A A Personal Skill of Caring for Oneself ▶Self-care Development
ABC ▶Autism Behavior Checklist
Abecedarian Project TASHA R. HOWE Humboldt State University, Arcata, CA, USA
Synonyms Early intervention; Prevention of mental retardation
Definition The Abecedarian Project was an early intervention project conducted by Craig Ramey and Francis Campbell on a mostly African-American sample of children at-risk for academic failure. The children have been followed from preschool into early adulthood with positive intellectual results.
Description Ramey and Campbell conducted a prospective longitudinal study on approximately 50 children born between 1972 and 1977 [1]. The children were considered to be at risk for intellectual delays and academic problems because they were born to mostly young single mothers living in poverty. Children were screened for inclusion based on the number of risk factors they faced, including low parental education, father absence, receiving welfare, etc. The researchers randomly assigned 50+ matched children to a no-intervention control group as well. The goal of the
preventive intervention was to prevent cognitive delay or non-biologically based mental retardation. Additional areas of interest included academic and social outcomes ranging from preventing grade retention to preventing teen crime. Interventions for the preschool group included intensive pre-literacy work on language, learning, self-help, and motor skills. The children were also provided medical care at the intervention preschool site. Treatment children were exposed to high quality preschool with low adult/child ratios for the first 5 years of life. Interestingly, at kindergarten, both the intervention and control children were then randomly assigned to a school age (SA) intervention plan. This SA intervention consisted of assigning children to a home/school teacher who helped children with school work at home and at school. They also advocated on behalf of the families for social services, medical care, etc. The SA intervention continued for 3 years. This study design resulted in four groups that could be compared at the study’s end: Preschool + School Age Interventions (PSA), Preschool + No School Age (PNSA), No Preschool + School Age (NPSA), and No Preschool + No School Age (NPNSA) intervention. During preschool, children were assessed on language, cognitive, perceptual-motor and social developmental tasks from 6 to 54 months of age. By 18 months of age, the intervention group had reached national averages on all tests and far surpassed the control group, which declined by 18 months of age to below national averages. When assessed at 12 and 15 years of age [2], the PSNSA group still showed academic and intellectual advantages over groups that had not received early preschool intervention. For example, IQ scores for PNSA were average 95 points while the NPNSA group averaged 90. The NPSA group had advantages over the NPNSA group, but overall, later school age interventions were inferior to those conducted during the preschool years. The children were assessed again between ages 16–21 [3] in order to determine whether they had a better quality of life, including fewer criminal behaviors. However, there were no significant differences found between the groups in numbers, types, or severity of crimes committed. The authors suggest that to prevent crime, interventions must
Sam Goldstein & Jack A. Naglieri (eds.), Encyclopedia of Child Behavior and Development, DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-79061-9, # Springer Science+Business Media LLC 2011
2
A
Abilify
involve systematic work with families, not just their children. The most recent assessment was in 2002 and examined the children at age 21 [4] to examine overall life outcomes. They found that the preschool intervention group versus the control group experienced fewer grade retentions (31 vs. 54% were retained) and was assigned to special education less frequently (24 vs. 47%). The preschool intervention group obtained more total years of education, attended college more, had fewer teenage pregnancies, and were better at reading and math. The NPSA group had better results than the NPNSA group, but weaker than those for children who had received the earliest intervention services. There were no differences between groups for violence and law breaking behavior. The Abecedarian Project is considered by many to be an exemplary human experiment illustrating the power of brain plasticity in the early years. Their early work set the foundation for current movements like Zero to Three (www.zerotothree.org), and First Five (http://www.ccfc. ca.gov/default.asp), which provide resources, education, and materials about early brain development and emphasize the need for early stimulation to enhance developmental outcomes.
References 1.
2.
3.
4.
Campbell, F. A., Ramey, C. T., Pungello, E., Sparling, J., & MillerJohnson, S. (2002). Early childhood education: Young adult outcomes from the Abecedarian Project. Applied Developmental Science, 6, 42–57. Clarke, S. H., & Campbell, F. A. (1998). Can intervention early prevent crime later? The Abecedarian project compared with other programs. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 13, 319–343. Ramey, C. T., & Campbell, F. A. (1984). Preventive education for high-risk children: Cognitive consequences of the Carolina Abecedarian Project. American Journal of Mental Deficiency, 88, 515–523. Ramey, C. T., Campbell, F. A., & Blair, C. (1998). Enhancing the life course for high-risk children: Results from the Abecedarian project. In J. Crane (Ed.), Social programs that work (pp. 163–183). New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Abilify JEFFREY S. TROTTER, ANDREW S. DAVIS Ball State University, Muncie, IN, USA
Synonyms Aripiprazole (generic name); Atypical antipsychotics; Partial dopamine agonist
Definition Abilify (Abilify) is an atypical antipsychotic medication indicated for acute and maintenance treatment of adult as well as adolescent (13–17 years of age) patients with Schizophrenia. The medication also is indicated for acute and maintenance treatment of manic and mixed episodes associated with Bipolar I Disorder with or without psychotic features in adult and pediatric (10–17 years of age) patients [1].
Description Abilify was developed by Otsuka Pharmaceutical in Japan and jointly marketed in the United States with Bristol-Myers Squibb [1]. Clinical trials sponsored by the manufacturer have resulted in the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approving the use of Abilify as an atypical antipsychotic [1–3]. The FDA first approved Abilify for the treatment of adult Schizophrenia in November, 2002. The medication received additional approval by the FDA for the acute and maintenance treatment of manic and mixed episodes associated with Bipolar I Disorder, with or without psychotic features in adults September 2004 and March 2005, respectively. All of the adult trials were double-blind, placebo-controlled studies of 4–6 weeks’ duration. Abilify also was approved by the FDA in November, 2007 for treating adolescents (13–17 years old) with a primary diagnosis of schizophrenia. The efficacy and safety of Abilify for use with this population was based on a manufacturer-sponsored 6-week, double-blind, randomized, placebo-controlled, multi-center study, with 302 ethnically diverse pediatric patients. Patients met DSM-IV criteria for schizophrenia and had a positive and negative syndrome scale (PANSS) 70 at baseline. In this trial, two fixed doses of Abilify (10 mg/day or 30 mg/day) were superior to placebo in the PANSS total score, the primary outcome measure of the study. The 30 mg/day dosage was not shown to be more efficacious than the 10 mg/day dose. Maintenance efficacy in pediatric patients with Schizophrenia has not been systematically evaluated. In February 2008, following a 4-week, double-blind, placebo-controlled study with 296 pediatric patients from multiple sites, the medication received approval for the acute treatment of manic and mixed episodes associated with Bipolar I Disorder in patients 10–17 years old. Participants in the trial met DSM-IV criteria for Bipolar I Disorder manic or mixed episodes with or without psychotic features and had a young mania rating scale (YMRS) score 20 at baseline. Both fixed dosages of Abilify (10 mg/day or 30 mg/day) were superior to placebo in change from baseline on the Y-MRS total score. Based on a similarly designed clinical trial (n ¼ 197 pediatric
Ability Grouping
patients) the FDA approved Abilify in May, 2008 for the maintenance treatment of pediatric Bipolar I Disorder. The most common side effects exhibited in pediatric clinical trials included somnolence, extrapyramidal problems, fatigue, nausea, akathisia, tremors, and headache [4]. In addition, pediatric patients with Major Depressive Disorder who receive Abilify as an adjunctive treatment may experience initial worsening of their symptoms of depression and/or the emergence of suicidal ideation and behavior [1, 5]. This is particularly problematic with the early use of the medication or during changes in dosage. Abilify is available in 2, 5, 10, 20, and 30 mg tablets and also may be administered as an intramuscular injection or as an orodispersible tablet [1]. The recommended target dose for pediatric patients is 10 mg/day with subsequent increases at 5 mg increments [1]. The medication may be administered without regard to meals and is primarily metabolized by the liver [4]. Similar to other atypical antipsychotic medications (e.g., clozapine, risperidone), Abilify’s exact mechanism of action is not fully understood [6, 7]. However, the receptor interactions due to Abilify are understood to be unique and dissimilar to other atypical antipsychotic medications [6, 7]. It has been proposed that the antipsychotic efficacy of Abilify appears to be mediated through either dopamineserotonin partial agonists and/or by working through the mechanism of “functional selectivity” [8]. Abilify likely exerts its effect by combining a partial agonist of dopamine D2 and serotonin 5-HT1A receptors and a potent antagonist at serotonin 5-HT2A receptors [6, 7, 9]. Two biochemical responses are likely the results of Abilify’s partial agonism [10]. First, when postsynaptic dopamine levels are too high, Abilify competes as an agonist thereby dulling positive psychotic symptoms while at the same time avoiding the movement disorders typically associated with nonspecific dopamine antagonism. Simultaneously, Abilify reduces dopamine release and synthesis which produces a neurotransmitter stabilizing effect which blunts excess activity until neurotransmission can be returned to preferred levels. It is hypothesized Abilify’s partial agonist activity at 5-HT1A receptors and antagonist activity at 5-HT2A receptors contributes to lowered risk for extra pyramidal signs as well as improvements in cognition and negative symptoms [9]. Further reported benefits of Abilify compared to other atypical antipsychotics include a lower incidence of weight gain and sedation, and an absence of elevation in levels of serum prolactin [7].
References 1. Bowles, T. M., & Levin, G. M. (2003). Aripiprazole: A new atypical antipsychotic drug. Annals of Pharmacotherapy, 37, 187–194.
A
2. Bristol-Meyers Squibb Company. (2008). Abilify prescribing information. Princeton, NJ: Bristol-Meyers Squibb Company. 3. DeLeon, A. (2004). Aripiprazole: A comprehensive review of its pharmacology, clinical efficacy, and tolerability. Clinical Therapeutics, 26(5), 649–666. 4. Hammad, T. A., Laughren, T. P., & Racoosin, J. A. (2006). Suicidality in pediatric patients treated with antidepressant drugs. Archives of General Psychiatry, 63(3), 332–339. 5. Lawler, C. P., Prioleau, C., Lewis, M. M., Mak, C., Jiang, D., Schetz, J. A., et al. (1999). Interactions of the novel antipsychotic aripiprazole (OPC-14597) with dopamine and serotonin receptor subtypes. Neuropsychopharmacology, 20(6), 612–627. 6. Mottola, D. M., Kilts, J. D., Lewis, M. M., Connery, J. S., Walker, Q. D., & Jones, S. R. (2002). Functional selectivity of dopamine receptor agonists. I. selective activation of postsynaptic dopamine D2 receptors linked to adenylate cyclase. The Journal of Pharmacology and Experimental Therapeutics, 301(3), 1166–1178. 7. Rugino, T. A., & Janvier, Y. M. (2005). Aripiprazole in children and adolescents: Clinical experience. Journal of Child Neurology, 20(7), 603–610. 8. Seifert, S. A., Schwartz, M. D., & Thomas, J. D. (2005). Aripiprazole (Abilify) overdose in a child. Clinical Toxicology, 43, 193–195. 9. Shapiro, D. A., Renock, S., Arrington, E., Louis, A. C., Li-Xin, L., Sibley, D. R., et al. (2003). Abilify, a novel atypical antipsychotic drug with a unique and robust pharmacology. Neuropsychopharmacology, 28, 1400–1411. 10. Stark, A. D., Jordan, S., Allers, K. A., Bertekap, R. L., Chen, R., & Kannan, T. M. (2007). Interaction of the novel antipsychotic Abilify with 5-HT1A and 5-HT2A receptors: Functional receptor-binding and in vivo electrophysiological studies. Psychopharmacology, 190, 373–382.
Ability Grouping JANET WARD SCHOFIELD University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA, USA
Synonyms Setting (Great Britain); Streaming (Great Britain); Tracking
Definition Ability grouping is a term referring to a wide variety of school practices that group students for instruction according to one or more measures of academic ability or achievement including their grades, teachers’ recommendations, measured IQ, standardized or locally developed achievement tests, etc.
Description Ability grouping is intended to foster homogeneity in academic ability within educational environments. Ability
3
A
4
A
Ability Grouping
grouping can occur within classrooms, between different classrooms or educational programs within schools, or even between schools, as is exemplified in countries like Germany. Sometimes students in different ability groups receive basically the same curriculum, with those in higher-ability groups just moving somewhat faster or covering topics in greater depth. In other situations, classes of different ability levels are presented with very different subject matter, such as math classes covering general math or calculus [5]. In the United States, as well as in many other countries, the nature and extent of ability grouping typically varies with students’ age. Specifically, in the U.S. within-class ability grouping is quite common in the early elementary grades. So, for example, students are often placed in small within-class groups, based on their existing skills, to learn how to read. However, as students get older, and most strikingly in high school, between-class ability grouping becomes typical. In the last century, it was quite common for high schools in the U.S. to track students, that is to divide them into completely separate tracks explicitly designed to provide a strong academic focus to academically-talented students, a “general education” for less academicallyoriented students, and vocational training for students heading into the workforce immediately after graduation. Now, high school students are more likely to enroll in individual classes that are more or less challenging with other students who are more or less advanced academically, rather than in completely separate tracks or programs, allowing them to match their classes to their individual academic interests and strengths. However, often scheduling and other considerations seriously constrain such choices, creating a situation in which high- and low-ability students are not typically found in the same classrooms. Although various forms of ability grouping are extremely widespread, ability grouping, especially in its stronger forms, is very controversial. Those favoring ability grouping argue that it allows teachers to target instruction more precisely to students’ existing skills than do heterogeneous grouping practices. It is also sometimes argued that students will learn better in academicallyhomogeneous environments. Specifically, one major concern is that low-ability students in an instructional group will not only limit the kinds of material that can be presented but will slow other students’ progress. Arguments favoring ability grouping also sometimes suggest that it will protect the self-esteem of low-achieving students by sparing them constant direct comparison with their academically stronger peers. In addition, ability grouping, combined with the provision of a different curriculum for higher- and lower-achieving students, is
sometimes seen as helpful in preparing students who will begin work immediately after school to do so effectively. In contrast, those opposing ability grouping point out its many disadvantages [2, 3]. For example, they argue that it is not easy to accurately and fairly assess achievement and/or ability and that research shows that factors like socioeconomic background and/or minority group membership sometimes influence placement in ability groups. In addition, they highlight research showing that teacher quality, instructional processes, and the classroom climate are often more favorable to learning in classes containing high-achieving students than in those containing mainly low-achieving students, which means that ability grouping is likely to further impede the progress of initially low-achieving students. They also point out that ability grouping in schools generally increases racial, ethnic, and socio-economic segregation there, due to the consistently found co-variation between socio-economic status, minority group membership and common measures of academic ability and achievement. Thus, they argue that ability grouping undermines the potential of schools to serve a constructive role in preparing students to function effectively in the diverse societies in which many of them will live as adults. Generally speaking, reviews of the research on ability grouping conclude that within-class ability grouping has a modest positive impact on achievement compared to both within-class heterogeneous grouping and wholeclass instruction [6]. However, reviews of the research on between class ability grouping come to conflicting conclusions. Those focusing on experimental studies, which typically do not involve situations in which higher-achieving groups are presented with very different subject matter than lower-achieving groups, suggest that this practice has no clear overall effect on academic achievement, although one review concludes that it may have a small positive impact on the achievement of initially high-achieving students. In contrast, reviews emphasizing correlational studies, which often are conducted in situations involving some degree of curriculum differentiation, generally suggest that ability grouping at the class or school level has a clear and sometimes substantial negative impact on the achievement of initially lower-achieving students. Some also suggest a modest positive impact of ability grouping on the achievement of initially higher-achieving students. The fact that many studies of between-class ability grouping suggest either no achievement advantage to it and/or negative effects on initially low-achieving students led to strong calls to abolish such practices, and quite a number of schools and school districts in the U.S. moved in this direction during and after the 1990s.
Abortion
However, such efforts often meet strong resistance from both teachers and from parents, especially the parents of relatively high-achieving students. Some studies have documented very good results from de-tracking efforts, with markedly improved achievement for many students and no negative impact on initially high-achieving students. On the other hand, it is also clear that such efforts often cause a great deal of strife and they sometimes have unintended negative consequences, such as when the detracking of Japanese schools led many high-achieving students to leave the public school system for private schools.
References
Relevance to Childhood Development
6.
Ability grouping influences students’ social and academic experiences. Ability grouping influences their social development by commonly undercutting the potential for students to interact with and develop friendships in school with those from other racial, ethnic, and social class backgrounds. Such a consequence is important because the formation of such friendships appears to have a positive impact on students’ intergroup attitudes. Whether or not ability grouping is practiced also impacts students’ academic experiences in predictable ways. Specifically, the research literature strongly suggests that classes with high-ability students tend to be better learning environments than those with large concentrations of low-ability students for a wide variety of reasons related both to the individual characteristics students bring with them and to the kinds of learning environments schools are likely to provide to initially higherand lower-achieving students [1, 4]. The policy problem posed by ability grouping for those concerned with child development is twofold. First, some forms of ability grouping, such as withinclass grouping, appear likely to have modest positive academic effects but negative social effects, because they are likely to reinforce students’ predisposition to interact more with those similar to them than with peers from different racial, ethnic or social class backgrounds. Second, some forms of ability grouping, specifically ability grouping with curriculum differentiation, appear to undercut the achievement of some students while possibly enhancing that of others. Even if the negative impact of such forms of ability grouping on lower-achieving students is somewhat stronger than their positive impact on highachieving students, as sometimes appears to be the case, decisions about whether to adopt such practices are difficult because they often involve trade-offs between losses and gains in different realms and/or for different kinds of students.
1.
2. 3. 4.
5.
A
Gamoran, A., Nystrand, M., Berends, M., & LePore, P. C. (1995). An organizational analysis of the effects of ability grouping. American Educational Research Journal, 32(4), 687–715. Lucas, S. R. (1999). Tracking inequality: Stratification and mobility in American high schools. New York: Teachers College Press. Oakes, J. (2005). Keeping track: How schools structure inequality (2nd ed.). New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Oakes, J., Gamoran, A., & Page, R. N. (1992). Curriculum differentiation opportunities, outcomes, and meanings. In P. Jackson (Ed.), Handbook of research on curriculum (pp. 570–608). New York: MacMillan. Schofield, J. W. (2010). International evidence on ability grouping with curriculum differentiation and the achievement gap in secondary schools. Teachers College Record, 112(5), 8–18. Slavin, R. E. (1987). Ability grouping and student achievement in elementary schools: A best-evidence synthesis. Review of Educational Research, 57(3), 293–336.
Abnormal Presentation ▶Birth Complications
Abort ▶Abortion
Abortion LACY ALLEN Floride Institute of Technology, Melbourne, FL, USA
Synonyms Abort; Dilation and Evacuation (D&E); Miscarriage; Termination
Definition (1) The spontaneous or induced termination of pregnancy after conception. (2) To miscarry a nonviable fetus [1].
Description An abortion is a legal, safe, and effective medical method to stop or interrupt the growth and development of a fetus. Even though abortion is a legal medical procedure,
5
A
6
A
Abortion
the availability of services has been under political and ethical debate for quite some time [5]. In fact, the availability of abortion services depends on federal and state policies. However, in the United States, abortion has not always been under ethical and political debate. As a matter of fact, up until the second half of the nineteenth century, abortion was not viewed as morally wrong if it was performed before 4–5 months of pregnancy. During the second half of the nineteenth century, abortion was preformed quite frequently using drugs, special potions, and techniques espoused by popular medical guides. Additionally, abortion procedures were often preformed by mid-wives and physicians. The first laws governing abortion were enacted in 1821 and 1841; however, these laws were specifically put in place to prevent women from using unsafe abortion procedures, not to punish women for having abortions [3]. During middle nineteenth century, abortion was a growing trend among white, married, and protestant women. During this time, abortion became commercialized, which worried the new emerging class of predominately male physicians. These new medical professionals expressed concern that the number of abortion procedures in the middle and upper class, protestant, white population would eventually wipe out Catholics, which would ultimately result in whites being outnumbered by the African American and immigrant population. The created an uproar within the medical community. In addition to mid-wives being banned from giving abortions, physicians began to create laws and policies to control abortions. Between the period of 1860 and 1960, stringent laws against abortion and contraceptives were enacted. Women who sought abortions were guilty of murder and were sent to jail. It wasn’t until January 22, 1973, that the US Supreme Court ruled 7-2 in Roe v. Wade that women have a right to terminate pregnancy based on the constitutional right to privacy established in the 1965 case, Griswold v. Connecticut [2]. There are two types of abortion procedures that can be used legally, safely, and effectively. The most common procedure is done in a medical center and is referred to as an aspiration procedure. Another procedure, which is less commonly used, is the D&E procedure (dilation and evacuation). An Aspiration is usually used up to 16 weeks after a woman’s last period and a D&E is generally used after the 16th week of pregnancy. An abortion that is carried out beyond the 24th week of pregnancy is likely due to serious health reasons [4]. The following information outlines the specific steps generally covered during an abortion procedure. The following was adapted from [4].
During an aspiration abortion: ● Your health care provider will examine your uterus. ● You will get medicine for pain. You may be offered sedation — a medicine that allows you to be awake but deeply relaxed. ● A speculum will be inserted into your vagina. ● Your health care provider may inject a numbing medication into or near your cervix. ● The opening of your cervix may be stretched with dilators — a series of increasingly thick rods. Or you may have absorbent dilators inserted a day or a few hours before the procedure. They will absorb fluid and get bigger. This slowly stretches open your cervix. Medication may also be used with or without the dilators to help open your cervix. ● You will be given antibiotics to prevent infection. ● A tube is inserted through the cervix into the uterus. ● Either a hand-held suction device or a suction machine gently empties your uterus. ● Sometimes, an instrument called a curette is used to remove any remaining tissue that lines the uterus. It may also be used to check that the uterus is empty. When a curette is used, people often call the abortion a D&C — dilation and curettage. An aspiration procedure takes about 5–10 min. But more time may be needed to prepare your cervix. Time is also needed for talking with your provider about the procedure, a physical exam, reading and signing forms, and a recovery period of about 1 h.
D&E During a D&E ● Your health care provider will examine you and check your uterus. ● You will get medication for pain. You may be offered sedation or i.v. medication to make you more comfortable. ● A speculum will be inserted into your vagina. ● Your cervix will be prepared for the procedure. You may be given medication or have absorbent dilators inserted a day or a few hours before the procedure. They will absorb fluid and grow bigger. This slowly stretches open your cervix. ● You will be given antibiotics to prevent infection. ● In later second-trimester procedures, you may also need a shot through your abdomen to make sure there is fetal demise before the procedure begins. ● Your health care provider will inject a numbing medication into or near your cervix.
Abstract Mapping
● Medical instruments and a suction machine gently empty your uterus. A D&E usually takes between 10 and 20 min. But more time is needed to prepare your cervix. Time is also needed for talking with your provider about the procedure, a physical exam, reading and signing forms, and a recovery period of about 1 h. In addition to the two aforementioned abortion procedures, a medical abortion method is also available. A medical abortion is an abortion induced by taking a medication that ends a pregnancy. Mifepristone and methotrexate are the two FDA approved abortion pills available. Mifepristone works by blocking the hormone progesterone, which causes the lining of the uterus to shed (menses). Methotrexate was FDA approved for treating a cancer, but can also be used to end a pregnancy. It can be injected with a hypodermic needle or it can be taken orally. Methotrexate stops the implantation process that takes place during the early weeks of pregnancy. A third drug is indicated and is to be taken in conjunction with one of the above medications. It is called Misoprostol and causes the uterus to contract and empty, which ultimately ends the pregnancy. ● The abortion pill, unlike the aspiration procedure, takes much more time to complete termination. Women who choose the abortion pill will generally have to wait 2–3 weeks before termination is complete. Mifepristone is a quicker method for completing abortion compared to methotrexate. There are several symptoms that are likely to occur after taking the abortion pill that users should be aware of. They include vaginal bleeding after taking the first drug, which may be light or heavy, cramping, which may be light or heavy, and both bleeding and cramping may be more than what a woman may experience on her period. Complication from taking the aforementioned medications include dizziness, strong cramping, nausea or vomiting, diarrhea, temporary fever or chills, and temporary abdominal pain.
References 1. 2. 3.
4.
Abortion. (1998). In Mosby’s medical, nursing, & allied health dictionary (5th ed.). Anderson, M. L. (2003). Thinking about women: Sociological perspectives on sex and gender (6th ed.). Boston: Pearson Education. National Abortion Federation. (2008). Abortion facts. http:// www.prochoice.org/about_abortion/facts/medical_abortion.html. Accessed July 15, 2008. Planned Parenthood Federation of America. (2008). Abortion. http:// www.plannedparenthood.org/health-topics/abortion-4260.htm. Accessed July 12, 2008.
5.
A
Women’s Health Policy Program. (2008). Abortion in the U.S.: Utilization, financing and access. http://www.kff.org/womenshealth/ 3269-02.cfm. Accessed July 10, 2008.
Abstract Mapping MOLLY MILLIANS Marcus Autism Center, Atlanta, Georgia, USA
Synonyms Concept formation; Mental mapping
Definition Abstract mapping refers to the process of linking the essential conceptual elements from two sets of information to form new knowledge.
Description Abstract mapping is a psycholinguistic model that attempts to explain the processes needed to form concepts as well as to organize and to integrate information to support memory, reasoning, and learning [1, 2]. Abstract mapping is an extension of models used to describe young children’s acquisition of new vocabulary, syntax, and expressive language skills [1, 3, 5, 7]. Mapping refers to the connecting of the underlying elements (abstract) from two sets of information to form a new concept. The connections or correspondences are made between a familiar knowledge base (source) with new stimuli (target). The correspondences are based upon similarities of perceptual features, functions, relationships, and meanings. The process of forming and altering connections contribute to the increase and expansion of knowledge [1, 3, 4, 5, 7]. Correspondences can be created across linguistic and spatial domains [1, 3, 4]. These correspondences influence the development of schema or a framework to organize knowledge domains. Language is used to divide domains into smaller categories to facilitate storage and retrieval of information from memory [1, 3, 4, 6]. Abstract mapping is a model used to depict the intricate network of concept development and learning.
