypt to take the initiative in what it saw as increasingly military threats against itself. This may be regarded as effective planning but could terrorist activity be understood in the same terms? In the 1850s Indians rose up against the British rulers: should this be called The Indian Mutiny as it still is in the United Kingdom or The First Indian War of Independence? Is the growth of liberation theologies over the last fifty years a response to the terrorism of state oppression itself or a theological response to the situations in which terrorism arose? ‘The poor deserve preference, not

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because they are morally or religiously better than others, but because God is God, in whose eyes “the last are first”’. ‘We cannot say that violence is alright when the oppressor uses it to maintain or preserve order, but wrong when the oppressed use it to overthrow this same order’ (G. Gutiérrez 1983, The Power of the Poor in History). If there is grave injustice do Christians have the right to call upon an insurgent approach to resolve the situation? Liberation theology (or theologies) drew attention to the injustices of the oppressed and their helplessness to change the situation. In these case what is allowed? It is very likely that Christians will have a range of views on that situation. E.8.f. Social and Domestic Violence What should be borne in mind is that there is an idealism within Christianity that would deny any domestic violence in Christian families or that Christians are involved in violence linked with alcohol or drug abuse (see E.4.e.), crimes against the person and property – but that would be to ignore what actually happens. The model Christians have of Jesus’ family is very limited but they assume that a Christian family should share those values of love and forgiveness that lie at the heart of Christianity. Of course reality enters in and there are Christian families in which there is violence. That is the nature of the fallen or sinful nature of human beings (see E.6.b.). Generally, Christians would expect family values not to be built on violence either at home or in society. But there are private Christian schools in England that insist on physical punishment being part of the Christian approach to learning and maturing. Similarly, some Christian parents will still hit their children if they believe it necessary and there are husbands who believe that violence can force their wives’ obedience. These attitudes would be based on the person’s biblical interpretation and believed to be appropriate Christian teaching. There are also Christians who support the death penalty for crimes such as murder or other very serious crimes and there are other Christians who are totally opposed to the death penalty under any circumstance. Each side of the argument will use the Bible with Christian teaching and precedent to support their view. Christians are concerned for the welfare of the family and society with many contributing significantly to both. One has to return to the basic Christian message of ‘Love God, love your neighbour and see Christ in all people, for what you do to others you are doing to me’. E.9. GLOBAL ISSUES E.9.a. Responses to World Poverty John Wesley, the Methodist preacher and thinker, proposed five reasons why Christians should not be able to afford anything other than the basic necessities of life:

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God is the true source of all wealth. Christians are accountable to God for how they have used their money. Christians are stewards of God’s money. God gives money to Christians to pass on to those who need it. Buying luxuries is the same as throwing money away and taking food and clothing from those who need them.

Wesley, writing in eighteenth-century England, could get away with teaching such things but would they hold weight today? They do, in fact, define the basic principles of a global ethic – at the root of it all there is money, consumerism and other resources such as oil, gas, precious metals and stones that determine contemporary attitudes. All can be used for great good or great harm. As the popular song says, ‘Money is the root of all evil’ and in the words of Jesus, ‘You can not serve God and Mammon [wealth]’ (Luke 16:13).The parable of Dives and Lazarus is also relevant here (Luke 16:19–31). A third of the world’s population is fairly affluent, well fed and comfortable. The other two-thirds – often called the Third World but preferably the developing world (or even the Two-Thirds World) – are poor, underfed and powerless. It has been said that while they starve for lack of food, the affluent worry about diets and slimming because of overeating. One estimate of the wealth in the world indicated that if all the money in the world were divided by all the people in the world each person would have three million pounds! The Christian feels a responsibility about world poverty for two reasons. First, there is the clear example and teaching of Jesus, in which the poor are said to be specially blessed (Luke 6:20) and deserving of special concern (Mark 10:21). The conditions prevailing on our planet mean that some areas of the world are more likely to suffer drought, famine, flooding and other natural disasters. This makes the cultivation of land and the founding of a successful economic state very difficult. Christians find, in the words of Jesus, reasons to try and help although it appears from the Gospels that Jesus made no attempt to improve the economic and social conditions of his time. In fact the writers of the New Testament appear to be less concerned with practical ideas for advancing the conditions of the poor and disadvantaged than the writers in the Old Testament. Second, the countries of the developing world have often suffered and continue to suffer not only from natural disasters, but also from exploitation. The initiative in the West to ‘Make Poverty History’ and the pressure for wealthy nations to cancel the enormous debts of some poor nations in the early part of the twenty-first century is laudable indeed. It is, however, more complex than it seems as there are different types of poverty. There are those who are economically poor; those who are powerless; and those who live in poor conditions because they believe that is how God wants them to live. The West might be concerned with global warming or how much of the Amazonian rainforest is disappearing through illegal deforestation, but what

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moral right does the West have to tell the poorer nations what to chop down, what to burn, and so on, when Western consumerism has been the major contributor to the current situation? Decisions made by bankers in London or New York, who may well be Christian, will decide the fate of a person who lives in Central Africa or South America. Christian responses to world poverty have changed as the world has become smaller through the rapid development of communications. ‘Poverty is not made by God. Poverty is made by me and you’ is one of the more famous sayings of the indomitable Mother Teresa of Calcutta, who spent her life ministering to the poor. A Christian might give the poor and destitute some money and then, conscience satisfied, forget them. The money might provide a meal or a bed for the night. International aid can be like this, sometimes emergency aid is required and money or food is an urgent necessity if people are to be saved from starvation. But generally Christian charity has moved far beyond this: it is now well recognised that tomorrow’s problem must be solved as well as today’s. Long-term projects such as digging wells, building hospitals, training doctors, agriculturalists and teachers are all attempts to help developing countries grapple with their problems to find practical permanent solutions. Through facing problems such as these, Christian responses to world poverty have become practical and thoughtful. The complexity of dealing with poverty is further expressed through the current debate taking place over genetic modification of plants (see also E.9.c). If certain plants could be genetically modified they would be more resistant to disease, they would produce more crops per acre and make an enormous contribution to improving the problems of famine and starvation. So, on the one hand, there appears much to commend the scientific advance. On the other, it is not clear how far such modification would go, whether it would change existing plants or affect future growth in the fields; nor is it clear what long-term effects such modification would have on the consumer. Some Christians are on both sides of this debate but all will be concerned to find a balance between conveying the message that the environment is a gift from God and how humanity can redesign that gift to match the needs of a growing world population. They try to discover how complex human beings can respond to change and progress. Of course, Christians are not the only people who are involved in relief and aid work in the developing world, but Christian individuals and organisations have often been at the forefront of the work. Among the agencies which are not specifically Christian, but are widely supported by Christians are Oxfam, War on Want, and the efforts inspired by Bob Geldof such as Band Aid, Live Aid, Live8 and School-Aid. Examples of specifically Christian relief organisations, which are supported also by many nonChristians, are Christian Aid, Tear Fund and CAFOD (Catholic Fund for Overseas Development, see E.10.c). Inspired by the teaching and example of Jesus, Christians try to respond to the words in the first Letter of John: ‘If a

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man has enough to live on, and yet when he sees his brother in need shuts up his heart against him, how can it be said that the divine love dwells in him?’ (1 John 3:17). E.9.b. Responses to Population Control Population control means different things in different parts of the world. To a couple in the affluent West it might mean a decision not to have children, so that they can enjoy a high standard of living; it may mean a decision to limit the number of children in the family so that they can provide proper care, upbringing and education for those they have; it may mean the reluctant but necessary avoidance of having children for health or social reasons; it may mean having more children to ‘complete’ one’s family, that is to have the number of children the parents wish. The birth rate in Europe is dropping, bringing its own problems of a smaller number of people having to support a larger number of the elderly. To a government in the developing world, population control probably means trying to cope with the problems of food, living space, education, employment, housing and health requirements for a population that is growing faster than resources. The politics of family size is complex in many parts of the world. If one is poor one needs a large family to ensure that some will survive to care for you in your old age; you might prefer male offspring as when they are of age they will bring a healthy young bride into your house who will help your wife as she grows older and give you grandchildren who, in turn, will help and care; if you have a daughter she will grow to puberty and leave to live in someone else’s house – not a good investment. There may be also certain tasks of physical work she may be unable to do. If you were to become wealthy you could provide for yourself as you grow old and would need a smaller family and be more able to recognise the equality of your children. For Christians there is the moral question of whether it is right to frustrate the normal procreative function of sexual intercourse, and if it is, what methods are normally acceptable (see E.5.c). Historically, population control has been fairly common. In the Graeco-Roman world, for example, people would get rid of unwanted children by abortion or leaving children to die of exposure. The early Church rejected both these practices as being evil. St Augustine stated that the only purpose and justification of sexual intercourse was the procreation of children; St Thomas Aquinas gave a rather more positive place to sexual activity within marriage. The result of these two immensely influential views, separated by centuries of course, was that traditionally the Church taught that the only permitted method of contraception was abstinence from sex. In general this has continued to be the official view of the Roman Catholic Church. In the twentieth century an encyclical in 1930 from Pope Pius XI reaffirmed the traditional teaching. In 1951 Pope Pius XII referred to ‘periodic

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abstinence’ and so the use of the monthly infertile period became accepted as a way for married couples to enjoy sexual relationships without conceiving children. This is sometimes called ‘the rhythm method’ of contraception. The rhythm is rather irregular for many women and it is by no means an infallible method. In the 1960s the Second Vatican Council stated that sexual intercourse was a means of strengthening and expressing the marital union, as well as a means of procreation. This could be taken as a gentle liberalisation of traditional attitudes towards sexual activity in marriage by the celibate priesthood. Christians have tried to take these new circumstances into account in their thinking about birth control. For example, the Anglican Communion has tried to move from the traditional teaching to something which remains Christian and yet is more relevant to the lives of Christians in the modern world. The marriage service speaks of ‘mutual society, help and comfort’ between couples as well as the duty of having children (see E.3.a). Christians have placed an increasing stress on the non-procreative purposes of sexual intercourse within marriage. The Lambeth Report published in 1958, The Family in Contemporary Society, and in 1959 The Mansfield Report, admitted that it was difficult to see any moral difference between the use of the rhythm method and any other form of contraception. A drastic method of contraception is the sterilisation of one of the partners. In effect this involves making one far-reaching moral decision instead of a series of decisions. Christians would usually say that sterilisation is only permissible on health grounds, such as it being dangerous or socially highly undesirable for a couple to have further children. Sterilisation for a woman is a more serious operation than is vasectomy for a man. In the end most Christian couples would say that their conscience, informed by the teaching of the Bible, the traditions of the Church and their own thought and prayer (see E.1.a.) must be the final judge about whether and what sort of contraception they should practise. This sort of thoughtful approach to the problem is often spoken of as responsible parenthood. The Lambeth Report of 1958 explained what was meant by this: ‘responsible parenthood ... requires a wise stewardship of the resources and abilities of the family as well as a thoughtful consideration of the varying population needs and problems of society and the claims of future generations.’ E.9.c. Planet Earth and Ecology Two things make people aware that they are inhabitants not just of a country, a town or a city, but of a planet. One is the wonderful advance in communications, so that it is possible to see and hear events happening in all parts of the planet as they take place. The other is the vast increase in industrialisation, so that using up the resources of the earth becomes a real possibility. In the past twenty-five years or so, people have become increasingly aware that just as we have to take care of our homes and belongings, and live within our

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finances and resources, so also the human race must be responsible about the way it lives on the planet and uses its resources. A short time ago few people knew the meaning of the word ecology. Today many more know that it means the study of living things in relation to their environment. This is one of the areas of ethical discussion and action in which Christians may identify the same problems and suggest the same courses of action as other people but their basic reasons will often be different (see E.1.a). It is not possible here to look at specific ecological issues. Sufficient to say that most responsible people are concerned about what is being done to the planet, its air, land, water, plants and animals (see E.5.f). Quite recently it has been reported that serious damage has been inflicted – and is continuing to be – to the ozone layer which protects the planet from the harmful rays of the sun. The removal of trees and hedges to provide larger areas for farming has resulted in the destruction of the habitat of wildlife, and the erosion and loss of soil. Pollution of the sea by dumping waste and by the gradual build-up of chemicals washed in from rivers destroys sea life. These are the types of problems which are rightly causing so much concern. The Christian approach to all this is based on the belief that the universe is the creation of God and human beings, as God’s creatures, should treat it as such, for they are the stewards of God’s creation. In fact the notion of stewardship lies at the centre of Christian as well as Jewish and Muslim attitudes to all global issues from the ozone layer to genetic engineering. They believe they have to care for the world for they have been given that responsibility by God. It is one of the things that separates humans from animals. The poem of creation in the first chapter of Genesis speaks of the goodness of God’s creation: ‘And God saw all that He had made, and it was very good’ (Genesis 1:31). The poem also speaks of humanity’s special role in creation: ‘God blessed them and said, “Be fruitful and increase, fill the earth and subdue it, rule over the fish of the sea, the birds of heaven and every living thing that moves upon the earth”’ (Genesis 1:28). Christians believe that the world is not an accident. On the contrary, it was made by God who also gave humankind a place of special responsibility for and within creation. However, the current state of the planet indicates that people have not always exercised this responsibility and have often despoiled God’s creation out of greed, carelessness or ignorance. Christians would say that this is because humanity is flawed (see E.6.b.) and that just as everyone falls short of God’s ideal in personal and social life, so they do in resolving global or environmental life but they should remember: ‘The earth is the Lord’s, and everything in it’ (Psalm 24:1) and: ‘The highest heavens belong to God, but the earth is given to human beings’ (Psalm 115:16). Christians say that just as Jesus came to reconcile humanity to God and people to people, He also came to reconcile humanity to nature. Jesus’ life, death and resurrection created this great work of reconciliation, and Christians believe the final outcome is assured. But until then they must work

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to bring it about. Paul wrote of the universe waiting to be restored to the perfection God intended: ‘the universe itself is to be freed from the shackles of mortality and enter upon the liberty and splendour of the children of God. Up to the present, we know, the whole created universe groans in all its parts as if in the pangs of childbirth’ (Romans 8:21–2). Christians believe that they are called to share the work of bringing about this freeing of nature. At this point they join with many others who have social, scientific, humanitarian and other reasons for caring for the planet. Many Christians join with Friends of the Earth, Greenpeace and other similar movements, to convert into action what their Christian faith teaches them about their relationship to the earth. E.10.a. Glossary Agape Anglican

Anglican Communion Animal theology Apartheid Archbishop of Canterbury Bible

Bishop Cardinal Charity

Christ Church

Conscience

The word Christians use for unconditional love Churches in England and abroad which are in communion with the see of Canterbury. In England the Anglican Church is often called The Church of England Refers to the 70 million members of the Anglican Church worldwide. It recognizes diversity while affirming unity Used to refer to the place and rights of animals in God’s plan for creation and the responsibilities of humans for them (Literally ‘apartness’). The term used for the racial segregation which was practised in South Africa The senior bishop, and often the spokesman, for the Church of England and the Anglican Communion The sacred book of Christianity, the Bible contains thirty-nine books of the Jewish Bible which Christians call the Old Testament and the twenty-seven books of the New Testament which contains specifically Christian writings The highest order of priest in some Christian Churches. The word comes from ‘episcopus’ – one who has oversight A very senior priest in the Roman Catholic Church. Cardinals elect the new Pope The word is used in two ways by Christians. It is the greatest virtue and is synonymous with ‘love’, which is God’s greatest attribute and gift to men. It has also come to mean the act of caring for those in need From a Greek word meaning The Anointed One which translates the Hebrew for Messiah A community of Christians. Sometimes the term is used to refer to all Christians in the world. Places of Christian worship can also be called ‘churches’ Traditional Christian teaching holds that people have an inborn capacity for deciding what is right and what is wrong. This

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Episcopalian Evangelist

Friar Gospel

Grace Holy Spirit

Hospice

Kingdom of God

Lambeth

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conscience is sometimes called the ‘inner voice’ or ‘the voice of God’ The word means ‘servant’. It is the first rank in the three-fold Christian ministry of bishops, priests and deacons The Eastern Churches in communion with Constantinople – the ancient name for Byzantium and Istanbul A letter sent by a bishop to all churches in his area. Commonly it is used of letters sent by the Pope to all parts of the Roman Catholic Church Usually used for a member of the Anglican Church in the United States. A person who accepts the authority of a bishop One who transmits good news. The Four Evangelists are the writers of the Gospels – Matthew, Mark, Luke and John – which are in the New Testament. The term is also used for those particularly skilled in or concerned with spreading the Christian good news A member of one of the orders of monks, usually referring to a monk who spends time travelling around Used generally for the ‘Good News’ of Jesus’ teaching and more specifically of four New Testament texts by Matthew, Mark, Luke and John The free gift of God’s love Christians believe that the One God is revealed in many ways, but most clearly as ‘Father’, the source and creator of everything; as ‘Son’, in the person of Jesus; and as ‘Holy Spirit’ which is the continuing and present activity of God’s divine energy. Together they are referred to as ‘The Trinity’. One God, Three Persons The hospice movement was started in the twentieth century, but spread particularly after the opening of St Christopher’s Hospice in 1967. Hospices care for the terminally ill. They seek to give patients the opportunity to live out their lives in dignity and with as much medical and social support as possible The ‘Kingdom of God’ or ‘the reign of God’ was the central theme of Jesus’ teaching. He taught his followers to proclaim, work and pray for the establishment and recognition of God’s Kingdom on Earth Lambeth Palace is the London residence of the Archbishop of Canterbury and a major centre for the administrative work of the Church of England. Every ten years the Bishops of the Anglican Communion meet in conference at Lambeth A person who dies for the faith From a Hebrew word usually translated as ‘Anointed One’. See Christ The word means ‘servant’ and is applied to leaders of Christian groups. They are to be servants of God and serve other Christians Someone who is ‘sent’. Missionaries try, by teaching and service, to be a witness to their faith and attract people to Christianity

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A male member of a religious community. He takes vows of poverty, chastity and obedience. His most important work is normally prayer Nun A female member of a religious community with similar duties to a monk Pastor A minister in the Free or Independent Churches. The minister is the pastor or shepherd of the flock (congregation) Paul Often called Saint Paul; he travelled preaching and teaching the Gospel from about 40 CE to 60 CE. He wrote a number of the letters in the New Testament Pharisee A teacher of Judaism 2,000 years ago. Often in debate with Jesus Pope The Bishop of Rome, who is head of the Roman Catholic Church throughout the world Prayer Communication with God. Prayer can be public or private, verbal or silent, meditative or contemplative Priest A minister of the Church ranking between bishop and deacon Protestant A member of one of the churches which originally ‘protested’ against the practices of the Roman Catholic Church in the sixteenth century Quaker A term used for a member of the Society of Friends, which was founded by George Fox in 1668. Quakers stress the guidance of God to individuals through the ‘inner light’. They are pacifists Reconciliation The bringing together of those who were separated. Christians believe that Jesus reconciled humankind to God, human beings to each other and humankind to nature Resurrection The rising from the dead of Jesus on the Sunday after his death on a Friday. This was achieved by the power of God. Christians believe that God will also raise believers Roman Catholic The Church, or a member of the Church, which owes allegiance to, and is under the authority of, the Pope Sabbath A term imported from Judaism. Because of the resurrection of Jesus on a Sunday, Christians keep that day as their special day of worship Sacrament A sign, symbol or action representing a sacred and invisible grace or gift. Most Christians recognise seven sacraments – the two great sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist, and the five lesser sacraments of Confirmation, Marriage, Ordination, Unction (anointing of the sick) and Penance Saint The word is commonly used of people whose holiness is or has been exceptional. Originally it referred to all Christians as they were ‘set apart’ from the rest of the world by their beliefs Salvation Army A branch of the Church devoted especially to social and evangelistic work. It was founded in 1865 by General William Booth Sanctification The process of growing in holiness, which can begin when a person has accepted the free gift of God’s forgiveness Scripture The sacred books of Christianity – the Bible

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Soul

Synoptic Gospels Tradition Trinity Vatican Virtues Vocation

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Sin is often thought of as acts of disobedience against God and is linked by Christians to the account in Genesis 3 which they call The Fall. It is perhaps better regarded as the state of being separated from God, which leads to wrong acts. The idea of this state of separation being inherited is called Original Sin by Christians Christian teaching about the soul is not precise. Generally it is the ‘self’, or the identity of an individual, the ‘I’ which speaks of ‘my hand’, ‘my body’, ‘my head’, or ‘my brain’ The first three Gospels of the New Testament – Matthew, Mark and Luke. Synoptic means they share certain things in common ‘That which is handed over’ from generation to generation in Christianity – its beliefs, practices and attitudes See Holy Spirit The residence of the Pope in Rome and the administrative centre of the Roman Catholic Church The Theological Virtues are Faith, Hope and Charity; The Cardinal Virtues are Prudence, Temperance, Fortitude and Justice This means ‘calling’. The word is used to express the belief that some occupations are more than mere jobs: the way a person responds to the ‘call’ of God

E.10.b. Bibliography Biblical quotations in the text are taken from the New English Bible edition, published by The Bible Societies in association with Oxford University Press and Cambridge University Press 1961 and 1970. Breuilly, Elizabeth and Martin Palmer (eds) (1992), Christianity and Ecology, London: Cassell. Childress, James and John Macquarrie (eds) (1987), A New Dictionary of Christian Ethics, London: SCM. Chirban, John T. (ed.) (1994), Ethical Dilemmas; Crises in Faith and Modern Medicine, USA: Rowman and Littlefield Pub. Inc. Cook, David (1988), The Moral Maze, London: SPCK. Cupitt, Donald (1988), The New Christian Ethics, London: SCM. Gill, Robin (1991), Christian Ethics in Secular Worlds, London: T. & T. Clark. Gill, Robin (2000), The Cambridge Companion to Christian Ethics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hart, Richard E. (1992), Ethics and Environment, USA: University Press of America. Hazlett, Ian (2004), ‘War and Peace in Christianity’, in War and Peace in World Religion, ed. Perry Schmidt-Leukel, London: SCM, pp 99–147. Hollenbach, David (2002), The Common Good and Christian Ethics (New Studies in Christian Culture), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jones, David Albert (2004), The Soul of the Embryo, London: Continuum. Jones, Richard G. (1984), Groundwork of Christian Ethics, London: Epworth. King, R. (1992), Ethics and Civil Rights, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Küng, Hans (1991), Global Responsibility: In Search of a New World Ethic, London: SCM.

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Küng, Hans (2004), ‘Global Ethic: Development and Goals’, in War and Peace in World Religions, ed. Perry Schmidt-Leukel, London: SCM, pp. 183–98. Lambeth Report, The also called The Family in Contemporary Society (1958), Lambeth Conference, London: SPCK. Linzey, Andrew and Paul Barry Clarke (2005), Animal Rights: A Historical Anthology, Colombia: Columbia University Press. Linzey, Andrew and Dorothy Yamamoto (eds) (1998), Animals on the Agenda, London: SCM. Mansfield Report, The also called The Responsible Parenthood and the Population Problem. Ecumenical Review, vol. 12, no. l., October 1959. Messer, Neil (2006), Study Guide to Christian Ethics, London: SCM. Northcott, M. (1996), The Environment and Christian Ethics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. O’Donovan, Oliver (2003), The Just War Revisited, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Preston, Ronald H. (1987), The Future of Christian Ethics, London: SCM. Race, Alan (1994), Christians and Religious Pluralism, 2nd ed., London: SCM. Race, Alan (2001), Interfaith Encounter, London: SCM. Saunders, Jack T. (1986), Ethics in the New Testament, London: SCM. Stives, Robert L., Christine E. Gudorf, Alice Frazer Evans and Robert A. Evans [1984] (3rd ed. 2005), Christian Ethics. A Case Method Approach, New York: Orbis. Stott, John [1984] (revised ed. 1999), New Issues Facing Christians Today, Grand Rapids: Zondervan. Ruston, Roger (2004), Human Rights and the Image of God, London: SCM. Taylor, Michael H. (1990), Good for the Poor: Christian Ethics and World Development, London: Mowbray. Taylor, Michael H. (2000), Poverty and Christianity, London: SCM. Vardy, Peter and Paul Grosch (revised ed. 1999), The Puzzle of Ethics, London: Fount. Wogaman, J. Philip (revised ed. 2000), Christian Perspectives on Politics, Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press. See also texts listed in the general Bibliography

E.10.c. Addresses UK Actions by Christians Against Torture, Quex Road Methodist Church, Kilburn, London NW6 4PR. CAFOD, 2 Romero Close, Stockwell Road, London SW9 9TY. Centre for Black and White Christian Partnership, Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham B29 9LQ. Christian Aid, PO Box 100, London SE1 7RT. Churches Commission for Inter-Faith Relations, Church House, Great Smith Street, Westminster, London SWIP 3NZ. Council of Churches for Britain and Ireland, Inter-Church House, 35 Lower Marsh, London SF1 7RL.

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Ecumenical Forum for European Christian Women, l0a Osbourne Terrace, Edinburgh EH12 2HE. Environmental Issues Network, National Agricultural Centre, Stoneleigh Park, Warwickshire CVS 2K. Feed the Minds, Robertson House, Leas Road, Guildford GU1 4QW. Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation Group, 39 Ecclestone Square, London SWIV 1PU. North America American Friends’ Services Committee, 1501 Cherry St, Philadelphia, PA, USA. Direct Relief International, 274a Patera Lane, Santa Barbara, CA 93117, USA. Peace Corps of the United States, 1990 K Street NW, Washington, DC 205526, USA. Student Conservation Association, 609 Riser Road, PO Box 550, Charlestown, NH 03603–550, USA. World Peace Foundation, 79 John F. Kennedy Sreet, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA.

Web sites The following web sites have been compiled by Professor Brian Gates of the University College of St Martin, Lancaster, UK. They are produced here with acknowledgement, appreciation and thanks. They and many others are available through the gateway web site below. Generic web site for access to wide range of other Ethics web sites: www.ybgud.net Global Ethics Declaration of the Religions for a Global Ethic: http://astro.temple.edu/~dialogue/ Center/kung.htm Global Ethics Foundation – history: www.weltethos.org/dat_eng/index1_e.htm Related exhibition in the UK: www.uri.org.uk/art/globalethic.html Church teachings Roman Catholic Catechism of the Roman Catholic Church searchable by word/topic: www.kofc.org/ faith/catechism/catechism.cfm Official documents, listed alphabetically: www.newadvent.org/docs Anglican www.cofe.anglican.org/view/index.html Peace and justice activities of the American Episcopal Church: www.episcopalchurch.org.peace-justice Baptist World Alliance homepage: www.bwanet.org/index.htm Congregational Congregational Federation homepage: www.congregational.org.uk

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Religious Society of Friends/Quakers Gateway to all aspects of Religious Society of Friends: www.quaker.org and/or www.afsc.org Lutheran English translation section www.ekd.de/dialogue.2396.html Methodist Homepage of the Methodist Church: www.methodist.org.uk and/or www.umc-gbcs.org Salvation Army Britain and Ireland homepage: www.salvationarmy.org.uk/home/htm Seventh Day Adventists www.adventist.org.uk United Reform www.urc.org.uk Orthodox Information site: http://home.clara.net/orthodox World Council of Churches Entry point: http://wccx.wcc-coe.org/wcc/english.html

F. Islam Azim Nanji

F.1. RELIGIOUS IDENTITY AND AUTHORITY F.1.a. On Being Muslim Muslims regard themselves as the last in a line of a family of revealed faith traditions, whose message originates from one God, the creator and sustainer of all creation: ‘To Him belongs the East and the West, wherever you turn, there is His Face. He is all-present, all-knowing (Qur’an 2:115)’. All Muslims are united by this common belief, attested in the shahadah, an act of witness and affirmation, that there is no god but God (Allah) and that Muhammad is the Messenger (rasul) of God. The shahadah represents a common act of commitment as well as a statement of faith, encompassing the foundational belief in the absolute unity and oneness of God (tawhid) and the centrality of the messenger, through whom God has manifested His will. In this way all Muslims are linked by belief in God, and his revelation through the Prophet Muhammad. The revelations given to Prophet Muhammad, through divine inspiration, are believed by Muslims to be recorded in the Qur’an, literally ‘recitation’. The Muslim concept of revelation encompasses previous revelations: We have inspired you [Muhammad] as We inspired Noah and the prophets after him, as We inspired Abraham, Ishmael, Isaac, Jacob and the tribes; and Jesus, Job, Jonah, Aaron and Solomon; and We gave to David the Psalms. [These are] messengers of whom We have spoken to you and others that We have not mentioned. (Qur’an 4:163–4)

Thus the Prophet Muhammad can be situated within the line of prophetic figures who, while seeking to reform their respective societies, were inspired by an experience of transcendence. The reality experienced by the Prophet which inspired him to communicate it to his fellow Meccans is not to be understood, according to the Qur’an, as removed from the day-to-day reality of life in society. In fact ‘revelation’ took on significance immediately because it spoke to the need to transform the moral and social world of the time.

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The revelations that came to Muhammad in the form of divine inspiration are believed by Muslims to be contained in the Qur’an. The Qur’an literally means ‘recitation’ or ‘reading’ and it was in this recited form that he communicated it to his followers. Revelation came to Muhammad over a period of twenty-two years in the form of powerful, jolting experiences. The process of revelation involved vision as well as hearing. The medium of revelation is described as a ‘Spirit of Holiness’ (Qur’an 16:102). The angel Gabriel acted as a mediator of revelation. The signs of Allah are described symbolically as a ‘figure on the clear horizon’ (Qur’an 81:20) who revealed to Muhammad the message. It is in this way that the Qur’anic conception of revelation involves a ‘descent’ (tanzil), a universal process by which all previous revelations entered this world and was over time recorded by followers to constitute specific forms as a text or book (kitab). They all, including the Qur’an, have an original source, referred to as Umm al-Kitab (The Mother of the Book) (Qur’an 43:1–5). All revelations are thus rooted in one transcendent primary source, which through inspiration becomes articulated to humanity. The Prophet’s experience of revelation links the world of transcendence with human affairs, highlighting the sovereignty of God, the reality of the non-material world and the idea of the accountability of human actions. There is thus a dynamic interaction between what can be conceived as the realm of faith (din) and the real of human affairs (dunya), which underlines the general Muslim understanding of an encompassing relationship between spiritual and material aspect of life. The Qur’an in Arabic represents the culmination of this process revealed at intervals and appropriate times over the last twenty-two years of Muhammad’s life. He communicated the revelations to his followers who memorised them while scribes also put them in writing under his supervision. Certain individuals came to be noted for both their power of recitation and their ability to memorise the text. By the time of Muhammad’s death in 632 CE the Qur’an existed as an oral discourse and in written form. After his death, a complete written text was compiled so that there would be no differences regarding its contents and no risk of having the sacred scripture violated. Muslims believe that the Qur’anic text has therefore been preserved unchanged, systematised, and arranged as a written text, based on Muhammad’s instructions and containing the complete message revealed to Muhammad. Muslim scholars tend to speak of the two historical phases of the Prophet’s life as well as of revelation, the Meccan phase and the phase in Medina. It is in Medina that the community had the freedom under the Prophet to organise itself and to implement a fuller life of the community under the leadership of the Prophet. It is in this context that one finds revelations related to family life, economic activities, relationship with other faith communities and opposition and conflict with Meccan forces intent on destroying the community. Later scholars refer to them as conditions that gave rise to specific revelations (asbab al nuzul). It is in this way that the ethical and spiritual inspiration of the early period of revelation came to be realised

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in the concrete conditions faced by the growing community, as it sought to establish itself. The Prophet Muhammad is believed to be the ‘Seal of the Prophets’ (Qur’an 33:40), through whom this universal process of revelation is fulfilled and completed. Recipients of past revelations such as Jews and Christians are called Ahl al-Kitab, The People of the Book, thus placing them, with Muslims, within a shared and purposeful human history. Another implication of the inclusive and universal notion of revelation is that the great prophetic voices and faith traditions are not perceived separately as simple reflections of local history but collectively as illustrating the diverse threads of humanity: O humankind, We have created you out of male and female and constituted you into different peoples and societies, so that you may come to know one another. The noblest of you, in the sight of God, are the most aware. (49: 11–13)

This awareness of the cosmos as permeated with meaning and purpose that has moral significance for human life is called taqwa, which in its various forms occurs over 200 times in the Qur’an. It signifies the moral grounding that underlies human action, as well as the ethical conscience which makes human beings aware of their responsibility to God and to society. Within this inclusive and universalising vision of humanity, Muslims seek to be members of a model community: an umma of the middle way, a witness to humanity, as the Prophet had been a witness to them (Qur’an 2:143). From its beginnings in the Arabian Peninsula over 1,400 years ago, Islam has grown and spread to include virtually every corner of the world. The majority of the followers of Islam, called Muslims, live in the continents of Africa and Asia (including Central Asia, part of Russia and Northwest China). Among the countries with the largest Muslim populations in Asia are Indonesia, Pakistan, Bangladesh and India, the Arab Muslim countries of the Middle East and the Gulf (in Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Lebanon, among other countries, where there are Arab Christians), Afghanistan, China, Iran, Malaysia and Turkey. In Africa the majority of people living in North Africa in Algeria, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia are Muslim; Nigeria’s Muslim population numbers more than 50 million and Muslims are also found in many of the countries of West, East and Central Africa. In the last quarter of the twentieth century, Muslims have migrated to North America, Australia, Continental Europe and Britain. Among European countries, several such as Bosnia and Albania have been home to Muslim communities for several centuries. The majority of the peoples of the Central Asian Republics – Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan – are Muslims. The ‘World of Islam’, or Dar al-Islam as the area in which Muslims predominate has traditionally been called, thus represents a great deal of diversity in language, culture and ethnicity. Yet historically, religious practices, institutional development,

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and common patterns reflected in the built environment have provided this world with a sense of unity that is still reflected in the urban and rural life of major Muslim societies all over the world. The encounter of the World of Islam with the growing military and economic power of European colonialism from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries disrupted the character and patterns of life of most Muslim peoples, whose lives came to be governed or influenced by the policies of the respective colonial powers and internal conflicts over boundaries and political control. Much of their recent history reflects the desire on the part of newly created Muslim nation-states to free themselves from dependence and to gain greater control over their affairs. The pressures and challenges generated by global politics and nation-building have not always made the task easy (see F.8.c and e). The effort to create modes of life that would reflect past values and provide a sense of continuity with the Muslim heritage is still fraught with tension. Most Muslims however continue to perceive this heritage as a source for ethical conduct of their daily lives. More recently, the profile of the various nation-states and communities that constitute the global Muslim umma (community) has become the subject of discussion and debate, in the light of global events linked to domestic or international conflict. This has resulted in a great deal of distortion and misunderstanding regarding the definition and role of Islam in these societies. It is therefore important to develop historical insight into how the whole spectrum of values and their underlying moral and ethical assumptions have shaped the course of Muslim history in order to appreciate the diversity of their heritage of ethical thought and life, and to guard against merely theologising the image of Muslims, rather than understanding how they had to contend with the same issues of life as followers of other religious traditions. Following the death of the Prophet, various Muslim scholars and members of his family collected and transmitted accounts of his life and activities. In this way they developed a body of material consisting of his actions, sayings and events in his life. In time, the manner in which these were transmitted became standardised and also submitted to a process of authentication. This corpus of the Prophet’s conduct and precepts, known as hadith (reports or narratives of the Prophet Muhammad, including his sayings and actions), constitutes an important source of values for Muslims. It elaborates the teachings of the Qur’an and acts to provide specific examples for obligations, prohibitions, rights and duties to guide a Muslim’s everyday life. The Prophet’s example thus serves as a model of ethical conduct, referred to as sunna. His life has come to be recorded in all Muslim languages and folk traditions, celebrated in poetry and commemorated on his birthday. The Qur’an describes him ‘as a mercy from God’ (28:46), as having an exalted character (68:4) and exemplifying the best of human behaviour (33:21). His lasting legacy for Muslims is the example of engagement with the spiritual and material context of daily life through social and institutional action.

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The Qur’an and the Prophet’s example, as interpreted in different contexts, developed through diverse intellectual disciplines such as law, philosophy and the sciences, has enabled Muslims, wherever they have lived, to develop thus a common frame of reference which transcends ethnic and cultural boundaries while respecting and integrating appropriate cultural traditions and values of the societies of which they were a part. The emergence of nation-states within which Muslims live is a relatively recent phenomenon, dating back to the twentieth century. As has been the case with Christian and Jewish efforts to reflect and adapt their respective traditions to the demands and necessities of modern political, social and economic life, Muslims reflect a great deal of diversity in the approaches they have taken based on their own particular context and tradition. In some instances this has led to the adoption of a framework in which secular values have been adopted as being a primary basis for the state (as in Turkey and parts of Central Asia). Elsewhere, others have sought to base the idea of the state as an extension of a religiously guided state (as in Iran and Saudi Arabia). But between these two orientations there exist many other models of governance (see F.1.d). As in past Muslim history, none can be considered normative, though such claims might be made by those who argue for their respective interpretation. In reality, those living in majority Muslim societies or as minorities in different countries have generally regarded being Muslim as not necessarily being in conflict with their national identity or political orientation and have sought to balance their various commitments in the context of the ideal of a shared, common humanity. Human beings are amongst God’s most noble creation and have a special place within the created order. As part of a pluralistic world community, this common origin and innate human dignity offers the possibility that no matter what the material conditions of life, their ethical life is to be governed by moral reasoning, choice and accountability. Being Muslim, in the past or present, is therefore based on moral and spiritual perspectives that transcend particular geographical or historical conditions: By (the Token of) Time (through the Ages) Verily Man is in loss Except such as have Faith and do righteous deeds and join together in the mutual teaching of Truth, and of Patience and Constancy. (The Holy Qur’an, surah 103, tr. Yusuf Ali)

While God’s will is revealed in the Qur’an and complemented by the sunna, Muslims are also urged to exercise reason in understanding revelations and reflecting on human choice. In the account of the creation of humanity, as narrated in the Qur’an, Adam is shaped from clay, enlivened by divine

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spirit and endowed with the capacity to ‘name things’ (Qur’an 2:31). This suggests a layered and multi-dimensional being, in whom material, spiritual and intellectual orientations are combined. Adam is referred to as a Khalifah (Caliph) or vicegerent, granted custody of the earth and guided by God to create conditions that enabled life to be lived in dignity and according to an ethical and moral purpose. Being human, in this broad sense, thus has a special, even privileged, status in creation according to the Qur’an (95:4) and brings with it accountability for the choices that are made, as illustrated in the story of creation. The concept of accountability also relates to belief in life hereafter, and the notion of a Day of Judgement. Muslim scholars of the earlier period therefore exercised their reason and judgement to develop ways of understanding the principles and values of Islam. These methods and their applications varied, but anchored beliefs and practices as a synthesis between revelation and reason. As Islam spread to various parts of the world, Muslims sought to enact in different regions what they considered to be the inspirational values of the original, revelatory experience. This led to a process by which disciplines such as law, theology and Qur’anic interpretations came to be formalised as Muslims also engaged with other intellectual traditions and important questions of the time. Muslim writings about ethics did not dichotomise human actions but rather sought to harmonise them within an integrated vision. Thus being ‘Muslim’ (that is, in accord with God’s will) encompassed in their view engagement with the material as well as the spiritual dimensions of life, and a commitment to achieving a balance between the two transcendental dimensions of belief and faith and the contexts and conditions of daily life. This ongoing process evolved differently as historical and geographical contexts changed and Muslim communities arose in different regions of the world. This accounts for both the diversity one finds and also the plurality of the systems that developed over time. Muslim civilisations, as they developed in different regions, produced throughout the medieval and pre-modern period notable experiences in philosophy, the sciences and the arts and cultivated trade and commerce on an extensive scale. This represents an important aspect of the ongoing engagement of Muslims with the larger processes of societies. F.1.b. Authority Ultimate authority in Islam belongs to God: ‘To God belongs sovereignty’ (Qur’an 5:40 and 9:116). God selected prophets and messengers throughout history, investing them with power and authority to lead and guide his followers based on what was revealed to them. Similarly the Prophet Muhammad was invested with such authority: ‘whoever obeys the Messenger obeys God’ (Qur’an 4:80). During his lifetime, the Prophet was both recipient and interpreter of divine revelation. His death marked the conclusion of the

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line of prophecy. According to the Qur’an, Muslims are urged to ‘Obey God, the Messenger and those in authority amongst you’ (Qur’an 4:59). The historical development and growth of the global Muslim community has resulted in diverse approaches to questions of authority and distinctive perspectives that have led various Muslim groups to coalesce around differing interpretations of how the core message was to be implemented. This institutional pluralism is represented in several communities of interpretation with diverse views as to how Islam can best be fulfilled and realised in the life and organisation of the umma, the worldwide Muslim community. Sunni Muslims, who constitute the majority group in Islam, historically identified ‘those in authority amongst you’ after the Prophet as his key Companions, who retrospectively came to be known as the rightly guided Caliphs, namely Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman and Ali. After them, according to the Sunni view, different leaders ruled various parts of the Muslim world and their authority was accepted if they fulfilled the role of protecting Muslims and their lands and if their rule accorded with the values of the Qur’an and the Prophet. While Caliphs and rulers maintained temporal order and protected Muslim lands, property and peoples, scholars provided religious interpretation and teaching, mediated legal issues and often acted as imams, or prayer leaders in charge of mosques. Sunni Muslims follow different scholars depending on the school of practice (madhhab) around which they have built consensus. From the early decades, various embryonic systems of law began to emerge in response to concrete situations in different parts of the Muslim world, reflecting also diverse ways in which the Qur’an was interpreted. The idea of unifying and systematising practices and norms and submitting them to one comprehensive framework of legal rules developed later and was only one of several ways in which Muslims understood and practised their faith. Eventually, these developments were consolidated into four major schools which came to command the allegiance of the majority of Sunni adherents. In regard to practice, Sunnis evolved a means of elaborating the teachings of Islam by which, in addition to the Qur’an and the sunna, their scholars developed the concepts of consensus (ijma), and the methodology of analogy (qiyas). According to the principle of a consensus of most scholars on the validity of a belief or practice (ijma), common agreement on it was sufficient to establish its validity. Qiyas was employed to generate new rulings, employing reasoning and the drawing of analogies with other rulings from the past. For instance, a parallel could be established between a case treated in the Qur’an or by the Prophet and newly arising issues. By considering the parallels the scholars could then proceed to a logical deduction. A specific example of this is their treatment of the Qur’anic command to put commercial transactions in writing so as to prevent fraud. By analogy, Muslim scholars made it compulsory to register marriages officially, although the

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Qur’an makes no reference to such a requirement. The jurists, however, considered it to be a serious transaction of trust between two individuals to which the Qur’anic ruling ought also to apply. By thus checking agreement in the present and consistency with the past through ijma and qiyas, a flexibility was provided by which the scholars could accommodate practices not specifically referred to in the Qur’an and in the sunna but not contradictory to their spirit. The role of scholars and jurists was to teach and interpret Muslim principles, assuming both universal application and a sense of continuity. Nevertheless, certain minor areas of disagreement have led to variations in interpretation. Within Sunni Islam, the four major schools of thought and practice, each named after scholars responsible for defining its main features, are Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi’i and Hanbali. Each school has recognised the right of the others to disagree on minor points of interpretation, and therefore all four are considered as normative in Sunni Islam. Some of these schools have however not always been as tolerant toward other groups within the umma. In parallel with the Sunni view, the Shia maintain that, while revelation ceased at the Prophet’s death, the need for the spiritual and moral guidance of the community continued, through an ongoing interpretation and implementation of the Islamic message. They believed however that the legacy of Prophet Muhammad could only be entrusted to a member of his own family (ahl al-bayt), in whom the Prophet had invested his authority through designation. That person was Imam Ali, Prophet Muhammad’s cousin, the husband of his daughter, Fatima Zahra. They believe that during the Prophet’s life, Ali had earned his trust and that, following Prophet Muhammad’s farewell pilgrimage and in accordance with divine command, the Prophet at Ghadir Khum designated Ali as his successor. The Shia therefore attest that, after the Prophet, the legitimate authority for the guidance of the community was vested in Imam Ali. Just as it was the prerogative of the Prophet to designate his successor, so it is the absolute prerogative of each Imam of the time to designate his successor from among his male progeny. Hence, the Imamate continues by heredity in the Prophet’s progeny through Imam Ali and Fatima Zahra and the teachings and sayings of these Imams constitute, in addition to the Qur’an and the sunna of the Prophet, a foundational and authoritative source for all Shia. This belief in the Imamate as an institution to complement and sustain the work of the Prophet Muhammad is integrated by the Shia in their profession of faith, embodied in the shahadah. In addition to professing belief in the Unity (Tawhid) of God and the role of Muhammad as a messenger, the Shia also profess that Ali, the commander of true believers, is the Friend (wali, plural awliya ) of God. Devotion to the Imams thus becomes a cardinal act of faith among the Shia. The Imam is believed also to possess divinely endowed knowledge and the capacity to provide spiritual guidance. This belief reflects

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the Shia view that in order to understand and implement the Qur’an and the sunna, it is necessary that the Imam be divinely inspired. He can thus provide both material and spiritual leadership, enabling Muslims to remain united both in affairs of state and those of faith. The Imams also act as intercessors, as does the Prophet Muhammad, seeking forgiveness and welfare on behalf of individuals. In time, Shia thought developed the view that a true understanding of the Qur’an was not limited merely to the literal aspects of revelation. There was also an inner dimension to the Qur’anic verses that could be grasped through the teachings of the Imams. The science of tafsir, consisting of the explanation of the outward significance and context of the Qur’an, was complemented among the Shia by the science of tawil, the analysis of the inner dimension and deeper meanings of revelation. In this respect the Shia contributed greatly to the intellectual tradition in Islam and influenced the development of philosophical and mystical thought in Islam. Shias in particular have also recognised the possibility of independent reasoning in matters of faith or law. Utilising such abilities is called ijtihad. According to tradition, the legitimacy of ijtihad was recognised by the Prophet and is an important principle in Shia theology and law. Scholars who exercise their reasoning in matters of faith are referred to as mujtahids. A very important historical and contemporary mode of being Muslim is a commitment to lead one’s life by the values of spirituality found in the Qur’an and reflected in the spiritual experiences of the Prophet. The basic element of this mystical and personal practice is historically associated with those Muslims called Sufis, though such ideas find an echo in all the other Muslim traditions that have an esoteric dimension. These found expression in poetry, music, dance and other creative acts. This corpus of literature and artistic work has been very influential and continues to be preserved and built upon in our time. The Sufis are Muslims who seek to understand and experience the dimension of Islam that relates to the cultivation of an inner life in search of divine love and knowledge. The word Sufi is derived from tasawwuf: the act of devoting oneself to a search for an inner life. This balances what many Sufis believed to be the formalism and legalism of the ulama. Sufis are also referred to as faqir or dervish, both meaning ‘poor’ (in spirit), words that have become part of the English language. The term ‘sufi’ may in part also be attributed to the use of suf, woollen garments, such as some early Muslim mystics wore. The roots of Sufism lay in some of the early Muslims’ experience of the Qur’an and their desire to understand the nature of the Prophet’s religious experience: ‘From God we are and to Him is our return’ (2:156). Verses of the Qur’an like this constituted the basis of what became the Sufi understanding of spiritual life. Sufis themselves often employed vivid imagery to describe their quest for religious meaning. The poet Rumi (d. 1273 CE), whose Mathnawi is considered one of the great classics of Sufi literature,

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began his work by citing the analogy of a flute, made out of reeds, playing soulfully: Listen to the reed how it tells a tale, complaining of separations, saying ‘Ever since I was parted from the reed-bed, my lament hath caused men and women to moan. I want a bosom torn by severance that I may unfold (to such a one) the pain of love – desire.’ Everyone who is left far from his source, wishes back to the time when he was united with it. (tr. Nicholson 1977: 5)

The central image of the flute or pipe, as it is used in this passage and elsewhere in Sufi literature, mirrors the yearning of the soul, which, like the reed out of which the flute is made, has been separated from its source, namely God. Since the major concern of Sufism was to enable an individual Muslim to seek intimacy with God, it was felt that such seekers must embrace an inner life, a path of devotion and prayer that would lead to spiritual awakening. In Sufism, therefore, the outward forms of being Muslim have a counterpart called the tariqa (the inner way) that complements the observance of Islam. The tariqa is the path and the discipline undertaken by a Muslim in the quest for knowledge of God, which leads ultimately to an experiential understanding of the meaning of tawhid, or divine unity. The word tariqa also came to be applied to the various schools that arose within the Sufi tradition. From this early stage, when Sufism was no more than a very intense and personal seeking of God on the part of certain Muslims, it developed into a system of mystical orders centring around the teachings of a leader. This gave rise to the establishment of several Sufi orders in Islam named after their founding teachers called shaykh or pir but also tracing their spiritual genealogy back to the teachings of the Prophet and Ali, whom they considered to have been endowed with the special mission of explaining the mystical dimension of Qur’anic teachings as well as being spiritual mediators whose intercessionary role mediated God’s grace in their personal search. By the thirteenth century these orders had grown and spread all over the Muslim world. Muslims were attracted from all walks of life and from all groups in Islam, among them al-Ghazali (d. 1117 CE) and Ibn Sina (d. 1037 CE). Later Jalal al-din Rumi (d. 1273) and Ibn al Arabi (d. 1240 CE), and many other figures all over the Muslim world, became leaders of Sufi thought and practice. Within these orders, the path of spirituality begins with the acceptance of a teacher as a guide. This teaching is aimed at enabling the disciple to develop through a path of introspection, discipline and meditation a personal and spiritual closeness to God. In this way, the Sufi passes through several spiritual ‘stations’, each representing the development of inner life, until finally through the experience of ‘annihilation’ (fana) the true meaning of spiritual union with God is realised. Sufism teaches that at this point the Muslim devotee has reached a true understanding of Islam, having finished the tariqa, or path of discipline built on the observances of the faith.