References 1. 2.
Fauconnier, G. (1997). Mappings in thought and language. Cambridge: Cambridge, UK. Feld, J. (2004). Psycholinguistics: The key concepts. New York: Rutledge.
7
A
8
A 3.
4.
5. 6.
7.
Abused Children Forbus, K. (2001). Exploring analogy in the large. In D. Gentner, K. Holyoak, & B. Kokinov (Eds.), The analogical mind: Perspectives from cognitive science (pp. 24–58). Cambridge, MA: MIT. Gattis, M. (2001). Space as a basis for abstract thought. In M. Gattis (Ed.), Spatial schemas and abstract thought (pp. 1–12). Cambridge, MA: MIT. Karmiloff, K., & Karmiloff-Smith, A. (2002). Pathways to language: From fetus to adolescent. Cambridge, MA: Harvard. Piaget, J., Henriques, G., & Ascher, E. (1992). Morphisms and categories: Comparing and transforming (T. Brown, Ed. & Trans.). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Tomasello, M. (2003). Constructing a language: A usage-based theory of language acquisition. Cambridge, MA: Harvard.
Abused Children ▶Battered Child Syndrome
Academic Ability ▶Mental Age
Academic Achievement NICHOLAS BOLT Fordham University, Bronx, NY, USA
Synonyms Educational; Scholastic; School performance/achievement
Definition Academic Achievement is the progress made towards the goal of acquiring educational skills, materials, and knowledge, usually spanning a variety of disciplines. It refers to achievement in academic settings rather than general acquisition of knowledge in non-academic settings.
Description Unlike typical forms of achievement, academic achievement is usually viewed without a definitive endpoint. Rather, the concept is understood as a spectrum along which one can “achieve” certain skills and knowledge, always with the possibility of further developing those skills and increasing the depth, breadth, and specificity of knowledge.
Academic achievement revolves around the central goal of improving the educational knowledge of the students. Because of this goal, the measurement of achievement is often criticized for maintaining a focus on content knowledge rather than problem-solving or product-fashioning skills across a range of materials, which many argue are equally crucial to the definition and measurement. As a result, academic achievement inevitably corresponds with what was taught; students would be unlikely to “achieve” an understanding of material that was not taught, and in this respect, academic achievement is very dependent on teachers and curriculum. With the overall goal of content evaluation, academic achievement is considered a measure of the educational material that was learned or acquired, with the effort, attitude, motivation, intelligence, or potential of a student having no bearing on the final academic achievement score. While these characteristics may be highly related to the outcome measure, academic achievement itself does not provide a measure of these characteristics. Rather it measures the progress students have made towards the goals set forth by the academic institution and the state-wide or national standards. Academic achievement may measure how well these characteristics have been applied towards acquiring skills and knowledge, but the assessment does not directly factor any of these characteristics into the measure. Academic achievement is typically measured through two common methods: subject grades given by teachers or professors and standardized test scores, either state-wide or national. While these measures are widely used and may be the best available measures of this concept, obvious criticisms arise in using subject grades and large-scale test scores as a standardized measure of academic achievement. Grades for the same level of achievement may fluctuate widely between teachers and schools based on curriculum and standards, and standardized testing may include a measurement of a student’s test-taking ability rather than only measuring the underlying content knowledge. In addition to these common measures, other assessments have been developed in an attempt to eliminate confounds of subject grades and standardized tests. Various adaptations and revisions of the Woodcock-Johnson psychoeducational battery and the wide range achievement test (WRAT) are two of the more commonly used assessments in this area. However, these tests are administered on an individual basis and can become timeconsuming, making them difficult to administer on a large scale.
Academic Delay of Gratification
Relevance to Childhood Development Academic achievement is widely used as a common outcome measure in the field of child development. Schoolbased and developmental interventions very often target improvement in academic achievement as a main indicator of success, as academic achievement is widely suggested to be an indicator for future success, both academic and otherwise. Research has outlined the direct correlation between academic achievement and many other outcomes of positive development, such as likelihood of college enrollment, quality of future education, prospective careers, and even a decrease in delinquent behavior. In sum, research suggests that academic achievement is strongly related to overall positive development. In establishing a need for intervention, a student’s individual academic achievement scores are compared to the standard scores, both within the school and state or nation-wide, to determine if a student has acquired the academic skills typical of their developmental cohort. In addition, academic achievement scores are often used in conjunction with intelligence testing to determine the presence of a learning disability.
References 1. 2.
Nitko, A. J. (2001). Educational assessment of students (3rd ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill/Prentice Hall. Welsh, M., Parke, R. D., Widaman, K., & O’Neil, R. (2001). Linkages between children’s social and academic competence: A longitudinal analysis. Journal of School Psychology, 39(6), 463–481.
Academic Delay of Gratification HE´FER BEMBENUTTY The City University of New York, Flushing, NY, USA
Synonyms Delay of gratification; Reward discounting; Self-control; Self-regulation
Definition Academic delay of gratification refers to students’ postponement of immediately available opportunities to satisfy impulses in favor of pursuing important academic rewards or goals that are temporally remote but ostensibly more valuable.
Description Bembenutty and Karabenick [4, 5] develop the concept of academic delay of gratification to apply the general
A
construct of delay of gratification to learning contexts. This theoretical approach extends the work of Mischel [6] on delay gratification. Bembenutty and Karabenick [4] demonstrated extensive associations between academic delay of gratification and students’ achievement motivation tendencies and use of learning strategies with a scale specifically designed to assess students’ tendencies to delay gratification in an academic context (academic delay of gratification scale – ADOGS; [4]). Students reporting greater preference to delay of gratification in an academic context reported also high academic motivation (e.g., higher in self-efficacy and intrinsic interest in learning). They are more likely to use cognitive (e.g., critical thinking, elaboration, organization, and rehearsal), metacognitive, and resource management strategies (e.g., effort management, time and study environmental control, and help seeking). Students’ amount of time dedicated to study and the effective structuring of their study environment, as well as their efforts to persist on tasks are directly related to academic delay of gratification. Further, students more likely to delay gratification also reported higher levels of persistence when tasks were less interesting or more difficult [1]. Students’ preferences for academic delay gratification are related to self-regulatory processes considered essential to academic success [7]. Self-regulation is an essential component of development. Individuals use diverse strategies to facilitate the implementation of intentions and goals. These strategies may be especially important when alternatives to studying become available. When individuals experience internal or external distraction from enacting intentions, such self-regulatory strategies as selective attention and the control of encoding, motivation, emotion, the environment, and information processing are assumed to help them remain task focused. An example of the relevance of control strategies for delay of gratification is the selective attention that children employ to avoid visual contact with attractive alternatives to the delayed reward [6]. Similarly, the studying student could avoid thinking about the positive consequences of attending the party and, using motivational control, focus on the negative consequences of not studying for the impending exam. Students who delay are also more likely to have available and use self-regulated learning strategies. Motivational analyses of academic delay of gratification include such factors as the relevance, value, and expectancy for immediate reward versus delayed reward options. Bembenutty [3] found that willingness to delay gratification depends on an individual’s expectancies, beliefs, goals, and values. Expectancy and value influence the decisions that learners will make regarding stay home
9
A
10
A
Academic Problem-Solving Skills
studying for a test or going out to have fun with their friend even when the homework may not be completed. The expectancy and value placed on the delay task as well as on the nondelay alternative will determine the feasibility of attaining a delayed reward. Students’ preference for academic delay of gratification is a function of their expected value of alternative courses of action. Whether the student delays gratification (in order to study) would depend on the likelihood of successful exam performance given that she studies, compared to that of attending the party, and the degree of interest, utility, importance and cost of these alternatives [2].
Relevance to Childhood Development Children’s preference for academic delay of gratification is an essential component of their development and maturity. To be responsible members of the society, children need to acquire the skills and willingness to postpone immediate available reward that are temporarily available but which are less desirable. Learning to prioritize between what is more valuable and conducive to reach long-term goals is a desirable social element that parents and teachers could instill on children. Children needs to learn the necessary self-regulatory skills to learn academic materials, but they also need to develop the ability to engage in goal setting, selecting strategies, monitor goal attainment, engage in effort regulation, time management, and self-evaluation in order to reach their academic potentials. Longitudinal studies have shown that children’s ability to delay gratification positively predict adult’s self-regulatory competencies.
References 1.
2.
3. 4. 5.
6.
7.
Bembenutty, H. (1999). Sustaining motivation and academic goals: The role of academic delay of gratification. Learning and Individual Differences, 11(3), 233–257. Bembenutty, H. (2007). Self-regulation of learning and academic delay of gratification: Individual differences among college students. Journal of Advanced Academics, 18(4), 586–617. Bembenutty, H. (2008). Academic delay of gratification and expectancy-value. Personality and Individual Differences, 44(1), 193–202. Bembenutty, H., & Karabenick, S. A. (1998). Academic delay of gratification. Learning and Individual Differences, 10(4), 329–346. Bembenutty, H., & Karabenick, S. A. (2004). Inherent association between academic delay of gratification, future time perspective, and self-regulated learning: Effects of time perspective on student motivation. Educational Psychology Review, 16(1), 35–57. Mischel, W. (1996). From good intentions to willpower. In P. M. Gollwitzer & J. A. Bargh (Eds.), The psychology of action: Linking cognitions and motivation to behavior (pp. 197–218). New York: Guilford. Zimmerman, B. J. (2000). Attaining self-regulation: A social cognitive perspective. In M. Boekaerts, P. R. Pintrich, & M. Zeidner (Eds.), Handbook of self-regulation (pp. 13–39). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
Academic Problem-Solving Skills ▶Analytic Intelligence
Academic Readiness JORDAN LUTHER Niagara University Academic Complex, Niagara, NY, USA
Synonyms Learning readiness; School readiness
Definition Academic readiness is an estimate, based on qualitative and/or quantitative information, about whether a preschool child is ready to handle the various demands of the structured educational environment.
Description There is no universal definition for academic readiness. Many kindergarten teachers, parents, and early childcare providers believe that academic readiness involves being “healthy, well-fed, and well rested; being able to express their needs, wants, and thoughts; and being enthusiastic and curious about new activities” [10, p. 23]. According to Buntaine and Costenbader [4], developmental age, which is the rate through which a child progresses through developmental stages, is the most commonly used method of assessing academic readiness. Still others believe a more effective way of predicting later academic success is through using psychometrically sound empirical tests which measure specific cognitive, pre-academic, and emotional regulation skills [1]. The Phelps Kindergarten Readiness Scale (PKRS, [9]), for example, measures domain-specific areas which are predictive of later academic achievement [1]. Specifically, the PKRS measures Verbal Processing, Perceptual Reasoning, and Auditory Processing. The Brigance Inventory of Early Development-II (IED-II) is a measure of school readiness which measures skills in motor, language, academic, daily living, and social-emotional domains [3]. The motor section consists of fine motor and gross motor functioning, the language section consists of receptive and expressive language areas, the academic section has a general/cognitive section as well as a prereading/reading section, and the daily living section consists of a self-help and
Academic Readiness
a prevocational section. All these skills are considered important in terms of success in academic learning environments. Some believe academic readiness is an ecological construct dependent on a complex combination of a child’s skills, their kindergarten teacher, the relationship between the child’s family and the school, and the school system [1]. Johnson-Fedoruk [6] believes that even among school readiness assessment tools which are empirically validated, these tools do not consider the various complex “interactions and peculiarities” which occur inside the actual classroom, and therefore even these empirically driven tests may lack validity (p. 2). According to Johnson-Fedoruk, the child’s behaviors inside the classroom, and their relationship with their teacher, are the “most obvious attributes” which make a child most prone to academic failure (p. 2). Therefore, although empirically driven tests measure specific skills within domains which are known to be predictive of later academic success, these tests may not have actual predictive validity when it comes to the real classroom. Rather, Johnson-Fedoruk believes school readiness tests should consider variables such as “student behavior, familiar structure, ESL status, age, and personality,” which are more predictive of academic success (p. 4). McClelland and colleagues [8] believe that behavioral functioning is an important factor to consider in school readiness. Children are expected to master specific behaviors before they enter kindergarten, as commonly outlined by early learning standards [7]. For example, when going from preschool to kindergarten, children must be able pay attention, follow instructions, and refrain from engaging in inappropriate behaviors [8, p. 947]. When children control their impulsive behaviors and pay attention, they are better able to perform classroom appropriate behaviors, such as following instructions and completing tasks. According to McClelland and colleagues [8], children in prekindergarten who display higher levels of behavioral regulation also display higher levels of “emergent literacy, vocabulary, and math” (p. 955). Moreover, attention, working memory, inhibitory control, and social-emotional competence were predictive of literacy and math skills from Kindergarten to Grade 6 and predictive of growth in literacy and math skills from Kindergarten to Grade 2. On the other hand, kindergarten children who are rated by their teachers as being disruptive and aggressive are also more likely to be considered at risk for academic failure [7]. Not only are these disruptive children more likely to underachieve academically and score lower on standardized cognitive achievement tests, but they are also more likely to be rejected by their peers [8]. Evidently, students who
A
lack these learning-related skills are at risk for performing poorly in all areas of school performance. Competence in the use of language is an indicator of academic readiness as well [5]. The Bayley Scales of Infant and Toddler Development: Third Edition [2] as well as the Brigance IED-II [3] both measure expressive and receptive language. Children’s success in school depends on their child’s ability to verbally communicate with their teachers and peers. Receptive language, which is the ability to comprehend verbal information, is related to the ability to understand directions from teachers. Even the ability to tell stories, which is a form of expressive language, can be used as a measure of school readiness [5]. Narratives reflect how the child conceptualizes their current situation, which is indicative of their level of cognitive and language development. Children who are unable to tell stories in a clear and coherent manner are at risk for development difficulties. These deficiencies in language and intellectual functioning may be exposed in the classroom as difficulties in following and participating in routines, poor early academic performance, and poor social interactions with peers and/or teachers. Furthermore, children who engage in numerous literacy activities in preschool produce higher quality narratives than children who did not engage in such activities [5]. Kindergarten curricula have become increasingly academic, with stronger emphases on literacy skills. Due to this trend, more preschool children are being labeled as academically “unready” to enter the educational world, and are being placed in prekindergarten transitional programs. As a result of this dilemma, some experts argue that kindergarten should be less focused on global academic goals instruction, and instead provide individualized developmental programs within the regular classrooms [4]. Social-emotional skills, such as “self-control, selfconcept, social competence, initiative and curiosity, and persistence and reflection” are also important for academic readiness and later academic success [7, p. 38]. According to Logue [7] preschool children should demonstrate the ability to contribute to the overall effort of the group, demonstrate respect and fairness to others, and display effective interpersonal communication skills (p. 40). Many states now have preschool curriculums which teach these social and emotional skills in addition to the academic skills which are taught. For example, the Maine Early Childhood Learning Guidelines are based on the assumption that children will do better academically when they have the “social skills and behavior that enable them to develop meaningful relationships with adults and peers” [7, p. 38]. Without having these appropriate social skills, children miss out on the academic skills being
11
A
12
A
Academic Readiness
taught, especially if these children are being removed from the classroom for behavior problems. Preschool children who come from impoverished home and neighborhood environments are often labeled “unready” for preschool and/or kindergarten. Often these children present with health, behavior, and social problems, which subsequently lead to academic difficulties. In terms of behavior regulation, children who come from chaotic and disorganized home environments have difficulty matching their behavior and temperament to the highly structured environment of the classroom [5]. Children with low socioeconomic status (SES) backgrounds are also less likely to receive adequate verbal stimulation and/or proper materials to play with than their more affluent peers. Children who do not receive adequate verbal stimulation in the home tend to have difficulties functioning at age appropriate levels in “receptive and expressive language, reading ability, and math achievement,” which are all important skills later on in school [5, p. 281]. Children who face these multiple risk factors also show lower levels of executive functioning skills, as indicated by lower scores on standardized cognitive achievement tests which purport to measure aspects of executive functioning, such as working memory [8]. These low scores on intelligence tests can be attributed back to the fact that children with low SES are less likely to have quality verbal interactions with their primary caregivers and/or less likely to have intellectually stimulating toys to play with, as mentioned earlier. For example, lack of verbal stimulation from their parent(s) may affect the child’s performance on tests measuring Verbal Processing and lack of exposure to proper play materials, such as puzzles, may affect performance on tests measuring Perceptual Reasoning. Parents have the choice of sending their child to daycare and/or preschool. Day cares tend to focus more on social and behavioral development, as they provide activities such as art, singing, cooking, and gardening; preschools tend to focus more on pre-academic skills. The multiple risk factors which low income children experience are compounded when they receive poor quality daycare. In fact, research has proven that poor quality day care leads to lower intellectual levels and higher behavioral problems, at early and middle childhood, among children from lower socioeconomic groups [5]. According to Logue [7], poor quality preschool programs not only neglect to teach appropriate preacademic, social/emotional, and behavior skills, but actually reinforce negative social behaviors which lead to poor social adjustment and poor academic performance. Conversely, higher quality
day care has been shown to lead to higher levels of intellectual functioning and social-emotional development, and lower levels of behavior problems amongst its students [5]. This is especially true for at-risk children who come from impoverished home environments and attend high quality day care facilities [7]. In fact, high quality daycare has been shown to be a protective factor which contributes to the resilience of at-risk children. Unfortunately, disadvantaged children are far less likely to receive quality child care than children from higher SES groups as their parents cannot afford to send them to such programs. In light of the fact that high quality day cares produce positive results and poor quality day care produces negative results amongst at-risk preschoolers, many states are adopting standards for early education [7]. Early child care programs should attempt to increase the overall competence of the child, and increase the amount of support in their lives. For example, the Maine Early Childhood Learning Guidelines requires preschools to address skills related to social development, the learning of literacy, math, science, social studies, health, physical education, and creative arts. The quality of preschool child care is dependent upon the training the child’s educator receives and the quality of social interactions the child and educator have with each other [5]. In fact, early childhood teachers should be trained to foster social and emotional development in their students [7]. According to Buntaine and Costenbader [4], nearly half of all children entering kindergarten are at risk of future academic failure because they are not developmentally mature enough for structured classroom instruction. Members of the Gesell Institute believe that learning disabilities, emotional disturbance, and underachievement are due to developmentally immature children being expected to perform at levels outside of their abilities (p. 41). Children in kindergarten or preschool who are believed to be unready for the next level of instruction either stay home an additional year before entering kindergarten, attend a prekindergarten program, spend 2 years in kindergarten, or attend a prefirst grade class after kindergarten. Those who advocate for holding children back a year argue that doing so is a preventive technique aimed at avoiding academic failure before it can occur. They believe that spending an additional year in a learning environment which is less demanding allows a child to become ready for the next level of education. This hypothesis, however, has not been supported by research. In fact, the majority of “prefirst” programs have not been shown to produce significant
Acceptance and Commitment Therapy
advantages in the later academic performance. Studies have found that children who attended “prefirst” programs did not outperform their non-retained counterparts in Grade 1 in areas such as math achievement, social maturity, self-concept, and attention. Additionally, it has been shown that students who waited an extra year between kindergarten and first grade did not perform better academically in Grade 3 compared to their peers who were not held back a year. Students who have been held back a grade also have higher rates of social/emotional problems and significantly higher drop rates compared to their non-retained peers [4]. Plevyak and Morris [10] stress that students who are older than the majority of their peers are more likely to engage in high risk sexual behaviors and use alcohol and cigarettes (p. 24). Therefore, the practice of holding preschool children back a year before entering kindergarten is questionable.
A
7. Logue, M. E. (2007). Early childhood learning standards: Tools for promoting social and academic success in kindergarten. Children and Schools, 29(1), 35–43. 8. McClelland, M. M., Connor, C. M., Jewkes, A. M., Cameron, C. E., Farris, C. L., & Morrison, F. J. (2007). Links between behavioral regulation and preschoolers’ literacy, vocabulary, and math skills. Developmental Psychology, 43(4), 947–959. 9. Phelps, L. (1997). Phelps kindergarten readiness scale: Manual. Buffalo, NY: Psychology Press. 10. Plevyak, L. H., & Morris, K. (2002). Why is kindergarten an endangered species? The Education Digest, 67(1), 23–26.
Acceptability ▶Social Validity
Relevance to Childhood Development Academic readiness depends on a multitude of child characteristics including pre-academic skills, language competency, behavior regulation, social-emotional development, and the level of development enrichment in earlier home and other care environments. A child’s level of functioning in any of these areas will contribute significantly to their later achievement in the actual classroom. Unfortunately, children who come from impoverished environments are at-risk for being underdeveloped in one or more of these areas. Research indicates children who seem to be developmentally unready for the next level of education should not be held back a year, but rather, they should have individualized plans which cater to their strengths and needs.
Acceptance and Commitment Therapy R. TRENT CODD III1, STEVEN C. HAYES2 1 Cognitive-Behavioral Therapy Center of WNC, P.A., Asheville, NC, USA 2 University of Nevada, Reno, NV, USA
Synonyms ACT (pronounced as one word rather than as individual letters (e.g., “ACT” not “A-C-T”))
Definition References 1. Augustyniak, K. M., Cook-Cottone, C. P., & Calabrese, N. (2004). The predictive validity of the Phelps kindergarten readiness scale. Psychology in the Schools, 41(5), 509–516. 2. Bayley, N. (2006). Bayley scales of infant and toddler development (3rd ed.). San Antonio, TX: Harcourt Corporation. 3. Brigance, A. H. (2004). Brigance diagnostic inventories IED-II: Inventory of early development. North Billerica, MA: Curriculum Associates, Inc. 4. Buntaine, R. L., & Costenbader, V. K. (1997). The effectiveness of a transitional prekindergarten program on later academic achievement. Psychology in the Schools, 34(1), 41–49. 5. Fiorentino, L., & Howe, N. (2004). Language competence, narrative ability, and school readiness in low-income preschool children. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Sciences, 36(4), 280–294. 6. Johnson-Fedoruk, G. M. (1991). Student characteristics implicated in early school achievement: Kindergarten teacher validated. Child Study Journal, 21(4), 235–249.
Acceptance and commitment therapy is a third-wave behavioral psychotherapy based on relational frame theory (RFT), a comprehensive behavioral account of language and cognition, whose primary treatment goal is to increase psychological flexibility.
Description Relational Frame Theory A comprehensive account of language and cognition from a behavior analytic perspective has emerged: RFT [6]. Several dozen studies have tested the tenants of the theory (see [6] for a comprehensive review), which in brief claims that human beings learn at an early age to derive bidirectional relations among events in certain contexts and
13
A
14
A
Acceptance and Commitment Therapy
to alter the functions of events due to these relations. For example, a young child may learn that “cat” is the same as “C-A-T” and a small furry animal. With these two trained relations, (a) all bidirectional relations among these three events will probably be derived without explicit training (e.g., “C-A-T”=a small furry animal), and (b) the functions of each related event will alter those of the others. For example, if that child is now scratched by this small furry animal, fear may be shown when the child hears “oh, there’s a cat,” even though the oral name and aversive events have never occurred together. RFT leads to important implications for the understanding of language and cognition and thus for psychotherapy. It helps explain why core beliefs or “schemas” tend to be resistant to change, for example, or why suppression and avoidance of thoughts, feelings, memories, bodily states and other private events are both likely to be counterproductive. It also suggests a number of alternatives to currently popular psychotherapy methods: instead of trying to alter negative thoughts, for example, and thus elaborating an already troublesome cognitive network, one might alter the contexts in which these thoughts have behavior regulatory functions. Empirical RFT literature suggests that direct attempts to challenge cognitions may be ineffective or counterproductive [6].
Acceptance and Commitment Therapy Overview The Acceptance and Commitment Therapist’s main goal is to alter the social/verbal context in which negative private experiences relate to destructive forms of overt behavior [9]. Altering the context is effective because the disruption of the context shows the client that such relationships between stimuli are just talk rather than prescribed realities. In addition, adding more constructive relations to problematic relational networks is more effective than trying to eliminate existing relations. The goal of altering the context is accomplished in three ways: (a) by reducing experiential avoidance; (b) by reducing excessive literality; and (c) by helping people make and keep commitments to behavior change. Experiential avoidance is the tendency to attempt to alter the form, frequency, or situational sensitivity of private events (e.g., painful thoughts) even when doing so interferes with valued actions. A vast literature (see [10]) shows that experiential avoidance is among the more pathological psychological processes known to psychology. Yet this process seems virtually ubiquitous [9]. In ACT, the agenda of attempting to control or eliminate negative private events are not viewed as the solution to
psychological suffering, but rather they are viewed as a core feature of psychological suffering. They are the problem because attempts to control private events are often unsuccessful, counterproductive, and invalidating [9]. They are also unnecessary. Instead of altering the form of private events (e.g., changing an irrational thought to a more rational alternative), ACT therapists seek to alter the social/verbal context. This is preferred because attempting to control private events is often ineffective and because altering the context is effective in allowing clients to embrace their fear. Thoughts and feelings emerge from a person’s unique history. When a deliberate attempt is made to control these events as a means of behavior regulation, one’s history immediately becomes “the enemy.” Histories do not change, however, except by the addition of new features. For example, a history of sexual abuse may lead to feelings of vulnerability and a fear of intimacy. A person desiring close, committed relationships may attempt to reduce these feelings so that relationships are possible, but some degree of vulnerability and fear is a natural result of such a history. Unable to make time go backwards, the person may dissociate, drink, or use drugs to “get through” the fear, but this only makes the fear more important, and more linked to overt behavior, while it also reduces closeness – the very goal of relating with others. Furthermore, if fear is something one must not have then fear is something to be afraid of and to focus on – as a result the fear only increases. This provides a concrete example of the reasons why emotional avoidance is likely to be unsuccessful, counterproductive, and invalidating. In ACT, clients are taught instead to embrace their fear, to defuse from their thoughts, and to focus instead on valued actions that will create a meaningful human life. Scores of techniques are used, but a few examples can be given. Clients may be asked to say fearsome words (e.g., “I’m bad”) out loud rapidly until all verbal meaning is momentarily lost and only the sounds remain. Clients may be asked to watch their own thoughts float by like leaves on a stream, leaving a psychological distance between the person who is aware of these thoughts and the literal thoughts themselves. Clients may be asked to deliberately produce painful emotions in a context of dispassionate observation of their experiential features: where they begin and end in one’s body, what words are triggered by them, what memories pop up in association with them, what behavioral urges emerge when they are contacted, and so on. Clients may be asked to label their own ongoing behavioral streams with such phrases as “now I am having the feeling of anger” rather than “I am angry” or “now
Acceptance and Commitment Therapy
I am having the thought that I am bad” rather than “I’m bad.” The client may be asked to say negative thoughts very, very slowly, or to sing them, or to say them in a funny voice (see [8] and [9] for more therapeutic techniques). The purpose of such methods is to reduce the literal importance of thought, but without a direct, literal challenge to thought, and to replace emotional avoidance with acceptance and open exploration. In so doing, the automatic effects of one’s history are an interesting focus of observation, not a focus of deliberate change needed in order to produce new behavior. Metaphorically, private events are the exhaust of life, not the engine or steering wheel. Once this shift has occurred, the focus of ACT shifts to values and overt action. Once one need not accomplish the difficult job of first altering one’s insides before beginning to live a valued life, clinical attention can turn to living a valued life itself. Values clarification exercises help focus the client on the life he or she would choose to live if they had a choice. Specific behavioral commitments and exercises then create new behaviors that move in that valued direction, all the while watching for thoughts and feelings that heretofore would have been barriers to movement and now are instead to be accepted and experienced. ACT is not unique in promoting acceptance. Several traditional methods (e.g., Gestalt therapy) have done so. What is unique is that (a) a scientifically viable theory of language and cognition is now driving and coordinating acceptance based interventions into a new and more coherent whole, and (b) these methods are entering into empirical clinical work, based on clinical manuals and careful experimental research. The impact of these methods can be significant as controlled empirical work shows that ACT can have a significant impact on many forms of psychopathology (see [7] for a recent review).
The Hexaflex The ACT therapist directly targets empirically supported processes of change that are grouped into two general categories: mindfulness and acceptance processes and commitment and behavior-change processes. Together, these two groups of processes foster psychological flexibility. The mindfulness and acceptance processes consist of contact with the present moment, acceptance, defusion, and self-as-context. Contact with the present moment is defined as consciously experiencing internal and external events as they are occurring. Acceptance refers to a behavior, rather than an attitude, of actively embracing feared private events. Acceptance does not mean “white
A
knuckling” or resignation, but rather truly opening up to experiencing what one experiences when one experiences it. Defusion involves experiencing one’s thoughts simply as thoughts rather than their referents. Finally, self-ascontext is perhaps best understood in contrast to two other common senses of self: the conceptualized self and the self as process of ongoing self-awareness. The conceptualized self is the sense of self one experiences when one experiences oneself as a collection of verbal categorizations (e.g., I’m shy, tall, Caucasian, nice, smart, etc.) whereas the self as process of ongoing self-awareness is conscious awareness of present experiences with mere description and explicitly without judgment (e.g., I’m having the thought that I’m nice). Self-as-context involves ongoing self-awareness with the added awareness of the locus from which one observes one’s private experiences (i.e., I/here/now). The behavior-change processes also consist of contact with the present moment and self-as-context, but include the additional processes of values and committed action. Values are life domains we choose to pursue on a moment by moment basis. They are more like directions in that one can never achieve a value in the way that one can achieve a goal. For example, one may value being a loving spouse, and no matter where one is with respect to this value one can always be more loving. Values are also not feelings. Committed action involves acting toward concrete goals, which are generated based on idiosyncratic valued directions, while simultaneously attending to the other processes of change. Committed action is aimed at achieving larger and larger patterns of effective behavior.
ACT with Children Empirical work on ACT with children is still in it’s infancy, and although several are underway no randomized trials of ACT have yet appeared with children or adolescents. A book-length description of acceptance-based methods for child and adolescent psychopathology recently appeared [4] which summarizes some of this early work. One empirical reason to believe that the extension of this work to children is warranted is that measures of ACT processes in child and adolescent populations operate very similarly to those in the adult population. For example, age appropriate measures of psychological inflexibility have found positive correlations with measures of child internalizing symptoms and externalizing behavior problems, and a negative correlation with quality of life [5]. A second reason is that early trials have been quite supportive. For example, in an open trial with a group of 14 adolescents with idiopathic chronic pain Wicksell, Melin, and Olsson [13] found improvements follow ACT
15
A
16
A
Accommodation
in functional ability, school attendance, catastrophizing, pain intensity, and pain interference. These gains were retained at a 3- and 6-month follow-up. Additionally, a small randomized controlled trial [12] compared a brief ACT intervention to multidisciplinary treatment plus amitriptyline for chronic pediatric pain. The ACT group showed substantial and enduring improvement and when follow-up assessments were included the ACT group performed significantly better on perceived functional ability in relation to pain, pain intensity and pain related discomfort. Parental experiential avoidance has also been examined. The impact of parental experiential avoidance on children’s emotional development and behavior has been demonstrated [3] as has it’s impact on parenting effectiveness [1]. Parental and child outcomes have been improved as changes in parental mindfulness processes occur [2, 11].
11. Singh, N. N., Lancioni, G. E., Winton, A. S. W., Fisher, B. C., Wahler, R. G., McAleavey, K., et al. (2006). Mindful parenting decreases aggression, noncompliance, and self-injury in children with autism. Journal of Emotional and Behavioral Disorders, 14, 169–177. 12. Wicksell, R. K., Melin, L., Lekander, M., & Olsson, G. L. (2009). Evaluating the effectiveness of exposure and acceptance strategies to improve functioning and quality of life in longstanding pediatric pain – a randomized controlled trial. Pain, 141(3), 248–257. 13. Wicksell, R. K., Melin, L., & Olsson, G. L. (2007). Exposure and acceptance in the rehabilitation of adolescents with idiopathic chronic pain – a pilot study. European Journal of Pain, 11, 267–274.
Suggested Readings Greco, L. A., & Hayes, S. C. (Eds.). (2008). Acceptance and mindfulness treatments for children and adolescents: A practitioners guide. Oakland, CA: New Harbinger Publications, Inc. Hayes, S. C., Strosahl, K. D., & Wilson, K. G. (1999). Acceptance and commitment therapy: An experiential approach to behavior change. New York: Guilford Press. Hayes, S. C., & Strosahl, K. D. (Eds.). (2004). A practical guide to acceptance and commitment therapy. New York: Springer.
References 1. Berlin, K. S., Sato, A. F., Jastrowski, K. E., Woods, D. W., & Davies, W. H. (2006, November). Effects of experiential avoidance on parenting practices and adolescent outcomes. Paper presented at the Association for Behavioral and Cognitive Therapies Annual Convention, Chicago. 2. Blackledge, J. T., & Hayes, S. C. (2006). Using acceptance and commitment training in the support of parents of children diagnosed with autism. Child & Family Behavior Therapy, 28(1), 1–18. 3. Cheron, D. M. (2006, November). Assessing parental experiential avoidance: Preliminary psychometric data from the Parental Acceptance and Action Questionnaire (PAAQ). In panel discussion, “Experiential Avoidance and Mindfulness in Parenting,” Cheron, D. M., & Ehrenreich, J. T. (Moderators). Presented at the 40th Annual Convention of the Association for Cognitive and Behavioral Therapies, Chicago. 4. Greco, L. A., & Hayes, S. C. (Eds.). (2008). Acceptance and mindfulness treatments for children and adolescents: A practitioners guide. Oakland, CA: New Harbinger Publications, Inc. 5. Greco, L. A., Lambert, W., & Baer, R. A. (2008). Psychological inflexibility in childhood and adolescence: Development and evaluation of the avoidance and fusion questionnaire for youth. Psychological Assessment, 20(2), 93–102. 6. Hayes, S. C., Barnes-Holmes, D., & Roche, B. (Eds.). (2001). Relational frame theory: A post-Skinnerian account of human language and cognition. New York: Plenum Press. 7. Hayes, S. C., Luoma, J., Bond, F., Masuda, A., & Lillis, J. (2006). Acceptance and commitment therapy: Model, processes, and outcomes. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 44, 1–25. 8. Hayes, S. C., & Strosahl, K. D. (Eds.). (2004). A practical guide to acceptance and commitment therapy. New York: Springer. 9. Hayes, S. C., Strosahl, K. D., & Wilson, K. G. (1999). Acceptance and commitment therapy: An experiential approach to behavior change. New York: Guilford Press. 10. Hayes, S. C., Wilson, K. W., Gifford, E. V., Follette, V. M., & Strosahl, K. (1996). Emotional avoidance and behavioral disorders: A functional dimensional approach to diagnosis and treatment. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 64, 1152–1168.
Suggested Resources Association for Contextual Behavioral Science www.contextualpsychology.org
Accommodation ▶Adjustment
Accommodations, Classroom ELISHEVA KONSTAM, DEVORAH NEUHAUS Pace University, NY, USA
Synonyms Classroom modifications
Definition Classroom accommodations are adjustments made in the classroom that allow students with special needs to participate in regular education. These accommodations remove the barriers that would otherwise impede a child’s ability to participate due to the nature of the disability. Accommodations and modifications are often used interchangeably. However, they have slightly different connotations. Modifications alter the nature of the
Accommodations, Piagetian
classroom including standards and expectations. Accommodations remove barriers without altering what is expected and being measured.
2.
3.
Description 4.
Who are These Accommodations for? For students who have disabilities and meet criteria for an individualized education plan (IEP) under The Individuals with Disabilities Improvement Act of 2004 (IDEIA) typically have accommodations written in the IEP. These are individualized accommodations that have been identified as being essential in educating the particular student. For students who do not meet the requirements for classification but still have a disability are covered by Federal law under Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 and can have classroom accommodations written into their 504 plan. Classroom accommodations are individualized based upon the specific disability and needs of the student [3].
A
Horvath, L. S., Kampfer-Bohach, S., & Kearns, J. F. (2005). The use of accommodations among students with deafblindness in large-scale assessment systems. Journal of Disability Policy Studies, 16, 177–187. Ketterlin-Geller, L. R., Alonzo, J., Braun-Monegan, J., & Tindal, G. (2007). Recommendations for accommodations: Implications of (in) consistency. Remedial and Special Education, 24, 194–206. Soukup, J. H., Wehmeyer, M. L., Bashinski, S. M., & Bovaird, J. A. (2007). Classroom variables and access to the general curriculum for students with disabilities. Exceptional Children, 74, 101–120.
Additional Resources Bateman, B., & Herr, C. (2006). Writing measureable IEP goals and objectives. Verona, WI: Attainment Publication. Siegel, L. M. (2007). The complete IEP guide: How to advocate for your special ed child (5th ed.). San Francisco: Nolo Publication. Classroom interventions for children with ADD & learning disabilities. http://www.childdevelopmentinfo.com/learning/teacher.shtml
Learning Disabilities Resource www.ldonline.org Accommodations and Modifications Law http://www.wrightslaw.com/links/free_pubs.htm
What are some of the more Typical Accommodations and how do they Look? There are accommodations used for making the classroom and school environment accessible for those with physical disabilities. Computers, technology, ramps, and elevators are some accommodations used to allow these students equal access to education. For example, voice recognition software may be used for a student with limited use of his hands. Accommodations for students with visual or hearing impairments can include Braille, sign language interpreter, computer software, or large print [2]. Accommodations for students with learning disabilities often include testing accommodations such as extra time, the use of a computer, the use of a word processor, the use of a calculator, being allowed to record answers, and having directions and questions read [1]. Accommodations for students with health impairments may include being allowed to eat and drink during class and frequent rest breaks. Other accommodations that can be used for students with various disabilities include being allowed extended time to complete assignments, breaking down assignments into manageable parts, and giving a student a second set of textbooks to keep at home [4].
References 1.
Brady, K. P. (2004). Section 504 student eligibility for students with reading disabilities: A primer for advocates. Reading and Writing Quarterly: Overcoming Learning Difficulties, 20, 305–329.
Accommodations, Piagetian JACKIE KIBLER University of Montana, Missoula, MT, USA
Synonyms Adaptation; Adjustment; Change; Modification
Definition A term coined by Jean Piaget; a cognitive process that involves developing or changing a schema (i.e., mental representation) to fit information encountered in the environment [1].
Description Jean Piaget’s theory of cognitive development includes the concept of accommodation. This cognitive process involves the development and alteration of mental representations, schemas, as individuals encounter new situations. It is the process by which we learn and develop our cognitive abilities. Accommodation, unlike the process of assimilation, requires a great deal of mental energy, thus individuals typically prefer to assimilate (i.e., a cognitive process that involves encountering something in the
17
A
18
A
Acculturation
environment that fits into an existing mental representation, or schema) more than they accommodate [1].
Relevance to Childhood Development Children prefer routine in their environment so that they are able to assimilate information that they encounter. When put into a new situation, some children take longer to accommodate to the new environment. For example, when taking young children to a restaurant for the first time, they may have to accommodate their behavior (e.g., lowered voice, staying in their seat, etc.) to fit the expectations of the environment. They are accommodating the information, and as caregivers will attest, some children do it more quickly than others. Another example of accommodation involves family separation. Some children face separation from family members (due to divorce, military service, relocation, etc.) and are forced to accommodate this information into their schema for daily life. The accommodation process may take children awhile as they seek to understand the change in their environment. Experts typically recommend that caregivers keep children’s routine as normal as possible as they deal with this type of separation. Piaget would explain that by keeping their routine normal, you are providing more opportunities for assimilation, so that they are able to use some of their mental energy to accommodate the separation.
References 1.
Ormrod, J. E. (2008). Educational psychology: Developing learners (6th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill.
Acculturation KAI KOK “ZEB” LIM University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS, USA
Synonyms Adaptation; Assimilation; Cultural transmission
Definition The term acculturation, used in social science research, was first proposed and defined as a “phenomena which results when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups” by anthropologists Redfield et al. [9].
Description Acculturation refers to the process whereby the attitudes and behaviors of people from one culture changes when they interact with the people of another culture, typically the dominant or host culture. It is generally accepted that there will be mingling of both cultures as each culture interact and changes one another to a certain degree. Assimilation on the other hand refers to the process where the minority culture will be absorbed into the dominant culture until people of the minority culture adopts the dominant culture completely. Acculturation focuses on the group level rather than at the individual level. Another term – psychological acculturation, which is termed by Graves [3], refers to the effects of acculturation at the individual level of study. Two dimensions exist at the individual level – behaviors and values. Behavioral dimensions of acculturation involves the choice of language use and participation in cultural activities while values dimensions involves the relational style, person-nature relationships, beliefs about human nature, and time orientation. It is common to observe faster behavioral changes to fit in with the dominant culture within one generation while values changes are slower and occurs across different generational level. Two model of acculturation exists to explain how groups acculturate. The linear or unidimensional model suggests that acculturation occurs on a continuum where the group either holds strongly to the original culture or adopts the dominant (host) culture. The bidimensional model on the other hand suggests that groups can vary on the continuum of how strongly they hold on to the original culture and simultaneously vary on the continuum of how strongly they adopt the dominant (host) culture. Berry [1] suggests that there are four possible outcomes of the bidimensional acculturation model – assimilation (involves the adoption of the dominant culture completely), integration (involves the synthesis of both cultures), rejection (involves the rejection of the dominant culture), and marginalization (involves the rejection of both original and new culture). While this fourfold model of possible outcomes of acculturation are appealing, other researchers have call this into question (see Rudmin [10] for further reading). Psychological acculturation is an important construct for physical and mental health professionals because it allows researchers and providers alike to understand the extent to which the minority individual may be receptive to the treatment goals and plan that may be developed for the dominant culture (White, middle class Americans for the most part). To this end, researchers, to understand
Acetylcholine
better the acculturation process of the ethnic minority individuals, have developed many psychological acculturation measures. Most of these measures were developed with specific ethnic groups in mind, which limit the generalizability of any one instrument across different cultural groups.
Relevance to Childhood Development The large number of first generation Asian American and Hispanic/Latino/Latina population that are in the United States currently suggests that they may experience psychological acculturation that may influence their mental and physical well-being. First generation ethnic minorities that were born in America or at an early age, came to America would have an easier time acculturating to the dominant (host) culture easier and faster compared to those who immigrate here in their adolescence or at a later age. At the same time, the parents of the child who immigrate to the United States may have a harder time adjusting to the local culture, custom and norms after they had strongly socialized to the original culture, customs and norms of their place of origin. This may results in conflict between the parents and the child whereby the parents may want the child to hold on to their ethnic/ racial, country of origin values, and custom while the child may choose to follow the dominant culture values and customs. The pressure of fitting in with their peers, especially for ethnic minority adolescents, to escape ridicule from peers and be more American is a strong motivator to acculturate quickly. Depending on the resolution of the conflict between the parent and child, professional helpers may need to be recruited to help mediate and educate the family about this struggle to fit in with the dominant culture. A positive resolution of this conflict between holding on to the values and customs of the country of origin or ethnic background and adapting to the dominant culture values and customs will result in an individual who is biculturally competent in negotiating the intricacies of both cultures. Children who are have the opportunity to learn about their own cultural history and values by their parents and community while at home and to be allowed to learn the dominant culture at school will have a better chance to be a biculturally competent individual than their peers who are forced or choose to adopt one culture over the other.
References 1. Berry, J. W. (1997). Immigration, acculturation, and adaptation. Applied Psychology: An International Review, 46, 5–33.
A
2. Chun, K. M., Organista, P. B., & Marı´n, G. (Eds.). (2003). Acculturation: Advances in theory, measurement, and applied research. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. 3. Graves, T. D. (1967). Psychological acculturation in a tri-ethnic community. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 23, 337–350. 4. Jensen, L. A. (2003). Coming of age in a multicultural world: Globalization and adolescent cultural identity formation. Applied Developmental Science, 7, 189–196. 5. Kim, B. S. K. (2007). Acculturation and enculturation. In F. T. L. Leong, A. Inman, A. Ebreo, L. H. Yang, L. Kinoshita, & M. Fu (Eds.), Handbook of Asian American psychology (2nd ed., pp. 141–158). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. 6. Kim, B. S. K., & Abreu, J. M. (2001). Acculturation measurement: Theory, current instruments, and future directions. In J. G. Ponterotto, J. M. Casas, L. A. Suzuki, & C. M. Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (2nd ed., pp. 394–424). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. 7. Matsudaira, T. (2006). Measures of psychological acculturation: A review. Transcultural Psychiatry, 43, 462–487. 8. Phinney, J. S., Ong, A., & Madden, T. (2000). Cultural values and intergenerational value discrepancies in immigrant and nonimmigrant families. Child Development, 71, 528–539. 9. Redfield, R., Linton, R., & Herskovits, M. (1936). Memorandum on the study of acculturation. American Anthropologist, 38, 149–152. 10. Rudmin, F. W. (2003). Critical history of the acculturation psychology of assimilation, separation, integration, and marginalization. Review of General Psychology, 7, 3–37. 11. Ryder, A. G., Alden, L. E., & Paulhus, D. L. (2000). Is acculturation unidimensional or bidimensional? A head-to-head comparison in the prediction of personality, self-identity, and adjustment. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 79, 49–65. 12. Szapocznik, J., Scopetta, M. A., Kurtines, W., & Aranalde, M. A. (1978). Theory and measurement of acculturation. Interamerican Journal of Psychology, 12, 113–120. 13. Yu, S. M., Huang, Z., Schwalberg, R., Overpeck, M., & Kogan, M. D. (2003). Acculturation and the health and wellbeing of U.S. immigrant adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Health, 33, 479–488.
Accuracy ▶Validity
Acetylcholine TONY WU Walden University, Diamond Bar, CA, USA
Synonyms Chemical compound; Neurotransmitters
19
A
20
A
Achievement Motivation
Definition
References
A neurotransmitter, C7H17NO3, that is released at the neuromuscular junctions. It has been associated with learning and memory.
1.
2.
Description Acetylcholine (ACh) is one of the first identified neurotransmitter in the nervous system. Similar to electrical signals, neurotransmitters are the means by which neurons communicate with each other in biological processes, including sleeping, cognition, emotion, memory, hunger, and movement. Neurotransmitter communication is mediated by several mechanisms that either accelerate or decelerate release of neurotransmitter. It has been documented that coexistence of more than one neurotransmitter in a neuron makes it possible to exert multiple effects simultaneously [4]. Acetylcholine is the most studied neurotransmitter because it is released at the readily observable neuromuscular junctions. Typically, ACh is synthesized and stored in synaptic vesicles that are catalyzed by choline acetyltransferase. Once ACh is released, it is binds to receptors, then is degraded and re-synthesized. Acetylcholine is associated various systems in the body, such as with neurons that excite skeletal muscles, neurons in the autonomic nervous system, and the central nervous system [4]. In addition to stimulating muscle-skeletal movement, researchers have documented that Acetylcholine is linked to brain regions that carry out memory and learning. Injections of cholinergic agent enhance the performance of learning and memory in animal and human experiments. For example, it has been observed that the presence of ACh in the hippocampus increases when rats engage in hippocampus-dependent tasks [8]. Furthermore, the release of ACh has a positive correlation with improved task performances [2]. Studies have provided additional evidence that the release of ACh in the amygdale may enhance memory formation. Studies also suggested that decreased ACh might affect learning. For example, intra-amygdala injections of histamine H3 receptor antagonists not only reduce ACh release but also impede learning [7]. Finally, studies in Dementia of the Alzheimer type offer further verification that Acetylcholine is related to memory. It is observed that there is a massive depletion of ACh and loss of cholinergic projections in the brain [9]. It is hypothesized that ACh boosts the magnitude of visual search and reduce interference [6]. At the neuronal level, ACh has differential effects on the firing of cortical and thalamic neurons [5], as well as inhibition of distracted variables [1].
3.
4. 5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Callaway, E., Halliday, R., & Naylor, H. (1992). Cholinergic activity and constraints on information processing. Biological Psychology, 33, 1–22. Hironaka, N., Tanaka, K., Izaki, Y., Hori, K., & Nomura, M. (2001). Memory-related acetylcholine efflux from rat prefrontal cortex and hippocampus: A microdialysis study. Brain Research, 901, 143–150. Levin, E. D., & Simon, B. B. (1998). Nicotinic acetylcholine involvement in cognitive function in animals. Psychopharmacology (Berlin), 138, 217–230. Marieb, E. N., & Hoehn, K. (2007). Human anatomy and physiology. San Francisco: Pearson Benjamin Cummings. McCormick, D. A. (1993). Actions of acetylcholine in the cerebral cortex and thalamus and implications for function. Progress in Brain Research, 98, 303–308. Panicker, S., & Parasuraman, R. (1998). The neurochemical basis of attention. In I. L. Singh & R. Parasuraman (Eds.), Human cognition: A multidisciplinary perspective (pp. 79–98). New Delhi: Sage. Passani, M. B., Cangioli, I., Baldi, E., Bucherelli, C., Mannaioni, P. F., & Blandina, P. (2001). Histamine H3 receptor-mediated impairment of contextual fear conditioning and in-vivo inhibition of cholinergic transmission in the rat basolateral amygdale. European Journal of Neuroscience, 14, 1522–1532. Ragozzino, M. E., Unick, K. E., & Gold, P. E. (1996). Hippocampal acetylcholine release during memory testing in rats: Augmentation by glucose. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the USA, 93, 4693–4698. Whitehouse, P. J., Price, D. L., Struble, R. G., Clark, A. W., Coyle, J. T., & DeLong, M. R. (1982). Alzheimer’s disease and senile dementia: Loss of neurons in the basal forebrain. Science, 215, 1237–1239.
Achievement Motivation PEI-HSUAN HSIEH University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA
Synonyms Need for achievement
Definition Achievement motivation is the need for excellence and significant accomplishment, despite what rewards may be offered after the achievement has been met.
Description Atkinson and his colleagues formed the concept that achievement motivation stems from two separate needs. One is the motivation to achieve and is related to one’s desire to accomplish successful goals and the other is the motive to avoid failure. Some people may be hesitant to take on the responsibilities of having to accomplish goals or employ in activities
Achievement Testing
because they are afraid to fail. The motive to avoid failure includes worries about the consequences of failing, self-criticism, and diversion of attention, accelerated heart rate or nervousness, which can all lead to poor performance. In contrasts, those who feel the need to achieve successful goals are more motivated to persist at goals they know they can accomplish. By doing this, individuals are more likely to avoid running into failure. Most people develop both forms of motivation for achievement. However, achievement behavior is dependent on which need is more dominant. Individuals high in motive for success are characterized by a tendency to tackle challenging tasks because they have a relatively low motive to avoid failure.
Relevance to Childhood Development Children can develop high achievement motivation when parents encourage independence in childhood, praise success, and associate achievement with the child’s ability and effort. Recent literature shows that specific tasks, environments, and contexts, influence the development of achievement motivation. In addition, children’s need to outperform other students or to avoid negative feedback also influences achievement motivation. As students move up from middle to high school they are expected to accomplish more difficult work while keeping up with their peers. With these expectations, children need to be able to develop the appropriate form of motivation in order to achieve normative success with their peers.
References 1. 2. 3.
4.