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F.1.c. Authority Figures in the Faith As indicated above, after the Prophet Mohammad, Muslims have not followed a single authority but given allegiance to leaders based on their respective interpretations of Muslim history and faith. Sunni Muslims regard scholars, known as ulama, as figures of authority, thought to be competent in interpreting and adjudicating in matters of faith because of their knowledge and training. They regard their role as interpreting the rules of the Qur’an and hadith as applied to daily life and circumstance. They base their judgement on a heritage of previous scholarly opinion, consensus and analogy. Reasoning and its application through legal and ethical precepts is also applied to arrive at a decision. In general, though, conformity to past practice remains an important guiding principle for the exercise of religious authority. In modern times a variety of other groups and teachers have emerged out of the main four traditions but evolving different interpretations of Muslim life in the modern world. However for each Sunni community, accepted religious scholars act as a point of reference for how one should practise the faith. Rulings issued by such scholars provide guidance on matters related to everyday life, which are based on the legal interpretation of each school and the acceptable qualifications of each scholar (see F.6.a). Among Shia Muslims, the idea of centralised authority of the Imam has prevailed, but in the course of history, groups have differed over lines of succession to the Imamate. The majority of Shia, called Imami Ithna Ashari (Twelver Imamis), give allegiance to twelve Imams, the twelfth, known as Muhammad al Mahdi, having gone into a hidden state, until such time as he is to reappear to all and establish truth and justice on earth. The other group of Shia are known as Ismailis, the Mustali branch of which acknowledges a different line of Imams, the last of whom went into concealment. His descendants continue to be hidden from human recognition and the community in their absence is led by a representative called the Da’i al Mutlaq. The community generally goes under the name Tayyibi Bohora. At the beginning of the twenty-first century the majority Ismaili group, known as Nizari Ismailis, are led by the forty-ninth living Imam, descended from the Prophet and Ali through Fatima. He is His Highness Prince Karim Aga Khan IV, who as spiritual leader guides an international community spread over some thirty countries. F.1.d. Duties of Leaders In a letter, attributed to Imam Ali, when he assumed the role of Caliph in 656 CE, Imam Ali advised the newly appointed Governor of Egypt as follows: I am sending you to a country which has experienced in the past, periods of justice as well as injustice.

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Infuse your heart with mercy for the subjects, love for them and kindness towards them. Be not like a ravenous beast of prey above them, seeking to devour them. For they are of two types: either your brother in religion or your like in creation. Mistakes slip from them, defects emerge from them, deliberately or accidentally. So bestow upon them your forgiveness and your pardon, just as you would have God bestow upon you His forgiveness and pardon; for you are above them, and the one who has authority over you is above you, and God is above him who appointed you. He expects you to satisfy their needs; and through them He tests you. (Shah-Kazemi 2006: 220)

The ideals set forward in Muslim manuals advise rulers to be just, compassionate, mindful of diverse interests, to defend the faith, the land, the lives and properties of the people and to ensure that the rights of minorities (traditionally referred to as Ahl al-dhimma) are protected. Those who function as leaders also have the responsibility to instruct the followers of the faith, to lead congregational prayers, collect religious taxes and offerings and distribute them equally. The goal of leadership and the purpose of exercising power, as described in the ethical traditions, are thus linked to values such as the survival of others and an aspiration to promote peace and justice. In the case of Shia communities, these roles are played by their Imam or his designated appointees. Among Sufi groups, who emphasise personal search and spirituality, allegiance is given to the shaykh or pir, whose function is to provide spiritual guidance. To a large extent therefore, authority in Muslim history was exercised through a balance between the role of temporal rulers and religious leaders, though in some cases the latter were appointed by the state and the rulers were often ratified in theory, if not always in practice, by the religious leadership. While Muslim scholars and jurists in general (with exceptions in some countries such as Iran and Saudi Arabia) are not actively engaged at the level of decision-making in the day-to-day life in their respective nations, their views and judgements are often sought by their communities and others in addressing ethical issues and the moral and legal boundaries affecting choices and actions. In some cases, such views might even be in opposition to national policy or the actions of governments. Most scholars seek earnestly to use their knowledge and understanding to give appropriate responses based on traditional forms of discursive practice and due deliberation. But in the absence of any centralised authority among Muslims in the world today, there is great diversity and pluralism in such interpretations. The key responsibility of all scholars and authorities in matters of faith, however, is their adherence to principles that acknowledge the plural historical and cultural experiences of the worldwide Muslim community and the validity of different interpretations. In a recent international meeting of major Muslim scholars representing the different schools of thought held in Amman, Jordan, in

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early July 2005, this principle was acknowledged and a consensual statement issued declaring: Whosoever is an adherent of one of the four Sunni Schools of Jurisprudence (Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi’i and Hanbali), the Ja’fari (Shi’i) School of Jurisprudence, the Zaydi School of Jurisprudence, the Ibadi School of Jurisprudence, or the Zahiri School of Jurisprudence is a Muslim. Declaring that person an apostate is impossible.

(Zaydi Muslims originated among the Shia and are found mainly in Yemen. The Ibadis live mainly in Oman and parts of the Maghreb. They have their own schools of legal interpretation and religious authorities, as does the Sunni Zahiri community. The Ja’fari schools represent the various Shia traditions.) In modern times, Muslim societies have adopted different forms of governance and authority in temporal and religious matters, so no one model can be said to be normative, while the ethical underpinnings of leadership are still considered influential and significant. F.1.e. Duties of Subjects and Citizens Throughout their history most Muslims have lived as part of larger empires or states governed by Muslim rule and law. Their loyalties varied between allegiance to rulers, regional or local leaders and in many cases, in rural and other non-urban environments, to tribal, clan or family groups. As much of the Muslim world has developed in recent decades into nation-states the natures of individual duties and responsibilities have changed. As citizens of respective states, their allegiance is primarily to the governing authority within the nation-state. Where certain groups have sought to challenge authority on the grounds that it does not accord with their view of how a Muslim society should be governed, or because it has been imposed on them through military or colonial power, they have often faced persecution and been forced to leave the state. Others have remained in opposition and tried to change existing regimes. In most Muslim states, however, loyalty is to the nation and the existing authority. As in other nationstates, this has led to the creation of legal codes that define the duties and responsibilities of citizenship. Where Muslims live as minorities in non-Muslim states they give their allegiance to the rightful government of the country of their abode. They are expected to practise good citizenship in the context of the pluralism of the societies in which they live and to abide by the law of the land. The many contexts in which Muslims live are described in F.8.b and alFarabi’s description of the ideal in The Excellent City is discussed in F.9.a. However, some Muslims have objected to the political and civil authority in power in one country or another, Muslim-led or not, believing that the

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state’s expectations or existing policies are not in accord with their religious values. For example, there are some relatively recent cases to be found among African-American Muslims and others in Europe who have objected to what they perceive to be restrictions on their expressions of Muslim identity. F.2. PERSONAL AND PRIVATE? F.2.a. Personal Qualities The ideal of moral and ethical consciousness based on belief and faith in God and His revelation, and of human commitment and personal responsibility, frame the model of human behaviour in Islam. The Prophet Muhammad, like the great prophetic figures before him, serves as our example of these qualities as they translate into daily life: It is not righteousness that you turn your faces to the East and to the West. The righteous are those who believe in God, the last Day, the Angels, the Book, the Prophets and who give from what they have to: relatives, orphans, those in need, those away from their homes, those who ask (when in need) and to free the enslaved. They observe prayer and give in charity and support and keep their word when they make a commitment, preserving with patience when faced with difficulty, adversity and hardship. Such are the firmly committed and the morally conscious. (Qur’an 2:177)

These Qur’anic values are complemented by the sayings of the Prophet recorded in the hadith relating to personal qualities, such as: • Let those who believe in God and the Day of Judgement refrain from harming their neighbours, let them honour their guests and speak well of others or hold their tongues. • The one who shows concern for widows and the disadvantaged is like the one who struggles in the way of God or fasts by day and rises at night for prayer. • Adore God as though you see Him, if you do not see Him, He nonetheless sees you. • The pursuit of knowledge is obligatory on every Muslim, man or woman. It is this comprehensive portrait of the Prophet as recorded in his biography, reflecting his example as servant and devotee of God, husband and parent, a person of humility, compassion and justice, particularly towards children, orphans, the disadvantaged, animals and birds, that Muslims seek to embody in their daily lives. The Prophet is also an example of the more private search within an individual for a personal and more intimate relationship with God, highlighting the spiritual goals of human life.

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Among the hadith preserved in Muslim tradition, there are those known as hadith qudsi, where the Prophet quotes God. In one of these, he expresses how one can build a personal relationship with God, based on a bond of devotion and love: My servant ceases not to draw close to me through devotion until I love him, and when I love him I become the eye by which he sees and the ear by which he hears. And when he approaches me by a span, I approach him by a cubit and when he comes walking, I come running.

F.2.b. Friendship According to the Qur’an, ties of friendship transcend mere tribal blood ties that underlined inter-personal relationships among the Arabs before Islam. While this new vision was not aimed at discarding ties of kinship, the ideal of a brotherhood and sisterhood taught that a common faith and shared values opened up the possibility of a wider circle of loyalty and solidarity. The new emotional closeness implies that suspicion, spying and speaking ill of each other is to be avoided. An early example of the new ties of friendship and loyalty is reflected in the term ansar, helpers, that is, those who come to the aid of the Prophet and those Muslims who were forced to leave Mecca (Makkah) with the Prophet and migrate to Medina during the hijrah (the migration) in 622 CE. This is reinforced in Qur’anic verses such as ‘The believers, male and female, are friends of each other’ (Qur’an 3:195) and also ‘They do not betray envy in their hearts for that which has been given [those who had migrated] but prefer them to themselves even if they face poverty’ (Qur’an 59:9). Such ties of friendship are however not restricted to fellow believers but also extend to others. In the lifetime of the Prophet, there were among his companions those who were close to him and some like Abu Bakr and Ali who risked their lives for him in times of crisis. They have therefore become models for how loyalty and commitment constitute important values in relationships. Ultimately friendship becomes an expression of shared ideals of moral excellence and a way to develop sympathy, care and concern for the welfare of one’s friends. F.2.c. Sex before Marriage The teachings of the Qur’an challenged the unregulated and exploitative nature of sexual relations prevalent in pre-Islamic Arab societies. It however recognised them as an integral part of the relations between men and women, built on dignity and mutuality: ‘Women are a garment for you and you for them’ (Qur’an 2:187); ‘Among His signs is that He created for you spouses so

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that you might find tranquility in them and He placed love and mercy between you’ (Qur’an 30:21). Muslim teaching therefore restricts sex to those who are married to each other and is based on Qur’anic injunctions that sought to forbid illicit forms of union, which are defined as zina, referring to adultery or sex outside marriage. According to a well-known saying of the Prophet, ‘There is no monasticism in Islam’. Because of this, marriage is both desirable and the norm and is established by legal contract. In Muslim thinking the very illegality of sex outside marriage is the same as a sin. F.2.d. Homosexuality The Qur’an condemns homosexual practice with particular reference to the story of Lot (Qur’an 79–81) and the behaviour of the citizens of the ‘sinning cities’. Their uncontrolled lust for any male, some of whom they raped, is called an abomination. In keeping with the general regulations governing illicit sex, such behaviour is denounced in Muslim tradition. In very recent times, a very small minority has tried to assert the right to be openly gay and to organise themselves, but they have experienced widespread opposition from the mainstream of Muslim society. However, as attitudes change, there are developing differences across the regions as to the extent to which an openly gay lifestyle can be tolerated. F.2.e. HIV/AIDS Compassion for the sick and those who need care has been an important ethical value in Islam and has been translated through the building of hospitals and the training and support of physicians both in the past and present. With the global spread of HIV/AIDS many Muslim countries have focused their attention on meeting the needs of those afflicted and also to initiate preventive measures, particularly for vulnerable segments of society such as women and children. Muslims are concerned to address this threat to society as a whole because it affects the ability of people to have dignity, to work and contribute to the welfare of their communities. Many Muslim organisations working to combat HIV/AIDS in partnership with other international health and social welfare agencies have been particularly sensitive to local values and traditions as they educate their populations to face the potential and actual impact of HIV/AIDS. The spread of HIV/AIDS has been particularly severe in some African and Asian countries where Muslims live and many of these countries, such as Senegal and Uganda, have official policies in place to try to eradicate the spread of HIV/AIDS as well as to educate their people about the disease which, in these areas, particularly impacts on women and children.

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F.3. MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY F.3.a. The Meaning of Marriage Marriage in Islam is a contractual relationship based on mutual agreement. The marital state does not have any ‘sacramental’ connotation, though blessings are invoked at the time of the wedding. The agreement is normally witnessed and contracted publicly and is meant to signify the social and legal interdependence necessary for the purpose of creating and sanctioning a family. Every Muslim is encouraged to marry and have a family. One key element of the marriage contract is a dowry, called mahr, to be agreed pre-nuptially and given to the bride, which becomes her property. The couple can also now legally inherit from each other. Generally a prayer is said on the occasion, seeking blessings for children, who would be a source of comfort and for whom the parents would be examples of good conduct and mutual comfort. The Qur’an permitted plural marriages, allowing a man to have up to four wives, with the strict provision that they be treated equally (Qur’an 4:3). If unable to do so, one is urged to be monogamous. Polygamy in Islam, as in other religious or cultural traditions, is often explained by scholars as reflecting specific social and cultural contexts, particularly in tribal settings. Most Muslim societies today are monogamous in law and practice though in certain countries polygamy is still legal and permitted. Where Muslims live as minorities, regardless of past tradition, they conform to the legal practice and requirements of marriage in that society. Muslim men are not restricted from marrying outside the community though Muslim legal tradition does not extend the same right to women. Among more traditionally minded families there is resistance to daughters marrying outside the faith. However, in the larger multicultural and pluralistic environments in which Muslims live, women have been free to make choices, without necessarily compromising their identity as Muslims (see F.7.d). As marriages between Muslims and non-Muslims become more prevalent, there is greater acceptance of them. Exact statistics are hard to establish but currently the children of such marriages tend to be brought up as Muslims. F.3.b. Family Relationships The core relationship in a family between husband and wife should be governed by love and compassion (Qur’an 30:21). The family, based on marriage, is seen as the basic unit fostering community cohesion, solidarity amongst family groups and larger units linked by marriage. It is also the context for individuals to develop mutually enriching lives by way of the material and emotional support and comfort that the husband, wife and children provide each other. The sanctity of the family and in particular the honour of its

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women is greatly valued in Muslim societies. As an institution, the extended family also provides support for vulnerable members – older persons, orphans and widows in particular. One of the major changes brought about in the status of the family from pre-Islamic Arab times was the provision of legal rights and status for women; these rights were defined in the context of family life. Female infanticide and unrestricted polygamy, as practised by certain pre-Islamic Bedouin tribes, were abolished. The Qur’an permits a man to have a maximum of four wives at one time. However, quality in the treatment of wives is made a strict condition in such cases, as is a due recognition of each person’s rights within a polygamous household (Qur’an 4:129). These strictures imply for many modern Muslims that monogamy is preferable and that polygamy was a contested concession in the context of the times. The Qur’an also recognises the possibility of marriages breaking down, and allows for divorce after reasonable attempts have been made at reconciling the parties. Marriages are to be accompanied by the signing of contracts in which the husband is asked to specify the amount of settlement to be made to the wife in the event of a divorce. Divorced persons, widows and widowers are also encouraged to remarry. Another area of family life touched upon in the Qur’an is that of inheritance: ‘From that left by parents and close relations, there is a share for the men and a share for the women. Each has a designated share, small or large’ (Qur’an 4:7). A particular concern is expressed for orphans and the disadvantaged. The overriding factor at all levels of personal and social life is a strong sense of justice: ‘O you who believe, Be firm in justice and as witnesses for God even though it be against yourselves, your parents or those close to you – rich or poor’ (Qur’an 4:135). It is the notion of intimacy and privacy, however, that has influenced the way in which traditional family dwellings have been built and organised in many Muslim countries. Housing is set off from the commercial sector of the city. The concept of haram (and harim, meaning sanctuary), vulgarised in European literature as the ‘harem’, is essentially a notion of protection because of the recognition that family life and personal life are private but vulnerable. The covering of the interior courtyards of traditional Muslim houses and the traditional clothing worn by Muslim men and women are means of protecting this vulnerability. While such a description reflects only an idealised pattern, cities across the Muslim world, even to this day, have at their core the medina, where this working network can still be found. Most cities were also connected by vast trade routes, such as the Trans-Sahara trade route or the Silk Road, which linked merchants and workers from far-away places. Family life is a vital part of the Muslim social order. Muslims are urged to respect parents where traditional social patterns obtain, men are held to have a custodial role in family life, though women in

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terms of their religious status have equality as well as economic rights, the right of maintenance as well as in appropriate context, the legal right to divorce. The status of women in Muslim societies, as indeed in all religious traditions, is undergoing change and reassessment. Many Muslim women believe that in conformity with Qur’anic principles they are free to exercise rights and freedoms in their lives, while others remain committed to sustaining traditionally ascribed roles and status. One can find, as a result, a great deal of diversity among Muslims, and there is variety in the roles that Muslim women play in family and social life, as well as playing important public roles in every major sector of society. Many Muslim women today argue that roles traditionally assigned to them based on local cultural traditions are incompatible with the spirit of the Qur’an, which they believe encourages them to embrace a wider public role in modern society, contributing both within and outside the home (see F.7.d). Muslims are also urged to show deference and kindness towards their parents and to other relatives and to maintain and look after their needs when they are elderly. Muslims are strongly encouraged to arrange for the support of their families, after their death. The writing of a will is recommended as is the common practice of creating a family foundation or trust (waqf) to ensure sustained support. The Qur’an prescribed how bequests should be distributed to family members, which were later interpreted and made part of personal and family law. However, these norms have undergone significant change in the modern legislative regulations of many Muslim states. F.3.c. Marriage Breakdown In Arab society, before Islam, unwritten and inherited tribal custom particularly disadvantaged women when marriages broke down. By locating rules and regulations within an ethical framework, the Qur’an changed the regulations governing marriage and divorce. The Qur’an permits divorce when there is evidence that the marriage has irretrievably broken down and offers the possibility that new partners might be found offering a more fulfilling marriage. However, at first, it urges the parties to seek reconciliation and agreement. In the event that they are unable to resolve their differences or arrive at a reconciliation, they are further directed to seek arbitration. It is recommended that there be an arbiter from each side and that they should act as mediators with the intention of saving the marriage. This is to prevent haste and a damaging divorce. The couple may also resort to a waiting period to give them time and opportunity to reconsider their decision to divorce each other. It is only when all these steps have failed that divorce becomes inevitable. A husband may, according to traditional practice in many Muslim societies, make a declamation that he wishes to divorce his wife. Such a divorce becomes valid after the wife has completed three menstrual cycles. In such

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traditional settings, women can also seek divorce for long neglect, illtreatment, adultery and so on. Should the wife be pregnant at the time of divorce, the husband is obliged to support her for an appropriate period, while she brings up the child. It should be noted that among Muslims today, who live in very diverse settings, past practice has been adapted through modern legislation into national legal systems and there is therefore a great deal of variation in how traditional patterns affecting marriage breakdown have been changed to bring about greater equality. In European and other Western societies, Muslims follow the law of the land (see F.1.e) though they retain within community and family settings the practice of arbitration and reconciliation, mindful that the institution of marriage itself has undergone often dramatic transformation in these societies in recent times. Family law, in general, has undergone many significant changes in the Muslim world. The process of meeting the challenge of changing social and economic conditions is an ongoing one with many Muslim women (see F.7.d) at the forefront of responses to changed circumstances. F.4. INFLUENCES ON AND THE USE OF TIME, MONEY AND OTHER PERSONAL RESOURCES F.4.a. Education Among the earliest revelations received by the Prophet Muhammad are verses emphasising learning and knowledge: ‘Your Lord is full of generosity, instructing by the pen, educating humanity about that which they did not know’ (Qur’an 96:3–5). Adam is distinguished in the creation story from other created beings, by virtue of the capacity gifted to him to ‘name things’ (Qur’an 2:31). One of the prayers in the Qur’an is ‘Increase me O Lord, in knowledge’ (Qur’an 20:114). Complementing the Qur’an’s emphasis are the sayings of the Prophet urging the pursuit of knowledge: ‘Seek knowledge, even into China’ and ‘The pursuit of knowledge is obligatory on every Muslim, male or female’ (Friedlander 1998: 31) As the Muslim world expanded and encompassed other cultural traditions, efforts were made to enlarge the basis of knowledge that would be needed to live in changing contexts. Teachers and education received great respect in Muslim societies. One of the ethical values associated with learning was that those who possessed knowledge would use it in the service of their fellow men and women. According to a saying of the Prophet, the ‘ink of the scholars was holier than the blood of martyrs’. A good example of rulers endowing a public place, provision or institution to advance the cause of knowledge and to promote learning among their subjects was the establishment in Baghdad and Cairo of the Houses of Wisdom. A contemporary account describes it as follows:

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The House of Knowledge in Cairo was inaugurated on March 24, 1005 CE. The jurists took up residence there, the books from the palace libraries were moved into it. People could visit it, and whoever wanted to copy something that interested him could do so; the same was true of anyone who wanted to read any of the material kept in it. After the building was furnished and decorated, and after all the doors and passages were provided with curtains, lectures were held there by the Qur’an readers, astronomers, grammarians and philologists, as well as physicians. Guardians, servants, domestics and others were hired to serve there. Into this house they brought all the books, the manuscripts in all the domains of science and culture, to an extent to which they had never been brought together for a prince. He allowed access to all this to people of all walks of life, whether they wanted to read books or dip into them. One of the already mentioned blessings, the likes of which had been unheard of, was also that he granted substantial salaries to all those who were appointed by him there to do service – jurists and others. People from all walks of life visited the House; some came to read books, some to study and some to copy them. They were provided with ink, writing instruments and paper. (Halm 2001: 73)

The establishment of centres of education has therefore been an integral part of the development of Muslim societies and a prominent feature of the contribution to knowledge and learning in Muslim history and civilisations. A variety of educational institutions have developed throughout Muslim history. Numerous traditions of learning flourished, such as the study of law, philosophy, sciences and mysticism and the production of manuscripts in centres, from al-Azhar in Cairo, to the Zaytuna of Tunis and al-Qarawiyin in Fez, in Cordoba in Spain, Najaf and Karbala in Iraq, Qom in Iran and Samarkand in Central Asia. Children were taught initially to read the teaching of the Qur’an in Arabic, about the life and example of the Prophet, and the practices of the faith; the jami or university and madrasas for higher education were devoted to higher learning encompassing the study of the law, sciences related to the sharia and philosophy and literature. As part of the commitment to education, Muslims developed libraries, often patronised by rulers and courts, which collected and housed books. Among well-known institutions of the past were the Bayt al Hikma (House of Wisdom) in Baghdad established in the ninth century to collect and translate works from many traditions, including the heritage of the classical period and that preserved by Jewish, Christian, Iranian and Indian scholars before Islam. This tradition of learning was further developed and transmitted to the West, acting as an important bridge between Muslims and the cultures of the West. At its peak in Muslim medieval societies, individuals from almost every ethnic and religious persuasion were engaged in all of the disciplines of science: the mathematical sciences, the physical sciences, the life sciences including medicine, and the sciences of alchemy and astrology among others.

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But this was not merely an exercise in imitation. A critical attitude was employed entailing an examination of the fundamental premises of inherited scientific theories. Whenever necessary, theoretical and methodological innovations were proposed, even going as far as to build on existing material or to develop and change existing scientific procedures. The benevolent support of courts and rulers also contributed to the scientific enterprise: the establishment of endowed institutions, primarily academies (for example, the above-mentioned House of Wisdom), libraries, hospitals and observatories. Patronage flourished in spite of the steady disintegration of the major dynasties and the establishment of local dynasties and kingdoms. Many rulers employed scientists as astrologers or physicians. The linkage of disciplines encouraged interdisciplinary interests so that an astrologer needed to know astronomy and one could not know astronomy without being versed in mathematics and natural philosophy. These, in turn, required familiarity with the cosmology of post-philosophical traditions such as the Hellenistic legacy. One area of particular focus was that of calculating time so that prayer times as well as the beginning of the months of the lunar calendar could be determined. The scientific contributions of Muslim civilisations are significant. Yet, at this stage of our knowledge of the scientific enterprise of these civilisations, with the continuing discovery of new manuscripts and the incomplete analysis of known works, remarks about the achievements of scientists or about the general character of science must, to some degree, remain tentative. This is true for all of the intellectual disciplines practised in medieval Islam. In some of the cosmopolitan societies of that time, Muslims were indebted to traditions of harmony that were already well established, such as in India, China and the Mediterranean world. This openness to learning from others was an important hallmark of Muslim approaches to knowledge throughout history. The madrasa also grew as a centre for the instruction of language, Qur’anic studies and Muslim law, and those educated in these centres became judges, jurists and legal practitioners, preachers and religious leaders. Many of these institutions continue to be active in many parts of the Muslim world today and have grown into attempts at mass education in many Muslim countries. In fact, it can be argued that across the Muslim world, the field of education has received focused and intensive attention as part of the larger effort to modernise and globalise their respective societies. Private educational institutions promoting traditional forms of learning about faith and its practice, however, continue to offer religious education. As Muslims migrate to different parts of the world, such traditional patterns have been incorporated with a view to enhancing Muslim identity where it is felt to be threatened in host societies. In many instances, however, the challenge of adapting to new surroundings has also led to adaptations and new educational models for transmitting the Muslim heritage to a new generation of Muslims growing up in Western society.