Atkinson, J. W. (1957). Motivational determinants of risk-taking behavior. Psychological Review, 64, 359–372. Atkinson, J. W., & Feather, N. T. (Eds.). (1966). A theory of achievement motivation. New York: Wiley. Bong, M. (2001). Between- and within-domain relations of academic motivation among middle and high school students: Self-efficacy, task-value, and achievement goals. Journal of Educational Psychology, 93, 23–34. Wine, J. (1971). Test anxiety and direction of attention. Psychological Bulletin, 76, 92–104.
Achievement Testing MEI Y. CHANG, ANDREW S. DAVIS Ball State University, Muncie, IN, USA
Definition Achievement testing refers to the practice of using achievement tests to efficiently measure the amount of knowledge
A
and/or level of academic skills an individual has acquired or mastered through the planned instruction that typically occurs in educational settings [1]. The practice of administering achievement tests may take place in the fields of school psychology, clinical psychology, and special education to assist in assessing academic proficiency or diagnosing learning disabilities, as well as in the field of clinical neuropsychology to assist in detecting individual strengths and deficits in patients with neuropsychological disorders affecting reading, computation, or writing skills [4].
Description Achievement testing is a procedure of utilizing standardized achievement test batteries to assess the academic skills and abilities acquired from the process of direct educational instruction or intervention. Standardized achievement tests are characterized by being available from large publishers that have sufficient resources to employ professionals and test developers, by including a fixed set of test items designed to measure a clearly defined subject area across a wide span of age and/or grade levels, and by following specific directions for administering and scoring the tests [2]. The procedure of administering and scoring the tests in a consistent manner to nationally representative groups produces a statistical profile composed of data (test scores) that form norms, which enable comparisons between an individual’s test score and a large group of individuals at the same age or grade level who have also taken the test [2, 3]. A useful standardized achievement test battery must actually measure what it claims to measure (validity) and give consistent results over time (reliability). Achievement tests may be designed to comprehensively assess skills in reading (e.g., decoding, fluency, and comprehension), mathematics (e.g., reasoning and computation), writing (e.g., fluency, spelling, and prose writing), and language (e.g., receptive and expressive) within one battery, such as two widely used comprehensive norm-referenced achievement test batteries, the Woodcock-Johnson III Tests of Achievement (WJ III ACH) and Wechsler Individual Achievement Test – Second Edition (WIAT-II) [3, 4]. Achievement tests also may be developed to assess knowledge/skills only in a specific subject area, such as the Gray Oral Reading Tests – Fourth Edition (GORT-4), or to be used as a limited screening battery, such as the Wide Range Achievement Test-3 (WRAT-3) [4]. Norm-referenced, standardized achievement tests can be designed for individual or group administration. Individually administered standardized achievement tests are used primarily for evaluating individual students who demonstrate learning difficulty in school, as well as students suspected of needing additional support or special
21
A
22
A
Acne
education services [2]. The tests can be administered by a trained school psychologist, clinical psychologist, neuropsychologist, resource teacher, or psychometrician to an individual student in a quiet, confidential setting. Group administered standardized achievement tests can be developed by large national test publishers or state-level testing programs that are typically administered at least once a year to a large group of students, an entire classroom, or across grade level(s) to assess what students are able to do in specific subject areas including reading, mathematics, written expression, and scholastic subjects such as science and history [2, 5]. Student performance that is less than expected of a specific grade/age level is usually characterized as academic underachievement which may indicate a need for additional instruction and/or intervention. Individually administered tests tend to be more comprehensive, reliable, and valid than group-administered tests. Nonetheless, individually administered tests require more monetary costs to administer because of the limitation of working with just one subject at a time by a trained school psychologist or other professionals.
References 1.
2.
3. 4. 5.
Dowd, L. R. (1993). Glossary of terminology for vocational assessment, evaluation and work adjustment. Menomonie, WI: Materials Development Center. Frisby, C. L. (2001). Academic achievement. In L. A. Suzuki, J. G. Ponterotto, & P. J. Meller (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural assessment – clinical, psychological, and educational applications (2nd ed., pp. 541–568). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Sattler, J. M. (2001). Assessment of children: Cognitive applications (4th ed.). La Mesa, CA: Jerome M. Sattler. Strauss, E., Sherman, E. M. S., & Spreen, O. (2006). A compendium of neuropsychological tests. New York: Oxford University Press. Venn, J. J. (2006). Assessing students with special needs (4th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Description The built-up oil than acts as a host to bacteria; thus, creating inflammation of the skin. Types of skin inflammation vary depending on the depth of the blockage. Blockage close to the surface of the skin is a pustule. A papule, commonly known as a pimple, is also near the surface of the skin by a little deeper than a pustule. Cyst is the deepest type of blockage of oil secretion. Skin inflammation can also occur when the oil breaks through the surface of the skin, commonly known as a “whitehead.” And, if the “whitehead” becomes oxidized, oil changes from white to black, the result is a “blackhead.” The exact cause of the condition is unknown. However, the increase of hormonal levels and heredity are two factors researchers associate to the over activity of oil glands. The condition begins at the age of puberty and decreases or disappears after the early twenties; however, occurrence is not restricted to any specific age range. Areas of the body commonly effected are the face, neck, back, shoulders, and scalp.
References 1.
Simpson, N. B., & Cunliffe, W. J. (2004). Disorders of the sebaceous glands. In T. Burns, S. Breathnach, N. Cox, & C. Griffiths (Eds.), Rook’s textbook of dermatology (7th ed., pp. 43.1–43.75). Malden, MS: Blackwell Science.
Acquired Autism JUDAH B. AXE Simmons College, Boston, MA, USA
Synonyms
Acne JOY JANSEN Neurology, Learning, and Behavior Center, Salt Lake City, UT, USA
Autism; Autism spectrum disorders; Autistic; Autistic disorder; Enterocolitis; Regression; Regressive autism
Definition The sudden presence of autism at 18 months of age following typical development.
Description Synonyms Blackheads; Pimples; Pustules; Skin inflammation; Whiteheads; Zits
Definition A skin disease caused by the over activity of the oil (sebaceous) glands resulting in a localized, irritation of the skin at the base of the hair follicles.
Acquired autism is distinguished from autistic disorder, a neurodevelopmental disorder present at birth and detected through the observation of delays in language, social, and vestibular development. Acquired autism is observed when a child develops normally and then “regresses” or appears to develop autism around 18 months of age. Children receive the measles, mumps, rubella (MMR) vaccine around this age and a small body of
Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome
research suggests the disorder is related to the MMR vaccine. However, a larger set of data suggests no correlation between autism and the MMR vaccine. Many factors, such as bowel problems, are thought to contribute to acquired autism, but the specific mechanisms remain unknown. The prevalence of acquired autism has been found to be between 22 and 50% of autism cases.
References 1.
2.
Ozonoff, S., Williams, B. J., & Landa, R. (2005). Parental report of the early development of children with regressive autism: The delaysplus-regression phenotype. Autism, 9(5), 461–486. Taylor, B., Miller, E., Lingam, R., Andrews, N., Simmons, A., & Stowe, J. (2002). Measles, mumps, and rubella vaccination and bowel problems or developmental regression in children with autism: Population study. British Medical Journal, 324, 393–396.
Acquired Epileptic Aphasia ▶Childhood Aphasia
Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) ▶Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome
Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome BRIAN P. DALY1, CINDY BUCHANAN2 1 Temple University, Philadelphia, PA, USA 2 Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, PA, USA
Synonyms Acquired immune deficiency syndrome; AIDS; Immunodeficiency syndrome acquired; Immunologic deficiency syndrome acquired
Definition AIDS stands for acquired immunodeficiency syndrome. AIDS is a viral disease that destroys the body’s ability to fight infection.
A
Description AIDS is the final stage of the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection. HIV finds and destroys white blood cells (T cells or CD4 cells) that the immune system needs to fight disease. HIV disease is transmitted through blood or semen and occurs in three major ways: through sexual activity if the body fluids become exposed to each other, in intravenous drug use if contaminated needles are shared, and from an infected mother to her baby. The diagnosis of AIDS is made when an individual is infected by the HIV, has a CD4-positive T-lymphocyte count under 200 cells/ microliter or less than 14% of total lymphocytes, and increased susceptibility to opportunistic infections and malignant neoplasms [1]. Opportunistic infections are common in individuals with AIDS, targeting areas that include the brain, intestinal tract, lungs, eyes, and other organs [2]. Additional health complications include debilitating weight loss, diarrhea, neurologic conditions, and chronic illnesses such as diabetes, heart disease, and cancers like Kaposi’s sarcoma and certain types of lymphomas [2]. In the absence of treatment, data from large epidemiological studies in Western countries indicate that the median time from infection with HIV to the development of AIDS-related symptoms is approximately 10–12 years [3]. However, there can be a wide variation in disease progression. The most efficacious treatment for HIV/ AIDS is with antiretroviral drugs that fall into four major classes: Reverse transcriptase (RT) inhibitors; protease inhibitors; entry and fusion inhibitors; and, integrase inhibitors. Combinations of these drugs also are employed and can significantly reduce the presence of the virus. Specifically, using a combination of antiretroviral medications and protease inhibitors commonly referred to as highly active anti-retroviral therapy (HAART) has been found to be effective in prolonging the lives of children and adolescents with HIV. Currently, drug treatment does not cure HIV infection or AIDS. Retroviral drugs can effectively suppress the virus, even to undetectable levels, but the drugs cannot eliminate HIV from the body. Medical advances in the prevention of mother-tochild transmission are particularly encouraging given that fewer than 300 children annually are born infected with HIV in the United States [6]. However, there are still more than 8,500 previously infected children and youth less than 19 years old living with HIV or AIDS [6]. In addition, over 50% of all new HIV infections occur in individuals under the age of 25 [4]. Almost all HIV-infected young children in the United States get the virus from their mothers before or during birth when proper prenatal care is not obtained.
23
A
24
A
Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome
Adolescents become behaviorally infected with HIV through either sexual activity or drug use. Similar to adults, the most effective treatment for HIV-positive children and adolescents is antiretroviral therapy. Antiretroviral treatment reduces illness and mortality among children living with HIV in much the same way that it does among adults. In the United States, all infants with HIV are started on treatment, regardless of CD4 percentage, clinical status or viral load [5]. Adolescents that are behaviorally infected are monitored and generally begin antiretroviral treatment when they present with a history of an AIDS-defining illness or with a CD4 T-cell count 9) and (3) the 95th percentile of the total score of the aggressive and the delinquent behaviour scale (score >19). In the second stage, structured interviews were performed with 399 parents representing both screen positive and control children. DSM-III-R diagnoses were derived by using the
E
591
German version (6) of the Diagnostic Interview Schedule for Children-Parent Version (DISC-P 2.3).
The Great Smoky Mountains Study of Youth The main aim of The Great Smoky Mountains Study (GSMS) was to examine the development of, need for, and use of mental health services in children and adolescents in an area of the southeastern United States [4]. It used a multistage, overlapping cohorts design, in which 4,500 of the 11,758 children aged 9, 11, and 13 years in an 11-county area of the southeastern United States. Children who scored in the top 25% on the screening questionnaire, together with a one in ten random sample of the rest, were recruited for four waves of intensive, annual interviews (n=1,015 at wave 1). In addition to this sample, all American Indian children aged 9, 11, and 13 years who attended reservation and public schools. The screening measure consisted of the “externalizing” broad-band scale items from the child behavior checklist. The following constructs were measured in the study: Risk for mental health service use; service use, access, and barriers to care; family resources, family functioning; psychiatric symptoms, and family burden; Child’s physical health and development; adversity and traumatic events; and community resources. Children were screened and interviewed close to their 9th, 11th or 13th birthday. Families recruited for the interview stage of the study were visited at home by two interviewers. Following the wave 1 interviews, families were contacted by telephone every 3 months, in which they were asked about any service use during the intervening period, and any change of address, school, or family structure.
The Quebec Study [16] The main aims of this study are to examine: (1) the prevalence of DSM-III-R diagnoses among adolescents, (2) differences in the reporting of psychiatric diagnoses across informants, and to (3) examine the impact of including an impairment criterion on the prevalence of adolescent psychiatric disorders. During 1986 and 1987, 1,201 mothers and teachers of 4,488 French-speaking kindergarten children in the province of Quebec, Canada completed a set of questionnaires. Two thousands of these children were randomly selected for annual assessments throughout childhood and into adolescence. Between 1995 and 1997, mothers and their children (ranged in age from 14 to 17 years) were interviewed using the French translation of the Diagnostic Interview Schedule for Children to obtain the prevalence of DSM-III-R disorders and perceived impairment associated with these disorders.
E
592
E
Epinephrine
References 1. Bird, H. R., Gould, M. S., & Staghezza, B. M. (1993). Patterns of diagnostic comorbidity in a community sample of children aged 9 through 16 years. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 32, 361–368. 2. Cohen, P., Cohen, J., Kasen, S., Velez, C. N., Hartmark, C., Johnson, J., et al. (1993). An epidemiological study of disorders in late childhood and adolescence – I: Age- and gender-specific prevalence. Journal Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 34, 851–866. 3. Cooper, P. J., & Goodyer, I. M. (1993). A community study of depression in adolescent girls. I. Estimates of symptom and syndrome prevalence. British Journal of Psychiatry, 163, 369–374. 4. Costello, E. J., Angold, A., Burns, B. J., Stangl, D. K., Tweed, D. L., Erkanli, A., et al. (1996). The Great smoky mountains study of youth: Goals, design, methods, and the prevalence of DSM-III-R disorders. Archives of General Psychiatry, 53, 1129–1136. 5. Essau, C. A. (2008). Comorbidity of depressive disorders among adolescents in community and clinical settings. Psychiatry Research, 158, 35–42. 6. Fergusson, D. M., Horwood, L. J., & Lynskey, M. T. (1993). Prevalence and comorbidity of DSM-III-R diagnoses in a birth cohort of 15 year olds. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 32, 1127–1134. 7. Fleming, J. E., Offord, D. R., & Boyle, M. H. (1989). Prevalence of childhood and adolescent depression in the community: Ontario child health study. British Journal of Psychiatry, 155, 647–654. 8. Graham, P., & Rutter, M. (1973). Psychiatric disorders in the young adolescent: A follow-up study. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, 66, 1226–1229. 9. Kashani, J. H., Carlson, G. A., Beck, N. C., Hoeper, E. W., Corcoran, C. M., McAllister, J. A., et al. (1987). Depression, depressive symptoms, and depressed mood among a community sample of adolescents. American Journal of Psychiatry, 144, 931–934. 10. Lahey, B. B., Flagg, E. W., Bird, H. R., et al. (1996). The NIMH methods for the epidiology of child and adolescent mental disorders (MECA) study: Background and methodology. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 35, 855–864. 11. Lewinsohn, P. M., Hops, H., Roberts, R. E., Seeley, J. R., & Andrews, J. A. (1993). Adolescent psychopathology: I Prevalence and incidence of depression and other DSM-III-R disorders in high school students. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 102, 133–144. 12. McGee, R., Feehan, M., Williams, S., Partridge, F., Silva, P. A., & Kelly, J. (1990). DSM-III disorders in a large sample of adolescents. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 29, 611–619. 13. McGee, R., Williams, S., & Feehan, M. (1994). Behavior problems in New Zealand children. In P. R. Joyce, R. T. Mulder, M. A. OakleyBrowne, I. D. Sellman, & W. G. A. Watkins (Eds.), Development, personality and psychopathology (pp. 15–22). Christchurch: Christchurch School of Medicine. 14. Offord, D. R., Boyle, M. H., Racine, Y. A., Fleming, J. E., Cadman, D. T., Blum, H. M., et al. (1992). Outcome, prognosis, and risk in a longitudinal follow-up study. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 31, 916–923. 15. Reinherz, H. Z., Giaconia, R. M., Lefkowitz, E. S., Pakiz, B., & Frost, A. K. (1993). Prevalence of psychiatric disorders in a community population of older adolescents. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 32, 369–377. 16. Romano, E., Tremblay, R. E., Vitaro, F., Zoccolillo, M., & Pagani, L. (2001). Prevalence of psychiatric diagnoses and the role of perceived
impairment: Findings from an adolescent community sample. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 42, 451–461. 17. Von Korff, M., & Eaton, W. W. (1989). Epidemiologic findings on panic. In R. Baker (Ed.), Panic disorder: Theory, research, and therapy (pp. 35–50). New York: Wiley. 18. Whitaker, A., Johnson, J., Shaffer, D., Rapoport, J. L., Kalikow, K., Walsh, B. T., et al. (1990). Uncommon troubles in young people: Prevalence estimates of selected psychiatric disorders in a nonreferred population. Archives of General Psychiatry, 47, 487–496. 19. Wittchen, H.-U., & Essau, C. A. (1993). Epidemiology of anxiety disorders. In P. J. Wilner (Ed.), Psychiatry (pp. 1–25). Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Company.
Epinephrine EDALMARYS SANTOS1, CHAD A. NOGGLE2 1 Middle Tennessee State University, Murfreesboro, TN, USA 2 SIU School of Medicine, Springerfield, IL, USA
Synonyms Adrenalin
Definition Epinephrine is a neurotransmitter and hormone that is most strongly linked with the chemical triggering of the “fight or flight” response of the sympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system.
Description Epinephrine represents one of a class of neurotransmitters referred to as the catecholamines [1]. Also known as adrenalin, functionally epinephrine’s primary role is in the activation of the “fight or flight” response [2]. As such, epinephrine exerts its influence on the sympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system, which itself is one division of the peripheral nervous system. Originating in the adrenal glands, epinephrine is synthesized from norepinephrine [1]. When released by the adrenal glands, in a period of stress, epinephrine serves to activate the system to respond by increasing blood flow, heart rate, respiration, and blood pressure [3]. Once the system perceives the threatening situation has been negotiated to some extent, Epinephrine levels decrease, in turn, deactivating the sympathetic division and activating the parasympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system.
Erikson, Erik H.
References 1. 2. 3.
Kaufman, D. M. (2007). Clinical neurology for psychiatrists (6th ed.). Philadelphia: Saunders Elsevier. Loring, D. W. (1999). INS dictionary of neuropsychology. New York: Oxford University Press. Zillmer, E. A., & Spiers, M. V. (2001). Principles of neuropsychology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning.
E
593
Erikson, Erik H. JOHN SNAREY, SARAH POOLE Emory University, Atlanta, GA, USA
Life Dates 1902–1994
Episodic Memory ROBERT WALRATH Rivier College, Nashua, NH, USA
Synonyms Autobiographical memory
Definition Memory for specific events and episodes, connected to a particular context such as time, date, location, etc. including autobiographical memory.
Description Episodic memory is differentiated from semantic memory (the knowledge of facts) as it includes “calling back into consciousness a. . .lost state that is then immediately recognized as something formerly experienced [1],” it allows for reliving of the original experience or for reexperiencing of the remembered event [2],” and can be “distinguished from knowledge of the past [2].”
References 1. 2.
Tulving, E. (1983). Elements of episodic memory. New York: Oxford University Press. Perner, J., Kloo, D., & Gornik, E. (2007). Memory development: theory of mind is part of re-experiencing experienced events. Infant and Child Development, 16, 471–490.
Epistemic Behavior ▶Active Exploration
Equity ▶Multicultural Education
Introduction Erik Erikson stands as the most renowned psychologist of child and adolescent development of the twentieth century. His theory of eight psychosocial stages of human development provides a framework for understanding both the physical and psychological needs of humans as well as the social factors that contribute to personality development. Identity is at the core of Erikson’s developmental model. He coined the term “identity crisis,” which involves a “renegotiating of one’s values, as they are oriented around other individuals and society at large” [16, p. 150]. The chronology of his research interests, to a significant degree, parallels Erikson’s own life history and personal struggle for identity.
Biography Erikson was born June 15, 1902, in Frankfurt, Germany, to an unnamed father, who was a Protestant Dane, and to Karla Abrahamsen Salomonsen, a Jewish native of Denmark. Karla was not married to Erikson’s Father, and she raised Erik as a single parent for 3 years in Buehl, Germany [13]. She then married Theodor Homburger, a German pediatrician and president of the local synagogue, who adopted Erik and changed his surname to Homburger. Erikson’s distinct appearance – tall with blue eyes and blond hair – provoked ridicule from his Jewish peers [16, pp. 146–151]. Erikson was not told that Theodor was not his birth father until he was an adolescent, although he had his own suspicions. Growing up in Germany, Erikson attended the Karlsruhe Vorschule, or primary school, from ages six to ten, and the Karlsruhe Gymnasium from ages ten to eighteen. He received an Abitur, a certificate that gave him permission to enroll in a university [13, 18]. Immediately after graduation, Erikson hiked in the Black Forest. In 1921, 1year later, Erikson enrolled in Badische Landeskunstschule (Baden State Art School) in Karlsruhe to receive formal training in art [2, 14, 19]. Before completing his training, Erikson left Baden to attend Kunst-Akademie, a famous art school in Munich. Two years later, Erikson moved to
E
594
E
Erikson, Erik H.
Florence, and for the next few years of his life, Erikson “wandered through Europe sketching, making woodcuts, painting and visiting museums” [17, p. 147]. In 1927, at the age of 25, Erikson left Florence and returned home to Karlsruhe to study and teach art. Erikson referred to the 7-year period of his life after the Gymnasium as a Wanderschaft, in which he had the opportunity to wander and reflect. This un-rooted period continued until Erikson received an invitation from his good friend Peter Blos to help him run a small school in Vienna [2, 14, 19]. In 1927, Anna Freud, Sigmund Freud’s daughter, hired Erikson for a job as an art teacher at the Hietzing School in Vienna, Austria. While teaching there, he earned a diploma in 1932 from the local Montessori teacher training school. This was the only formal degree Erikson earned after receiving his Abitur [14, p. 67], although he also took liberal arts and teaching classes at the University of Vienna. Erikson’s observations and analysis of child behavior during his experience as a teacher sparked some of his initial insights into child psychology. After being psychoanalyzed by Anna Freud and receiving encouragement from his peers, Erikson pursued psychoanalytic study with Sigmund Freud and other psychologists at the Vienna Psychoanalytic Institute, graduating in 1933 [14, 17]. In 1930, Erikson married Joan M. Serson, a Canadian dance teacher at Hietzing School who had completed her master’s degree in sociology at the University of Pennsylvania. She was in Europe investigating various schools of dance in anticipation of pursuing a doctorate in education at Columbia University and, when Erikson and Joan met, she was visiting Vienna to research new European dance movements for a possible doctoral thesis [2, 19]. Joan and Erik influenced one another to such an extent that their relationship “wedded their two fields of psychology and sociology, therein giving birth to psychosocial theory” [17, p. 147]. In addition to these professional influences, Joan’s Protestantism and support of religiosity helped Erikson to steer clear of the antireligious persuasions of Freud. In 1933, as the Nazi regime began to threaten Austria, Erikson and his family left Vienna and eventually moved to the United States. He accepted a position with the Boston Psychoanalytic Society, and became the first child analyst in Boston. During this time he also became a research assistant at the Harvard Psychological Clinic, where his work focused on issues related to personal identity. In 1936, Erikson moved to Yale University where he worked on his developmental theory [17]. Three years later Erikson relocated once again, accepting a position at the Institute of Child Welfare at
the University of California, Berkeley. Shortly thereafter, he began teaching graduate seminars and opened a private practice in the San Francisco area. Also in 1939, he formally changed his last name from Homburger to Erikson. Throughout this time, his ideas about ego development started to crystallize as he developed the concepts of ego identity and identity crisis. In 1949, he became a full professor at Berkeley. The security of a tenured position was, however, short lived. The turbulence of the McCarthy era affected all spheres of American life, and academia was not immune to the “red scare.” After World War II and the fall of Chiang Kai-shek’s regime to Chinese Communists, the Cold War fight against communism grew more intense [2, 14]. Anxiety about communism permeated the academy, with universities in California requiring their employees to take an oath of loyalty. Having affirmed his allegiance by signing a constitutional oath and an oath to the state of California, Erikson saw no legitimate reason to sign another pledge at Berkeley. In his view, these measures reflected a growing madness over communism [19]. Erikson believed the role of a professor was to encourage students to examine all sides of an argument rather than simply acquiesce to the “official truth.” Erikson studied similar instances of hysteria with his students, and his conscience would not allow him to participate in this frenzy without a protest. Erikson understood that his students watched their professors’ responses in historical moments like this [2, 19]. Erikson wrote a resignation statement in June 1950 explaining his refusal to sign the oath, and this statement was eventually read to the American Psychoanalytic Association. He wrote, “I would find it difficult to ask my subject of investigation (people) and my students to work with me, if I were to participate without protest in a vague, fearful, and somewhat vindictive gesture devised to ban evil in some magic way – an evil that must be met with much more searching and concerted effort” [2, p. 158]. In essence, Erikson would not sign an oath that he believed reflected hysteria about the growing fear of communism, and his unwillingness to sign the pledge led to his resignation from his tenured position. This protest not only confirmed his American identity, but it brought to the surface “the conflictual nature of a discordant identity struggling to see itself as whole,” which set the framework for further exploration of the identity crisis in his later works [19, p. 67]. From the 1930s through the 1950s, the Eriksons watched their first three children, Kai (b. 1931), Jon (b. 1933), and Susan (b. 1938) develop through the first stages of the life cycle. Their last child, Neil, was born with Down syndrome and was institutionalized immediately after his birth in 1944. The Eriksons initially told the
Erikson, Erik H.
other children that the baby had died. The subsequent revelation of the truth regarding Neil’s birth provoked a crisis in the Erikson family, causing strife between the parents and children, while bringing Erik and Joan together to collaborate on the development of the life cycle. While Erik’s parenting experiences had contributed to his ideas about human development, Neil’s birth and abnormalities may have precipitated the completion of the life cycle model. Creating a model that highlighted the “normal” process of human development, one biographer has suggested, provided an escape from the family crisis of having an “abnormal” child [14]. In 1951, Erikson accepted a position at the Austin Riggs Center, a mental health facility in Stockbridge, Massachusetts, where he remained until 1960. During these years Erikson became more vocal regarding the positive role of “religious traditions as a transmitter of values and psychological well being across the life span” [17, pp. 147–148]. After a brief stint as a part-time teacher at Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1958, Erikson was offered a professorship at Harvard University. Drawn to opportunities to work with researchers across various disciplines, Erikson accepted the challenge and joined the faculty in 1960. The students admired him, and many of his new colleagues hoped that his interdisciplinary approach would bring together many scholars from various fields [2, 14].