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While education remains a priority in the Muslim world, many countries, lacking appropriate material and human resources, have been unable to meet the growing demands of an increasing population. In some instances this has led to a brain drain, as younger people leave to pursue education elsewhere. There are however many examples of excellence in education among institutions and individuals in different parts of the Muslim world and elsewhere who continue to provide leadership in this area. F.4.b. Work In his own life, the Prophet Muhammad was a merchant, particularly in the international caravan trade of which Mecca, the city of his birth, was a trading centre. His wife, Khadija, who had hired him to manage her trade was a successful businesswoman. The Qur’an teaches ‘God has made work lawful for you’ and ‘O you who believe do not consume up your property amongst yourself in vanity but trade in mutual goodwill’ (Qur’an 4:29). As Muslim societies developed urban and rural lifestyles, these ethical values very often informed the different contexts in which work patterns and habits developed. One example of how young people receive a Muslim education, while being simultaneously trained for work, is pesantren education in Indonesia. A pesantren is a Muslim boarding school for boys and girls in Indonesia that provides religious education as well as general knowledge and practical training. They provide traditional Muslim instruction, including the teaching of the Qur’an, Muslim practice and ethics, as well as training in vocational knowledge, crafts, agriculture and so on. There are more than 14,000 pesantrens in Indonesia, the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, and it has produced many of the country’s key leaders in all walks of life. Some Muslim leaders in Indonesia, including many women, are committed to enlarging the scope of pesantren education so that they can meet the needs of contemporary life. Work in Muslim cultural traditions is often harnessed to aesthetic values as is evident by the production of items of great beauty, which are also utilitarian, such as carpets, pottery and textiles. Most crafts were organised around guilds specialising in the manufacture of these items, a tradition that is still carried on. One way to understand how work was integrated into the pattern of daily life is to study the traditional Muslim city. Many Muslim cities developed around a major mosque which served as a space of congregation as well as a location around which learning was organised. Radiating from the mosque was a vast array of streets, which led to the commercial or market sector known as the bazaar and branched off into dead-end streets that ended in houses. The bazaar, often covered, was organised in such a way that shops or boutiques dealing in common products were grouped together. Some commercial products, like meat, fish or perishables,

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were kept as far from the centre as possible to avoid an unpleasant environment around the mosque. Other products were not found in the bazaar because certain categories of food and drink are prohibited in the Qur’an; among these are pork, the meat of carrion and all forms of alcoholic drink and intoxicants. The Qur’an also recommends that the name of God be pronounced when animals are being slaughtered for food. While these patterns of urban life varied from region to region, they provide examples of how different occupations and work places developed in Muslim societies. Besides shops, there were also studios and workshops for artisans and craftsmen. Economic life was represented by the flow of human life, which was a dominant part of city activity during the daytime. The rules and regulations governing commercial practices were also defined and implemented by officials whose function it was to see that rules were applied. Certain practices such as gambling and games of chance are prohibited in the Qur’an (see F.4.c), and the function of such officials was to see that these prohibitions were followed. Offenders, if found guilty, were liable to punishment. F.4.c. Leisure and its Use One way of measuring how people use leisure time is to examine activities that generally take place outside the framework and time allotted to work. There is no tradition of a ‘sabbath’ in Islam, though in some places in modern times, Friday, the congregational day of prayer, is a holiday. All Muslim cultures exhibit long-standing traditions of performance arts, music and engagement in games and hunting. Festivals are important, the two most important being the days that mark the day of Eid or Idd (Festivity) following the end of the month of fasting – Ramadan – and the day marking the end of the performance of the hajj or pilgrimage to the Ka’ba in Mecca. Both days are marked by feasting and the exchange of gifts and are celebrated across cities, towns and villages. Among other activities are visits to the mausoleums of Sufi saints which are often accompanied by fairs and musical events. One important game that passed into the Muslim world was chess, inherited primarily from ancient Iran. It continues to be a popular pastime among many along with other ancient board-games such as backgammon, as do traditional sports such as horse and camel racing and falconry. More recently, major international sports like football, athletics and cricket have also become very popular. The tradition of storytelling has been important in many Muslim societies and the storytellers entertain as well as inform. This tradition is currently under pressure as newer forms of modern media and entertainment have arisen to take their place. Based on examples from Muslim history and, in particular, sayings attributed to the Prophet, to Imam Ali and other authorities, the ideal of voluntary services has received a great deal of emphasis. This is seen as a

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constructive use of leisure time, particularly as it relates to young people. Voluntary service may involve time given in the cause of education, social service or in a broader context, for all aspects of community development. F.4.d. Wealth By the Prophet’s time, Mecca had grown to be a major centre of trade which gave rise to the emergence of a merchant class of considerable affluence. However, the Qur’an is critical of the use to which some of them put their wealth. They are accused of being fraudulent, unjust, niggardly and exploitative: Woe to those who deal in fraud, those who when they receive from others, extract the right measure, but when they give, are deceitful and give less. Are they not aware that they will be accountable on the Day of Judgment, when all humankind will stand before the Lord of the Worlds. (Qur’an 83:1–6)

They are also criticised for hoarding and circulating wealth amongst themselves (3:180) and, through usurious practices, of holding hostage those to whom they have lent money, exploiting their dependence on them. The Qur’an regards wealth as a blessing but also a trust to be used responsibly to meet one’s needs but beyond that to use the surplus in a socially beneficial and ethical manner in order to balance the needs of the individual with the needs of the community: Believe in God and His Messenger and give out of that which you have acquired. For those who have faith and give to others for them there is a great reward. And why do you not wish to spend in the way of God. To God belongs the heritage of the heavens and the earth (Qur’an 2:188).

The specific notion of setting aside a portion of one’s wealth for others or of recognising the necessity and value of giving are articulated in the Qur’an through a number of terms that are often used interchangeably. The most significant of these are zakat and sadaqa. Sadaqa and zakat offer a very textured and multivalent conception of giving which draws upon the ideals of compassion, social justice, sharing and strengthening the community. This act aims at being both socially corrective and of spiritual benefit and reflects the ethical and spiritual values which are associated with wealth, property, resources and voluntary efforts in personal as well as communal contexts. It is in this broader sense that Muslims understand the use of wealth and apply it in their daily life. The perspective of the Qur’an on sharing wealth and individual resources through acts of giving is rooted in specific essential ideals such as the absence of a dichotomy between spiritual and material endeavours in human life. Acts sanctioned as a part of faith are also linked to the daily conditions of life in this world and the nature, purpose and function of the Muslim community

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as ‘the best of communities created to do good and to struggle against evil’ (Qur’an 3:110). The trusteeship of wealth and property and hence accountability for the way in which it is expended is heavily stressed. It is clear from Qur’anic teaching (see Qur’an 58:12) that the Qur’an envisaged a broad framework both for those who might benefit from the more formalised practice that was evolving in the early Muslim community and for the fiscal support of the community’s needy from the public purse. Wealthsharing served to benefit the early Muslims who had migrated from Mecca with the Prophet. It was also used to encourage others to join the Muslim community and to support the Muslims in the conflict against Mecca. The Qur’an specifies the types of recipients who ought to benefit from it: those afflicted by poverty, those in need and incapable of assisting themselves (see F.5.b), those who act, sometimes in a voluntary capacity, as stewards and custodians to ensure the collection and appropriate expenditure of funds, those whose hearts need to become favourably inclined towards Islam, captives who need to be ransomed, debtors, travellers, and finally those active for the sake of God. All of these categories came to be strictly defined in later literature. Surplus wealth was used not only to assist the poor but also others who during this period of transition were not visibly in need and who nonetheless either required assistance to enhance their livelihood or needed to be directed towards new occupations. While one aspect was clearly projected towards charitable acts for the poor and the needy, the practice also encompassed the wider goal of applying the donations to improve the general conditions and economic well-being of many others in the growing community. Since one purpose of ritual action in religion in general is to establish and display communal solidarity, the performance of the duty of paying the zakat acts for Muslims as a visible symbol of individual commitment to the religious and social values of the Muslim community. This significance was further stressed by the incorporation of this duty as part of the observance of the two major Muslim holidays established by the Prophet. These are the Festival of Fast Breaking (Eid/Idd al-Fitr) marking the end of Ramadan and the Festival of the Sacrifice (Eid/Idd al-Adha), when Muslims celebrate the culmination of the pilgrimage and they incorporate sharing as acts that ‘purify’ the individual’s wealth just as the pilgrimage unites the believers while also purifying the individual. The fact that the Prophet eventually organised the collection and distribution of alms suggests that the process was being cast into specific institutional forms even in his day. The rules of the sharia (see F.6.a.) developed by succeeding generations of scholars further formalised the collection and distribution of donated amounts. This turn towards systematisation and formalisation did not preclude acts of voluntary almsgiving outside of what was deemed obligatory. Based again on Qur’anic precedents and Prophetic practice, almsgiving was also translated

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into endowments known as waqf. These charitable trusts were used to endow mosques, schools, hospitals, water fountains and other useful public structures and they played an important role throughout history. Notable Muslims, descendants of the Prophet and many women played noteworthy roles in generating such philanthropic works. These acts were not restricted to benefiting Muslims alone. The Prophet himself specified that nonMuslims could also be beneficiaries of charity and encouraged non-Muslims to establish charitable foundations for the benefit of their own coreligionists. Wealth however was not to be gained by unethical or unlawful means, such as stealing, gambling or fraud. As modern Muslim societies seek to address questions of social justice and development, their past traditions of giving of their wealth has afforded them the opportunity to rethink the relevance of these practices to the conditions of today. A majority of Muslims live in areas of the world which are technologically under-developed. Hence, issues of social justice and the equitable distribution of resources figure prominently in discussions of the present-day significance of the Qur’anic injunctions. One broad impact of some Qur’anic injunctions in Muslim societies today is the rise of alternative financial institutions. Some of these practices are labelled as Islamic banking. The main purpose is to create an interest-free mode of financial transactions. This is based on the view that Muslim tradition forbids riba, a term signifying the usurious practices of money lenders in pre-Islamic Arabia, but has by extension come to be applied to all forms of interest, though there is no consensus on this currently among Muslims. This is done through financial instruments that are based on profit-sharing or by purchasing in advance and selling later at a higher price or through a process of leasing or long-term credit. These continue in Muslim societies parallel with standard banking practices and have also been incorporated by major international banks and financial institutions in an attempt to serve the needs of Muslims. Islamic banking however does not necessarily address the needs of the very poor, who have no access to collateral that can be used for the purpose of growing their own wealth as well as meet their daily needs. Several Muslim organisations have more recently created micro-finance institutions to address the need. The main objectives of such institutions mirror the Muslim ethic that seeks to alleviate economic and social exclusion, to reduce poverty and to enable people to develop greater self-reliance and gain skills to be part of a larger network of trade, commerce and opportunity. Among examples of active, micro-finance agencies based on initiatives by Muslims and operating both within and outside the Muslim world are the Grameen Bank founded in Bangladesh, various local initiatives developed in Africa and the Aga Khan Agency for Microfinance operating in Asia and Africa. It is, however, within the framework of voluntary giving that the most innovative and sustainable adaptations of the Qur’anic spirit of giving have

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occurred. Many Muslims, individually or as a community, have developed extensive networks to translate the Qur’an’s ethical values into active vehicles of assistance to a wide variety of constituencies. In some cases, these efforts have taken the form of voluntary associations and charitable organisations to help the poor and the needy in many parts of the world (see F.5.b). Muslim history has a strong economic and wealth-creating dimension, as is attested in the rise of many prosperous states and the cosmopolitan trade and commerce that obtained in them. Two important trade routes, for example, became well established in pre-modern times, the Silk Road and the caravan trade across the Sahara. An important feature of this was that all the inhabitants of the region who could contribute to the prosperity of the state were encouraged to do so. This is well attested in the Geniza documents found in Egypt in the last century, which highlight the important role played by Jewish traders and merchants in the economic life of that period. The characteristics that mark the economy of the time are respect for private property, the encouragement of trade and enterprise and the facilitation of exchange of goods and traders across boundaries. While economic life did become commercialised, the ethical values that underpinned the governance of society tempered wealth by reference to charitable acts and institutionalising the creation of foundations or endowments (waqf) that supported philanthropic and charitable acts. The prosperity of Muslim cities, particularly in the pre-modern period before colonisation, owed much to this enabling environment and the cosmopolitanism of its population and urban life. F.4.e. Drugs While the use of certain drugs and pharmacological practices for the development of the science of medicine has always been encouraged in Muslim societies, the Qur’an prohibits intoxicants. The use of intoxicants, including alcohol and drugs, was a feature of the life of the society during the Prophet’s life. The Qur’an remonstrates against those who attended prayer intoxicated with their mind clouded (Qur’an 4:43). In time it prohibited all intoxicants, explaining that the harm caused far outweighed any beneficial aspects (Qur’an 2:29). Muslim scholars point out that the greatest harm associated with drugs is that they in time irretrievably damage one’s rational capacity and the possibility of responsible acts which are God’s gifts to humanity. At present, in some countries such as Afghanistan, where poppy is grown and then sold on international markets, the government and religious authorities are undertaking strenuous efforts to prevent both the production and the trafficking of drugs through education, criminalisation of the traffic and the development of alternative opportunities for farmers relying exclusively on such crops. Medical institutions and community leaders are active in fighting

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drug addiction and there are severe penalties for the international trafficking of drugs. F.4.f. The Media The importance of education and the value put on knowledge (see F.4.a.) ensured that textual and oral forms of communication were an important part particularly of urban life. The tradition of recording and documenting history encouraged the pursuit of knowledge about the outside world, as did the extensive travel literature of medieval Muslim geographers and travellers. These were widely circulated and read. Well-known examples were the writings of Nasir-i-Khusraw, Ibn Battuta and other travellers whose works acted to educate Muslims about other lands, peoples and cultures. During the nineteenth century, Muslims under different colonised settings attempted to develop their own newspapers and other media, to disseminate information and news, not influenced or under the direct control of the European powers who ruled them. It is however in more recent times that there has been an explosion in both the quantity and form of media and communications. From mobile phones and the internet to other electronic and print media, Muslims, like others, are bombarded by information of all kinds and from diverse sources. In many countries, the media are still controlled by the state but the advances in technology and the world wide web mean that it is virtually impossible to restrict the flow of information in the majority of urban centres in the Muslim world. So there is increased access to all media which brings advantages and challenges to traditional world views. It is in rural or impoverished segments of populations that access is limited. One consequence of the growth in media is that more people are able to access the sources and interpretations of their faith, directly without necessarily having to go through traditional mediators such as scholars and teachers. On the other hand, various Muslim groups and individuals are free to use the media to promote or disseminate individual or groups’ views that are not necessarily in accord with what have been shared community assumptions. New developments in technology also provide scholars and others with the opportunity to communicate directly and quickly across the world with greater ease than at any time before. Muslims are very conscious of how their traditions and beliefs can be misrepresented by the mass media. Both newspapers and television may be seeking to sensationalise events or focus unduly on news that highlights extremist activities which many believe are actually a corruption of Muslim values and principles. Being a Muslim in this perceived climate of hostile media attention has encouraged greater efforts to educate the public better about Islam and to challenge the media to act in accordance with their own

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ethical standards of accurate and fair reporting and in particular to play a constructive role in promoting better understanding of Muslims in the host societies where they have now made their home. F.4.g. Advertising Muslims have throughout history belonged to vigorous trading societies. The selling of wares and products has always been actively pursued and solicitation was thus encouraged. However, according to principles enunciated by Muslim jurists, the misrepresentation of what is being offered for sale is a criminal offence. In the traditional markets, the state appointed an official called the muhtasib, one of whose functions was to ensure that traders and sellers followed this presumption. By extension, the principle would also apply to the modern practice of advertising and the modern trader would have to be confident that customers were being encouraged to buy, not misled. Modern advertising may also involve manipulative practices and the use of images and associations that are not always in accordance with local values or cultural sensitivities. Such advertising tends to be discouraged on ethical grounds as well. F.5. THE QUALITY AND VALUE OF LIFE F.5.a. The Elderly The Qur’an is very explicit about the treatment of the elderly. With regards to those within the family, its guidance is very clear (see also F.3.b): Your Lord has commanded that you worship none but Him and that you be kind to your parents. If either of them becomes elderly, do not show disrespect to them or be angry with them but be compassionate towards them and act with humility and display kindness. Say: My Lord have mercy on them, since they looked after me when I was a child. (Qur’an 17:23–4)

There is a saying attributed to the Prophet which when referring to mothers says that Paradise lies at the feet of mothers. Other guidance, based on the Prophet’s example, indicates that the elderly who are unable to carry out the performance of fasting are to be excused and may instead feed the poor. Muslim societies, like those of many other traditions, accord great respect to the elderly and their literature and practice reflects how the wisdom and experience associated with age is honoured. Among many Muslim communities particularly in the West, one finds organised programmes for senior citizens so as to enable them to participate as effectively as possible in religious life and recreational activities and to enhance the quality of their lives, through proper counselling, medical care and companionship.

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F.5.b. Those in Need The Qur’an identifies those in need broadly. They include orphans, the unfortunate and the very poor, those who are neither able to help themselves or have been struck down by disability or natural disasters and calamities and those rendered homeless, refugees or living rough as wayfarers. It is very specific in making it obligatory to assist those in need by insisting that the needy and the deprived have an acknowledged right to the wealth of those possessing it (Qur’an 70:24 and 51:19). As the section dealing with the use of wealth illustrates (see F.4.d), Muslim tradition has developed a broad range of voluntary and institutionalised practices to fulfil this right of the needy to assistance. There is particular attention paid to the vulnerable, like orphans, the sick and the very poor. The Qur’an encourages guardianship of orphans and in various Muslim societies, special institutions were set up, through endowments, to care for and educate orphans as well as to create hospitals to care for the sick. The inhabitants of several Muslim countries today live in some of the poorest and most disadvantaged regions of the world. In particular some of these countries have suffered from droughts, earthquakes, floods and other consequences of climate change or natural disasters. In various cases, refugees have resulted from war or ongoing conflict. The concern to assist those in need has been global and many developed countries have come to their aid. Also at a global level, there are now many Muslim agencies and community initiatives that are working to assist those in need across the world. Such agencies are guided by the values of their faith that encourage compassion as an expression of the social concern of Islam for the vulnerable in society. Islam requires Muslims to undertake purposeful action to improve the human quality of life. Among these agencies, many of whom work across sectarian and denominational boundaries, are the Red Crescent, the Al-Khoei Foundation, Muslim Relief and the Aga Khan Development Network. Many of them have offices in various parts of the non-Muslim world and work collaboratively with other agencies and community organisations locally and internationally. Their goals are to build institutional and human capacity which results in self-reliance, greater equity of income within the population, better health and the sustainability of key provisions, such as clean water, food, decent housing and access to education, particularly for females. F.5.c. Reproduction The area of reproductive technology is very recent and has only been addressed by Muslim scholars, physicians and scientists in a very preliminary manner. Therefore it is not possible to formulate a view that would be representative. There is a plurality of tentative interpretations on this subject.

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It has been argued that the classical formulation, based on legal and jurisprudential material, indicates no set view on the nature of the embryo. A Qur’anic verse on reproduction states: We created the human being from a piece of clay and embedded him as a drop in a safely lodged place. From the drop, we created a clot and from the clot, tissue and then bones, which We covered with flesh. Subsequently we produced out of it another creature. So blessed be God, the best of Creators. (Qur’an 23:12–14)

Among the modern interpretations associated with the verse is the view that human beings are thus fully involved by God in the creation process, as the foetus develops. Human agency is thus linked to the divinely sanctioned act of creation. However, the ethical issue, raised in connection with the reproductive process, is whether reproduction should take place outside the moral framework that links permitted sexual relationship and the nature of marriage. There are also issues (see F.5.d) about the destruction of embryos not used for implantation. At this preliminary level of discussion there is a favourable view regarding therapeutic cloning but not genetic engineering, in and of itself. Since Muslim intellectual history emphasises human reason and capacity to constantly engage in the growth of knowledge and its application to improve the quality of life, the pursuit of reproductive technologies is not at issue. The main issue relates to the ethical principles that would guide this application. F.5.d. Abortion ‘If any of you saved a life, it would be as if one had saved the lives of all humankind’ (Qur’an 5:32). The sanctity of life is a concept Muslims share with other religious traditions. It is seen as a blessing and it has a divinely ordained purpose and destiny: ‘From God we are and to God is our return’ (Qur’an 2:156). The Qur’an prohibited a pre-Islamic custom where some tribes practised a form of female infanticide, putting to death unwanted daughters soon after their birth for fear of poverty or hunger. ‘Do not kill your children because you are afraid of poverty and hunger, for We shall provide for them and for you’ (Qur’an 17:31). It is in this broad context that Muslim views on abortion should be understood. However most Muslim scholars recognise that there may be extenuating circumstances where the health or the well-being of the mother may be endangered. Then discretion to abort may be permissible. However this should be the result of appropriate consultation within the family and with those competent to provide the relevant medical advice. There are several reasons that might allow for therapeutic abortion if the mother’s life is endangered. One example is if, during pregnancy, the mother contracts a potentially fatal disease.

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In the view of many Muslim scholars of the past, the personhood of a foetus signified the presence of both material and spiritual life; that it is a body endowed with a soul. This would be the moment some time after procreation after which abortion constitutes homicide and is therefore punishable. In the context of the sanctity of life as defined by the Qur’an, most Muslims think that the foetus at ensoulment has the right of survival, God permitting. It is therefore, according to traditional Muslim jurists, a legal entity. However, there is no consensus about when exactly this ensoulment happens during pregnancy. Current thinking and practice among Muslims varies greatly and it is therefore impossible to maintain that there is a monolithic view in contemporary Muslim thought regarding the issue. Muslim scholars continue to give opinions on the matter and various states have some limited legislation that addresses the issue. There also exist international bodies, where scholars and medical practitioners seek to develop a consensus around the most contentious bioethical issues. F.5.e. Euthanasia As with abortion, it cannot be said that there is complete uniformity of thought and practice among modern-day Muslims regarding euthanasia or, broadly speaking, end-of-life issues. However there have existed in various Muslim traditions several key principles and a cumulative record of legal opinions and rulings that constitute a form of ethical context for guidance. The issue is of course further complicated by advances in medical technology and practice for the prolonging of life and the specific cultural background and family traditions in different Muslim societies. Medical ethics as they developed among Muslims emphasise the primary obligation of physicians to treat and maintain health. Thus the literature of the past does not deal with modern predicaments that suggest euthanasia as an option. A Muslim’s duty is to be mindful of one’s health, to face affliction with patience and to seek medical intervention when ill, because of the conviction that for every ailment God has also created the capacity to develop a cure. The medical profession was greatly respected among Muslims, and institutional facilities were created to support their work. Trusts and endowments provided financial support and rulers and their families offered their patronage to hospitals and physicians. In ethical terms, the deliberate ending of a life was a violation of divine trust and an act of rebellion against God’s merciful and compassionate nature. The same approach was taken with regards to suicide. In assessing the ethical dilemmas underlying euthanasia, contemporary Muslim scholars have attempted to create distinctions regarding treatments that sustain life for the terminally ill. They have also given consideration to the reasons why a hospital or a physician might consider ending life by

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withdrawing life-support mechanisms. It is generally felt that where such intervention is futile and the patient and immediate family members after due consultation have given their consent, life support may be withdrawn, to allow the patient to die a natural death. Most Muslim scholars and practitioners share a general consensus that life ought not to be prolonged through the futile use of life-sustaining treatment particularly when community values and family considerations have also been taken into account. This is however an area in which a great deal of further thinking will have to be done by Muslims, as the field of medicine, itself undergoing dramatic changes and new discoveries, raises ethical dilemmas not envisaged in traditional teaching. F.5.f. Vegetarianism There is nothing to suggest that the Qur’an, hadith or Muslim traditions in general hold a specific view on vegetarianism. Eating meat is certainly not compulsory. Muslims may therefore exercise choice in enjoying the various types of produce of the land that are beneficial to their well-being and in some cases geographical conditions would determine the availability of different kinds of produce. Muslim festivals, such as Idd al-Adha where animals are sacrificed and festive meals include meats, ensure that for the majority of Muslims eating meat is a cultural norm and tradition. Only a comparatively few Muslims have adopted vegetarianism to date, but those who have find they must negotiate this predilection while otherwise participating freely in such festivals. Certain categories of food are prohibited in Islam, among others, the meat of swine and animals not appropriately slaughtered. Also forbidden is alcohol and intoxicating drugs of all kinds, except where their use is medically necessary and supervised. F.6. QUESTIONS OF RIGHT AND WRONG F.6.a. The Purpose of Law Law has been a subject of central importance and significance in Muslim thought and practice. Muslim scholars built on the vocabulary and legal dimension of Qur’anic prescriptions and ethical norms to create a very pervasive legal culture which is often considered as one of the great achievements of Muslim civilisations. It is important to get a sense of the historical development of law in Islam, to help dispel two false assumptions. The first is that Muslim law is a fixed and unchanging seventh-century system and the second, that it is highly restrictive and medieval in its outlook and antithetical to the needs of modern society.