Childhood and Society: Erikson’s Exploration of Childhood and Youth Development Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, Erikson published his theories of human development, paying special attention to childhood and adolescence. Childhood and Society, published in 1950, is the first text that outlines Erikson’s model of the life cycle. Stemming from his training in Freudian psychoanalytic theory, Erikson created a model of human development that extended Freud’s psychosexual stages of development, integrating “both psychobiological and sociocultural factors” [17, p. 146]. Unlike Freud’s theory, Erikson’s model of eight psychosocial stages of development encompassed the entire life span, demonstrating his belief that people moved through stages at particular times in their lives. Erikson posited that ego strength comes from the mastery of earlier developmental stages [13] (see ▶Erikson’s Stages of the Life Cycle). In the 1960s, Erikson published two other texts, Youth: Change and Challenge (1963) and Identity: Youth and Crisis (1968), which extended his research on childhood to adolescence, the stage at which youth must master the crisis of identity. In Youth: Change and Challenge, Erikson
E
emphasized the strength of fidelity found in adolescence. The paradox of openness and focus, or the adolescent’s desire to find trustworthy and reliable people, coupled with the ability to narrow and focus their commitments, provides a source of strength for adolescents as they gain perspective on their own lives and the world [2, 6]. Identity: Youth and Crisis examined the intersection between social reality and ego identity. Ego identity, in part, deals with the ability to accomplish what society deems important for future success, and, thus, one must be able to feel good about the future in the context of the current social reality [8, pp. 48–49]. Ultimately, Erikson integrated the importance of social context into his outline of the various crises a person faces from childhood to adolescence.
Beyond Childhood and Adolescence Erikson’s work extended beyond issues of childhood and adolescence. For example, between 1957 and 1962, Erikson wrote five essays that were eventually published under the title Insight and Responsibility [7]. This volume emphasized ethical, political, and historical concerns. “[H]e spoke as a psychoanalyst first – but one who also insisted on being an ethically concerned citizen, and a professional man very much involved with contemporary and historical events as well as clinical problems” [2, p. 267]. This work demonstrates Erikson’s continued commitment to interdisciplinary study, which enabled him to engage ideas outside of psychoanalysis. In 1957, Erikson took a year-long sabbatical from teaching during which he and Joan went to Mexico so that he could write what he called a “study in psychoanalysis and history” [5]. Erikson attempted to study the actions and words of Protestant reformer Martin Luther through a psychoanalytic lens in order to illustrate and expand concepts such as identity, identity crisis, and moratorium. Erikson’s examination of Luther centered on the years prior to his notoriety, exploring trends and patterns in his life that would explain how he was able to accomplish such sweeping historical reforms. He also sought to investigate the ways Luther resolved inner conflicts in search of his own identity [2, 14, 18]. Finally, Erikson’s text on Luther demonstrated “the power of psychoanalytic approach and its concepts to integrate a wide diversity of information and make sense of it” [18, pp. 93–94]. Young Man Luther was published in 1958 as Erikson’s first psychobiography, a literary form in which the author incorporated psychoanalysis with a person’s life story [14]. The 1960s marked a ripe period for society to discover Erikson’s work. The intense social, cultural, and political realities of the era opened the door for concepts that explored the intersections between self and society.
595
E
596
E
Erikson, Erik H.
Erikson’s diverse and broadening interests drew historians, theologians, biologists, sociologists, and philosophers to his research. At a time when the nation was at war, both the domestic war for civil rights and the global war in Vietnam, Erikson began a new book, Gandhi’s Truth [2, 14]. Sparked by a trip to Ahmadabad, India, in 1962, Erikson [9] began to examine a strike led by Mohandas Gandhi three decades earlier. Summoned by mill workers in 1918, Gandhi went to Ahmadabad to organize a strike against mill owners. The mill hands suffered low wages and were willing to participate in a strike under the leadership of Gandhi, and they agreed to the conditions he asked them to follow during the protest. However, fearing that the mill hands would break their agreement to nonviolence, Gandhi decided to fast from food until the strike was over. Gandhi’s fast affected both the mill workers and the mill owners. Erikson, drawn to Gandhi’s ability to mobilize groups of people, wanted to search for the truth that inspired Gandhi’s political and spiritual leadership. Gandhi’s Truth was Erikson’s second attempt at psychobiography. Although Erikson began the book in 1965, Gandhi’s Truth was not published until 1969. Making little reference to the life cycle, Erikson chronicled Gandhi’s life experiences in order to explore the ways he negotiated identity amidst great crisis. Erikson sought to discover Gandhi’s truth by exploring the various sites he frequented when he was alive. Ambalal, Gandhi’s benefactor and opponent in the strike at Ahmadabad, welcomed Erikson into his house as a guest as he constructed the psychobiography. Erikson also tried to understand pertinent concepts such as dharma, Satyagraha, Artha, and Moksha. As Erikson attempted to understand Hindu principles, cultural sensitivity guided his research. Lectures at Cape Town University in 1968 and Harvard University in 1972 underscored the didactic nature of Gandhi’s Truth. Erikson challenged what he termed “pseudospecies” by highlighting Gandhi’s response to crisis in his later years. Erikson [8] defined pseudospeciation as “man’s deepseated conviction that some providence has made his tribe or race or caste, and, yes even his religion ‘naturally’ superior to others” (p. 298). As Gandhi confronted these attitudes, he responded to social circumstances by drawing on inner virtues that stressed mutual respect, honesty, and the humanity of all people. Gandhi’s Truth won Erikson his first Pulitzer Prize on May 4, 1970, as well as a National Book Award [2, 14]. Not only did Erikson look favorably on Gandhi’s campaigns in India, he also “found some salutary effect in the Black Muslims’ effort to restore African American identity; he would not dismiss black nationalism out of hand” [14, p. 399]. As a result, Erikson was open to his son Kai’s
insistence on a meeting with Huey P. Newton, leader of the Black Panther Party. In January 1971, Kai arranged for Newton to conduct a seminar for Trumbell College students, with his father in attendance. Due to the exaggerated national media coverage, the seminar did not go well. Therefore, Newton arranged for Erikson to meet him at a friend’s apartment in Oakland, California. During the dialog, they discussed American racism, and while they disagreed on several points, Erikson and Newton respected each other. In Search of Common Ground records the dialog between Newton and Erikson [12]. Erikson, nevertheless, ended the friendship with Newton when he learned of his involvement in violence against civil authorities [14, pp. 399–401]. After he retired from Harvard in 1970, Erik and Joan moved back to Stockbridge, but spent summers at a home in the Cape Cod town of Cotuit [14]. Three years later, they moved back to California, living a short time in Belvedere and then Tiburon. “Old Tiburon” afforded them both an opportunity to write while living in a serene community of professionals and artists. However, during this period the Eriksons encountered financial difficulties. Erikson’s work also received scathing critiques from feminists, psychoanalysts, psychologists, and a variety of other sources, and he attempted to respond to his critics through journal articles. At the same time, he continued to receive invitations to give lectures and engage in research. Nevertheless, health problems made it difficult for him to write or travel. Joan became involved in a nearby Episcopalian parish and Erik met with local clinicians to assist them in reviewing case files on schizophrenic patients [14, 18].
The Life Cycle Completed: Erikson’s Encounter with Old Age Although a major portion of Erikson’s work focused on child and adolescent development, he also emphasized adulthood and old age in his description of the life cycle. Perhaps Erikson’s examination of such issues was a sign of his own development as he entered the later years of his life [15, pp. 928–930]. In 1982, at age 80, he published The Life Cycle Completed: A Review, which summarized his most salient concepts [10]. This book demonstrated Erikson’s personal need to reconsider old age and the death that he would eventually face. The text extended Erikson’s understanding of the concepts of wisdom and integrity to include a rich holistic inner and outer vitality. Erikson emphasized the connections between early infancy and old age. In addition, the book demonstrated a distinct shift to historicism. Even after publishing the first edition of The Life
Erikson, Erik H.
Cycle Completed, Erikson continued to gain new insights about the later stages of development; he scribbled notes on the pages of his own copy with the hope of eventually writing a new edition. Erikson collaborated with Joan Erikson and Helen Kivnick to engage in further research on what sustained elderly people’s involvement in their own lives. Their research centered on interviews from 29 octogenarians who, as children, had participated in an earlier study in 1928. By revisiting these research participants, the Eriksons and Kivnick were able to investigate people who had experienced most stages of the life cycle. This new research was published in Vital Involvement in Old Age in 1986 [11]. When it became apparent that Erikson could not write an updated edition of The Life Cycle Completed: A Review, Joan Erikson updated the book by writing new chapters to add to the original version. The new chapters included a ninth stage of development that focused on the life cycle of individuals in their eighties and nineties as well as a focus on caring for the elderly and gerotranscendence [13]. Overall, both Vital Involvement in Old Age and The Life Cycle Completed reflected the thoughts that Erikson reconsidered and reformulated about the later stages of life as he himself encountered old age [14, 19] (see ▶Erikson’s Stages of the Life Cycle). In the 1980s, Erikson received various honors for his contributions to the field of psychotherapy. The founding of the Erik H. and Joan M. Erikson Center in conjunction with Cambridge Hospital psychiatry department and Harvard Medical School prompted the Eriksons’ move from Tiburon back to Cambridge in 1987. Dorothy Austin, director of the Erikson center, offered the Eriksons an “intergenerational home,” where she and Diana Eck, a young Harvard professor, would serve as caregivers should Erikson’s health deteriorate [19, pp. 463–464]. Excessive sleep and loss of hearing signaled a decline in Erikson’s health. As the interest in services offered by the Erikson center declined, and Austin and Eck pursued other career interests, Joan found herself overwhelmed with providing care for her husband. Erikson, nevertheless, continued to engage in intellectual activity as he experienced the integration between old age and infancy, in which he had to depend on the consistent care of others. One of Erikson’s final tasks was the clinical supervision of Harvard doctoral student David Wilcox, to whom Erikson passed on the significant lessons he had learned during his own training. This supervision ended in 1990, and marked a shift in Erikson’s accessibility to the outside world and the outside world’s access to Erikson [14]. Erikson conceded to Joan’s control over their lives, specifically her role as an intermediary with those seeking access. Often, Joan would make presentations for him and limit his contact
E
with persons with whom she felt uncomfortable [14]. In 1992, Erikson fractured his hip and underwent surgery, after which he found it difficult to walk. After this fall, his health continued to decline. Stevens [18] speculates that Erikson may have been experiencing the early stages of Alzheimer’s disease (p. 13). In 1993, Joan placed Erikson in a nursing care facility in Harwich, Massachusetts, and purchased a nearby home to remain close to him. Erik could only move with a wheel chair and his health continued to fail. Erikson’s final transition came in 1994 when he caught an infection that led to his death. On May 11–12, Joan held Erikson’s hand and sang to him through the night. At four o’clock in the morning, Erikson died at the age of 91. Erikson’s created ashes were interned and a funeral service was held on June 15, 1994, at First Congregational Church of Harwich. Several commemorative services and forums followed the memorial [14, pp. 471–473]. Ultimately, his accomplishments and contributions to the field of child development have left a legacy that will endure for generations.
Accomplishments Erik Erikson was considered a “cultural hero” during his lifetime [18, p. 13; 14, p. 396]. In 1970, he occupied the cover of the New York Times Magazine. Presidents Johnson and Nixon invited Erikson to the White House. Various universities awarded him honorary doctorates, including Yale and the University of California, Berkeley. The University College of London appointed him to the first Freud Memorial Chair. The San Francisco Psychoanalytic Institute renamed its reading room after Erikson. The American Psychiatric Association invited Erikson to speak in 1984. In 1987, the Psychiatric Clinic of Karlsruhe (Germany) dedicated an adolescent unit in his honor [2, 13, 17]. These accomplishments highlight Erikson’s ability to touch many arenas of society. Erikson’s research proved relevant to the public, private, and academic arenas of life. His theory gained such wide acclaim because it emphasized the human person in all aspects of life, from childhood to old age. Not only did his theory touch the intrapsychic development of persons, it also included the ways society informs, promotes, and hinders identity formation.
Contribution to Child Development In Erikson’s theory, childhood stages are an essential aspect of the life cycle. Childhood builds the foundation for adulthood, and the formation of values begins in these early stages. For example, Erikson’s theory about child’s play introduces a new outlook to psychology. To Erikson,
597
E
598
E
Erikson’s Preschool Stage of Social-Emotional Development
the activity of child play is valuable for the child because it represents a space where the child can make sense of the world, and it incorporates both problem-solving and meaning-making. It also reveals what children prioritize [2, pp. 129–131, 4, 6]. Unlike adults who view play as vacation from work, play is work for a child. Recognizing play as worthwhile challenges families and academic institutions to not only value play, but to provide space where children can engage in play as a means for development. Erikson’s studies on childhood influenced DeMause [3], Arie`s [1], and Hunt [15] in their own studies of the history of childhood [19]. Erikson [9] also makes explicit connections with the “relationship of childhood play to political imagination” (p. 11). These connections enhance the understanding of the contributions of social institutions to childhood development. Erikson [4] emphasized that unless a child experiences proper development in the earlier stages, the person experiences the conflicts at later stages as more and more difficult to overcome. In many ways, the health of a person depends upon the successful integration of earlier childhood stages. Furthermore, Erikson’s life-cycle model creates a framework for researchers to interpret and analyze children’s behavior and development. Using his model as a lens enhances one’s understanding of contemporary issues such as juvenile delinquency. For example, Erikson’s “triple book-keeping” method of looking at physiological needs, social context, and psychological processes has many implications for understanding the behaviors and attitudes of dispossessed, disenfranchised, and underprivileged youth. Erikson acknowledged that external circumstances influence the emotional states and overall health of children. In addition, society plays an integral role in Erikson’s theory because society provides the conditions in which children develop. This acknowledgement yields responsibility and moral accountability to parents and society as a whole for the development of children. In essence, Erikson’s model provides a foundational framework with which to analyze the behaviors and attitudes of children while simultaneously acknowledging the parental and societal contributions to childhood development. Erikson’s contributions to childhood development have affected a wide range of issues related to the formation and growth of children. Not only did Erikson add to the content pool of research; he also contributed his own research method. As Stevens [18] explains, Erikson’s sensitivity to the way his clients felt revealed a concern for people that prevented a myopic focus on research. Erikson became “not just an interpreter but a medium through
which they can work through what conflicts they feel” (p. 107). He demonstrated that the subjectivity and social contexts between client and therapist are valuable and relevant to analysis [18]. In essence, Erikson attempted to exemplify some of his own concepts in the way he conducted research, concepts that stressed the societal role of child development.
References 1. Arie`s, P. (1962). Centuries of childhood: A social history of family life. New York: Vintage. 2. Coles, R. (1970). Erik H. Erikson: The growth of his work (1st ed.). Boston: Little, Brown. 3. DeMause, L. (1974). The history of childhood. New York: Psychohistory Press. 4. Erikson, E. H. (1950). Childhood and society. New York: Norton. 5. Erikson, E. H. (1958). Young man Luther; a study in psychoanalysis and history (1st ed.). New York: Norton. 6. Erikson, E. H. (1963). Youth, change and challenge. New York: Basic Books. 7. Erikson, E. H. (1964). Insight and responsibility: Lectures on the ethical implications of psychoanalytic insight (1st ed.). New York: W. W. Norton. 8. Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. New York: Norton. 9. Erikson, E. H. (1969). Gandhi’s truth: On the origins of militant nonviolence. New York: Norton. 10. Erikson, E. H. (1982). The life cycle completed: A review (1st ed.). New York: Norton. [Extended edition issued in 1997]. 11. Erikson, E. H., Erikson, J. M., & Kivnick, H. Q. (1986). Vital involvement in old age (1st ed.). New York: Norton. 12. Erikson, E. H., & Newton, H. P. (1973). In search of common ground; conversations with Erik H. Erikson and Huey P. Newton (1st ed.). New York: Norton. 13. Evans, R. I., & Erikson, E. H. (1967). Dialogue with Erik Erikson. New York: Harper and Row. 14. Friedman, L. J. (1999). Identity’s architect: A biography of Erik H. Erikson. New York: Scribner. 15. Hunt, D. (1970). Parents and children in history: The psychology of family life in early modern France. New York: Basic Books. 16. Snarey, J. (1987). The vital aging of Eriksonian theory and of Erik H. Erikson. Contemporary Psychology, 32(11), 928–930. 17. Snarey, J., & Bell, D. (2006). Erikson, Erik H. Encyclopedia of spiritual and religious development (pp. 146–151). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. 18. Stevens, R. (2008). Erik H. Erikson: Explorer of identity and the life cycle. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 19. Welchman, K. (2000). Erik Erikson: His life, work and significance. Philadelphia: Open University Press.
Erikson’s Preschool Stage of Social-Emotional Development ▶Initiative Versus Guilt
Erikson’s Stages of the Life Cycle
Erikson’s Stages of the Life Cycle SARAH POOLE, JOHN SNAREY Emory University, Atlanta, GA, USA
Synonyms Ego development stages; Stage sequence of ego epigenesis; Stages of identity development; Stages of psychosocial development
Description Developmental psychologist Erik H. Erikson constructed a theory of the human life cycle composed of eight stages, each of which represents a particular period in human development. Erikson theorized that an individual’s development relies on three processes: “the biological process of the hierarchic organization of organ systems constituting a body (soma); . . . the psychic process of organizing individual experience by ego synthesis (psyche); and. . . the communal process of the cultural organization of the interdependence of persons (ethos)” ([8], pp. 25–26). A developing body, a developing mind, and dynamic sociocultural milieu are the three primary processes underlying a person’s identity formation and psychosocial development. Erikson based his developmental theory on the biological logic of “epigenesis,” which refers to the prenatal process by which, through a sequence of structurally elaborated stages, a fertilized egg cell develops into a fetus. Erikson saw a parallel between Freud’s understanding of the biologically-based development of psychosexual modalities (oral, anal, phallic, latency, and genital) and the development of more general psychosocial modalities (trust, autonomy, initiative) but, with new insight, Erikson proposed that the epigenetic process continues throughout the entire life cycle. The structure of biological growth and psychosocial development, that is, follow analogous, interactive patterns across the lifespan. In Erikson’s theory, a time of ascendancy in each stage of development affects the whole hierarchy of development. Ascendancy refers to the gradual, sequential way a child naturally grows in accordance with both outer (biological) and inner (psyche) laws of development in relation to persons and institutions (ethos) [5]. Erikson theorized that every person would encounter each of the eight stages in the same sequential order, although the chronological age and cultural content could vary due to maturational differences in biological growth and cultural differences in the content and timing of social expectations.
E
Each new stage is characterized by a period of development during which the child must resolve a psychosocial “crisis” (turning point) in order for him or her to mature in terms of ego identity and related ego strengths or virtues. A psychosocial crisis results from the organic pressures on the psyche of a person, which arise from physiological changes, coupled with new age-related social expectations that stem from the larger sociocultural system. These pressures create the conditions necessary, but not sufficient for, the next stage of personality development, including the attitudes that individuals have about themselves and the world [8]. Character dimensions, such as trust and mistrust, emerge throughout the life cycle, and Erikson [6] recognized that the task of each stage is to integrate the dimensions in a ratio that favors positive character virtues over negative (e.g., trust over mistrust). The ratio of dual character dimensions associated with each new stage influences a person’s ego identity. Ego identity refers to the process whereby “the accrued confidence that one’s ability to maintain inner sameness and continuity (one’s ego in the psychological sense) is matched by the sameness and continuity of one’s meaning for others” ([2], p. 95). Erikson extended his theory of the life cycle to relate each stage to institutions in the larger society [5]. The character dimensions and virtues produced within the stages, in some sense, prepare or teach people how to live in and contribute to society as a whole. (See Chapters, Psychosexual Development and Erik H. Erikson for more information.)
Psychosocial Stages Stage 1: Basic Trust Versus Basic Mistrust The infant relies on others to provide basic nourishment needs. At this “oral stage,” the infant learns how to get and take in using the mouth and other senses. The infant’s apparent query, “Can I trust again?” builds on the infant’s biological preoccupation with, “Will I be fed again?” [12]. Having sensations fulfilled faithfully by familiar people engenders trust. Trust implies the attitude of reliance on primary caregivers as well as confidence in one’s self. Consistent care and nurture enable the baby to gain a sense of confidence in the future. A baby internalizes the continuity of experience and begins to form attitudes of the world based on having his or her needs met. Erikson tends to emphasize the mother’s role during this stage of development. Indications of trust include a sense of ease when feeding that the breast or bottle will provide sufficient milk, and a sense of assurance when sleeping that the nipple will be there again. The balancing character
599
E
600
E
Erikson’s Stages of the Life Cycle
dimension, mistrust, is a “readiness for danger and an anticipation of discomfort” ([10], p. 15). A sense of mistrust leaves a child feeling deprived, divided, and abandoned; symptoms of mistrust include withdrawal or isolation [5, 6]. Attaining a favorable ratio of trust over mistrust gives rise to the ego strength, or virtue, of hope, which is an abiding trust and confidence in others (e.g., caretakers), the self (e.g., trustworthiness), and the future. Hope also entails “the enduring belief in the attainability of fervent wishes, in spite of the dark urges and rages which mark the beginning of existence” [14]. According to Erikson, trust and hope have a natural affinity with the social institution of religion. (See Chapter Trust versus Mistrust for more information.)
Stage 2: Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt During the toddler age period, psychosocial autonomy relies on muscular maturation, verbalization, and locomotion. Muscular growth expands a child’s development and prompts the psychosocial modality of letting go and holding on. During this period the child develops a new sense of self and the word “No!” — an affirmation of this new sense of relative autonomy — becomes the child’s favorite expression. Children develop “from oral sensory dependence to some anal-muscular self-will” and a certain sense of self-control ([8], p. 78). However, if the process of toilet training makes the child overly selfconscious, the child may experience shame and low selfesteem. Shame leaves a child with feelings of restraint, selfdoubt, and compulsion; a symptom of shame includes an inability to share. However, a favorable balance of autonomy, or self-governance, over shame and self-doubt leads to a healthy personality. This favorable balance produces the virtue of will, which allows the child to exercise willpower, or free choice, as well as self-restraint [6, 8]. Erikson states that “the human being must try early to will what can be, to renounce (as not worth willing) what cannot be, and to believe he [or she] willed what is inevitable by necessity and law” ([8], p. 78). In this stage, parents are the child’s strongest social influence; the child internalizes the parental voice, which helps to delineate between his privileges and his limitations in the social order. While the child develops self-will, the child also forms a conscience and the rudimentary ability to distinguish between right and wrong. Law-and-order ethics safeguard the child’s developing autonomy. Ultimately, the adolescent and adult’s participation in legal and political institutions reflects the ongoing psychosocial task of attaining autonomy on a societal level [2, 6]. (See Chapter Autonomy for more information.)
Stage 3: Initiative Versus Guilt For children in the period that many societies consider the “play age,” Stage 3 is characterized by the psychosocial conflict of initiative versus guilt. After becoming conscious of his or her personhood in Stage 2, the child attempts to make sense of what type of person he or she is going to be. As children at Stage 3 indulge in exploration, they embrace the favorite phrase “Why?” Initiative adds to autonomy the dexterity to plan a task. They move into psychosocial modalities that enable them to make things. Children are eager to collaborate with other children to construct things. Children imitate and idealize adults who play a role in their lives. Working adults replace the heroes of books and fairytales. While the family remains the child’s primary social influence, the child’s curiosity sparks an initiative to explore beyond the family into the new world [2, 4, 12, 13]. Guilt comes when adults constantly correct or discipline children for exercising their developing locomotor skills and mental power. Symptoms of guilt include inhibition, over-obedience, and repressed hopes and fantasies. The attainment of a favorable ratio of initiative over guilt produces the ego virtue of purpose, which is “the courage to envisage and pursue valued and tangible goals guided by conscience but not paralyzed by guilt and by the fear of punishment” ([6], p. 289). Children gain an economic ethos, whereby they recognize adults by their uniform and occupational duties. Because of adults’ ability to relate their own childhood dreams to active adult life, Erikson suggests that the realization and support of a favorable ratio of initiative over guilt have a natural affinity with the economic order and political institutions [2]. (See Chapters Initiative versus Guilt and Oedipus Complex for more information.)
Stage 4: Industry Versus Inferiority Industry versus inferiority marks the psychosocial conflict of Stage 4, which Western societies often think of as the “school age.” At this stage, a child loves to learn as well as play – “and to learn most eagerly those techniques which are in line with the ethos of production” ([8], p. 75). Industry centers on productivity and specialization in learning. Erikson [2] says the personality crystallizes around the conviction, “I am what I learn” (p. 87). Provoked by curiosity and a desire to learn, the child’s questions at this stage are “What is this?,” “What is that?,” and “How can I do?” [10]. The child’s school and neighborhood become the social spheres in which to form friendships and experience other social exchanges. Children make positive associations with people who are knowledgeable and skill-oriented. Inhibition threatens a child’s ability to master this stage. Children need to feel free to
Erikson’s Stages of the Life Cycle
explore through play while also facing and overcoming the challenge to learn something new. An unfavorable ratio of industry leads to a sense of inferiority or inadequacy. A symptom of a sense of inferiority is finding one’s sole sense of identity and worth in industriousness, or worklike activities. The child who masters this stage, however, gains the ego virtue of competence, which is the child’s belief that he or she can both begin and complete a project at an acceptable level. Emphasizing a child’s abilities can create the type of affirmation needed to gain competence. Children need to find a space in which they acquire the sense that they can do at least one thing well. Erikson believed that psychosocial industry on the societal level and during adulthood was closely related to mastering new technology [5]. (See Chapter Industry versus Inferiority for more information.)
Stage 5: Identity Versus Identity Confusion The primary task of the adolescent is achieving a favorable balance of identity over identity confusion. In Western societies, identity formation is most often articulated by the question, “Who am I?” If individuals master this stage, they will have a sense of ego identity, in which a unity exists between what one sees inside of the self and their perceptions of what others think or expect them to be [2, 3, 12]. Friedman [11] argues that identity emerges from the intergenerational mutuality that occurs between children at earlier stages and parents or caretakers at the generative stage (which will be discussed under Stage 7). A child’s relationship with generative parents creates a framework from which the child can draw various identifications, which later converge with whom one senses himself or herself to be ([11], pp. 225–226). The primary social influence at this stage is the peer group. In this stage, individuals are able to embrace others with different values and ideas without fusing one another’s identities. An unfavorable balance leads to role confusion, symptoms of which are delinquency, cynicism, apathy, and inability to settle on an occupational identity. Mastery of the psychosocial conflict gives rise to the ego virtue of fidelity, which is a “sense of commitment to a self-chosen value system and the capacity to maintain loyalties freely made in spite of unavoidable contradictions of value systems” ([12], p. 150). In other words, the adolescent “learn(s) to be faithful to something” ([10], p. 12). Because of such faithfulness, he or she must eventually confront ideology. The grasp for identity is visible across the lifespan on the societal level and, according to Erikson [2], in the social stratification of society as well. (For more information, see Chapters on Identity Achievement, Identity Crisis, Identity Moratorium, and Ego Identity.)
E
601
Stage 6: Intimacy Versus Isolation This stage marks the period of romance during “young adulthood,” in which the psychosocial crisis is intimacy versus isolation. The articulated question of this stage is “Who can I share my life with?” The conflict exists between one’s desire for intimacy in a long-term relationship, and one’s commitment to not losing one’s self in the process. The primary relational influences are intimate relationships and work connections. Although romance is a component, this stage extends beyond sexual attraction to the formulation of relationships in which inner resources are mutually shared. Erikson clarified that the capacity of young adults “to lose themselves so as to find one another in the meeting of bodies and minds, is apt to lead sooner or later to vigorous expansion of mutual interests and to a libidinal investment in that which is being generated and cared for together” ([8], p. 67). In some sense, this stage flows from the previous stage of gaining a sense of self and feeds into the next stage of generativity. When individuals do not master this stage, they feel isolated or seek to distance themselves from others. A symptom of such isolation is the avoidance of intimacy and exclusivity. If this crisis is mastered, the young adult realizes the ego virtue of love, understood as “mutual devotion” ([5], p. 137). Relationship patterns in the larger social world reflect the intimacy gained during this stage [5]. (See Chapter Intimacy versus Isolation for more information.)
Stage 7: Generativity Versus Stagnation The psychosocial preoccupation of the middle adulthood years is between generativity and stagnation. At this stage, the question “Whom or what can I care for?” correlates with the person’s need to be needed. The psychosocial tasks are to create, to take care of what has been created, and to contribute to the next generation. Generativity manifests itself in the desire to guide the next generation. While Erikson places a focus on parental generativity, he also clarifies that even those who are childless can become generative socially. Societal generativity comes in the form of shepherding, mentoring, guiding, or nurturing what society has produced. The social sphere of influence during this stage comes primarily from work and family. When people do not become generative, they tend to become stagnant and self-absorbed. Symptoms of stagnation include excessive self-love and possible stage-wide regression [4]. The ego strength that arises from the successful resolution of the crisis of generativity versus selfabsorption is care, which is “a widening commitment to take care of the persons, the products, and the ideas one has learned to care for” ([8], p. 67). Productivity and
E
602
E
Erikson’s Stages of the Life Cycle
creativity characterize mastery of this stage. The psychosocial generativity that arises during this stage of the life cycle is reflected in the societal generativity produced by the social institutions of art, education, and science [5]. (See Chapter Generativity versus Stagnation for more information.)
Stage 8: Ego Integrity Versus Despair The older adult’s apparent question, “Has my life been meaningful?,” stems from the psychological preoccupation with facing death. Those who have a sense of personal integrity from the contributions they have offered during their life experience the rich depths of this stage. Only the one who has taken care of things and people, and has adapted himself or herself to the triumphs and disappointments of being, develops ego integrity. Persons in this stage value not only life, but their life within history. If a legacy can be established, there is no need to fear death. Integrity in this stage also manifests itself in guarding oneself against the experience of a diffused soma, psyche, and ethos. Despite numerous physical and psychological changes, a person must remain an integrated and whole individual, even as they come to understand the “integrative ways of human life” ([8], p. 65). In essence, integrity lends itself to creating order and meaning. The radius of social interaction extends to the cosmic world order. In contrast, the person who lacks ego integration expresses fear and despair at the thought of death. Regretting missed opportunities contributes to the level of despair one may feel, while embracing life as having been well-lived contributes to the level of felt integrity. One who dwells in regret of missed opportunities will feel high levels of despair, whereas one who reflects fondly on his or her life and legacy will feel high levels of integrity. With a new awareness of the transience of life, the person acknowledges their inability to have another chance to live life over again. Those who have not attained integrity may cover their despair with an attitude of cynicism [2]. Later, while experiencing old age himself, Erikson [8] reformulated the “antipathetic counterpart to wisdom” as disdain – “a reaction to feeling (and seeing others) in an increasing state of being finished, confused, helpless” (p. 61). Furthermore, in some sense, older adults connect with the infantile stage of trust again, bringing human development full circle. The ego strength or virtue associated with ego integrity is “wisdom,” which is “an informed detached concern with life itself in the face of death itself ” ([8], p. 61). On the societal level, Erikson saw integrity reflected in philosophy [5].
Ego Transcendence During their later years, Erikson and his wife, Joan, speculated about the possible existence of a “ninth stage” of ego transcendence. In some sense, elders revisit and confront the more challenging elements of each stage all over again. The negative and positive tendencies are reversed. The major crisis of this stage is overcoming the sense of loss elders eventually feel. Loss of physical functions produces decreasing levels of self-esteem and confidence. Weakened bodies lead elders to ask daunting questions: “What am I good at?” “What am I good for?” “Who do others think I am?” Despair may follow as they begin to mistrust their own capabilities. Loss of autonomy over their bodies and life choices may evoke shame and doubt. Without the enthusiasm of earlier years and the ability to initiate new and creative projects, feelings of guilt and inadequacy may arise as the individual grieves the sense of lost purpose and incompetence. Identity becomes vague because the role a person took when young no longer fits who the person is in the elder years. The awkwardness that others feel when relating with elders who are experiencing “incapacities and dependencies” may lead to isolation of the elder ([8], p. 111). Because society usually ascribes generativity to active adults, society releases elders from the role of caretaker; this “not being needed may be felt as a designation of uselessness,” which generates a feeling of stagnation in elders ([8], p. 112). What elders can or cannot physically and mentally engage in because of aging becomes a major concern when they look back over their lives. Healthy concerns and other forms of daily functioning may hinder thorough retrospection. Additionally, the loss of loved ones invokes sorrow and a sense of despair [8]. Joan Erikson [8] pointed out that when societies do not integrate the elderly into social life and ostracize and neglect them, the oldest adults may become “embodiments of shame” instead of “bearers of wisdom” ([8], p. 114). Nevertheless, despite the increasing sense of outer and inner loss, some elders welcome each new morning with a renewed sense of hope. Elders who adequately overcome the elements of mistrust, shame, doubt, guilt, inferiority, identity confusion, isolation, stagnation, despair, and disgust can experience “gerotranscendence,” in which elders shift their focus from physical aspects of life to more transcendent aspects, which in turn leads to a deeper level of satisfaction [1, 8, 9].
Relevance to Childhood Development Erikson’s life cycle model established that the early stages were just as valuable as later stages. Unless children master these early stages, they may never develop the types of
Errorless Learning
skills necessary to master crises later in life. Erikson emphasized what he believed were the critical sociocultural factors in child development. Caregivers’ consistent care and nurture, such as providing children with space for exploration, and caregivers’ self-awareness of their childrearing strategies, each contribute to development of a healthy sense of self in relation to the world. Erikson’s stages also give parents, teachers, and mentors insight into the types of conflicts that children engage in as they develop. Forming healthy bonds between teachers, parents, and community members is one way that society can work together to provide a healthy environment that will promote healthy development. Knowledge about human development allows parents and teachers to be intentional about the type of learning and home environments they create for children. For example, teachers who learn how to alternate between play and class-work create a balanced environment in which children of school age have the conditions necessary to master their psychosocial crisis. On the contrary, when a child is unable to participate fully in stage-appropriate development, he or she may regress instead of developing [8]. Additionally, the behavioral and psychological patterns that children engage in during their development mirror social institutions in the external world. Therefore, encouraging children to engage in appropriate activities during each developmental stage prepares them for entry into a social world that engages in similar activities. Prohibiting engagement of appropriate activities makes transitioning into the adult world an even more arduous task. Overall, healthy child development breeds competent individuals who can exhibit leadership in society. Erikson [2] wrote that to “assure continuity of tradition, society must early prepare for parenthood in its children; and it must take care of the unavoidable remnants of infantality in its adults” (p. 405). Additionally, Friedman [11] identified Erikson as creating a life cycle that “concerned the bonds of trust and sharing that facilitated adolescent identity (stage five) and old-age integrity (stage eight)” (p. 222). Erikson [2] argued that healthy children will not fear life if their elders have integrity enough not to fear death. The intergenerationality of the cycle not only teaches an awareness of self in relation to others, but also teaches a person how to parent. Healthy personalities enable children to gain ego identity and to develop the virtues that lead to morally conscious citizens.
References 1. Capps, D. (2008). The decades of life: A guide to human development (1st ed.). Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press.
E
2. Erikson, E. H. (1950). Childhood and society. New York: Norton. 3. Erikson, E. H. (1958). Young man Luther. New York: Norton. 4. Erikson, E. H. (1959). Identity and the life cycle. New York: International Universities Press. 5. Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. New York: Norton. 6. Erikson, E. H. (1968). The human life cycle. In International encyclopedia of the social sciences (pp. 286–292). New York: CrowellCollier. 7. Erikson, E. H. (1977). Toys and reasons: Stages in the ritualization of experience. New York: Norton. 8. Erikson, E. H., & Erikson, J. M. (1997). The life cycle completed: Extended version. New York: Norton. 9. Erikson, E. H., Erikson, J. M., & Kivnick, H. Q. (1986). Vital involvement in old age. New York: Norton. 10. Evans, R. I., & Erikson, E. H. (1967). Dialogue with Erik Erikson. New York: Harper & Row. 11. Friedman, L. J. (1999). Identity’s architect: A biography of Erik H. Erikson. New York: Scribner. 12. Snarey, J., & Bell, D. (2006). Erikson, Erik H. In Encyclopedia of spiritual and religious development (pp. 146–151). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. 13. Snarey, J., Kohlberg, L., & Noam, G. (1983). Ego development in perspective: Structural stage, functional phase and cultural ageperiod models. Developmental Review, 3, 303–338. 14. Welchman, K. (2000). Erik Erikson: His life, work and significance. Philadelphia, PA: Open University Press.
Errorless Learning JUDAH B. AXE Simmons College, Boston, MA, USA
Synonyms Errorless teaching
Definition A teaching arrangement minimizing errors by initially providing and then fading cues and prompts to evoke a desired behavior or skill.
Description Errorless learning primarily comes from an operant psychology approach to teaching individuals to make discriminations [1, 2]. An example of a discrimination is teaching a child to identify a picture of a car when shown many pictures and told to “find the car.” Discrimination learning is a paradigm used to examine the ways organisms learn and has implications for teaching children and adults with developmental delays. Traditionally, discriminations were taught with trial-and-error learning. In this situation, a reward is given when a correct selection
603
E
604
E
Errorless Teaching
is made and no reward is given when an incorrect selection is made. Making errors is inherent in this approach to learning. Researchers have found that when children with developmental disabilities make errors, they occasionally exhibit aggression, emotional responses, and withdrawal from teaching. Errorless learning occurs when opportunities to make errors are reduced. This can be accomplished in a number of ways. In describing errorless learning strategies, it is useful to call the correct item the S+ and each incorrect item an S . Most errorless learning strategies involve the gradual fading of a stimulus or prompt. With stimulus fading, the S+ is originally presented more prominently than the S and the S is gradually faded in. For example, when presenting four pictures to a child and telling her to “find the car,” the car is first placed closer to the child. On successive trials, the three other pictures are placed closer and closer to the car. With stimulus shaping, the stimulus gradually changes shape from a known item to an unknown item. An example is gradually, upon successive trials, altering a stimulus from a car to the letter “c.” Superimposition is placing a known item with an unknown item and gradually fading out the known item. Superimposition with fading can be used to teach a child to find the “d” from among a few letters. A dog (previously known) can be placed behind the d and gradually faded out with correct selections. Two errorless strategies involve the movements of other people. A prompt is a cue to the S+. Delayed prompting is an errorless approach as the prompt is first provided immediately after the instruction and the time between the instruction and the prompt is gradually increased. Finally, response prevention is physically blocking a child from making an incorrect response.
References 1.
2.
McCartney, L. L. A., & LeBlanc, J. M. (1997). Errorless learning in educational environments: Using criterion-related cues to reduce errors. In D. M. Baer & E. M. Pinkston (Eds.), Environment and behavior (pp. 80–96). Boulder, CO: Westview. Mueller, M. M., & Palkovic, M. (2007). Errorless learning: Review and practical application for teaching children with pervasive developmental disorders. Psychology in the Schools, 44, 691–700.
Errorless Teaching ▶Errorless Learning
Escitalopram ▶Lexapro®
Eskalith ▶Cibalith-S
Eskalith® ▶Lithium
Eskalith-CR® ▶Lithium
Essential Amino Acids Definition An essential amino acid is an amino acid(building blocks for proteins) that cannot be manufactured in the body or are manufactured in insufficient quantities, and therefore must be supplied in the diet. Essential amino acids are usually supplied by dietary protein, and in humans include histidine, isoleucine, leucine, lysine, methionine, phenylalanine, threonine, tryptophan, and valine. A conditionally essential (not normally required in the diet, but must be supplied exogenously to specific populations) amino acid is arginine. arginine is required by infants and growing children. All essential amino acids are required for normal growth and development.
References 1.
Earl Mindell, RPH, PhD, Hester Mundis- 2004, Earl Mindell’s New Vitamin Bible,
Ethics
Establishing Operations ▶Motivating Operations
Estrogen CHRIS LEETH University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA
E
Ethanol ▶Alcohol
Ethchlorvynol (Placidyl) ▶Depressants
Synonyms Hormones
Short Definition A female sex hormone found in people and animals.
Ethical Development ▶Ethics
Description Estrogen is a hormone found primarily in females and is the equivalent hormone of testosterone in men. For women, estrogen plays a role in puberty, menstruation, ovulation, and reproductive behaviors. Additionally, estrogen has a role in the development of female genitalia prior to birth, as well as secondary sex characteristics during puberty. When using birth control, the amount of estrogen in a woman is manipulated in order to prevent pregnancy.
References 1.
2.
Hatcher, R. A., Pluhar, E. I., Zieman, M., Nelson, A., Darney, P. D., Watt, A. P., et al. (2000). A personal guide to managing contraception for women and men. Dawsonville: Bridging the Gap. Nelson, R. J. (2000). An introduction to behavioral endocrinology (2nd ed.). Sunderland: Sinauer Associates.
Ethical Reasoning ▶Ethics
Ethics SHANNON STOVALL, CARRIE L. CASTAN˜EDA-SOUND Our Lady of the Lake University, San Antonio, TX, USA
Synonyms Ethical development; Ethical reasoning; Moral development; Morals
Definition
Estrogen Breakthrough Bleeding
Ethics are a system of moral decision-making informed by a set of moral principles and standards of conduct.
▶Anovulatory Cycle
Description
Estrogen Withdrawal Bleeding ▶Anovulatory Cycle
605
The broad field of ethics is a branch of philosophy that has been addressed within the discipline of psychology by theorists such as Piaget [6], Kohlberg [5], and Turiel [7]. A primary endeavor of these scholars was to come to an understanding of how a child develops ethics, also known as moral development.
E
606
E
Ethics
There are several fields of thought when it comes to ethical development and reasoning in children. Despite varying theories about how ethics develop in children, most theories recognize moral development as occurring in stages. Piaget identified moral development in children through observation, mostly while the child was at play. Piaget postulated this development occurs as a mixture of cognitive processing and environmental observation. He further reasoned children learn about ethics and morals as they relate in social context and surroundings. The basis of Piaget’s understanding of children’s behavior centered largely on naturalistic observation, therefore, later researchers suggested the added dimension of children’s reasoning was a missing component. John Dewey theorized a method by which science and ethics might merge into one solid perspective of the world. Dewey searched for a way in which individuals might allow themselves to grow by discovering not only the ethics, rules and morals of society but also continually searching for purpose in life. This system of testing and pressing limits is often seen in children as they learn expectations of society, family and of themselves. Dewey’s philosophy regarding moral development influenced the development of Kohlberg’s theory on stages of moral development [2]. Kohlberg built upon Piaget’s theory by including the impact of justice, equality, human rights and societal welfare. Kohlberg reasoned children are influenced by these factors as they grow older and develop a greater understanding of the “world” around them and their function in this society. Kohlberg outlined six stages of moral development which fall into three levels (preconventional morality, conventional morality, and postconventional morality). The two stages under preconventional morality are obedience and punishment orientation, and individualism and exchange. In this first level the child considers ways to escape punishment and how to benefit from a situation. The second level is conventional morality, which contains stage three, good interpersonal relationships, and stage four, maintaining social order. In this level the child begins to examine the labels applied based on actions (e.g., good vs. bad), and the rules of society. The third level, postconventional morality, is comprised of stage five, social contract and individual rights, and stage six, universal principles. In the third level moral development begins to become more insight oriented and socially conscious. The idea of social contracts and over arching ethical considerations and principles enters into the decision making process [1]. While Kohlberg’s theory is more holistic than Piaget’s theory,
it is not without criticism. One such criticism directed to Kohlberg’s research comes from Carol Gilligan [3]. Gilligan found Kohlberg’s research to be heavily weighted based on gender, as the participants in Kohlberg’s studies were predominately male. Conversely, subsequent theorists criticized Gilligan’s work for its feminist approach [4]. Gilligan suggested care, as opposed to justice, as the center of moral development and ethics in children. As a result, Gilligan labeled her theory stages of ethical care, rather than referring to them as stages of moral development. Unlike Kohlberg, Gilligan does not assign age brackets to the stages, and she added the dimension of transitions between stages. The stages are preconventional, conventional, and postconventional. The preconventional stage relates to a goal of surviving, and is followed by the transition from self serving to more awareness of a responsibility to others. Once the transition occurs, the individual enters the conventional stage and gains an understanding of the intrinsic value of self sacrifice. During the transition following the conventional stage, the child develops an understanding of who they are as a person and what they deserve from society and life. The final stage, postconventional, is best characterized as lack of nonviolence, and the child has internalized the importance of doing no harm and not being harmed. Gilligan argued that the concept justice did not receive enough attention in Kohlberg’s model. Gilligan contributed further to Kohlberg’s ideas of development by including the impact of history and roles. Another factor which set apart Gilligan’s work from Kohlberg’s lies in the basis of the theory. Kohlberg built upon the work of Piaget and his theory of development, whereas Gilligan recognized Erik Erikson’s stage model of development as an influence. A final criticism of Kohlberg’s work is the way in which the data is reported; the data is often cited as sounding too pristine or adult to be a direct response of a child. Elliot Turiel explored further into Kohlberg’s theory of moral development by focusing his research on anomalies found within the stage sequences. Turiel and his fellow researchers conceptualized their work as domain theory. Domain theory explored the impact of social experiences, social events, and observations which contradict reasoning. Turiel referred to conventional issues and moral issues and the reasoning which occurs when a child is presented with a circumstance which requires a verging of the two ideals. This varied from Kohlberg as Turiel postulated these two are parallel, as opposed to a single entity. Turiel adds that judgments and justice might vary in social situations.
Ethnocentrism
Relevance to Childhood Development The development of ethics in children is of particular interest to parents and professionals who work with children. Understanding a child’s ethical reasoning gives insight to the choices they make and their behavior. This is especially helpful to parents and guardians who are working to build strong ethics and morality in their children, as well as school personnel and mental health clinicians.
References 1.
2.
3. 4. 5. 6. 7.
Bergman, R. (2006). Gibbs on Kohlberg on Dewey: An essay review of John C. Gibb’s moral development and reality. European Journal of Developmental Psychology, 3(3), 302–315. Ferrari, M., & Okamoto, C. M. (2003). Moral development as the personal education of feeling and reason from James to Piaget. Journal of Moral Education, 32, 341–355. Gilligan, C. (1977). In a different voice: Women’s conceptions of self and of morality. Harvard Educational Review, 47(4), 481–517. Jorgensen, G. (2006). Kohlberg and Gilligan: Duet or duel. Journal of Moral Education, 35(2), 179–196. Kohlberg, L. (1984). Essays in moral development: Vol. 2. The psychology of moral development. New York: Harper and Row. Piaget, J. (1932). The moral judgment of the child. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Company. Turiel, E. (1998). The development of morality. In W. Damon & N. Eisenberg (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology (pp. 863–932). New York: Wiley.
Ethnic Identification ▶Bicultural Identity
Ethnic Tradition ▶Cultural Difference
E
Ethnic identity consists of three distinct parts: ethnic behaviors, affirmation and belonging, and ethnic identity achievement. Positive Identification with one’s ethnic group tends to correlate with higher self-esteem, decreased depression, better mental health and decreased drug use.
Relevance to Race and Culture Ethnicity is often used interchangeably with culture and race. Culture constitutes values, tradition, and worldviews that have been transmitted over generations. In other words, any group that shares a theme or issue such as language, gender, ethnicity/race, spirituality, sexual preference, age, physical issues, socioeconomic status and survival after trauma. One can have multiple cultural or ethnic identities simultaneously.
References 1.
2.
Mio, J. S., Barker-Hackett, L., & Tumambing, J. (2006). Multicultural psychology: Understanding our diverse communities. New York: McGraw Hill. Negy, C. I. (Ed.). (2004). Cross-cultural psychotherapy: Toward a critical understanding of diverse clients. New York: Bent Tree Press.
Ethnocentrism NORISSA ATINGDUI Fordham University, NY, USA
Definition Ethnocentrism is the act of judging another culture from the perspective of one’s own. The other culture is viewed as inferior when compared to one’s own. One’s own perspective is judged as right while the other is judged as wrong or less than.
Description
Ethnicity FRANCIEN CHENOWETH DORLIAE Immaculata University, Immaculata, PA, USA
Synonyms Culture; Race
Definition Refers to a sense of self-based on cultural traditions and racial group membership.
607
The term, ethnocentrism was first coined by William Graham Sumner in 1906 [4]. In this writing he discussed the concept of between group fighting. He believed that the evolution of warfare was due to ethnocentrism and xenophobia. He presented the notion that warfare is possible because one group sees itself as superior and better while viewing the other group contemptuously. Everyone is born into a particular culture and has learned ways of living that include language, customs, values, beliefs, religions, etc. It is inevitable that these attitudes be adopted as normal. When confronted with new and different ways of thinking, these new and different ways will be viewed as unusual; even odd.
E
608
E
Ethyl Alcohol
Ethnocentrism is when this view does not only entail a perception of it being different, unusual or odd, but wrong or inferior as well. Studies in the social sciences, especially anthropology, strive to rid itself of ethnocentric views through the practice of cultural relativism, a concept defined by Franz Boas. In this regard, aspects of your own culture are to be judged or understood only in regard to one’s own particular culture. Different ways of being are to be respected and valued, rather than judged. Cultural relativism suggests that is to be understood that there is no universal culture and/or way of doing things. Throughout history we can see many instances in which ethnocentrism served as a driving force to enslavement; even genocide. An extreme example would be how Nazi Germans under the leadership of Adolf Hitler were under the impression that Jewish people were inferior. This led to the Holocaust. In addition, Imperialism is a very real example of ethnocentrism in practice. When European countries first began to visit the African Continent, they termed it, “The Dark Continent.” This reference had many negative implications that are still believed today. From the ethnocentric standpoint, African countries were ransacked, people kidnapped, and sold into slavery. Those that remained were imperialized by European governments. Many were forced to stop wearing their traditional African clothes, using their native languages or using their traditional African names. This was all done because the people were seen as savages, because from the framework of the European culture and religion these differences made them appear to be inferior and judged to be unintelligent. Ethnocentrism is often a divisive force that can do harm.