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The term used to refer to Muslim law is sharia. The connotation behind this concept is that God intends human beings to follow a divinely ordained path, but that such a path had also been revealed to others in the past. The Qur’an is explicit in stating: To each of you We have granted a path and a way of life ... Had God wished He could have made you into a single community. But God’s purpose is to test you in what He has granted to each of you, so strive in pursuing virtue and be aware that to God you will all return and He will clarify for you your differences. (Qur’an 5:49)

Muslim schools of law developed over a period of centuries in response to questions that arose as the umma expanded and encountered other peoples and cultures with established systems of belief and law. There developed over time a methodology of analysis and application through which answers could be obtained. The methodology is known as fiqh (science of jurisprudence), its foundational principles are known as Usul al-fiqh, and the body of law it produced is collectively called the sharia. In a certain sense, however, the sharia encompasses more than the Western understanding of the sum total of its case law. It represents norms, providing a guide for living in accordance with ethical precepts. Different schools of jurisprudence emerged around geographic centres of the Islamic empire and out of sectarian differences, achieving a systemisation which had many common features. These schools attempted to create procedures for framing human action, classifying, in legal and ethical terms, actions into five categories: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

fard (obligatory) as in actions such as prayer; sunna (recommended) such as superogatory acts of virtue and charity; mubah (neutral); makruh (reprehensible) such as acts of pollution and overindulgence; and haram (forbidden) such as murder and adultery.

These juristically defined categories assimilated traditionally established customary laws which were not superseded in the conversion process. However, among modern Muslims there are significant differences as there were among scholars in the past over how some of these categories are interpreted to take account of contemporary conditions of life in different parts of the world. Muslim scholars in elaborating the sharia sought to ground it in the Qur’an and the example and actions of the Prophet (see F.1), but it was for human beings through the exercise of moral reasoning and rational tools to discover and develop the details of the law. In fact it was the speedy growth of Muslim lands in the first centuries of Islam’s history that provided the impetus to ensure that a common legal culture provided the underpinning of the rapidly growing Muslim territories. The difference in approaches helped create a pluralistic legal tradition among Muslims, with differing emphasis on the methodology for deriving legal systems.

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The four major Sunni schools are Hanbali, Maliki, Shafi’i and Hanafi, so called after their founding scholars. They obtain in different parts of the Sunni world and while differing in some details share a common framework. Shi’ism, whose legal school is called Jafari, based on the systematisation done by Imams Jafar al Sadiq (d. 765 CE) and Muhammad al Baqir (d. 732 CE), gives greater emphasis to the role of the Imam in guiding legal development and regards the process of reasoning (ijtihad) as being an indispensable part of the law. (The term Imam originally meant ‘model’ or ‘example’ (Quran 2:118, 17:73, 36:11, 15:79, 25:74). In Shi’ism the Imam is a religious leader, descended from the line of Ali and attributed with spiritual authority, the position being hereditary and based on a specific designation or nass (see F.1.b). In the Sunni schools, jurists trained in the tradition of their respective school are teachers and custodians of the legal practice and, based on their expertise, can be called on to provide opinions or legal rulings (known as a fatwa) to those who are seeking guidance. Among the Ithna Ashari Imami Shia (the ‘Twelvers’), scholars called mujtahids (see F.1.b), provide an opinion or a ruling, which may differ from those of other scholars in the same tradition and which respects the autonomy of these scholars. Among the Ismaili Shia, the living Imam contextualises the faith for his followers according to changing times and circumstances. In principle, the main objectives of law as set out in Muslim legal scholarship have always focused on ensuring that practical guidance is available based on the tradition of scholarship developed in various legal schools. Many aspects of traditional Muslim law, particularly personal and commercial law, still continue to be very influential and remain an important subject in the curriculum of centres such as madrasas that provide instruction to imams and scholars. One aspect, particularly as it relates to personal law, is the continuing influence of sharia courts. Generally presided over, as in the past, by a judge or qadi, these courts adjudicate dispute in private, commercial, civil or criminal matters. The decision of the judge is based on the tradition of the Muslim legal school obtaining in that jurisdiction. The courts hear testimony from witnesses who must accord with the required rules of integrity and evidence. A more prevalent system that is still widely applied and continues to be influential is mediation or arbitration, either through elders or respected individuals in the community. In the case of elders this may represent the coming together of the heads of many groups such as in the Loya Jirga, in Afghanistan. The practice of arbitration can be traced back to the time of the Prophet, when he himself acted as arbiter and mediator in disputes, even before his activities as a messenger. Mediation is influenced by the ethical values of sulh, restoring peace, and has also been used widely in times of war and conflict. However there is considerable debate across the Muslim world and among Muslim communities in the West regarding the relevance and implementation of the entire system of inherited legal traditions. The trend is towards a

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broad spectrum of views, from conservative approaches that maintain the primacy of the legal heritage, to views that emphasise the retention of core values and objectives of the sharia, but argue for intellectual efforts to adapt these to the realities of the present. The experiences of Muslims suggests that one of the purposes of law was to create formalised systems that could be applied across society, but also to acknowledge plurality, by having different communities co-exist following different traditions. This plurality reflects the diversity in background and context of the many cultures of humankind and while they embody universal values, based on revelations, they have evolved into different societies which have adapted these values to specific circumstances and historical conditions. This has not however prevented some scholars from time to time taking more rigid approaches to how law should be implemented. Societies such as Indonesia and various African nations, which have significant Muslim populations, have incorporated practices that are indigenous to their societies with traditions of Muslim law and added to these in modern times civil codes from Western legal traditions. Some nations such as Saudi Arabia and Iran seek to represent what they regard as traditional systems of Muslim law in their legal codes (though it should be noted that they differ significantly between themselves as to what constitutes the tradition to be applied) while Turkey has adopted a secular code of law. In general, a great deal of diversity exists in the Muslim world with regard to legal codes and virtually in every one of them, various systems co-exist, as legal codes continue to be adapted to contemporary life. F.6.b. Sin and Sins The Qur’an calls for Muslims to be united in calling for that which is good and forbidding that which is wrong (Qur’an 3:104). In an account reported from the life of the Prophet, he taught that whoever observes a wrong and who can act (literally with one’s hand) to put it right, should do so; if not, then he should use his tongue (that is, speak out against it). If he cannot even do that, then let him reject it within his heart. Sins can be private, that is those personal actions which not being public are known to God, and one is therefore accountable to Him. There are also sins that have a public dimension which when recognised can lead to public accountability, such as murder, adultery, fraud and so on. Most actions that are sinful are categorized as haram, forbidden, for which forgiveness should be sought from God, who is compassionate and merciful. F.6.c. Punishments The Qur’an, while emphasising God’s justice and the principle of human accountability, highlights divine mercy and forgiveness as among God’s

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important attributes. Believers are therefore urged to turn to God for forgiveness and also to forgive each other and to redress wrong actions by correcting their behaviour. Prayers are said to cancel bad deeds and lead to forgiveness. However, punishment is also prescribed for a number of wrongs, ranging from murder to adultery, fraud, theft, intoxication and misuse of public or charitable funds. As detailed by Muslim jurists, such punishments included lashing, imprisonment and, in extreme cases, capital punishment. Some of these punishments are still found in several Muslim societies and some of the more extreme forms of punishment have recently drawn attention in the media as some Muslim countries seek to revive such measures. However, most modern Muslim scholars regard such primitive measures as exceptional and argue that within the general spirit of Muslim law, they were rarely implemented in Muslim societies and have no place in modern judicial practice. Nowadays, most Muslim countries have correctional institutions and prisons that apply modern principles of punishment. Divine punishment follows death for those who sought neither forgiveness nor corrected their sinful behaviour or who deceived God. The Qur’an refers often to the Day of Judgement (yawm al-din) when human beings would have to account for their actions. While the Qur’an threatens punishment and torments of hell for the wicked, God is forgiving to those who repent and it is possible for those who seek redress before they die to gain the grace of paradise and the gift of joy and eternal peace. F.6.d. The Wrongdoer and the Wronged According to the Qur’anic account of creation, humanity was endowed with the capacity to distinguish between right and wrong. God also provided guidance through His messengers so that the ‘criterion’ that enabled one to recognise and act in accordance in the right way was clear. In one of the chapters of the Qur’an, entitled the Criterion (Furqan: Sura 25), revelation – to all humanity – becomes the point of reference for distinguishing right from wrong. The same chapter goes on to cite examples of past biblical prophets and their role as mediators of God’s word to their respective societies. Like Judaism and Christianity, Islam’s beginnings are thus rooted in the idea of the divine command as a basis for establishing moral order through human endeavour. When it appears elsewhere in the Qur’an, the same term also indicates the concept of a revealed morality that presents humanity with a distinction between right and wrong. By grounding a moral code in divine will, an opportunity is afforded to human beings to respond by creating a rational awareness that sustains the validity of revelation. It is then that a wider basis for human action is possible, if rationality comes to be applied as a result of revelation to elaborate criteria for encompassing the totality of human actions and decisions. These themes are

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played out in the Qur’anic telling of the story of Adam’s creation and regress. Adam, the first human, is distinguished from existing angels, who are asked to bow down to him by virtue of his divinely endowed capacity to ‘name things’, that is, to conceive of knowledge capable of being described linguistically and thereby codified, a capacity not accessible to angels, who are seen as one-dimensional beings. This creative capacity carries with it, however, an obligation not to exceed set limits. Satan in the Qur’an exemplifies excess because he disobeys God’s command to honour and bow before Adam, thus denying his own innate nature and limits. In time, Adam too fails to live within the limits set by God and loses his honourable status but without any connotation that this implies a doctrine of original sin. This he will have to recover subsequently by struggling with and overcoming his indiscretions on earth which is the new arena of life that allows for choice and action. Ultimately he does recover his former status, attesting to the capacity to return to the right course of action through an awareness of his error. Adam’s story therefore reflects all of the potential for good and evil that has been built into the human condition and the unfolding saga of human response to a continuous divine revelation in history. Moreover, it exemplifies the ongoing struggle within humanity to discover the equilibrium that allows for balanced action and submission to the divine criterion. The Suratal Fatiha, which Muslims recite regularly, includes the prayer to God, to be guided to the ‘right path’ (the sirat al mustaqim) and to be protected from the way of those who do wrong or are led astray and with whom God is displeased. The wrongdoer in that sense is one who acts out of ignorance or wilfulness, inflicting material or spiritual harm on him or herself or on others. The wronged, whose case can be verified through testimony, is to be compensated equitably. F.7. EQUALITY AND DIFFERENCE F.7.a. Differences between People The Qur’an sees humankind as having been made as a single community (Qur’an 2:213) and all human beings as created from one soul (Qur’an 4:1). However God has also created diversity to reflect the inherent pluralism of human society (Qur’an 49:13). A common shared identity as well as historical difference is therefore built into the human condition. As indicated earlier, this difference is reflected not only in the outward appearance of people, but is also found in the way they govern the conduct of their daily lives: ‘And among His signs is the creation of the heavens and the earth and the diversity in your language and colour’ (Qur’an 30:22).

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F.7.b. Attitudes to Other Religions Muslims believe that God has communicated to humanity from the beginning of time by way of revelations and messengers. None has been neglected, though not all religions or messengers are always known to us: We have inspired you [Muhammad] as We inspired Noah and the Prophets after him, as We inspired Abraham, Ishmael, Isaac, Jacob and the tribes, and Jesus, Job, Jonah, Aaron and Solomon; and We gave David the Psalms. These are messengers of whom We have spoken to you, but there are others that We have not mentioned. (Qur’an 4:163–4)

Those to whom God has communicated are therefore referred to as the ‘People of the Book’ (Ahl al-Kitab). According to the Qur’an, Muslims are urged: Do not dispute with the People of the Book but rather engage them through positive dialogue, unless they are intent on wrong-doing, but say to them ‘we believe in the revelations which have come down to us and those that have come down to you: Our God and your God is One and it is to Him that we bow down’. (Qur’an 29:46)

It is this broad spirit of inclusiveness and mutual acceptance that has generally guided Muslims in their relations with other religions, though in the course of history, this has not necessarily prevented conflict between Muslims and people of differing religious background for a variety of reasons (see F.8.a and c). The principle of tolerance and peaceful coexistence is also based on the Prophet’s own early efforts to build common ground with Jews and Christians, through an agreement sometimes referred to as the ‘Constitution of Medina’, affording status and rights to them. It laid out the ground rules for permitting non-Muslims to practise their faith freely, retain their religious organisation and maintain their places of worship and local authority. The Qur’an also teaches that God’s grace and salvation are for all: Those who believe in God and His revelations, Jews, Christians, Sabeans, whosoever believes in God and the Day of Judgment and does good, will have their reward from God, they should have no fear nor should they grieve. (Qur’an 2:62)

There is also an emphasis on the righteous, those who are ‘morally aware’ (see F.7.e). In the course of Muslim intellectual and cultural history this openness to other traditions led to an enabling climate of exchange in which artistic, musical, architectural and literary traditions were nurtured. Literature in different languages provided an important bridge to unite people in Muslim societies within a common cultural matrix. Perhaps the most important historical examples were to be found in Andalusia in Spain, ruled by Muslims for over 700 years, and Fatimid Egypt in the tenth and eleventh centuries, for

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most of which time there was a spirit of harmonious collaboration between Jews, Christians and Muslims and which led to the flowering of brilliant cosmopolitan civilisations, ultimately destroyed in the case of Spain by the reconquering of Spain for Christianity and the resulting Inquisition after 1492 CE. F.7.c. Attitudes to Ethnic and National Diversity The worldwide Muslim community includes the majority of ethnic groups and nationalities found in the world. Among the early followers of the Prophet there were Arabs, but also others of different racial background, Persians and Africans to cite two examples. The first muezzin, Bilal, was black (see also F.7.e). The global spread of Islam has ever since encompassed groups of considerable ethnic and racial diversity. Among the more than one billion Muslims today, about one-fifth of humanity, about 15 per cent are of Arab origin, though not all Arabs are Muslim, there being substantial Arab Christian minorities in the Middle East and elsewhere. Among other groups the largest are Bengali, Punjabi, Javanese, Iranians, Turks, Hausas, Malays, Azeris, Fulan, Uzbeks, Pushtun, Berbers, Kurds, Chechens, all numbering in the hundreds of thousands, if not millions. Somewhat smaller groups are found in various parts of East and West Africa, the Balkans, various Indian Ocean islands, and parts of Europe and North America. F.7.d. Women and Men The Qur’an states that God created humankind as male and female (Qur’an 46:13). The accounts of Creation (Qur’an 4:1 and 7:189) give no priority to the male over the female and the Qur’an, in the course of its guidance to people, addresses both ‘believing men’ and ‘believing women’ (Qur’an 33:35). Its ethical teachings on the responsibility of women and men were developed further and are reflected in the legal and social practices of diverse Muslim communities across the world, which were also influenced by local custom and Arab cultural traditions. The immediate context of pre-Islamic Arabia is relevant in understanding the changes that the Qur’an and the Prophet’s mission brought about in gender relations. The primary changes enhanced and provided new rights for women. They were accorded inheritance rights, a share in the estate of their parents and husbands as well as retaining the agreed marriage gift or dowry. Men proportionally inherited more because in the context of the time, their role was to head the family and have custodial responsibility for the household, including the extended family. In a similar fashion, some Muslim scholars also believe that polygamy was permitted out of historical necessity particularly when men were killed in battle and women needed the legal

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protection of married status. In most Muslim countries today, monogamy is the legal norm. With regard to other judicial rights, one man’s testimony in a dispute was considered the equivalent to the testimony of two women. Punishments were to be meted out equally where a crime was committed once the offence was established in a court, based on proper judicial procedure. Both men and women are urged to comport themselves with modesty. This has influenced how Muslims dress as well as their outward appearance. In various Muslim cultures this is reflected in the way women wear a cloak over their clothes as well as a head covering, known as hijab. There is however considerable diversity in the modes by which modesty is expressed and, as with interpersonal contact and relationships, is generally governed by how such cultural norms have become established in different parts of the Muslim world, urban and rural. Among contemporary Muslims, the form of dress for both men and women generally reflects the cultural context in which they live and work and is based on both choice and preference as to whether they wish to express their religious identity through outward appearance. In traditional environments, particularly in rural settings, women were considered as mothers and homemakers and men as having primary responsibility for work outside the home and maintenance (see also F.3.b). Of course, in subsistence societies everyone contributed to the maintenance of the family in whatever way necessary. Such traditional roles are under pressure and change in modern and contemporary Muslim societies, and many women have gone on to play far greater public roles, including holding the office of the head of state in several Muslim countries (see Mernissi 1993). Such women tend to cite important Muslim women of the past who exercised public responsibility and point to the Prophet’s wife Khadija, who was a merchant, as an example of women’s greater involvement in society. Various legal reforms have also enabled traditional roles and expectations to change and increasingly the participation of women in a variety of professional and public roles is on the increase. Women have access to education and their training enables them to bring about a better quality of life for their families and societies. Women are also active in political life to promote changes in legal and social practice to bring about a greater balance between the rights of men and women. F.7.e. Are All People Equal? A tradition reported from the Prophet Muhammad states: O Humankind: Your Lord is one and your Father is one. You are all descended from Adam and Adam was created from clay. The person most honoured in the sight of God is the one who is morally aware. No Arab is superior to a non-Arab, no person of colour to a white person nor a white person to a coloured person except those possessing moral consciousness.

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This complements other references in the Qur’an and the writings of many Muslim scholars that while humans have a common origin and nature, they are to be distinguished by the level of their commitment to God and the influence of this commitment in the way they conduct their daily lives. F.8. CONFLICT AND VIOLENCE F.8.a. Why does Conflict Exist? In the Qur’anic narrative of human behaviour, conflict has existed from time immemorial, stemming from individual rivalry to conflict among groups, tribes and peoples for territory, resources and the exercise of power as well as human arrogance and the desire to enslave others. Much of this conflict is depicted as a battle between kings who symbolise the craving for material powers and whose arrogance leads them to deny God or to seek to challenge Divine authority. Examples given in the Qur’an are the wicked Pharaohs of Egypt and other rulers who sought dominion and rejected warnings against their excess from prophets sent by God. In sum, conflict stems then from a moral flaw and an urge to contravene human values that are then expressed as repression of other human beings, exploitation of resources and arrogance. In the fifteenth century, the Muslim historian Ibn Khaldun (tr. Rosenthal 1958), analysing the rise and fall of kingdoms in his massive study of history, argues that it is in the nature of society to disintegrate and be overtaken by others when they lose their core values of solidarity, which he calls asabiyya. This causes internal conflict, opening the way for external threat. F.8.b. Why do Different Nations Exist? According to the Qur’an, human beings derive their differences and are organised according to their ethnic origins and social groupings. The purpose of this diversity is to provide a context for developing mutual understanding and respect. Societies and individuals are to be distinguished only on the basis of possessing greater moral consciousness and commitment to God. Human diversity in that context may be regarded as a blessing, if all strive to achieve excellence. However human beings are also prone to highlight their differences, and to create division amongst themselves. The modern conception of the nation-state is a relatively recent development in world history and, in the Muslim world, is a result of historical events of the past 100 years. Nations with a predominantly Muslim population were part of much larger political, social and religious boundaries in the pre-modern period. For instance the majority of Muslims lived under the aegis of the Ottoman, Safavid or Mughal Empires, or as smaller kingdoms up

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to the eighteenth and early nineteenth century. There was more consciousness of being part of a larger Muslim umma than of separate nationality. Most of their populations were colonised under European rule and military conquest in the nineteenth century, thus dramatically altering modes of governance and social development and creating a prolonged vacuum in developing relevant ideas of statehood. When most Muslim peoples achieved independence from European rule, they were reconstituted as nation-states, based primarily, but not always, on ethnic or language affiliation and drawing primarily on models derived from Western inspiration. Their boundaries in many instances were arbitrarily defined and resulted very often in conflicts that have continued to the present. These Muslim nations are also moreover part of a world of nation-states, linked either through regional or global organisations. In some parts of the world, this has also left Muslims as minorities, as in India, China, Nigeria, the Philippines and the Balkans, for example. Moreover, some of the inhabitants of many Muslim nations have migrated abroad and are now citizens of many countries in the world. Some new nation-states also came into existence because Muslims felt that they would be able to sustain their identity better if they all lived within one nation-state. Pakistan, for example, was created following British rule and partition of British India in 1947. Most Muslims who live in Western Europe and Britain migrated there in larger numbers, after the middle of the last century. In France the majority of Muslims are from North and West Africa, in Britain they tend to be mostly from Pakistan and Bangladesh though increasingly from parts of Africa; and in Germany the largest percentage tends to be from Turkey. Many are still strongly linked to their country of origin and traditions linked to their heritage. There are many mosques and congregations representing their presence and diversity all across Europe. However there are also Muslim communities whose histories and identities are rooted in European history. Among them are the Muslims of the Balkans, in Bosnia and Albania and those in the Russian Federation. Following conflict and even attempts at ‘ethnic cleansing’ in some of the regions, like Bosnia, Muslim communities are seeking to develop their societies within the framework of an evolving and pluralistic Europe. Muslims have also migrated to North America. In the United States there is a significant African-American Muslim community, whose roots go back to the time of the Atlantic slave trade and the enforced movement of millions of Africans, among whom were many Muslims. This pattern of Muslim migration, which is part of a larger global process, has dissolved traditional links between community and geography and highlighted new challenges regarding cultural identity and citizenship. Among a very small group of Muslims, there is a view that an ideal Muslim state should replicate an imagined ‘Caliphate’ and often they have sought to express this view and achieve this end through rebellious and violent means.

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F.8.c. National and Ethnic Conflict As in Europe during the past two centuries, conflict among Muslims and between Muslims and others has resulted from a variety of factors, including nationalism and ethnicity exacerbated by the desire to acquire territory and resources. Whereas in the past, the wider bond of Muslim identity in the umma created stronger ties, the rise of nationalism and accretion of ethnic loyalty has caused divisions and wars in regions like the Middle East, Africa and Southeast Asia. Some of these conflicts have particularly been the result of long periods of colonial rule, whose policies fragmented loyalties along sectarian, ethnic and tribal lines. Again, in a similar way to the impact of Christian differences in medieval and pre-modern Europe, religious difference has and is playing a role in causing and sustaining conflict. F.8.d. ‘Just War’? Among the most important challenges facing humankind throughout its history and particularly in modern times are issues of war and peace. The history of Muslims, like other peoples and faiths, reflects times of war and peace and includes teaching regarding the primacy of peace but also the moral and ethical purposes for the conduct of war and the resolution of conflict. One of the words that has come to define a distorted image of war among Muslims is Jihad (literally, ‘struggle’ or ‘striving’). It is referred to in the Qur’an, the Prophet’s teaching and Muslim traditions in general as encompassing several broad meanings: the struggle to lead a good life and achieve salvation, striving to bring about justice, defence of territory and lives and armed struggle, if necessary. It can also refer to the extension of the Muslim community through education and preaching. Where this broad and general principle has been narrowed by a minority of Muslims to politicise the idea of Jihad, it has come to be seen as a threatening aspect intent on destroying non-Muslim peoples and territories. Such a distorted view is rejected by the majority of Muslim leaders and nations. By advocating principles of negotiation, reconciliation and dialogue, using examples of how the Prophet, for instance, dealt with situations of conflict in his time, many Muslim scholars argue that war should be avoided as far as possible and that it should only be an action of last resort, when all else has failed. This constitutes what they believe to be the notion of just war, as reflected in the practice of the Prophet and his understanding of the Qur’anic prescription, which, while addressing fighting and the conduct of war, privileged the pursuit of peace as the ultimate goal: ‘And fight in the way of God, those who fight you, but do not undertake aggression for God does not love those who are aggressive’ (Qur’an 2:190) and ‘If your enemies seek peace, then seek peace also and put your trust in God’ (Qur’an 8:61).