References 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
Bodnar, N. (1976). Toward the dissolution of ethnocentrism. Washington DC: Industrial College of the Armed Forces. Jahoda, G. (1998). Images of savages: Ancient roots of modern prejudice in Western culture. NY: Routledge. Levine, R. A. (1971). Ethnocentrism: Theories of conflict, ethnic attitudes and group behavior. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Sumner, W. G. (1906). Folkways: A study of the sociological importance of usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals. Boston: Ginn and Co. Sumner, W. G. (1911). Introduction. In A. G. Keller (Ed.), War, and other essays. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Etiological Attachment Theory STEVE FARNFIELD, CECILIA A. ESSAU Roehampton University, London, UK
Attachment can be defined as a strong affectionate bond that develops between the infant and the caregiver. From an etiological perspective, this attachment bond ensures that the infant maintain close proximity to the caregiver when she/he feels threatened in order to promote the chances to survive. According to the attachment theory, early experiences with their caregivers create the way in which children interpret and make sense of subsequent experiences (i.e., working models of attachment, or the internal representation of relationship). An attachment relationship also provides a sense of internal security and confidence in both self and others. However, this sense may not be stable over the life span and can be challenged by neurophysiological, hormonal, and cognitive changes which occur during development. Four patterns of adaptations have been identified, all of which result during early infant-parent relationships [1]. The “secure pattern of attachment” (B) is used to described an infant who uses the caregiver as a secure base of exploration. These infants readily separate from an attentive caregiver. As they grow older, they express their emotions directly to others and seek help from others. The “avoidant attachment” (A) is associated with an early experience of being rejected or ignored by their caregivers. Children with this attachment history learn to inhibit emotional signals and tend to avoid emotionally charged situations. Infants with “anxious-resistant” pattern (C) of attachment tend to become chronically vigilant toward their activities; they often show signs of distress in order to elicit caregiver’s attention. As they grow older, children with this attachment pattern are often overly anxious and impulsive. The C pattern of attachment occurs as a result of having caregiver who is not consistently available or responsive. Infants with disorganized patterns of attachment (D) have been described as having no clear organized attachment strategy. In the Strange Situation, they show old and contradictory behavior pattern.
Assessing Attachment in Children and Young People
Ethyl Alcohol ▶Alcohol
There are two approaches to the assessment of attachment, both of which are grounded in the original model proposed by Bowlby and Ainsworth but which differ in their development of the theory and hence their analysis of the
Etiological Attachment Theory
information gathered by using the available assessment procedures. The two systems are referred to here as the ABCD model (e.g., [7, 46, 63]) and the DynamicMaturational Model (DMM) of attachment and adaptation [9, 10, 13, 16, 19]. Both systems begin with the ABC classification of infant attachment behavior proposed by Ainsworth [1] but differ in the ways they explain the behavior of children from unsafe, sometimes dangerous, backgrounds. In particular, the ABCD approach employs a disorganized category (Type D) whereas the DMM expands the Type A and C categories to account for both the degree of threat and the maturation of the child. No elaboration of attachment theory is given here but these differences appear to be increasingly important in the light of recent criticism that the ABCD model should be expanded in order to account for both developmental and environmental changes [60]. Putting the differences in theory aside, there is general agreement about the form assessments should take for children of differing ages and this will be the focus of the remainder of this section. The issue of interpretation is not covered but such is the difference between the two systems that a comparison of their empirical results, even when using the same measures, can be extremely hard.
What is Being Assessed? Attachment is described in terms of those aspects of the relationship between infants and their main carers that function to protect the child from danger. Hence what is assessed is the child’s self protective strategy [18]. Bowlby and Ainsworth established that infants form attachment relationships with a select number of people, and that children prioritize these people in a hierarchical fashion with a primary attachment figure at the top. In the pre-school years the observational measures assess the self protective strategy of a particular child with a particular attachment figure. Children, like adults, can have different strategies with different people (e.g., comfortable and trusting with mother; anxious and defended with father). At some point in development attachment strategies become generalized to take in dangers encountered outside of the home so that by adulthood the Adult Attachment Interview (AAI) provides a more global assessment of an adult’s state of mind with regard to their childhood attachments [17, 44]. Quite how and when this generalization takes place is not totally clear but assessments of children aged 6 years and beyond are increasingly likely to incorporate general as well as more person specific strategies.
E
609
Who is an Attachment Figure? For young children, in particular, it is important to identify who among the adults in their life counts as an attachment figure. Howes [35] defined an attachment figure as follows: ● Provision of physical and emotional care ● Continuity or consistency in the child’s life ● An emotional investment in the child As a rule of thumb a good question to ask is: “who looks after the child at night?”
The Need to Assess People When They are Under Moderate Stress Attachment seeking behavior at any age is activated when we are anxious and feel unsafe. Hence an essential feature of any procedure is that it induces moderate stress in the subject; that is stress high enough to activate self protective behavior but not so high as to lead to panic. Of the procedures outlined below, the separation and reunion procedures with infants and children up to about 4 years of age do this extremely well. On the other hand some play based procedures may not always induce enough stress for the attachment behavioral system to be fully activated. The stressor in interviews, with children and adults, is produced by asking subjects questions about intimate and potentially threatening aspects of their relationships (e.g., “Tell me about the first time you slept away from, home”).
A Developmental Approach Bowlby delineated four phases in the development of attachment behavior; three occurring in the first year of life and the fourth beginning somewhere around the beginning of the fourth year [4]. While there is flexibility in these phases they do represent attachment milestones and have been updated in the light of more recent developmental research by Marvin and Britner [47]. As attachment behavior in humans, as in many other creatures, is a product of experience with specific carers over time, it does not become organized until around 9–11 months. There then follow significant shifts in children’s development at around 37 and 72 months and again at puberty and late adolescence. These changes determine both the ability of children to employ increasingly sophisticated ways of processing information about attachment relationships and, consequently, the types of assessment procedure available to professionals. These can be clustered as follows.
E
610
E
Etiological Attachment Theory
Parent-Child Observation Used from Birth Onwards Assessment in the first 37 months of life is restricted to observation. In the period of attachment formation (roughly the first 9 months) there is a necessary focus on parent (typically mother) child interaction. Available procedures for assessing carer-child interaction include the CARE-Index for use with children aged 1 day to about 48 months and the Lausanne trilogue play paradigm [28]. The latter is of interest because, while it does not provide a direct assessment of attachment in its current form, it is focused on the mother-infant-father triangle and can be extended to include a second child. Both are play based assessments which means the level of stress on the child is too low to activate attachment behavior. However in the toddler period parents are faced with the problem of keeping mobile children safe, which means the parents and children have to establish who is in control. This is relevant to attachment behavior because it combines the child’s safety with conflict resolution and the management of anger [34]. Although Ainsworth began her pioneering work on assessment by using naturalistic, home based observation, the continuation of this tradition has been surprisingly patchy with the majority of efforts going into the laboratory based strange situation procedure (SSP; below). One exception is the attachment Q-set which is an itemized observational measure for use with preschoolers in their own homes consisting of 100 statements about the child’s attachment behavior. These are then sorted by a carer or observer into piles denoting characteristics that are least like and most like the subject child [62].
Validity The infant CARE-Index (0–15 months) is one of the most extensively validated of the DMM procedures with studies of both typically developing and at risk populations of children (e.g., [11, 12, 14, 20, 22, 49, 58]). When compared with results from the SSP, Q set ratings by parents showed a poor match but trained observers were able to distinguish insecure from secure children but not different types of insecurity ([61, 62]; see [54], for a review).
Separation and Reunion Procedures The classic measure of infant attachment is Ainsworth’s SSP which was originally devised to assess the attachment behavior of children aged 11–15 months [1]. The SSP requires a video suite with one way window, camera and three people (a manager, stranger and camera operator).
Mother or other carer and child proceed through eight 3 min episodes designed to increase the stress on the infant, culminating in episode 6 when the child is left entirely alone. Considerable attention is paid to the child’s behavior on reunion as this frequently lays bare what the child has learned to expect from his or her mother when he is anxious (the internal representational model of attachment). The SSP is also used to assess attachment in children up to the age of about 60 months although interpreting attachment behavior is particularly difficult in the transition from infancy to toddlerhood (15–20 months) and again at 48 months onwards where the procedure is not always stressful enough to elicit attachment seeking behavior. The available systems using the SSP are as follows: Ainsworth ABC for infants [1]; the addition of Type D for infants [46]; the pre-school ABCD system [6] which evolved from a system developed for 6-year olds [43]; for review see [56]; Crittenden’s DMM approach for infants [9, 10, 12] and for pre-school children [15].
Validity The original Ainsworth ABC approach for infants has been extensively validated and represents the gold standard against which all subsequent measures have been developed. There is less agreement concerning the extension of the SSP to older children and to those from at risk backgrounds (typically neglected and abused children) [55] although the DMM approach may be better able to discriminate between risk/ low risk populations [21, 52].
The Move to Re-Presentation: Doll Play A significant developmental shift is in train by about 37 months, described as the move to representation [45]. What this means is that children are able to re-present to themselves and other people how they think about their relationships with attachment figures using appropriate mediums such as doll play, drawing, story telling and so forth. This extends the range of procedures from the observation of behavior to approaches that try to tap into the world in a child’s head; both real and imaginary. A variety of approaches have been tried, some of which are given here. The separation anxiety test (SAT) was devised by Hansburg [33] for adolescents and then developed for use with children aged 4–7 by Klagsbrun and Bowlby [39]. Several studies have used this procedure with children aged between 6 and 12 years (e.g., [8, 45, 66]) and it has recently been extended for use with adults [30]. Related measures are the thematic apperception test (TAT) and tasks of emotional development (TED) (e.g., [38, 48, 64]).
Etiological Attachment Theory
A variation on this approach is the Narrative Story Stem technique; a doll play exercise in which the interview, using a few simple props, sets up the beginning of a story (the stem) and then asks the child to “show and/or tell me what happens next.” Story stems have been used by a number of investigators to assess children’s representations of attachment and are commonly used with children aged 37 to about 84 months (see [25]). Other procedures include showing 6 year old children a family photograph [45], asking school aged children to draw their family [8, 29, 41, 42], observing sibling groups in doll play (Mueller, 1989) and adapting the SSP for sibling groups [26].
Validity All but one [26] of the procedures outlined above use the ABCD classificatory system and, although they all have useful clinical applications, success in validating representational measures of children’s attachment to the standard of the SSP has been modest. In the school years, the SAT appears a relatively weak measure of attachment when compared with narrative story stems or interviews [37] and while most of the Story Stem procedures distinguish between secure and insecure attachment they do not, with the exception of The Manchester Child Attachment Story Task (MCAST), differentiate between types of insecurity (MCAST: [31, 32, 53, 65]) and largely fail to identify Type C [5].
The School Years and Introduction of the Interview The assessment of attachment in the school years has proved problematic. There are a number of reasons for this including gaps in understanding attachment in this developmental period, compared with infancy and adulthood, and the fact that a lack of comparable assessments has made validating new procedures very difficult. In terms of social development the child’s world expands to include peers, best friends, teachers and other significant adults and most procedures try to include these areas in assessment. Neurologically the ability to separate information co-constructed with attachment figures (typical in the preschool years) from information generated by the self begins at about 6–7 years of age and is complete at about 15 years. This shift means that assessments can make increasing use of an interview format that relies less and less on props until the procedure is very similar to the question-answer approach used with an adult. The interpretation and classification of interviews with this age group is basically derived from the system
E
of discourse (styles of speech) analysis developed for use with adults and the AAI [17, 44]. Hence, coherence of speech is taken to correspond with coherence of mind so that analysis includes not just what interviewees say about attachment relationships but how they think about them (i.e., the mental processes by which the child or adult includes or excludes information). Unlike the speech patterns of speakers whose interviews are assessed in terms of insecure Types A and C, those in Type B (balanced or secure) attachment do not distort (by omission, exaggeration or manipulation) information about difficult or threatening experiences with attachment figures (In the ABCD model the Type D disorganized category drops out in the school years and is replaced in adulthood by the lack of resolution of loss and trauma (see [40, 51, 63]). Quite how this change occurs is not always clear. The DMM makes little use of disorganization at any stage of development, focusing instead on more complex forms of Types A and C organization which may be rendered more or less adaptive (self protective) by loss and/or trauma.). Child attachment interviews have been used by a number of groups using the ABCD model (e.g., [3, 59]) and clearly demonstrate the validity of applying AAI adapted discourse analysis to children. Crittenden has developed a School Age Assessment of attachment (SAA) derived from the SAT in which the interviewer shows a series of attachment related pictures (such as a child is bullied or the child’s mother is being taken to hospital) and asks the child to first tell a made up story and then to talk about a time “this has happened to you.”
Validity The application of discourse analysis to child attachment interviews produces the ABCD distributions similar to those of adults [3, 59]. However, as with narrative stems, the Type C strategy is less common than expected and it has proved difficult to agree on the coding of “disorganization” [2]. Crittenden’s SAA has one preliminary validation study in preparation [23]; see also [24].
Adolescence By adolescence most assessment procedures focus on an interview format which uses questions adapted from the AAI together with the AAI discourse analysis. Although there has been some experimentation with picture prompts, similar to the SAT and Crittenden’s SAA, to assess adult attachment (see the Adult Projective, [30]) this has not, as far as we know, been pursued with adolescents.
611
E
612
E
Etiological Attachment Theory
A self report questionnaire for use with adults, designed by Hazan and Shaver (1987), has been adapted by an Israeli team and administered to children age 6–12 years [27] and a simplified version of the same questionnaire has been used in a series of studies by Muris and colleagues (see [50] for a review; see also [36]). Cassidy has produced an interview to assess a child’s self image [5]. Compared with other procedures self report scales offer a simplified means of assessment but the information they collect is necessarily limited to conscious representations of attachment and there is an ongoing debate about what they actually measure (see [57]).
4. 5. 6.
7.
8.
Summary Procedures to assess attachment in children and young people are necessarily determined by the developmental age of the child with the most progress having been made by the pioneering observational methods applied to infants and, to a lesser extent, pre-school children. The assessment of attachment in the school years is still under construction but the favored procedure appears to be a blend of the observational approaches used with the under fives together with the discourse analysis devised for use with adults. By mid adolescence satisfactory results can be obtained by minor modifications of the AAI. Hence attachment assessment might be said to be at it strongest at either end of development (infancy and early adulthood onwards) and weakest in the period from about 5 years to puberty. The need to adjust procedures to match the development of the child holds a mirror to a fundamental debate about how attachment should be construed in terms of both developmental maturity and the increase or decrease of risk in the environment. Of particular importance are the competing paradigms referred to here as the ABCD and DMM approaches. The former is more extensively used but may be less equipped to discriminate between types of insecurity and indeed differentiate between children from at risk compared with safe backgrounds. Comparing the results from studies using these different models is currently extremely difficult.
References 1. Ainsworth, M., Blehar, M., Waters, E., & Wall, S. (1978). Patterns of attachment: A psychological study of the strange situation. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. 2. Ammaniti, M., Speranza, A. M., & Fedele, S. (2005). Attachment in infancy and in early and late childhood: A longitudinal study. In K. Kerns & R. Richardson (Eds.), Attachment in middle childhood (pp. 115–136). New York: Guilford Press. 3. Ammaniti, M., Van IJzendoorn, M. H., Speranza, A. M., & Tambelli, R. (2000). Internal working models of attachment during late
9. 10. 11.
12.
13. 14.
15. 16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
childhood and early adolescence: An exploration of stability and change. Attachment and Human Development, 2, 328–346. Bowlby, J. (1969). Attachment separation and loss volume 1: Attachment. London: The Hogarth Press. Cassidy, J. (1988). Child-mother attachment and the self in six-yearolds. Child Development, 59, 121–134. Cassidy, J., Marvin, R. S., and the MacArthur Attachment Working Group of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Network on the Transition from Infancy to Early Childhood. (1992). Attachment organization in preschool children: Procedures and coding manual. Unpublished coding manual, The Pennsylvania State University. Cassidy, J., & Shaver, P. (Eds.). (2008). Handbook of attachment: Theory, research and clinical implications (2nd ed.). New York: The Guilford Press. Clarke, L., Ungerer, J., Chahoud, K., Johnson, S., & Stiefel, I. (2002). Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder is associated with attachment insecurity. Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 7(2), 179–198. Crittenden, P. M. (1985a). Social networks, quality of child-rearing, and child development. Child Development, 56, 1299–1313. Crittenden, P. M. (1985b). Maltreated infants: Vulnerability and resilience. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 26, 85–96. Crittenden, P. M. (1988a). Relationships at risk. In J. Belsky & T. Nezworski (Eds.), The clinical implications of attachment (pp. 136–174). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum; Crittenden, P. M. (1987). Non-organic failure-to-thrive: Deprivation or distortion? Infant Mental Health Journal, 8, 56–64. Crittenden, P. M. (1988b). Distorted patterns of relationship in maltreating families: The role of internal representational models. Journal of Reproductive and Infant Psychology, 6, 183–199. Crittenden, P. M. (1992a). Quality of attachment in the preschool years. Development and Psychopathology, 4, 209–241. Crittenden, P. M. (1992b). Children’s strategies for coping with adverse home environments. International Journal of Child Abuse and Neglect, 16, 329–343. Crittenden, P. M. (1994). The preschool assessment of attachment coding manual. Miami, FL: Family Relations Institute. Crittenden, P. M. (1995). Attachment and risk for psychopathology: The early years. Journal of Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics: Supplemental Issue on Developmental Delay and Psychopathology in Young Children, 16, S12–S16. Crittenden, P. M. (2000–2006). Patterns of attachment in adulthood: A dynamic maturational approach to analyzing the adult attachment interview. Miami, FL: Family Relations Institute. Crittenden, P. M. (2006). A dynamic-maturational model of attachment. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Family Therapy, 27, 105–115. Crittenden, P. M. (2008). Attachment. In G. J. Towl, D. P. Farrington, D. A. Brighton, & G. Hughes (Eds.), Dictionary of forensic psychology (pp. 11–13). Collumpton: Willan Publishing. Crittenden, P. M., & Bonvillian, J. D. (1984). The effect of maternal risk status on maternal sensitivity to infant cues. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 54, 250–262. Crittenden, P. M., Claussen, A. H., & Kozlowska, K. (2007). Choosing a valid assessment of attachment for clinical use: A comparative study. Australia New Zealand Journal of Family Therapy, 28, 78–87. Crittenden, P. M., & DiLalla, D. L. (1988). Compulsive compliance: The development of an inhibitory coping strategy in infancy. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 16, 585–599. Crittenden, P. M., & Kozlowska, K. (in preparation). Assessing attachment in school-age children.
Etiological Attachment Theory 24. Crittenden, P. M., & Kulbotton, G. R. (2007). Familial contributions to ADHD: An attachment perspective. Tidsskrift for Norsk Psykologorening, 10, 1220–1229. 25. Emde, R., Wolf, D. P., & Oppenheim, D. (Eds.). (2003). Revealing the inner worlds of young children: The MacArthur story stem battery and parent-child narratives. New York: Oxford University Press. 26. Farnfield, S. (2009). A modified strange situation procedure for use in assessing sibling relationships and their attachment to carers. Adoption and Fostering, 33, 4–17. 27. Finzi, R., Har-Even, D., Weizman, A., Tyano, S., & Shnit, D. (1996). The adaptation of the attachment styles questionnaire for latency aged children. Israel Journal of Psychology, 5(2), 167–177. 28. Fivaz-Depeursinge, E., Corboz-Warnery, A., & Keren, M. (2004). The primary triangle: Treating infants in their families. In A. J. Sameroff, S. C. McDonough, & K. L. Rosenblum (Eds.), Treating parent-infant relationship problems: Strategies for intervention (pp. 123–151). New York: The Guilford Press. 29. Fury, G., Carlson, E., & Sroufe, L. (1997). Children’s representations of attachment relationships in family drawings. Child Development, 68, 1154–1164. 30. George, C., & West, M. (2001). The development and preliminary validation of a new measure of attachment: The adult attachment projective. Attachment and Human Development, 3(1), 30–61. 31. Goldwyn, R., Stanley, C., Smith, V., & Green, J. (2000). The Manchester child attachment story task: relationship with parental AAI, SAT and child behaviour. Attachment and Human Development, 2, 71–84. 32. Green, J., Stanley, C., Smith, V., & Goldwyn, R. (2000). A new method of evaluating attachment representations in young schoolage children: The Manchester child attachment story task. Attachment and Human Development, 2, 48–70. 33. Hansburg, H. G. (1972). Adolescent separation and anxiety. Springfield IL: Charles C. Thomas. 34. Hinde, R. (2005). Ethology and attachment theory. In K. E. Grossman, K. Grossman, & E. Waters (Eds.), Attachment for infancy to adulthood: The major longitudinal studies (pp. 1–12). New York: The Guilford Press. 35. Howes, C. (1999). Attachment relationships in the context of multiple caregivers. In J. Cassidy & P. Shaver (Eds.), Handbook of attachment: Theory, research and clinical implications (pp. 671–687). New York: The Guilford Press. 36. Kerns, K., Tomich, P., Aspelmeier, J., & Contreras, J. (2000). Attachment-based assessments of parent-child relationships in middle childhood. Developmental Psychology, 36(5), 614–626. 37. Kerns, K. A., Schlegelmilch, A., Morgan, T. A., & Abraham, M. M. (2005). Assessing attachment in middle childhood. In K. Kerns & R. Richardson (Eds.), Attachment in middle childhood (pp. 46–70). New York: Guilford Press. 38. Kinard, E. (1980). Emotional development in physically abused children. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 50(4), 686–696. 39. Klagsbrun, M., & Bowlby, J. (1976). Responses to separation from parents: A clinical test for young children. British Journal of Projective Psychology and Personality Study, 21(2), 7–27. 40. Lyons-Ruth, K., Bronfman, E., & Atwood, G. (1999). A relational diathesis model of hostile-helpless states of mind: expressions in mother-infant interaction. In J. Solomon & C. George (Eds.), Attachment disorganisation. New York: The Guildford Press. 41. Madigan, S., Ladd, M., & Goldberg, S. (2003). A picture is worth a thousand words: Children’s representations of family as indicators of early attachment. Attachment and Human Development, 5(1), 19–37.
E
42. Main, M. (1995). Recent studies in attachment: Overview, with selected implications for clinical work. In S. Goldberg, R. Muir, & J. Kerr (Eds.), Attachment theory: Social, developmental, and clinical perspectives (pp. 407–474). Hillsdale, NJ: The Analytic Press. 43. Main, M., & Cassidy, J. (1988). Categories of response to reunion with the parent at age 6: Predictable from infant attachment classifications and stable over a 1-month period. Developmental Psychology, 24, 415–442. 44. Main, M., Goldwyn, R., & Hesse, E. (2003). Adult attachment scoring and classification system. Unpublished, University of California, Berkley. 45. Main, M., Kaplan, N., & Cassidy, J. (1985). Security in infancy, childhood, and adulthood: A move to the level of representation. In I. Bretherton & E. Waters (Eds.), Growing points of attachment theory and research. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 50(1–2, Serial No. 209, pp. 66–106). 46. Main, M., & Solomon, M. (1990). Procedures for identifying infants as disorganized/disoriented during the Ainsworth strange situation. In M. T. Greenberg, D. Cicchetti, & E. M. Cummings (Eds.), Attachment in the preschool years (pp. 121–160). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 47. Marvin, R., & Britner, P. (1999). Normative development: The ontogeny of attachment. In J. Cassidy & P. Shaver (Eds.), Handbook of attachment: Theory, research and clinical implications (pp. 44–67). New York: The Guilford Press. 48. Mc Crone, E., Egeland, B., Kalkoske, M., & Carlson, E. (1994). Relations between early maltreatment and mental representations of relationships assessed with projective storytelling in middle childhood. Development and Psychopathology, 6, 99–120. 49. Muller-Nix, C., Forcada-Guex, M., Pierrehumbert, B., Jaunin, L., Borghini, A., & Ansermet, F. (2004). Prematurity, maternal stress and mother-child interactions. Early Human Development, 79, 145–158. 50. Muris, P., Meesters, C., van Melick, M., & Zwambag, L. (2001). Selfreported attachment style, attachment quality, and symptoms of anxiety and depression in young adolescents. Personality and Individual Differences, 30(5), 809–818. 51. Ogawa, J. R., Sroufe, L. A., Weinfield, N. A., Carlson, E. A., & Egeland, B. (1997). Development and the fragmented self: Longitudinal study of dissociative symptomatology in a nonclinical sample. Development and Psychopathology, 9, 855–879. 52. Rauh, H., Ziegenhain, U., Muller, B., & Wijnroks, L. (2000). Stability and change in infant-mother attachment in the second year of life: Relations to parenting quality and varying degrees of day-care experience. In P. M. Crittenden & A. H. Claussen (Eds.), The organization of attachment relationships. Maturation, culture and context (pp. 251– 276). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 53. Solomon, J., & George, C. (1999a). The measurement of attachment security in Infancy and childhood. In J. Cassidy & P. Shaver (Eds.), Handbook of attachment (pp. 287–316). New York: Guilford Press. 54. Solomon, J., & George, C. (1999b). The place of disorganization in attachment theory: Linking classic observations with contemporary findings. In J. Solomon & C. George (Eds.), Attachment disorganisation (pp. 3–32). New York: The Guildford Press. 55. Solomon, J., & George, C. (1999c). The measurement of attachment security in infancy and early childhood. In J. Cassidy & P. R. Shaver (Eds.), Handbook of attachment (pp. 287–316). New York: Guilford. 56. Solomon, J., & George, C. (2008). The measurement of attachment security and related constructs in infancy and early childhood.
613
E
614
E 57.
58. 59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65. 66.