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Most Muslim leaders and thinkers today advocate the ideal of peaceful interaction among Muslim nations, and with other nations. In this context, just war would only be justified for the protection and common good of all. They reject all radical notion of Jihad as a challenge to these ideals and differentiate what they consider the ideal pursuit of peace and co-existence in Islam with some of the contemporary expressions of terrorism masquerading as just war. As the ethical dimensions of violence, war and conflict discussed in this chapter indicate, the teachings of Islam condemn violence based on coercion, indiscriminate use of force and violence against civilian populations, even at a time of just and defensive war. Unfortunately because of recent events, particularly by groups coming from Muslim backgrounds and seeking sanction from Muslim sources and history, the notion of terrorism has come to be associated or identified erroneously with Islam. The vast majority of Muslim leaders and scholars have condemned terrorism and distanced themselves from groups that have been responsible for indiscriminate violence and the killing of Muslims and non-Muslims. That terrorism has been justified in the name of Islam is seen to be an even graver misrepresentation of the values of Islam. Islam for the great majority of Muslims remains a religion of peace. Within this context, Muslims have to be increasingly concerned with the search for justice and security, the quest for tolerance and harmony and the larger pursuit of human dignity and peace for all. This represents for Muslims, as for all faiths, an important moral imperative for our times. F.8.e. Contemporary Challenges The consequences of war and civil conflict among nations throughout the twentieth century have left a legacy of potential divisions and violence in its wake. In the twenty-first century many of these have continued to fester in different parts of the Muslim world as well. Muslim societies face shared challenges with their neighbours and others as they counter the threat to peace. The continuing presence of nuclear weapons, the uninhibited growth of an international trade in arms and the failure of democratic competence in several nation-states raise important issues of security and international cooperation. So-called ‘weapons of mass destruction’ have acquired a new meaning in modern times as new technologies and nuclear proliferation threaten global peace. Much of this was driven globally by the Cold War and the accompanying arms race which had its own negative impact on the rest of the developing world including Muslim countries. There is a growing realisation among Muslim leaders that potential sources of division and internal fragmentation have to be resolved at a global level. Issues of weapon proliferation also demand international dialogue and action.

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The vast majority of Muslim countries today are signatories to existing nuclear and other non-proliferation agreements. Where they do possess the capacity to develop such weapons they have argued that they are necessary deterrents when faced with hostile neighbours or regional instability. The legal tradition of ‘just war’ among Muslim scholars argues strongly against offensive actions such as pre-emptive strikes. War is justified in the face of aggression, but weapons are not to be directed against the civilian population. F.8.f. Social and Domestic Violence Traditionally issues of violence within the family or larger community were handled through sharia courts or local processes of arbitration and mediation. Based on Qur’anic precedent, Islam repudiates violence against females (as in the case of female infanticide), within marriage, or in any other social contexts. There were severe penalties, for instance against rape. There are, however, certain cultural practices in selected parts of the Muslim world that have no Islamic sanction and are repudiated strongly by Muslim scholars. Some of these practices are genital mutilation and so-called honour killing. None of these practices are exclusive to Muslims or Muslim societies and have been severely condemned. One of the traditions of the Prophet that is often recalled, particularly in times of war, was the prohibition of violence against women, children and the elderly. F.9. GLOBAL ISSUES F.9.a. Responses to World Poverty In spite of many dramatic efforts and initiatives at an international level, the issue of global poverty remains one of the most daunting problems facing the world. For millions of people, the mere struggle for daily survival is a challenge, compounded by changes in climate, drought, famine, lack of access to clean water, disease and poor planning and policy on the part of governments and international aid agencies. Muslim organisations and individuals continue to play an important role in providing assistance and relief to the poor alongside others (see F.5.b). While poverty is global, the majority of poor and disadvantaged people live in what are called the less developed countries. Many of these countries are Muslim, primarily in Africa and Asia. The ethical principles as developed in Muslim thought, as we have seen, reflect a deep commitment to improve the lives of the poor in a directed manner by guiding such actions within the ideal of a social conscience in Islam. The practice of the Prophet and the legal framework and practices developed by Muslim jurists and rulers show that an integrated language of obligation and commitment was developed, to

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include the entitlement of the hungry to food and the addressing of the needs of the poor and disabled (see F.5.b). The process of community development in the Muslim experience suggests that change can only occur when people are able to create institutions that are validated culturally and rely on the goodwill and support of all the constituencies involved. Where poverty has become solidly entrenched, communities often lose the motivation and the means to change their circumstances. The Qur’an stipulates that ‘God would not change the condition of a people unless they choose to change themselves’. Faith, while functioning to provide hope, needs to be complemented by and translated into social action where those who ultimately benefit are offered the opportunity to become stakeholders and are able to perceive change as affecting not just their economic life but also as an element that deepens and strengthens their sense of identity and religious values. For that reason, the language of the Qur’an that addresses issues of poverty also speaks to issues that have legal, social and economic implications simultaneously. The community and its leaders are to be seen as custodians of these values and have the responsibility of ensuring that the state and key segments of society oversee the needs of the poor (see F.4.d). This compassion and care on the part of leaders or the state as urged by several Muslim thinkers and leaders is seen by them as a key to fostering a just and beneficial order in their societies. However in the context of the urgency in our time to deal with issues of poverty, Muslims also need to work with others to promote enabling conditions among the poorer parts of the world, because there is now a universal language and understanding to promote and urge ethical action on all who are concerned. In this respect, Muslims have often sought inspiration from a Qur’anic chapter entitled ‘Al-Balad’ (Qur’an 90), which can stand for ‘city’, ‘community’, ‘village’ and ‘place’ and even by extension, ‘the earth’. The verses are addressed to the Prophet and witness to his right to be a free individual in that space, linked to it like the ties binding child and parent (that is, as heir and as custodian). The revelation reminds him that human beings are created to be in a state of struggle, but that they are empowered with choices that God has offered. Of these choices, the verses go on to state the most difficult path is the one that involves ‘freeing the oppressed and relieving the hunger of those uncared for and those so destitute as to be reduced to grinding poverty’. Those who choose this path are called ‘the Companions of the Right Hand’, deserving of their exalted status because they embody in their actions the qualities of ‘compassion and caring’. Among the ethical writings of one of the earliest Muslim philosophers, al-Farabi (d. 950 CE), there is a work entitled The Excellent City. The excellence embodied in such cities, according to al-Farabi, rests on the balanced connection between the virtues of the citizens, the character of the ruler, and a morality which is not ‘merely the product of chance developments or dictated by the conditions of survival and political stability’

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(Galston: 173). The issues of human happiness involve for al-Farabi civil, political, social and ethical/religious dimensions. They are all part of the moral universe of excellence and if sought as an ultimate goal in each of these realms, then the conditions of the excellent city become possible. In a world where words like food ‘crisis’, ‘emergency’ and ‘famine’ are becoming too commonplace, it may be worth reminding ourselves that the ideal of the excellent city must be achieved in the balad, the real world, which is our globe, and that as citizens of it we face the hard choice of striving for excellence through a shared ethical engagement, to alleviate the conditions of travail and suffering brought on by grinding poverty and hunger, which millions of persons have to face every day of their lives. F.9.b. Responses to Population Control The Qur’an makes no specific reference to population control. However there is considerable discussion in Muslim legal literature based on sayings attributed to the Prophet regarding birth control. Most Muslim scholars accept that birth control existed in the Prophet’s time and since, and that it is possible to draw the inference from tradition that, under certain circumstances, this was permissible. In contemporary Muslim life, most countries have official family planning policies. These are rationalised on religious as well as pragmatic grounds that address issues of population pressure and the need to eradicate poverty. In some circles, there is opposition to practices of family and population control, but in general, it would be fair to say that it is not only widely practiced but also defended on ethical grounds, to ensure the general well-being and balanced development of society. Ultimately however, most Muslims believe that such decisions are best made at the family level, based on particular circumstances and the need for improving opportunities for families to enhance their quality of life (see F.5.c). F.9.c. Planet Earth and Ecology Although the primary means through which God communicates are messengers and revelations, the universe as a whole is also a sign from God. The Qur’anic universe unfolds in a harmonious pattern, each element in balance with the others, and it is this sense of natural order and equilibrium that is pointed out as a sign of God’s creative power and unity. His power extends also to other created things in nature that are endowed with qualities that enable them to function in an ordered way. A good example cited in the Qur’an is the bee: And your Lord gave inspiration to the bees saying: ‘Build your hives in the hills and the trees’ ... there comes from [the bees] a finely coloured drink, with the power to heal. Indeed here is a sign for those who ponder. (Qur’an 16:68–9)

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The whole of nature is created to conform to God’s will. In this sense all of creation can be understood to be paying homage to and worshipping God: ‘The seven heavens and the earth and all that is in them glorify Him; there is nothing that does not praise Him but you do not understand their praise’ (Qur’an 17:44). A parallel is thus established between human beings, nature, and other creatures who act in accord with the will of God. In that sense all are ‘Muslim’ for they participate in a universal act of submission implied in the word Islam. However it is only persons, because of their God-given capacity to know and respond to his message, who can attain through their own intelligence to the highest state of being Muslim. Human action can discover and conform to the Divine Will, thus actualising ‘Islam’ as the harmonious order that results when all creation works in harmony rather than conflict with divine purpose. According to several contemporary Muslim scholars, the starting point, however, must be a search for a definition of Muslim approaches to the environment based upon God’s intended role for men and women in this world as ‘stewards’ (caliph) of the earth. References to stewardship are plentiful in the Qur’an. It is apparent that this special assignment was central to the very role of humans in the cosmos. It was God’s design that a vicegerent be placed on earth, as evidenced by this passage from the story of Adam: Then your Lord said to the angels: ‘I will create a vicegerent on earth.’ They said: ‘Will you put someone who will create mischief there and shed blood while we celebrate your praises and glorify you?’ He said: ‘I know what you do not know.’ (Qur’an 2:30)

The intent that this injunction is universal comes through more clearly in the Arabic, where the word Khalifa (Caliph), which here appears as vicegerent, is the same as that used for inheritors or successors in other passages addressed to all believers, such as the following: ‘He has made you inheritors of the earth. Those who reject, their rejection [works] against themselves’ (Qur’an 35:39). The privilege attached to this assignment is subject to the execution of special responsibilities, hence the concept of stewardship: ‘Then We made you heirs to the land after them, to see how you would fulfil your obligations’ (Qur’an 10:14). The exercise of stewardship involves two premises. First, the natural resources of this world must be developed so that society may benefit from the rewards of this development. A minimalist, anti-developmental approach cannot be maintained in the face of injunctions to the contrary. However this pursuit is that of a steward, not a rapacious exploiter. Such development is balanced with limits imposed on greed and personal ambition. Second, a society capable of working this earth and enjoying its fruits and bounty must be organised in a just, mutually supportive and balanced manner.

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There is a sense of harmony in the cosmos and in this world. The custodial role of human beings is to sustain it rather than disrupt it, through environmental protection including respect for living creatures of all types. The need to respect the intrinsic balance in the natural order as many Muslim scholars point out is, as already mentioned, referred to throughout the Qur’an. Furthermore, we are reminded that our co-inhabitants on this planet are to be treated as communities like ourselves. The systematic destruction of species would be indefensible in this scheme of things: ‘There is not an animal (that lives) on the earth nor a being that flies on its wings, but (forms part of) communities like you’ (Qur’an 6:38). Thus, conservation of other species is part of our human responsibility on this earth. Elsewhere (Qur’an 6:59) we are told that the natural world is God’s creation and not a leaf falls but by His will. Thus the protection of that environment and its creatures, referred to as ‘communities like you’, is expanded to the planet as a whole. However, these resources are available for the benefit of humanity: ‘Say: Who has forbidden the beautiful [gifts] of God, which He has produced for His servants, and the things, clean and pure [which He has provided] for sustenance?’ (Qur’an 7:32). Humanity is enjoined to develop these gifts and enjoy the fruits of these labours, but humans are enjoined to do so with respect for the environment and all those who inhabit the earth, and to partake of all things in moderation, and under no circumstance waste precious natural resources. The majority of Muslims have been living and continue to live in rural areas. As this environment becomes increasingly neglected and people are forced to move to overcrowded cities, the balance between the two becomes severely disrupted. The Qur’an points to agriculture and farming as important needs in society: It is He who produces gardens, with and without trellises, and dates, and cultivated land with produce of all kinds, and olives and pomegranates, similar and different: Eat of their fruit in their season, but render the dues that are proper on the day that the harvest is gathered. But waste not by excess: for God loves not the wasteful. (Qur’an 6:141)

Similarly it advocates proper care of animals: ‘And cattle He has created for you: from them ye derive warmth and numerous benefits, and of their [meat] ye eat’ (Qur’an 16:5); ‘And you have a sense of pride and beauty in them’ (Qur’an 16:5); ‘And [He has created] horses, mules, and donkeys for you to ride and use for show, and He has created [other] things of which you have no knowledge’ (Qur’an 16:5, 6, 8). At the heart of the problems of rural development are issues of land ownership and the problem of land tenure. Muslim historical experience suggests a preference for encouraging the development of unused land, and giving ownership to those who develop it, a practice based on Prophetic example.

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While the accumulation of vast land holdings is discouraged by the rules of inheritance, families have often found ways of getting around this through marriage between close relatives. More generally, exploitation of leaseholders and those employed to develop the land by absentee landlords, practices which are prevalent in much of the developing Muslim countries, need reform. With increasing pressures on rural dwellers and the erosion of fragile ecosystems, new avenues of meeting the needs of the many rural Muslim societies of the future need to be developed. According to many experts, this can be achieved through the creation of an enabling environment that requires that rural dwellers respond to their changing pattern of living in a manner that is compatible with their religious and cultural identities and needs. F.10.a Glossary Adab Adl Ahd Ahl al-bayt

Ahl al-dhimma

Ahl al-Kitab

Akhbar

Al-Azhar

Alhamdu lil lah Allah Allahu akbar Amal

Proper moral and cultural values, as expressed in personal life as well as in literature and the arts Justice Covenant or pact as between God and human beings or by extension a pact between various parties The Family of the Prophet. Among the Shia it is applied to the Prophet, his daughter Fatima, her husband Ali and their children Hasan and Husayn. Amongst Sunnis and other groups, it is extended to include other relations and their descendants Those non-Muslim religious communities who are protected under Muslim rule or within a Muslim majority. They have autonomy and freedom of religious life in their community affairs and protection in time of war. They were requested to pay a poll tax and exempted from fighting (Lit. ‘people of the book’) In the Qur’an (2:58 and 5:69) this term refers to Jews, Christians and Sabeans, and other believers. The application of the term has been extended to include others who are believed to possess sacred scriptures, thereby establishing a commonality among faith communities to whom divine revelation had been granted Traditions reported from the Prophet and among the Twelver Shia, the term Akhbari was used to designate a school of thought that believed in the primacy of tradition over rational inquiry A well-known mosque/institution of learning in Cairo, founded in the tenth century by the Fatimid dynasty. It has served until today as an important place for the study of law and theology Praise be to God Arabic for God An expression meaning ‘God is most Great’ Morally worthy acts

Islam Aql

Asabiyya Ayat Ayatollah Baraka

Bida

Caliph Dar al-Islam Din Dua Dunya Eid/Idd al-Adha Eid/Idd al-Fitr Fana Faqih Al-fatiha Fatwa Fiqh Hajj Halal Haram Haram Hijab Hijrah

Ibadat Ijma Ijtihad Ilm Imam

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The intellect; the rational or thinking capacity of human beings. For most Muslim philosophers and thinkers the intellect complemented and interacted with knowledge based on revelation The quality of bonding and solidarity that binds society in its various formative stages Verses of the Qur’an, also meaning ‘sign’ The title used for the most outstanding religious authorities among Twelver Shia Qur’anic term for blessing. Particularly in Shia and Sufi tradition, the quality has come to be associated with the Prophet and his descendants who possess the capacity to transmit such blessing to others Innovation: Developed primarily by Sunni jurists the concept was developed to argue for innovations that might be considered good or bad Qur’anic term for vicegerent and title adopted by Muslim rulers in pre-modern times World of Islam A term used in the Qur’an to signify religion in general Prayers of supplication and praise Temporal realm of life The festival of sacrifice that takes place at the end of the Hajj period The festival of fast-breaking which takes place at the end of the month of Ramadan Annihilation, loss of self Expert in Muslim jurisprudence The opening sura of the Qur’an and an integral part of daily prayer A formal opinion by a Muslim scholar or jurist who is known as a mufti The science of jurisprudence The annual pilgrimage to the Kaba in Mecca. It takes place during the month of Dhu al-Hijjah, the last month of the calendar The Qur’anic term for that which is lawful or allowed A sacred space or sanctuary Certain food, drink and acts that are forbidden Modest dress or head covering worn by women The migration of Muhammad from Mecca to Medina in 622 CE, the event from which Muslims date their calendar’s beginning (AH). (This is currently the fifteenth Muslim century. 2000 CE was 1420/1 AH) Legal prescriptions dealing with the practices of the faith Consensus of the learned community of religious scholars Independent reasoning concerning a legal or theological question Knowledge and, by extension, any science or field of inquiry A religious leader, also leader of congregational prayer, and founders of the schools of Law

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Iman In shaa Allah Islamic banking

Jami Jihad Madhhab Madrasa Mahr Majlis e shura Masjid Maslaha Medina Muamalat

Mujtahid Nabi Nass Nikah Pesantren Prayer Qadi Qibla Qiyas Rasul Riba Sadaqa Salam alaykum Salat Shahada(h)

Sharia(h)

ETHICAL ISSUES IN SIX RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS Faith. In addition to faith in God, iman also refers to formal affirmation of belief in the fundamental articles of faith Expression meaning ‘If God wills’ Modern form of banking practised in some parts of the Muslim world and elsewhere that seeks to eliminate interest as a component, because it is believed to be forbidden The Friday mosque; also as an extension from this form, ‘university’ (lit. ‘striving’) The idea of a just war as well as other forms of striving The Schools of Law among Muslims that reflect the diversity and richness of Muslim judicial practice Institution for learning religion and law Dowry paid to the bride by the groom as part of the marriage contract which remains her property in the event of divorce A consultative assembly; term which is often used for constitutional vehicles in modern times in many Muslim countries A place of prostration, term used for a mosque The public good, a principle whereby decisions may be taken for the benefit of society The City in Arabia to which the prophet migrated and the site of his tomb Matters in law regarding marriage, family, personal status, including divorce, custody of children, maintenance, testate and intestate succession A trained religious scholar, capable of exercising ijtihad Prophet (lit. designation) Among the Shia, it establishes the formal means by which an Imam designates a successor The Qur’anic term for marriage and the rules governing it Indonesian boarding school combining traditional Muslim and vocational education see Salat A judge appointed to implement Muslim law. He was expected to be a well-known scholar and a respected individual in society The direction for prayer, and the point of orientation to the Kaba Analogical reasoning; it is a tool of jurisprudence in Sunni law Messenger Generally defined as ‘usury’ or ‘interest’ Term used for a charitable act of giving. See also Zakat Traditional Muslim greeting of peace and salutation. The response is wa alaykum salam (peace be upon you, too) Ritual prayer to be made five times a day The declaration of one’s acceptance of Islam encompassing the foundational belief in the absolute unity of God and in Muhammad as God’s messenger. It is also known as the kalima The idea of norms revealed by God and by extension the concept of Law

Islam Shaykh Shirk Sufi Sulh Sunna(h)

Suq Sura Tafsir Takbir Taqiyya Taqlid Taqwa Tariqa(h) Tawhid Tayammum Ulama

Umma

Urs

Usul al-Fiqh Waqf Yawm al-din Zakat

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A term of honour for a great scholar or guide in Sufism. Also called a pir Idolatry represented in the act of associating anything with God Devotee. Those practising an inner mystical path The principle and process of seeking to restore peace in a dispute or conflict. The practice of arbitration The term used for the customs, actions and sayings of the Prophet, later documented and collected into an enormous body of material which constitutes a model upon which Muslims pattern their lives The market place or bazaar in the Muslim world A chapter in the Qur’an Explanation and commentary on the Qur’an The declaration of the formula ‘Allah u Akbar’ – God is Most Great The precautionary dissimulation of one’s true religious belief in the face of danger or threat to one’s life or community Strict adherence to a particular jurist or school of thought Moral awareness (Lit. ‘path’) The esoteric expression of Islam in general (i.e. Sufism) or a specific group organised under a spiritual leader The unity of God, a foundational belief in Islam. It emphasises both the absolute transcendence and uniqueness of God A form of symbolic ablution performed in the absence of water by using earth, sand or, in some instances, a stone (Lit. ‘(the) learned’)The religious and legal scholars, particularly in Sunnism, whose respected knowledge and opinion is collectively accepted as authoritative (Lit. ‘people’) This term occurs many times in the Qur’an to refer to people of a religious community, such as the ‘umma of Abraham’. The word has come to represent the concept of the Muslim community as a whole Marriage festivities and also, by extension, activities at a Sufi shrine or mausoleum to commemorate the memory of a deceased Sufi shaykh (Lit. ‘roots of understanding’) These are the sources of jurisprudence An endowment or trust stipulated for a specific purpose The Day of Judgement referred to in the Qur’an when all individuals and their actions will be judged by God Act of giving incumbent on Muslims

F.10.b. Bibliography Primary sources in translation There are several good English translations of The Qur’an: Ahmed, A. (1988), al-Qur’an: A Contemporary Translation, Princeton: Princeton University Press.

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Ali, Yusuf (tr.) (1959), The Holy Koran, Lahore: M. Ashraf. Arberry, J. (tr.) (1964), The Koran (interpreted), New York: Macmillan. Assad, M. (2004), The Message of the Qur’an, Gibraltar. Ayoub, M. (1984), The Qur’an and Its Interpreters, vol. 1, Albany: SUNY Press. Pickthall, M. (tr.) (1953), The Meaning of the Glorious Koran, New York: Mentor. I have benefited from all the above. Except where a particular translation is directly quoted, I have also consulted the medieval Arabic dictionary of Qur’anic words, Al-Mufradat Alfaz al-Quran (2001), Beirut. For Qur’anic recitation, see Nelson, K. (1985), The Art of Reciting the Qur’an, Austin: University of Texas Press. Many versions are now available on various web sites that also include examples of recitation. Biographies of the Prophet One of the earliest biographies is available in translation: Ibn Ishaq (Alfred Guillaume, tr.) (1955), Life of Muhammad, Oxford, Oxford University Press. An excellent synthesised, biographical rendering based on the traditional sources is Lings, M. (1983), Muhammad – His Life according to the Earliest Sources, London: Allen & Unwin. The hadith Those cited in the text are generally found in the following collections. An English translation of a good compendium is: Robson, J. (M. Ashraf, tr.) (1956–65), Mishkat al-Masabih, 4 vols, Lahore. Many hadith collections are now available on-line, for example www.ihsavetwork.org and www.usc.edu/dept/MSA for Sunni sources and www.al-shia.com for Shia sources. Sunni materials Among the Sunni collections, the most famous, that of al-Bukhari, is now available in translation: Khan, M. (tr., revised ed.) (1976), Sahih al-Bukhari, Ankara. Shia materials Passages from Shia collections of the hadith, including the celebrated Nahj al Balugha of Ali, are contained in: Chittick, W. C. (1980), A Shi’ite Anthology, New York: SUNY Press. Sufi materials Ibn al-‘Arabi’s Metaphysics of Imagination, trans. by Chittick, W. C. (1989), as The Sufi Path of Knowledge, Albany: SUNY Press. Nicholson, R. A. (tr.) (1977), Mathnawi of Jalal al-din Rumi, 3 vols, London: Luzac. Nott, C. S. (tr.) (1971), Attar, The Conference of the Birds, Berkeley: Shambhala. Muslim philosophy and theology Al-Farabi (1985), On the Perfect State, tr. R. Walzer, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Al-Ghazali, Deliverance from Error, trans. in W. M. Watt (1953), Faith and Practice of al-Ghazali, London: Allen & Unwin. Goodman, L. (trans.) (1972), Hayy Ibn Yaqzan, Boston: Twayne.

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Ibn Rushd (Averroes), Agreement of Philosophy and Religion, tr. G. Hourani (1961), London: Luzac. Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, tr. F. Rosenthal (1958), Princeton: Princeton University Press. Secondary sources Abdalati, H. (1978), The Structure of Family Life in Islam, Indianapolis: American Trust Publications. Ahmad, K. (ed.) (1976), Islam: Its Meaning and Message, London: Islamic Council of Europe. Ahmed, A. (1983), Religion and Politics in Muslim Society, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Amir-Moezzi, M. A. (1994), The Divine Guide in Early Shi’ism, Albany: SUNY Press. Ansari, H. (2003), ‘The Infidel Within’: Muslims in Britain since 1800, London: Hurst. Arkoun, M. (1994), Rethinking Islam: Common Questions, Uncommon Answers, Colorado: Westview Press. Armstrong, K. (1999), Muhammad: A Biography of Prophet Muhammad, San Francisco: Harper & Row. Benningsen, A. and Wimbush S. E. (1986), Muslims in the Soviet Empire, Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Bunt, G. R. (2000), Virtually Islamic: Computer-mediated Communication and Cyber Islamic Environments, Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Bunt, G. R. (2003), Islam in the Digital Age, London: Pluto Press. Burckhart, T. (1976), Art of Islam, London: World of Islam Festival Publications. The Cambridge History of Islam, Holt, P. M. et al. (eds) (1970), 2 vols, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. The Concise Encyclopedia of Islam (1980), New York: Harper & Row. Cook, M. (2003), Forbidding Wrong in Islam, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cragg, K. (1979), Islam from Within, Bedmont, CA: Wadsworth. Daftary, F. (1990), The Ismailis: Their History and Doctrines, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Daniel, N. (1962), Islam and the West: The Making of an Image, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Denny, F. M. (1985), Islam: An Introduction, New York: Macmillan. El Azhary, A. S. (ed.) (1996), Women, the Family and Divorce Laws in Islamic History, Syracus: Syracus University Press. El Fadl, K. A. (2001), Speaking in God’s Name: Islamic Law, Authority and Women, Oxford: Oneworld. Encyclopedia of Islam, revised ed. (1960), Leiden: E. J. Brill. Encyclopedia of the Qur’an, 5 vols (2000–6), McAuliffe, J. D. (ed.), Leiden: E. J. Brill. Ernst, C. (2003), Following Muhammad: Rethinking Islam in the Contemporary World, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Esack, F. (2002), The Qur’an: An Introduction, Oxford: Oneworld. Esposito, J. (2002), What Everyone needs to Know about Islam, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Esposito, J. (2003), The Oxford Dictionary of Islam, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Esposito, J. (2005), Islam: The Straight Path. 3rd ed., New York: Oxford University Press. Fakhry. M. (1974), History of Islamic Philosophy, New York: Columbia University Press. Faruqi, I., and Faruqi, L. (1986), A Cultural Atlas of Islam, New York: Macmillan. Foltz, R. C. (2006), Animals in Islamic Tradition and Muslim Cultures, Oxford: Oneworld. Friedlander, S. (1998), Submission: Sayings of the Prophet Muhammad, New York: Harper & Row. Galston, Miriam (1990), ‘Alfarabi’s method of writing’, in Politics and Excellence: The Political Philosophy of Alfarabi, Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, pp. 22–54. Geertz, C. (1975), Islam Observed: Religious Development in Morocco and Indonesia, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Graham, W. (1993), Beyond the Written Word, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Haleem, M. A. (1999), Understanding the Qur’an, Themes and Styles, London: I. B. Tauris. Halm, H. (2001), The Fatimids and their Traditions of Learning, London: I. B. Tauris and The Institute of Ismaili Studies. Hodgson, M. G. S. (1974), The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization, 3 vols, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Hourani, A. (1991), A History of the Arab Peoples, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Hunter, S. (ed.) (1988), The Politics of Islamic Revival, Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Jafri, S. (1979), The Origins and Development of the Shiah, Beirut: Longman. Jürgensmeyer, M. (2000), Terror in the Mind of God, Berkeley: University of California Press. Kelly, M. (ed.) (1984), Islam: The Religions and Political Life of a World Community, New York: Praeger Publishers. Kritzeck, J. (ed.) (1969), Islam in Africa, New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold. Lapidus, I. A. (1988), A History of Islamic Societies, New York: Cambridge University Press. Lawrence, B. (1995), Defenders of God: The Fundamentalist Revolt against the Modern Age, Charleston: University of South Carolina. Lewis, B. (ed.) (1976), Islam and the Arab World, New York: Knopf. Lewis, B. (2003), What went wrong? The Clash between Islam and Modernity in the Middle East, New York: Harper Perennial. Lings, M. (1975), What is Sufism?, London: Allen & Unwin. Malcolm X. (1964), The Autobiography of Malcolm X., New York: Grove Press Inc. Martin, R. (1982), Islam: A Cultural Perspective, Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice Hall. Mawdudi, S. A. (1995), Towards Understanding the Qur’an, Leicester: Islamic Foundation. Mernissi, F. (1993), The Forgotten Queens of Islam, Oxford: Polity Press. Mir-Hosseini, Z. (2000), Marriage on Trial: A Study of Islamic Family Law, London: I. B. Tauris. Momen, M. (1985), An Introduction to Shi’i Islam, New Haven: Yale University Press. Moosa, E. (2004), Ghazali and the Poetics of Imagination, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Mottahedeh, R. (1986), The Mantle of the Prophet, New York: Simon & Schuster.

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Nanji, A. (ed.) (1995), The Muslim Almanac, Detroit: Gale Research. Nasr, S. H. N. (1975), Ideals and Realities in Islam, London: Allen & Unwin. Peters, R. (1996) (2nd ed. 2005), Jihad in Classical and Modern Islam, Princeton: Markus Wiener Publications. Rahman, F. (1982), Islam and Modernity: Transformation of an Intellectual Tradition, Chicago: Chicago University Press. Roald, A. S. (2001), Women in Islam: The Western Experience, London: Routledge. Ruthven, M., A. Nanji (2004), The Historical Atlas of Islam, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Sachedina, A. (2001), Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism, New York: Oxford University Press. Saeed, A. (2006), Interpreting the Qur’an, London: Routledge. Sajoo, A. (2003), Muslim Ethics: Emerging Issues, London: I. B. Tauris. Schimmel, A. (1985), And Muhammad is His Messenger, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Sells, M. (1999), Approaching the Qur’an: The Early Revelations, Ashland, OR: White Cloud Press. Shah-Kazemi, Reza (2006), Justice and Remembrance: Introducing the Spirituality of Imam Ali, London: I. B. Tauris in association with The Institute of Ismaili Studies. Stowasser, B. (1994), Women in the Qur’an: Traditions and Interpretation, New York: Oxford University Press. Taji-Farouki, S. (2004), Modern Muslim Intellectuals and the Qu’ran, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

F.10.c. Addresses Organisations Aga Khan Foundation: www.akdn.org Al Furqan Islamic Heritage Foundation: www.al-furqan.com Al-Khoei Foundation: www.alkhoei.org American Society for Muslim Advancement: www.asmasociety.org Council on Islamic Education: www.cie.org Institute for the Study of Muslim Civilizations: www.aku.edu/ismc/ Islamic Circle of North America: www.icna.com Islamic Society of North America: www.isna.net Muhammadi Trust: www.al-islam.org Muslim American Society: www.masnet.org Muslim Council of Britain and Affiliates: www.mcb.org.uk Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies: www.oxcis.ac.uk The Council on American–Islamic Relations: www.cair-net.org The Institute of Ismaili Studies: www.iis.ac.uk The Islamic Foundation: www.islamic-foundation.org.uk The Islamic Texts Society: www.its.org.uk The Muslim College: www.muslimcollege.ac.uk The Muslim Public Affairs Council: www.mpac.org

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General web sites Arab Culture and Civilization Project: www.arabworld.nitle.org BBC Religion and Ethics–Islam: www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/islam/index.shtml Islamicity: www.islamicity.com or www.islam.org Islam Online: www.islamonline.net Project MAPS: www.projectmaps.com The Islam Web site: www.arches.uga.edu

General Bibliography

Becker, L. C. (ed.) (1992), Encyclopaedia of Ethics, New York: Garland Publishing. Bloom, Irene, J. Paul Martin and Wayne L. Proudfoot (eds) (1996), Religious Diversity and Human Rights, New York: Columbia University Press. Bowker, John (ed.) (1983), Worlds of Faith, London: BBC Ariel. Carman, J. and M. (eds) (1991), A Bibliographical Guide to The Comparative Study of Ethics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cohn-Sherbok, Dan (ed.) (1992), World Religions and Human Liberation, New York: Orbis. Coward, Harold (ed.) (1995), Population, Consumption and The Environment, Albany: SUNY Press. Frey, R. G. and Christopher Heath Wellman (2005), Contemporary Debates in Applied Ethics, Oxford: Blackwell. Green, Ronald M. (1988), Religion and Moral Reason, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Holm, Jean, John Bowker (eds) (1994a), Attitudes to Nature, London and New York: Pinter. Holm, Jean, John Bowker (eds) (1994b), Making Moral Decisions, London and New York: Pinter. Hoose, Jayne (ed.) (1999), Conscience in World Religions, Leominster: Gracewing Press. Jones, Lindsay (ed.) (2005), Encyclopedia of Religion, 16 vols, New York: Macmillan and on-line Gale Virtual Reference Library. Examples included are articles on Ecology and Religion; Morality and Religion; Economics and Religion; Medical Ethics and Animals, as well as entries on ethics in individual religions. Jurgensmeyer, Mark [2000] (3rd ed. 2003), Terror in The Mind of God, Berkeley: University of California Press. Kelsay, John and Sumner B. Twiss (eds) (1973 onwards), Journal of Religious Ethics, Oxford: Blackwell. King, Ursula and Tina Beattie (eds) (2005), Gender, Religion and Diversity, London: Continuum. Knitter, Paul F. (1995), One Earth, Many Religions: Multifaith Dialogue and Global Responsibility, Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Kuhse, Helga and Peter Singer (1999) (2nd ed. 2006), Bioethics: An Anthology, Oxford: Blackwell. Küng, Hans and K. J. Kuschel (1993), A Global Ethic, London: SCM. Leaman, Oliver (1996), Friendship East and West, Richmond, Surrey: Curzon. Palmer-Fernandez, Gabriel (ed.) (2004), Encyclopedia of Religion and War, Abingdon, Oxford and New York: Routledge.

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Reich, Walter (ed.) (1990), Origins of terrorism, psychologies, ideologies, theologies and states of mind, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Runzo, J. and Martin, N. M. (eds) (2000), Love, Sex and Gender in the World’s Religions, Oxford: Oneworld. Runzo, J. and Martin, N. M. (eds) (2001), Ethics in World Religions, Oxford: Oneworld. Runzo, J. et al. (eds) (2003), Human Rights and Responsibilities in the World’s Religions, Oxford: Oneworld. Schweiker, William (ed.) (2004), Blackwell Companion to Religious Ethics, Oxford: Blackwell. Sharma, Arvind (ed.) (1987), Women in World Religions, Albany: SUNY Press. Singer, Peter (2005), In Defense of Animals, Oxford: Blackwell. Twiss, Sumner B. and Bruce Grelle (1998), Explorations in Global Ethics: Comparative Religious Ethics and Interreligious Dialogue, Oxford: Westview. Weller, Paul (ed.) (2003), Religions in the UK, A Directory, Derby: University of Derby. World Faiths Insight, the journal of the World Congress of Faiths, often contains articles on ethical issues across religious traditions. The address of WCF is in the list of general addresses. World Religions in Education, the annual journal of the Shap Working Party on World Religions in Education, is often devoted to ethical issues. Examples are: Human Rights and Responsibilities (2006); Wealth and Poverty (2004); Religion: the Problem or The Answer? (2003); Living Community (2002); Faith Values (1999); Conflict and Reconciliation (1997). The address of the working party is in the list of general addresses.

General Addresses and Web Sites

Age Concern: www.ageconcern.org.uk Alcoholics Anonymous: www.alcoholics-anonymous.org.uk Amnesty International: www.amnesty.org.uk BBC Religion and Ethics web site: www.bbc.co.uk/religion/ethics (then individual topic) Friends of The Earth: www.foe.org Greenpeace: www.greenpeace.org http://environment.harvard.edu/religion Help the Aged: www.helptheaged.org.uk Howard League for Penal Reform: www.howardleague.org Inter Faith Network: www.interfaith.org.uk International Association for Religious Freedom: www.iarf.net International Interfaith Centre: www.interfaith-center.org OXFAM: www.oxfam.org.uk Pluralism Project: www.pluralism.org Shap Working Party on World Religions in Education. Journal and consultation service. PO Box 38580, London SW1P 3XF. [email protected] World Congress of Faiths: www.worldfaiths.org World Wildlife Trust: www.wildlifetrusts.org World Bank Development Dialogue Unit on Values and Ethics: www.worldbank.org

Notes on the Contributors

ALAN BROWN lectures in Education Studies and Religious Education at the University of Worcester. He has long-standing experience of teaching in schools and higher education and has published widely. He was President of the Inter-European Commission on Church and School for eight years and the Church of England’s Religious Education Officer and Director of the National Society’s RE Centre for twenty years before moving to Worcester. He has been both Chair and Secretary of the Shap Working Party on World Religions in Education and is currently co-editor of its journal. CLIVE A. LAWTON has been a faculty member of the Department of the Study of Religions at London University’s School of Oriental and African Studies, a visiting lecturer at Roehampton and Chichester and an active member and former Chair of the Shap Working Party on World Religions in Education. For over a decade he edited Shap’s widely used calendar of religious festivals. He is now, amongst other things, Executive Director of Limmud (learning), the largest adult education movement in the Jewish world, which he helped to found in 1980. He has also been a regular contributor to Radio 4’s ‘Thought for The Day’. PROFESSOR WERNER MENSKI is Professor of South Asian Laws at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. He trained as a social scientist, knows the North American scene and has worked in Germany and India as well as the UK. He is the author of Hindu Law: Beyond Tradition and Modernity (2003) and has written many articles, especially on Hindu marriage and divorce laws. He is particularly interested in ethnic minorities in the UK and Europe and in customary law. His home is in Leicester where he is immersed in Hindu community life. PEGGY MORGAN currently lectures in the study of religions for the Theology Faculty, University of Oxford, and is based at Mansfield College. She is a past Honorary President of the British Association for the Study of Religions, Director of the Religious Experience Research Centre and Chair of the Shap Working Party on World Religions in Education. She has written and lectured widely on Buddhism. Her research and publications are based on participant observation and include: Six Religions in the Twenty-First

The Contributors

347

Century (with W. Owen Cole, 2000) and Get Set for Religious Studies (with Dominic Corrywright, 2006). PROFESSOR AZIM NANJI assumed the role of Director of The Institute of Ismaili Studies in the Autumn of 1998. Previously he was Professor and Chair of the Department of Religion at the University of Florida. He has authored and co-authored several books including: The Nizari Ismaili Tradition (1976); The Muslim Almanac (1996); Mapping Islamic Studies (1997); and The Historical Atlas of Islam (with M. Ruthven). Most recently he was an Associate Editor for the revised Second Edition of the Encyclopedia of Religion (16 vols, 2005) (ed. Lindsay Jones) and is co-editor/author of The Historical Dictionary of Islam (Penguin, 2006). DR ELEANOR NESBITT is Reader in Religions and Education in The Warwick Religions and Education Research Unit, Institute of Education, University of Warwick. She taught in North India before undertaking twenty-five years of ethnographic work with religious communities in the UK. Her publications include Sikhism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2005); The Religious Lives of Sikh Children: A Coventry-Based Study (Leeds, 2000) and, with Gopinder Kaur, Guru Nanak (Calgary, 1999), which won the 2000 Shap Award for its contribution to the teaching of world religions.

Index

abortion, xviii, xxvii Buddhism, 88–9 Christianity, 248–51 Hinduism, 36–7 Islam, 314–15 Judaism, 187–8 Sikhism, 142–3 Abraham, xvi, 170, 248, 283 absolutes, 72, 89 accountability, 31, 284, 283 Adam, 192, 254, 287 adoption, 23, 36, 174, 287 adultery Buddhism, 74, 94 Christianity, 228, 254 Hinduism, 22, 41 Islam, 298, 317 Judaism, 174, 191 Sikhism, 119, 134, 146 advertising, xxiv Buddhism, 83–4, 107 Christianity, 243–4 Hinduism, 31–2 Islam, 312 Judaism, 184 Sikhism, 140 Ahimsa¯ see non-violence, peace aid, 29, 53, 141, 207, 245, 313 Aga Khan Development Network, 313 Al-Khoei Foundation, 313 Band Aid, 272 CAFOD, 246, 272 Christian Aid, 246 Khalsa Aid, 141 Live Aid, 272 Muslim Relief, 313 Niwano Foundation, 105 Oxfam, 272 Red Crescent, 313 School Aid, 272 Tear Fund, 272 Tzedek, 207 United Sikhs, 141 War on Want, 272 AIDS see HIV/AIDS Akiva, Rabbi, 192 Al-Ghazali, Imam, 292 alcohol, xxvi, xviii Buddhism, 78, 82 Christianity, 241–2

Hinduism, 29 Islam, 306, 310, 316 Judaism, 182 Sikhism, 121, 134, 137–40, 146, 156 Allah see God alms, almsgiving, 28, 62, 125, 308; see also aid, Tzedaka, zakat Ambedkar, Dr, 101 Anglican Church (also Church of England and Episcopalian), 228, 234–5, 250, 261, 266, 276 animals, xv; see also food, vegan, vegetarian Buddhism, 90–1, 101 Christianity, 252, 275 Hinduism, 3, 38 Islam, 296, 316 Judaism, 189 Sikhism, 143, 158 apartheid, 255 Aquinas, St Thomas, 249, 255, 256, 268, 273 Arjuna 5, 8, 26, 48, 51 arranged marriages Buddhism, 74 Hinduism, 16 Sikhism, 128, 132–3 Ashoka, 48, 66, 86, 92, 97, 103 Atonement, Day of, 192 Augustine, St, 255, 267, 273 authority, religious, xv, xvi–xix; see also identity and authority Buddhism, 64–6 Christianity, 219–21 Hinduism, 2, 6–7 Islam, 288–92 Judaism, 170 Sikhism, 122 authority figures in the faith Buddhism, 65–6 Christianity, 221–3 Hinduism, 7–8 Islam, 293 Judaism, 171 Sikhism, 122–5 authority, secular see rulers, state

Baal Shem Tov, 171 Baba, Sai, 26–7 Babel, Tower of, 195, 201, 264, 265 Bahais, xiii, xv, 202 begging, 28, 53, 136 Bet Din, 171, 211 Bhagavadgı¯ta¯, 5, 8, 26, 43, 48, 51 Bible Christianity, 219–21, 229, 244, 247, 253, 265 Judaism see Tenakh bigamy, 22, 234 biological warfare, xxxi; 205, 269; see also weapons of mass destruction birth control see contraception blasphemy, 197, 266 bodhisattva, 85, 89, 91, 99, 101 bonded labourers, 25 brahma-viha¯ras, 69 Brahman, 6 Brahmins, 9, 24, 25, 28, 41, 42, 43, 44, 53 Buddhist, on being a, 61–4 Buddhist Peace Fellowship, 105 Buddhist Women’s Movement, 100 capital punishment (also death penalty), xxviii Buddhism, 94 Christianity, 256 Hinduism, 38, 41 Islam, 320 Sikhism, 146 Caro, Rabbi Joseph, 175 caste system Buddhism, 101 Hinduism, 4–6, 10, 12, 17, 21, 24, 25, 28, 32, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 48, 53 Sikhism, 120, 121, 123, 128, 132, 136, 137, 147, 149, 150, 152, 157 Catholicism see Roman Catholicism celibacy, xxi–xxii; see also chastity Buddhism,109 Christianity, 228, 230, 263, 274

Index

Judaism, 208 Sikhism, 126, 151, 157 censorship, 83, 139 charitable giving see aid, alms, Tzedaka and zakat chastity Buddhism, 72 Christianity, 231, 263 Hinduism, 13–15, 46, 47 chemical warfare see weapons of mass destruction chief rabbis, 171, 189, 198, 204 child marriages, 14, 16, 35 children see family relationships, infanticide, marriage Christian, on being a, 216–19 citizens Buddhism, 67–8 Christianity, 224–5 Hinduism, 9–10, 50, 51 Islam, 295–6 Judaism, 172–3 Sikhism, 125–6, 150 see also subjects cloning, 35, 88, 142; see also reproduction clothing see dress colonialism, 82, 98, 286, 295 community, 62, 119, 153, 168f, 220, 284f compassion, xxi, xxiii, xxvii, 61f, 130, 147, 183–5, 240, 250, 257, 294, 298, 299, 307, 313, 330; see also love compensation, 43 confession, 193 conflict and violence, xxviii, xxx–xxxi plus sections as listed in contents conflict, national and ethnic see national and ethnic conflict Confucius, xiii, xv conscience, xviii, 5, 37, 91, 188, 221, 225–6, 285, 329 conservative, Jews, 169 contentment, 68, 74, 81, 127, 140 contraception, xviii Buddhism, 63, 88, 109 Christianity, 229, 248, 273 Hinduism, 36, 54 Islam, 331 Judaism Sikhism, 121, 142 conversion, 98, 118, 149, 176, 196, 216, 317 cosmology, 106, 304 courage, 38, 105, 127 crime, 19, 22, 40f, 80, 94, 250, 270, 324 critical reflection, 77 crusades, 263

Dalai Lama, xix, 65, 68, 71, 97, 98, 104 Daoists, xiii, xv Day of Atonement see Atonement, Day of Dayan, 171 death penalty see capital punishment debt, 43, 180, 208, 271, 308 decision-making, 82, 294 demerit, xxviii democracy, 9–10, 64, 66, 67, 109, 122, 171, 179, 328 designer babies, 87; see also reproduction desire, 11, 54, 70–1, 93, 229, 292 dharma Hinduism, 3–6, 7f, 19f, 29, 35f, 48f Buddhism, 62, 65–6, 79–81, 85, 91–2, 96 Sikhism, 122 dharma-ra¯ja see rulers dharmasha¯stras, 3, 5, 8, 34 dharmasu¯tras, 3, 7 dialogue, 67, 97, 196–7, 259–60, 322, 327–8 diaspora, xiv–xv, xviii, 14, 21, 27, 30, 52, 118–19, 133, 139, 148–9, 157, 169, 211 diet, 1, 14, 56; see also food, halal, kosher, vegetarianism disabled people, 89; see also needy people Diva¯lı¯, 28 diversity, national and ethnic, xviii–xxix Buddhism, 98, 102–4 Christianity, 260–1 Hinduism, 45–6 Islam, 323 Judaism, 197–8 Sikhism, 150 divorce see marriage dowries, 32, 37, 53, 121, 143, 150, 185, 299, 323 dress, 1, 20, 71, 82, 119, 126, 140, 145, 147, 150–2; see also hijab drinks, alcoholic see alcohol drugs Buddhism, 62, 73, 78, 82, 86, 107 Christianity, 241–2 Hinduism, 26, 29–30 Islam, 310–11 Judaism, 182–3 Sikhism, 119, 137, 138–9, 146 see also alcohol, smoking duties of leaders Buddhism, 66–7

349

Christianity, 223–4 Hinduism, 8–9 Islam, 293–5 Judaism, 171–2 Sikhism, 125 duties of subjects and citizens see citizens, subjects Eastern Orthodox Church, 227, 230, 234, 261, 263, 267 ecology, xv Buddhism, 110–11 Christianity, 274–6 Hinduism, 55–6 Islam, 331–4 Judaism, 209–11 Sikhism, 157–8 education, xx, xxiii–xxv; see also faith schools, madrasa, yeshivot Buddhism, 76–8, 83, 94 Christianity, 234–6 Hinduism, 13, 21, 23–4, 31, 32, 44, 47, 54 Islam, 302–5, 324 Judaism, 175, 179–80, 185 Sikhism, 124, 133, 135–6 elderly people, xviii, xxvi, xxxii Buddhism, 84, 89–90 Christianity, 244–5 Hinduism, 32–4 Islam, 312 Judaism, 184, 209 Sikhism, 120, 137, 140–1 embryo, 35, 54, 87, 88, 142, 186, 188, 208, 247–50, 314 enlightenment, xxvii, 61, 86, 94, 96, 100, 103 environment see ecology ethnicity see diversity equality see people equality and difference, xviii, xxviii–xxix plus sections as listed in contents euthanasia, xiv–xv Buddhism, 63, 87, 89–90 Christianity, 251–2 Hinduism, 37–8 Islam, 315–16 Judaism, 188–9 Sikhism, 121, 143 evil, 47, 49, 51, 76, 92–3, 129, 135, 145, 195, 201, 221, 240, 242, 266–7, 273, 308, 321 exclusivism, 259 faith schools, xxiv; see also education family planning see contraception

350

family relationships Buddhism, 74–6, 84, 107 Christianity, 231–3 Hinduism, 11, 19–21, 28, 52 Islam, 299–301 Judaism, 177–8 Sikhism, 133–4 see also elderly people, marriage famine relief see aid fasting, 28, 192, 246, 306, 312; see also Atonement, Day of feminism, xxix, 47, 100; see also women and men fertility see reproduction festivals see Diva¯lı¯, Wesak foetus, 15, 36, 72, 89, 143, 150, 187–8, 247, 249–50, 315 food, xviii, 25, 27, 38–9, 45, 62, 79–81, 90–1, 119, 123, 138, 144, 158, 271, 306, 316; see also diet, genetic modification, halal, kosher, langar, vegetarianism forgiveness, xxviii, 95, 147, 193, 220, 234, 256, 264, 291, 319–20 four noble truths, 63, 93 Francis of Assisi, St, 240 freedom, 2, 5, 31, 51, 66, 76, 107, 109, 129, 139, 146, 183, 257, 258, 267, 301 Friends of the Earth, 276 Friends of the Western Buddhist Order, 70, 78 friendship, xx–xxi Buddhism, 69–70, 80, 97 Christianity, 226 Hinduism, 12–13 Islam, 297 Judaism, 173–4 Sikhism, 127–8, 148 Fundamentalism, 52, 232 gambling, 27, 81, 137, 138, 306, 309 Gandhi, Mahatma (M. K.), 10, 14, 26, 28, 37, 48, 155, 269 Gautama Buddha, 61, 62, 64, 74, 81, 84, 85, 97 gay rights see homosexuality gender, xv–xvi, xviii, 10, 47, 87, 121, 147, 150, 323; see also women and men generosity, giving, 66, 68–9, 81, 83, 86, 96, 126, 138, 141, 156, 182; see also aid, alms, Tzedaka, zakat genetic modification, 55–6, 142, 158, 210, 272, 275 Gershom, Rabbenu, 178

INDEX

Global Ethic, xv, 271 global issues, xxxi–xxxiii plus sections on as listed in contents global warming, 210, 271 Gobind Singh see guru¯s God, xx, xxvii–xxviii Buddhism, 92 Christianity, 216f Hinduism, 6, 7, 40, 43, 52 Islam, 283–97, 300, 305–7, 314–15, 317, 319–27, 330–4 Judaism, 169–70, 173, 177, 178, 180–4, 187, 190–4, 195–6, 198, 200–4, 210–11 Sikhism, 118, 122, 127, 129, 145, 148, 149, 152, 154 gospels see New Testament gossip, 63–4, 69, 82, 141, 183 grandparents and grandchildren see family relationships greed, 85, 93, 98, 102, 104, 109, 119, 138, 140, 142, 152, 201, 241, 275, 332 Green Buddhist Declaration, 98, 100, 109 Greenpeace, 276 grudges, bearing, 66, 193–4 gurmukh, 119, 145 Gurmukhi, 135, 139, 146 Guru¯ Granth Sa¯hib, 118, 119, 120, 123, 125, 126, 129, 130, 131, 135, 137, 139, 144, 146, 148, 151 guru¯s, various Hinduism, 8, 23, 27, 30, 41, 44 Sikhism,118, 119, 120, 135, 140, 144, 147, 148, 150, 152, 154, 156 Gobind Singh, xix, 118, 122–3, 124, 125, 126, 132, 135, 141, 143, 145, 154, 155 Na¯nak, 118, 122, 125, 132, 135, 136, 138, 144, 145, 149, 151, 152, 154, 158 halakha, 169, 178 halal, 119, 143, 149 harmony, 3, 43, 48, 66, 75, 122, 304, 328, 332–3 hasidism, 171, 182 hatred, 64, 66, 82, 85, 93, 95, 96, 98, 102, 104, 105, 107, 147, 183, 255 heaven and hell, xviii, 51, 55, 91, 94, 145, 222, 256, 320, 332; see also judgement day, salvation Hebrew Scriptures, 218, 224, 246, 253

Hertz, Chief Rabbi, 198 hijab, xxx; see also dress Hillel, 173 Hindu, on being a, 1–6 hindutva, 6, 44f HIV/AIDS, xxi Buddhism, 71–3, 89 Christianity, 229–30 Hinduism, 15–16, 34, 54 Islam, 298 Judaism, 175 Sikhism, 130 holocaust, 211, 255 holy wars, 155, 204, 268; see also Jihad, war homeless people, 35, 86, 245, 313; see also homeless people homosexuality, xiv, xviii, xxi Buddhism, 71–3 Christianity, 228–9 Hinduism, 15, 16 Islam, 298 Judaism, 174–5 Sikhism, 121, 129–30, 145 honesty, xix–xx, 66, 119, 138 honour (izzat), 51, 120, 128, 143, 145, 148, 156, 168, 173, 236, 242, 299, 329 hospices, 73, 247, 252 hospitality, 28, 75, 119, 151, 173, 179 humanists xv, xxix, 199, 217, 261 human nature, xiv; see also sin and sins human rights see rights humility, xx, 27, 69, 127 173, 221, 296 identity and authority, xv, xvii–xix plus sections as listed in contents idolatry, 178, 191, 195–7, 199 ignorance, 64, 76, 85, 92–3, 102, 104, 135, 202, 321 illegitimacy, 174 illusion (also ignorance and delusion), 63, 76, 92, 93, 96, 99, 102, 104 imam, 289–91, 293–4, 306, 318 incest, 20, 70, 174, 178, 187, 191, 197, 250 inclusivism, 51, 259, 285, 322 indigenous religions, xv infanticide, 34, 146, 150, 249, 300, 314, 329 inquisition, 196, 263, 323 intention, xxviii interest (money-lending), 309 interfaith dialogue, xiv, xvi, xvii, 107, 196, 259–60, 322

Index

internet, 52, 125, 129, 157, 242, 311 intolerance, 104; see also exclusivism investment, 81, 156 Israel, land and state of, xviii, xxx, 170, 179, 189, 202, 205, 207, 209, 210 Jacobovits, Lord Immanuel, 204 Jainism and Jains, xiii, xv, 28–9, 50 janamsa¯khı¯s, 120, 136, 138 ja¯taka stories, 66, 95, 101 Jesus, 216f Jewish, on being, 168–70 Jihad, 327–8 judgement day, 195, 288, 296, 320; see also heaven and hell just war see Jihad, war justice, xviii xxvi–xxvii, 39, 41, 52, 96, 125, 144–5, 147, 182, 185–6, 194–5, 200, 207, 224, 254, 265, 267–8, 293–4, 300, 307, 309, 319, 327–8; see also Tzedaka karma, xviii, xxviii Buddhism, 61, 78, 88, 90, 94, 95, 101, 104 Hinduism, 3, 5, 26, 34, 40, 53 Sikhism, 138, 143, 145, 146, 148, 158 ketuba, 176 khalifa, 288, 332 Khalistan, xxx, 50, 124, 153, 155 killing see capital punishment, murder, war kindness, xx, 66, 69, 74–6, 84–6, 94–7, 99, 105, 178–9, 189, 225, 246, 294, 301, 312 King, Martin Luther, 258, 269 kings see rulers knowledge, 3, 7, 27, 30, 38, 43, 108, 127, 135–6, 170, 172, 180, 290–2, 296, 302–4, 321 kosher, 182, 189–90 labour relations, 25 Lakshmi, 28 La¯lo, 138, 147 langar, 132, 138, 144, 147 lapsed Sikhs, 146 law, purpose of, xxii; see also right and wrong Buddhism, 91–2 Christianity, 252–4 Hinduism, 39, 40, 49

Islam, 316–19 Judaism, 190–1 Sikhism, 125, 134, 144–5 leaders, duties of, xix Buddhism, 66–7, 89 Christianity, 223–4 Hinduism, 8–9 Islam, 293–5 Judaism, 171–2 Sikhism, 124 leisure and its use, xxv Buddhism, 79–80 Christianity, 237–8 Hinduism, 26–7 Islam, 306–7 Judaism, 181 Sikhism, 137 lesbianism see homosexuality Liberal Jews, 169, 175 liberation, 110, 132, 154, 260 liberation theology, 224–5, 269–70 life, quality and value of, xxvi–xxvii plus sections as listed in contents livelihood, right, 64, 78, 81, 90, 108; see also work Lotus Su¯tra, 75 love Buddhism, 74, 76, 77, 86; see also kindness Christianity, 216–19, 222, 225–7, 231–3, 239–40, 241–2, 245–6, 253–4, 256–8, 266, 270 Hinduism, 13, 18, 48 Islam, 291, 297–8, 299, 327, 333 Judaism, 168, 176–7, 186, 192, 206 Sikhism, 127, 133–4 loyalty, 67, 226, 295, 297 lust, 119, 129, 145, 152, 201, 228, 241, 254, 298 madrasa, 303–4, 318 Maha¯bha¯rata, 31, 48, 49, 51 Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism, 65, 73, 90, 96, 99, 104, 105 Maimonides, 173, 182, 188, 207 manmukh, 145 Manusmriti, 5, 39, 46–7, 49, 53, 55 Marda¯na¯, 128, 138 Marranos, 196 marriage, xv–xvi, xviii, xx–xxii breakdown xvi, xviii, xxiii; Buddhism, 76; Christianity, 233–4; Hinduism, 17, 21–3, 46; Islam, 301–2; Judaism, 178–9; Sikhism, 134–5, 150–2

351

meaning of: Buddhism, 71, 73–4; Christianity, 230–1; Hinduism, 1, 16–19; Islam, 299; Judaism, 176–7; Sikhism, 128, 130–3, 151 sex before, xx–xxi; Buddhism, 70–1; Christianity, 226–7; Hinduism, 13–15; Islam, 297–8; Judaism, 174; Sikhism, 128–9 see also marriage and the family marriage and the family, xxi–xxiii plus sections as listed in contents martyrs and martyrdom, 124, 126–7, 146, 153–4, 156, 191, 194 masands, 123 masturbation, 14, 16, 71 materialism, 32, 82, 242, 255, 260–1 Mecca, 149, 283–4, 305, 306, 307, 308 media, xvi, xxiv Buddhism, 82–3 Christianity, 242–3 Hinduism, 30–1 Islam, 311–12 Judaism, 183–4 Sikhism, 133, 139–40 medical technology and ethics, xvi, 87, 142, 143, 182, 187, 189, 244, 247–50, 252, 315–16 medicine, 29, 78, 82, 85, 241, 303, 310; see also drugs meditation, xxv, 63, 64, 73, 79–80, 85, 95, 97, 108, 110, 292 men and women see women and men mental attitudes, 26, 28, 33, 61, 64, 93, 180 mentally ill people see needy people mercy, 199, 224, 286, 294, 298, 319 merit, xxviii, 14, 26, 28–9, 33, 78, 81, 93, 186, 200 Midrash, 195 mindfulness, 64, 74, 79, 102, 108, 136 miserliness, 81 Mishna, 179, 188 mitzvot, 168–9, 181, 191 monarchy see rulers money, influences on and the use of time, money and other personal resources, xxiii–xxvi plus sections as listed in contents

352

monks, xxii–xxiii, xxv, 29, 63, 64, 68, 70, 71–3, 77, 79, 81, 84, 85, 90, 99, 102, 105, 109, 157, 226, 230, 240, 263 monogamy, xxii, xxviii, 132, 300, 324 Moses, xix, 170, 173 Muhammad, xix, 283–6, 288, 290–1, 296, 302, 305 murder, xxvii–xxviii, 37, 41, 92, 94, 178, 183, 187, 188, 191, 249, 270, 317, 320 Muslim, on being a, 283–88 Na¯mdha¯rı¯s, 144, 158 Na¯nak see guru¯s national and ethnic conflict Buddhism, 104–6 Christianity, 265–7 Hinduism, 50–1 Islam, 327 Judaism, 202–4 Sikhism, 153–5 nations, existence of different Buddhism, 102–4 Christianity, 264–5 Hinduism, 45–6, 50 Islam, 325 Judaism, 201–2 Sikhism,153 see also diversity nature, 80; see also ecology needy people, xxvi–xxvii Buddhism, 85–7 Christianity, 245–7 Hinduism, 34–5 Islam, 313–14 Judaism, 185–6 Sikhism, 136, 141, 143 new religious movements, xv New Testament, 222, 224, 228, 232, 240, 246, 259, 271 gospels, 218, 238, 241, 245, 252, 257, 262, 266, 271 letters, 220, 225, 240, 253, 262, 272 noble eightfold path, 63, 78 non-violence, xviii, xxxi, 37, 38, 48, 52, 67–8, 91, 102, 104, 110, 127, 144, 147, 154–5; see also peace nuclear see war, weapons of mass destruction nuns, xxii, xxv, 29, 62, 64, 68, 70, 71–3, 79, 81, 84, 85, 90, 99, 102, 105, 109, 157, 226, 230, 240, 263 obedience, 9, 48, 65, 67, 222, 233, 263 Oral Torah, 168 order, Hinduism, 3, 7, 8, 30, 39–40, 48, 52, 56

INDEX

organ transplants, 87, 188, 189 original sin, 92, 217, 255, 321 orphans, 35, 86, 141, 246, 296, 300, 313 Orthodox Jews, 176, 198, 211 pacifism, 105, 106, 267–8; see also peace Pakistan, xxx, 50, 51, 118, 136, 153, 285, 326 Pa¯li Canon, 66, 74, 78, 82, 84, 97 patience, 68, 95, 225, 287, 315 patriotism, 103, 265 Paul, St see Bible peace, xv Buddhism, 66, 75, 80, 85, 102, 103, 106, 107 Christianity, 222, 259, 265–6, 267, 269 Hinduism, 49, 51 Islam, 294, 318, 322,327–8 Judaism, 173, 179, 201, 202, 204 Sikhism, 154 penances, 13, 14, 22, 38, 39–40, 41–3, 120, 146, 256 pensions, old age see elderly people people, differences between Buddhism, 96 Christianity, 257–8 Hinduism, 43–4 Islam, 321 Judaism, 194–5 Sikhism, 147–8 people, equality of Buddhism, 100–1 Christianity, 263–4 Hinduism, 47–8 Islam, 324–5 Judaism, 199–200 Sikhism, 152 perfections, Buddhism, 68–9, 74, 77 persecution, 52, 203, 263, 266, 295 personal and private?, xix–xxi plus sections as listed in contents personal qualities Buddhism, 68–9, 74, 95 Christianity, 225–6 Hinduism, 10–12 Islam, 296–7 Judaism, 173 Sikhism, 126–7 pilgrimage, Muslims, 149, 290, 306, 308 pill see contraception planet earth see ecology pluralism, 52, 259, 289, 294–5, 321 polygamy, 19, 74, 299–300, 323

popes, 216, 219, 221, 222, 223, 224, 226, 229, 240, 243, 245, 258, 273 population control Buddhism, 88, 109 Christianity, 273–4 Hinduism, 36, 54 Islam, 331 Judaism, 208–9 Sikhism, 143, 157 see also contraception possessions see wealth poverty, xv, xxxii responses to: Buddhism, 80, 85, 107, 108–9, 110; Christianity, 270–3; Hinduism, 53–4; Islam, 329–31; Judaism, 206–8; Sikhism, 138, 156–7 Prayer, 118, 146, 153, 176, 192–3, 217, 220–1, 225, 246, 256, 274, 289, 292, 294, 296, 299, 302, 304, 306, 310, 317, 320, 321 Precepts, 62–3, 71, 79, 89, 99, 107, 108, 109, 191, 201, 286, 293, 317 Prem Sumarg, 120 Prithivı¯, 55 Progressive Jews, 169, 176, 198, 211 prophets, 239, 254, 283, 285, 288, 296, 320, 325 Protestant (Methodist, Congregational, United Reform Church), 223, 227, 230, 237, 249, 250, 255, 256, 261, 266, 270 protests, 44, 68, 90, 126, 221 punishments, xxviii Buddhism, 94 Christianity, 255–6 Hinduism, 9, 13, 36, 39, 40–2 Islam, 319–20 Judaism, 192–3 Sikhism, 122, 129, 135, 146 Purim, 182, 207 Qadi, 318 Quakers see Society of Friends Qur’an, 283f rabbis see Talmud race, xxix; see also diversity, equality and difference, national and ethnic conflict, violence Ra¯ma¯yana, 31, 51, 55 rape, 70–1, 89, 107–8, 188, 230, 250–1, 298, 329 Rastafarians, xv reason, 182, 190, 202, 220–1, 224–5, 287–93, 314, 317–18

Index

rebbes, 171, 183 rebirth, xviii, 12, 42, 80, 89, 100, 145, 151 Reform Jews, 169, 175, 186, 199 refugees, 86, 136, 141, 157, 313 registration, marriage, 17, 131 relativists, 72, 233 religions, attitudes to other, xv, xxviii–xxix Buddhism, 63, 96–8 Christianity, 258–60 Hinduism, 44–5 Islam, 322–3 Judaism, 195–7 Sikhism, 129, 147, 148–9, 150 remarriage, 19, 21, 134, 135, 150, 233–4 repentance, 183, 192–3, 256–7 reproduction and reproductive technologies, xxvii, xxxii, 35–6, 87–8, 142, 186–7, 247–8, 313–14 respect, 37, 64, 74, 76, 84, 92, 99–101, 118, 123, 140, 144, 148, 176–7, 191–2, 200, 206, 210, 300, 310, 325, 333 restraint, 12, 32, 127 retribution, 42, 94, 129 revenge, 193, 202 rewards, 11, 79, 94, 101 right and wrong, questions of, xxvii–xxviii plus sections as listed in contents Right Livelihood Cooperatives, 78; see also work rights, xviii, xxix human, 6, 9, 21, 35, 96, 106, 126, 130, 200, 258 animal welfare, 38, 91, 96, 189, 296 Roman Catholicism, 216, 220, 221, 223, 225, 227, 228, 229, 230, 234–5, 238, 243, 248–51, 255–6, 258, 259, 261, 266, 273 rulers see sections on Authority and Duties of Leaders as listed in contents sabbath, 237, 306 sacrament, 16, 230, 299; see also samskara sacrifice, 3, 18, 30, 38, 39, 127, 173, 190, 192, 220, 226, 308, 316 sadaqa, 307 salvation, 4, 38, 43, 93, 149, 197, 253, 259, 260, 322, 327 Salvation Army, 242, 261, 263

same-sex relationships see homosexuality samskara, xxii, 16 sanctity of life, 247–8, 314–15 samgha, xxiii, 62–3, 64, 67, 73, ˙ 78, 80, 85, 90, 96, 99, 109 Sant Niranka¯raı¯s, 124, 149 Santoshima¯, 31 sants, 124 satı¯, 32, 37–8, 150 schools, faith, 78, 136, 235; see also education scriptures see texts and scriptures secret Jews see Marranos secular, xiii, xvii, xix, xxiv, xxix, 9, 30, 45, 50, 53, 80, 119, 156,180, 199, 221, 226, 255, 260–1, 287, 319 segregation of the sexes, 13, 20, 34 self-control, 6–7, 12, 37, 40, 47, 52, 66, 72, 83, 109, 127, 157, 225 self-defence, 49, 51, 106, 187, 188, 197, 202–4, 206 self-denial, 29, 81 sensual pleasure, 13, 71, 125, 209 separation, marital see marriage servants, 92, 137, 223 service, 77, 87, 119, 126, 128, 137, 140, 145, 180, 223, 235, 236, 307 Seven Noahide Laws, 197 sexes see women and men sexual intercourse see marriage Shabbat, xxv, 169–70, 180–1, 197, 198; see also leisure Shia Islam/Shi’ites, 295, 318 Shinto, xiii Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, 120 Shu¯dras, 4, 24, 43, 44 Shulkhan Arukh, 170, 175, 206 sick people, 34–5, 73, 85, 141, 179, 185, 251, 298, 313 Siga¯lova¯da Sutta, 70, 81, 82 Sikh, on being a, 118–22 Sikh Rahit Marya¯da¯, 118, 120, 135 sin and sins, xiv, xxviii, xxx Christianity, 254–5 Hinduism, 36, 39–40 Islam, 319 Judaism, 191–2 Sikhism, 128, 140 Singh, Guru¯ Gobind see guru¯s slander, 63, 183, 228 slaves, slavery, 78, 92, 180, 181, 206, 222, 236, 258, 260, 263–4, 326

353

smoking, 29, 119, 122, 137, 139, 142, 149, 182, 242 social action, xv, xxii, 61, 85, 330 socialism, 25, 53, 109, 206 Society of Friends (also Quakers), 226, 267 state, the, xvi, xxviii, xxx, xxxi, 33, 43, 52, 80, 109, 145, 172, 207, 222, 224, 235, 287, 294, 310, 311, 312, 330 sterilisation, 54, 88, 157, 274 stewardship, 239, 248, 252, 271, 274, 275, 308, 332; see also trusteeship strangers, 120, 185, 186, 265; see also hospitality, refugees students see education subjects, duties of Buddhism, 67–8 Christianity, 224–5 Hinduism, 9–10 Islam, 295–6 Judaism, 172–3 Sikhism, 125–6, 150 see also citizens Sufis, 291–2, 294, 306 Suffering, 37–8, 49, 63, 81, 85–7, 88, 90, 93, 100, 129, 152 suicide, xviii 3–8, 37–8, 88, 90, 156, 251, 315; see also euthanasia Sunnis, 289–90, 293, 318 surrogacy, xiv, 35, 87–8, 142, 186–7, 247–8; see also reproduction suttee see satı¯ Talmud, 168, 170, 171, 180, 199, 209 taxation, 9, 34 teaching, 32, 81, 136, 171, 232, 243, 271, 289, 303, 305 Ten Commandments, 173, 174, 177, 178, 180, 197, 237, 252 Tenakh, 173, 195 terrorism, 52, 107, 125, 155, 205, 269, 328 texts and scriptures, xviii, xix Buddhism see Pa¯li Canon Christianity see Bible, New Tesatment Hinduism see Bhagavadgı¯ta¯, Maha¯bha¯rata, Manusmriti, Ra¯ma¯yana, Vedas Islam, see Qur’an Judaism see Talmud, Tenakh, Torah Sikhism see Guru¯ Granth Sa¯hib

354

theft, xxvii, 41, 80, 92, 108, 320 Therava¯da Buddhism, 73, 79, 90, 99, 104, 105, 106 time, use of time, money and other personal resources, xxiii–xxvi plus sections as listed in contents tolerance, 95, 97, 103, 150, 191, 196, 322, 328 Torah, 168–9, 170, 171–2, 179, 180–1, 185–6, 190, 191–2, 193, 197, 200, 208, 210 trade unionism, 206 training, 23, 61–4, 135, 180, 190, 201, 207, 293, 305 transplants see organ transplants trees, 86, 110, 203, 209–10 trusteeship, 308; see also khalifa, stewardship turbans, 119, 126,139, 145, 151, 153 Tzedaka, 182, 185, 194, 207 unemployment, xxv; see also work United Nations, 98, 150, 200, 201, 269 universities, 77, 235, 303; see also education untouchables see caste system values, xiii, xiii–xxiv, xxvi, 2, 6, 11, 31, 39, 64, 90, 120–1, 140, 232, 244, 261, 270, 286–9, 296, 297, 305, 316, 318, 319, 330 vasectomy see contraception Vedas, 3, 5, 7, 11 vegan, 36, 38, 91, 144, 189, 252 vegetarianism Buddhism, 63, 90–1 Christianity, 252 Hinduism, 12, 38–9 Islam, 316 Judaism, 189–90 Sikhism, 143–4, 158

INDEX

violence, 80 social and domestic: Buddhism, 107–8; Christianity, 270; Hinduism, 52–3; Islam, 329; Judaism, 206; Sikhism, 134, 146–7, 156 see also conflict and violence, war virtues, 69, 81, 126–7, 140, 225, 330; see also perfections voluntary work, 237 war, just? Buddhism, 106–7 Christianity, 267–9 Hinduism, 51 Islam, 327–8 Judaism, 204 Sikhism, 155 see also national and ethnic conflict war, nuclear, xxi Buddhism, 105, 107 Christianity, 264, 268–9 Hinduism, 51 Islam, 328–9 Judaism, 203–4 Sikhism, 121, 155 Warsaw Ghetto, 203 wayfarers see homeless wealth, xxvii Buddhism, 78, 80–2, 96, 107 Christianity, 238–40, 241, 243, 271 Hinduism, 27–9, 53 Islam, 307–10, 313 Judaism, 172, 180, 181–2, 206 Sikhism, 121, 138, 147, 156 weapons of mass destruction Buddhism, 107 Hinduism, 51 Islam, 328 Judaism, 205 Sikhism, 155 see also war Wesak, 110 widowed people, 19, 130, 132,

150, 185, 230, 240, 246, 296, 300; see also satı¯ wisdom, 62, 63, 64–5, 68, 70, 77, 84, 92, 96, 110, 127, 171, 184, 188, 245, 302, 312 withdrawal method see contraception Wolfendon Report, 229 women and men, xv, xix–xx, xxix Buddhism, 96, 99–100 Christianity, 261–3 Hinduism, 11, 14, 20, 24, 27, 28, 33, 35, 46–7 Islam, 323–4 Judaism, 198–9 Sikhism, 143, 148, 150–2 work, xxv Buddhism (including right livelihood), 64, 78–9, 90, 108 Christianity, 236–7 Hinduism, 24–6 Islam, 305–6 Judaism, 180–1 Sikhism, 126, 136–7, 140 World Council of Churches, 267–8 World Fellowship of Buddhists, 64, 109 wrongdoer and wronged Buddhism, 95 Christianity, 256–7 Hinduism, 42–3 Islam, 320–1 Judaism, 193–4 Sikhism, 146–7 yeshivot, 180, 182; see also education Yom Kippur see Atonement, Day of zakat, 307–8 Zen Buddhism, 65, 73, 79, 80, 102, 106, 107 Zohar, 170, 183 Zoroastrians (also Parsis), xiii, xv

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