Evacuation
In J. Cassidy & P. R. Shaver (Eds.), Handbook of attachment (2nd ed., pp. 383–416). New York: Guilford. Steele, H., Cassidy, J., & Fraley, R. (Eds.). (2002). The psychodynamics of adult attachment – bridging the gap between disparate research traditions [Special edition]. Attachment and Human Development, 4, 2. Svanberg, P. O., & Jennings, T. (2002). The Sunderland infant program (U.K.): Reflections on the first year. Signal, 9, 1–5. Target, M., Fonagy, P., & Shmueli-Goetz, Y. (2003). Attachment representations in school-age children: The development of the child attachment interview. Journal of Child Psychotherapy, 29, 171–189. Thompson, R. A., & Raikes, H. A. (2003). Toward the next quartercentury: Conceptual and methodological challenges for attachment theory. Development and Psychopathology, 15(3), 691–718. Van Dam, M., & van IJzendoorn, M. H. (1988). Measuring attachment security: Concurrent and predictive validity of the parental attachment Q-set. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 149(4), 447–457. Waters, E., & Deane, K. E. (1985). Defining and assessing individual differences in attachment relationships: Q-methodology and the organization of behavior in infancy and early childhood. In I. Bretherton & E.Waters (Eds.), Growing points of attachment theory and research. Monograph of the Society for Research in Child Development, 50(Nos. 1–2). Weinfield, N. S., Whaley, G. J., & Egeland, B. (2004). Continuity, discontinuity, and coherence in attachment from infancy to late adolescence: Sequelae of organization and disorganization. Attachment and Human Development, 6, 73–97. Westen, D., Klepser, J., Ruffins, S., Silverman, M., Boekamp, J., & Lifton, N. (1991). Object relations in childhood and adolescence: The development of working representations. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 59(3), 400–409. Woolgar, M. (1999). Projective doll play methodologies for preschool children. Child Psychology and Psychiatry Review, 4, 126–134. Wright, J., Binney, V., & Smith, P. (1995). Security of attachment in 8–12 year-olds: A revised version of the separation anxiety test, its psychometric properties and clinical interpretation. Journal Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 36(5), 757–774.
Evacuation ▶Purging
Evolution ▶Darwin’s Theory of Natural Selection
Exceptional Education ▶Special Education
Excessive Shyness ▶Social Anxiety
Excretion ▶Purging
Executive Control ▶Working Memory
Executive Dysfunction ERIN K. AVIRETT, DENISE E. MARICLE Texas Woman’s University, Denton, TX, USA
Synonyms Executive function; Executive function difficulties; Executive function disorder; Executive function dysfunction
Definition
Evaluation ▶Assessment
Evaluation Anxiety ▶Test Anxiety
Executive dysfunction refers to the problems that stem from impairment to cognitive processes located in the prefrontal cortex (PFC) of the brain, known as executive functions. Impairment to this area may result in difficulties in advanced cognitive and behavioral abilities.
Description As the name implies, executive dysfunction indicates the difficulties that arise from the impairment of executive
Executive Dysfunction
functions. It is difficult to operationalize executive functions; however, they have been equated to both the executive of a company and the conductor of an orchestra because of the organizational and managerial skills that they utilize over constituents [6]. Although there is some disagreement in the literature regarding which cognitive and behavioral components actually make up executive functions, some of the generally agreed upon abilities are as follows: self-monitoring and regulating behavior, initiating and completing novel tasks, setting and achieving goals, planning, organizing, utilizing working memory, maintaining and shifting attention, flexibly changing tasks, inhibiting undesired behaviors, and controlling emotions [2, 3, 6, 9, 14]. Higher order components of language and the control of fine motor skills have also been attributed to executive functions [6]. Ironically, much of what science has learned about executive functions is through what is known of executive dysfunction. Executive dysfunction may materialize from congenital abnormalities or disorders, traumatic or acquired brain injury, or brain lesions [14]. Executive dysfunction may result if damage occurs in one of the frontal-subcortical areas of the anterior most regions of the brain, known as the prefrontal cortex (PFC) [4, 6]. The dorsolateral PFC controls cognitive and behavioral spontaneity, maintaining and shifting attention, organizing, performing multiple tasks simultaneously, retrieving memories, sustaining attention, and inhibiting responses. Damage to this area may result in inattentive behavior, the inability to quickly shift attention or tasks, impulsiveness, unorganized behavior, and difficulty with long-term memory [4, 15]. The lateral PFC controls processes such as selective attention, working memory, cognitive and behavioral monitoring, language, and processing novel experiences. Damage to the lateral PFC may result in inattentiveness, difficulty with working memory tasks, the inability to be self-aware, and resistance to new experiences [5, 6, 8]. The lateral orbitofrontal cortex is involved with social and emotional aspects of behavior such as tactfulness, sensitivity, attention, and activity level. Damage to this area may be related to increased levels of irritability, inappropriate responses to social cues, aggression, and the echoing of others’ behavior [4, 8].
Relevance to Childhood Development The development of frontal lobe activity begins to emerge as early as infancy and continues to develop throughout childhood and adolescence by the growth and pruning of synapses [3]. Neuropsychological assessments have been utilized to measure the components of executive functions in children; however, these tests are
E
often developmentally too difficult to use with children [7]. Nevertheless, researchers have recently begun to realize that problems with the development of executive functions in children may significantly impact several childhood disorders [1]. Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, marked by problems with inhibition and the processes of attention, has been linked to executive dysfunction in children [12]. Executive dysfunction has also been associated with children with learning disabilities because of difficulties with self-regulation, problem solving, cognitive flexibility, and organizing and prioritizing stimuli [10]. Executive dysfunction has also been implicated in nonverbal learning disabilities because of weaknesses in fluently shifting environments, adapting to novel situations, working memory, self-regulation, and attentional control [13]. In addition, executive dysfunction has been associated with children diagnosed with autism spectrum disorders (ASD). Children with ASD may have difficulties with: fluently shifting attention and tasks, planning, cognitive flexibility, novel situations, appropriately responding to social cues, regulating social interactions, and nonverbal behaviors [11]. In the future, further knowledge about executive dysfunction and its impact on child development is needed for the advancement of successful behavioral, psychological, and academic interventions.
References 1. Anderson, V. (2002). Executive functions in children: Introduction. Child Neuropsychology, 8, 69–70. 2. Anderson, V., Levin, H. S., & Jacobs, R. (2002). Executive functioning after frontal lobe injury: A developmental perspective. In D. T. Stuss & R. T. Knight (Eds.), Principles of frontal lobe function (pp. 504–527). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. 3. Beaver, K. M., Wright, J. P., & Delisi, M. (2007). Self-control as an executive function: Reformulating Goddfredson and Hirchi’s parental socialization thesis. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 34, 1345–1361. 4. Bradshaw, J. L. (2001). Developmental disorders of the frontostriatal system: Neuropsychological, neuropsychiatric, and evolutionary perspectives. East Sussex, G. B.: Psychology Press, LTD. 5. Fuster, J. M. (2002). Physiology of executive functions: The perception-action cycle. In D. T. Stuss & R. T. Knight (Eds.), Principles of frontal lobe function (pp. 96–107). New York: Oxford University Press. 6. Goldberg, E. (2002). The executive brain: Frontal lobes and the civilized mind. New York: Oxford University Press. 7. Hughes, C., & Graham, A. (2002). Measuring executive functions in childhood: Problems and solutions. Child and Adolescent Mental Health, 7, 131–142. 8. Knight, R. T., & Stuss, D. T. (2002). Prefrontal cortex: The present and future. In D. T. Stuss & R. T. Knight (Eds.), Principles of frontal lobe function (pp. 573–597). New York: Oxford University Press. 9. Lezak, M. D. (1995). Neuropsychological assessment (3rd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press.
615
E
616
E
Executive Function
10. Meltzer, L., & Krishnan, K. (2007). Executive function difficulties and learning disabilities: Understandings and misunderstandings. In L. Meltzer (Ed.), Executive function in education (pp. 77–105). New York, NY: The Guilford Press. 11. Ozonoff, S., & Schetter, P. (2007). Executive dysfunction in autism spectrum disorders: From research to practice. In L. Meltzer (Ed.), Executive function in education (pp. 133–160). New York: The Guilford Press. 12. Shallice, T., Marzocchi, G. M., Coser, S., Del Savio, M., Meuter, R. F., & Rumiati, R. I. (2002). Executive function profile of children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. Developmental Neuropsychology, 21, 43–71. 13. Stein, J., & Krishnan, K. (2007). Nonverbal learning disabilities and executive function: The challenges of effective assessment and teaching. In L. Meltzer (Ed.), Executive function in education (pp. 106–132). New York, NY: The Guilford Press. 14. Stuss, D. T., & Alexander, M. P. (2000). Executive functions and the frontal lobes: A conceptual view. Psychological Research, 63, 289–298. 15. Szameitat, A. J., Schubert, T., Muller, K., & Cramon, D. Y. (2002). Localization of executive functions in dual-task performance with fMRI. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 14, 1184–1199.
Executive Function ERIN K. AVIRETT, DENISE E. MARICLE Texas Woman’s University, Denton, TX, USA
Synonyms Central executive; Cognitive control; Executive dysfunction; Executive system
Definition Executive functions refer to the array of cognitive processes that control and monitor specific cognitive capacities and behaviors. Located in the prefrontal cortex (PFC), executive functions are the processes that make the human brain a unique, organized, and sophisticated structure.
Description There is no global or overarching definition of executive functions due to the abstract and complex nature of the term. In addition, it can be difficult to directly measure executive functions since their role is to maintain more basic cognitive and behavioral skills, and they cannot be tied to any one measurable skill. Historically, most of the empirical information gained regarding executive functions has been obtained after traumatic and acquired brain injuries or brain lesions to the PFC, and the deficits that have resulted from that damage [15]. However, with the advent of various neuroimaging techniques in recent years, such as position emission tomography (PET),
magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), and functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) a great deal has been learned about the responsibilities of the executive functions [4]. Due to their roles, the executive functions have been equated to both the executive of a company and the conductor of an orchestra because of the organizational and managerial skills that they utilize over constituents [10]. The executive functions can be considered metacognitive instead of cognitive since these functions do not refer to any single mental set, but rather impart an overlying organization for specific skills. There are several constructs that are purported components of executive functions. Brain imaging studies have determined that self-monitored, purposeful, and regulated behaviors, the ability to inhibit behaviors, and the control of emotions are located in the PFC [4, 13]. Similar constructs, such as goal setting and planning are also thought to be components of executive functioning [13]. Goal setting encompasses the following abilities: initiating and planning for novel objectives, modifying or changing behaviors due to unforeseen problems, and utilizing strategic behavior to accomplish goals [3]. Planning allows individuals to think of a solution to a novel problem and utilize working memory and the ability to inhibit extraneous stimuli to accomplish the plan. Attentional control is another component of executive functioning and refers to the constructs of selective attention, sustained attention, and response inhibition. These constructs allow individuals to focus on specific stimuli, keep that focus, and refrain from responding automatically or inappropriately [3]. Cognitive flexibility is another constituent that refers to the capacities of working memory, attentional flexibility, and self-monitoring and regulation. Cognitive flexibility allows individuals to temporarily store and manipulate information, easily switch focus among stimuli, and monitor and redirect one’s own behaviors [3, 13]. The ability to deem our actions as a success or failure in response to our intentions is also a role of the executive functions [3]. Higher order components of language and the control of fine motor skills have been attributed to the functions of the PFC [10]. In addition, traits of emotional inhibition and response, such as tactfulness, sensitivity, and emotional affect, are also under the control of the executive functions [10, 15]. Within the literature, several models have been proposed to describe the specific interactions of constructs maintained by the executive system [8]. Stuss and Benson [16] illustrated a model that consisted of three components: motivation, the sequencing of information, and the control of those processes. Welsh et al. [18] clustered the
Executive Function
components of executive functions into three different factors representing speeded responding, set maintenance, and planning. Lezak [13] conceptualized executive functions into the four components of volition, planning, purposeful behavior, and effective performance. Boone et al. [5] utilized factor analysis to also specify three components of executive functioning, namely cognitive flexibility, speeded processing, and divided attention/ short term memory. Brocki and Bohlin [7] identified three dimensions of executive functions that they interpreted as disinhibition, speed/arousal, and working memory/fluency. Busch and colleagues [8] established three factors of executive function including productive fluency/cognitive flexibility, mental control (working memory), and the self-monitoring of memories. Neurologically, the processes of executive functions are widely associated with the anterior most regions of the frontal lobes, known as the PFC. Currently, the PFC is considered to be the best connected region of the cortex, directly connected to every functional unit of the brain [10]. Because the frontal lobes are not coupled to any individualized or concrete process, early theorists of cognitive function denied the frontal lobes any real significance, often referring to them as the “silent lobes.” However, in recent years the frontal lobes, specifically the PFC, have received a wide array of attention [10]. The components of executive functioning are divided among several frontal-subcortical areas. The dorsolateral PFC, the last area to myelinate in the human cortex, is involved with spontaneity of thought and action, maintaining and shifting cognitive attention, organizing strategies, performing dual task activities, retrieving memories, sustaining attention, and inhibiting responses [6, 17]. The lateral PFC controls processes such as selective attention, working memory, monitoring, language, and novelty [9, 10, 12]. The lateral orbitofrontal cortex is involved with social and cognitive aspects of behavior such as tactfulness, sensitivity, attention, and activity level [6, 12].
Relevance to Childhood Development Historically, it was believed that executive functions emerged only during late adolescence, and therefore played no significant role in normal and abnormal brain development in infancy and early childhood. However, we now know that the development of frontal lobe activity begins to emerge as early as infancy and continues to develop throughout childhood through the development of new synapses and the pruning of old ones [4]. There are major growth periods within the PFC the first of which is birth to 2 years, followed by another growth spurt from 7 to 9 years, and a final growth period occurring from 16 to 19 years [1, 3]. With ongoing
E
maturation, children tend to also obtain the capacity for efficient processing of information at specific growth periods in their development. Due to varying growth spurts of information processing and executive functioning skills, there is partial development of the components of executive functioning in young children that suggests a limited ability to utilize executive skills much earlier than had previously been considered [3]. Recently, researchers have begun to recognize that executive function difficulties, or executive dysfunction, may play an important role in early childhood disorders and normal brain development [2]. Deficits in executive functions are primary characteristics in numerous disorders of childhood, such as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, learning disabilities, Tourette’s disorder, tic disorders, acquired and traumatic brain injury, and autism spectrum disorders [14]. As a result of this realization, researchers have started utilizing assessments of executive functioning during neuropsychological testing. However, many of these assessments are inappropriate and difficult to use with children. Many of the tasks touted to measure executive functioning were created to be difficult, and thus are developmentally inappropriate for use with children [11]. The emergence of executive functions in childhood does not appear to be a gradual progression, but rather appears to correlate with the age dependent growth spurts of the frontal lobes [2]. Different factors of executive functions appear to emerge at different stages of development. Welsh et al. [18] found peaks of executive functioning that correlated with adult-level performance, appearing at the ages of 6 years old, 10 years old, and adolescence. Organized, strategic, and planning behavior was detected by age 6. The functions of searching in an organized manner and behavioral and cognitive inhibition were seen to mature by age 10. The ability to fluently use language, operate a series of motor tasks in a sequential pattern, and complex planning skills were not identified as being to adult levels until adolescence. These spurts of prefrontal growth during childhood and adolescence make it especially difficult to measure various executive functioning abilities in children, even though deficits in these areas can be apparent [11].
References 1. Anderson, V. (1998). Assessing executive functions in children: Biological, psychological, and developmental considerations. Neuropsychological Rehabilitation, 8, 319–349. 2. Anderson, V. (2002). Executive functions in children: Introduction. Child Neuropsychology, 8, 69–70. 3. Anderson, V., Levin, H. S., & Jacobs, R. (2002). Executive functioning after frontal lobe injury: A developmental perspective. In D. T. Stuss &
617
E
618
E 4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10. 11.
12.
13. 14.
15. 16. 17.
18.
Executive Function Difficulties
R. T. Knight (Eds.), Principles of frontal lobe function (pp. 504–527). New York: Oxford University Press. Beaver, K. M., Wright, J. P., & Delisi, M. (2007). Self-control as an executive function: Reformulating Goddfredson and Hirchi’s parental socialization thesis. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 34, 1345–1361. Boone, K. B., Ponton, M. O., Gorsuch, R. L., Gonzalez, J. J., & Miller, B. L. (1998). Factor analysis of four measures of prefrontal lobe functioning. Archives of Clinical Neuropsychology, 13, 585–595. Bradshaw, J. L. (2001). Developmental disorders of the frontostriatal system: Neuropsychological, neuropsychiatric, and evolutionary perspectives. East Sussex: Psychology Press. Brocki, K. C., & Bohlin, G. (2004). Executive functions in children aged 6 to 13: A dimensional and developmental study. Developmental Neuropsychology, 26, 571–593. Busch, R. M., McBride, A., Curtiss, G., & Vanderploeg, D. (2005). The components of executive functioning in traumatic brain injury. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology, 27, 1022–1032. Fuster, J. M. (2002). Physiology of executive functions: The perception-action cycle. In D. T. Stuss & R. T. Knight (Eds.), Principles of frontal lobe function (pp. 96–107). New York: Oxford University Press. Goldberg, E. (2002). The executive brain: Frontal lobes and the civilized mind. New York: Oxford University Press. Hughes, C., & Graham, A. (2002). Measuring executive functions in childhood: Problems and solutions. Child and Adolescent Mental Health, 7(3), 131–142. Knight, R. T., & Stuss, D. T. (2002). Prefrontal cortex: The present and future. In D. T. Stuss & R. T. Knight (Eds.), Principles of frontal lobe function (pp. 573–597). New York: Oxford University Press. Lezak, M. D. (1995). Neuropsychological assessment (3rd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. Meltzer, L., & Krishnan, K. (2007). Executive function difficulties and learning disabilities: Understandings and misunderstandings. In L. Meltzer (Ed.), Executive function in education (pp. 77–105). New York: The Guilford Press. Stuss, D. T., & Alexander, M. P. (2000). Executive functions and the frontal lobes: A conceptual view. Psychological Research, 63, 289–298. Stuss, D. T., & Benson, D. F. (1986). The frontal lobes. New York: Raven Press. Szameitat, A. J., Schubert, T., Muller, K., & Cramon, D. Y. (2002). Localization of executive functions in dual-task performance with fMRI. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 14, 1184–1199. Welsh, M. C., Pennington, B. F., & Groisser, D. B. (1991). A normative-developmental study of executive function: A window of prefrontal function in children. Developmental Neuropsychology, 7, 131–149.
Executive Function Difficulties ▶Executive Dysfunction
Executive Function Disorder ▶Executive Dysfunction
Executive Function Dysfunction ▶Executive Dysfunction
Executive Functioning ▶Working Memory
Executive System ▶Executive Function
Existentialism ▶Humanistic Perspective
Expectancy Effect ▶Self-Fulfilling Prophecy
Experimenter Bias ▶Pygmalion Effect
Explicit Memory ▶Declarative Memory
Exploration ▶Ainsworth’s Procedure
Expressive Dysphasia
Exposed ▶At Risk
Expressive Aphasia ▶Broca’s Aphasia
Expressive Aphasia, Fluent Aphasia, Infantile Acquired Aphasia ▶Childhood Aphasia
Expressive Dysphasia MEI Y. CHANG, RAYMOND S. DEAN Ball State University, Muncie, IN, USA
Synonyms Agrammatic dysphasia; Broca’s dysphasia; Cortical motor dysphasia; Primary motor dysphasia
Definition Expressive dysphasia refers to impaired language production caused by some form of brain damage or dysfunction [4]. Nonfluent output or speech disturbance is the prominent feature of expressive dysphasia, which is characterized by scattered, slow, and hesitant speech with marked disturbances of rhythm, grammar, and articulation. Patients also present with difficulty in finding and/or choosing the right words. Impairment in reading also is exhibited with a halting and jerky flow; disturbances in writing are similar to those in speaking [2].
Description The original terms of aphasia and dysphasia have different meanings, but in modern usage they are often used interchangeable. In general, aphasia is the preferred term over dysphasia to avoid confusion with dysphagia. Expressive aphasia/dysphasia, commonly known as Broca’s dysphasia in the neuropsychology field, is seen as a type of language disorder impairing the ability to produce language. Language difficulties presented in expressive dysphasia are not
E
caused by defects in speech or hearing organs or deficits in sensory or cognitive functioning, but due to brain lesions or developmental impairment in brain areas governing language production. These areas lie in the anterior regions of the brain, including the left inferior frontal region known as Broca’s area involved in language expression [2, 4], which is often referred to as Broca’s dysphasia. Expressive dysphasia involves the frontal lobe and underlying subcortical white matter [5]. In addition, lesions within the head of the caudate nucleus within the basal ganglia can produce Broca’s-like dysphasia [1]. Several common deficits are associated with expressive dysphasia, including poor programming of oromotor movements used to produce speech, agrammatism, anomia, and articulation difficulties [4]. Individuals with expressive dysphasia display impaired spontaneous speech, word finding difficulty, and poor automatic naming and repetition. Their language production is often brief with words omitted and changes in the grammatic function of words. Grammatical complexity is often lacking from their language, and their reading comprehension is inadequate for sentences that require processing of grammatical words [3]. In addition, their reading lacks a steady rhythm and is fragmentary with slurring and occasional mispronunciations. However, while patients with expressive dysphasia may have impaired comprehension of syntax, their comprehension of single words and short phrases is relatively preserved [3]. Their naming of objects is generally impaired but their performance may be improved by prompting with a context or phonemic cueing. Despite these difficulties with language production, individuals with expressive dysphasia are aware of their mistakes and often attempt to correct them. In addition, their comprehension of written and verbal instruction is intact, and their speech that does emerge is meaningful [2]. They are able to comprehend speech much better than they are able to produce it.
References 1.
2.
3. 4. 5.
Damasio, H., Eslinger, P., & Adams, H. P. (1984). Aphasia following basal ganglia lesions: New evidence. Seminar in Neurology, 4, 151–161. Gangat, A. E., & Cernochova, V. (1997). Expressive dysphasia presenting as psychiatric disorder – a case report. South African Medical Journal, 87, 1150–1150. Loring, D. W. (Ed.). (1999). INS dictionary of neuropsychology. New York: Oxford University Press. Miller, D. C. (2007). Essentials of school neuropsychological assessment. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley and Sons. Naeser, M. A., Palumbo, C. L., Helm-Estabrooks, N., Stiassny-Eder, D., & Albert, M. L. (1989). Severe nonfluency in aphasia: Role of the medial subcallosal fasiculus and other white matter pathways in recovery of spontaneous speech. Brain, 112, 1–38.
619
E
620
E
Expressive Group Therapy
Expressive Group Therapy ▶Play-Group Therapy
Expressive Language MYSTI S. FRAZIER University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA
Synonyms Expressive vocabulary test, second edition; Verbal skills
Definition Expressive language refers to the way a child expresses him/ herself for everyday wants, needs, and feelings. Spoken, written, and body language, including facial expressions and sign language, are all abilities considered to be expressive language skills.
Description Language and the expression of such is a difficult term to describe because it has a vast connection with children’s developmental skills, education, and experience. In essence it is about describing how one learns language and learns how to express him/herself through language, including body language and facial expressions. According to Wise et al. [3], “Expressive vocabulary knowledge includes accessing semantic knowledge in addition to phonological representations; expressive vocabulary knowledge may be more strongly related to word identification performance than is receptive vocabulary knowledge” (p. 1095). Expressive language difficulties include problems with word retrieval, limitations in knowledge, sentence formation, subject-verb agreement, and grammatical morphology. Also, genetics may be a predictor of expressive language problems [2]. Furthermore, students with minimal vocabulary could have a hard time understanding or identifying words that are not often used or words that they have not seen [3]. Additionally, there is not much evidence to suggest that problems with expressive language occur unaccompanied; in fact these problems can be associated with a lack of language comprehension and/or exposure to variations of words and phrases [2].
DSM-IV Disorders Expressive language disorder and receptive-expressive language disorder comprise categories in the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders [1]. Expressive language disorder includes impairment in development of expressive language as measured by scores on a language assessment, and this impairment interferes with academic, occupational, and/or social communication. Mixed receptive-expressive language disorder includes impairment in both types of development which are significantly below average as well as all of the other criteria that expressive language disorder requires. The difference is that children with this mixed type also have developmental delays in receptive language [1]. The severity of these disorders varies based on the child’s abilities and spectrum of understanding language. Due to the variations in children’s abilities, it is essential that all aspects of a child’s abilities be thoroughly tested and understood before making such a diagnosis.
Development The development of expressive language is as varied as the definition. Difficulties could begin as early as age one but are more substantially noticed by age 4. At this age children usually understand certain agreement morphemes through grammatical judgment skills [2]. However, these skills require a degree of metalinguistic abilities, which at peak levels require acute sensitivity and specificity to master and are not usually seen until age 6 [2]. Furthermore, research indicates that knowledge of vocabulary is related to reading comprehension [3], which develops around age 6. The variations in abilities make it difficult for researchers to accurately assess specific expressive language impairments, which indicate that more research is required to fully understand the scope of possible problems with expressive language. It appears that disruption to the development of any of a large collection of abilities (e.g., knowledge base, vocabulary, reading, phonemic recognition of spoken words, word identification) can lead to expressive language delays.
Assessment and Treatment The measures used to classify a child’s expressive language abilities have become more advanced over the years and have allowed researchers to better diagnose language disorders [2]. One of the biggest obstacles in using scores to categorize a child’s abilities is that testing expressive language impairments is not always as important as testing comprehension, in order to ensure that the child has the knowledge required to complete the test [2]. Treatment approaches often include instruction in word meaning, grammar, context of word use, and numerous opportunities for practice; another approach called “recasting” involves speaking to the child through mimicking his/her
Expressive Language Disorders
speech with similarly appropriate responses, which allows the child to gain contextual information and distinguish between his/her language and the new responses, thus allowing him/her to develop a greater language knowledge base [2]. Children with language difficulties often receive services from the school’s speech-language pathologist to work on specific goals and objectives.
References 1.
2.
3.
American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (text revision) (4th ed.). Washington, DC: Author. Leonard, L. B. (2009). Is expressive language disorder an accurate diagnostic category? American Journal of Speech-Language Pathology, 18, 115–123. Wise, J. C., Sevcik, R. A., Morris, R. D., Lovett, M. W., & Wolf, M. (2007). The relationship among receptive and expressive vocabulary, listening comprehension, pre-reading skills, word identification skills, and reading comprehension by children with reading disabilities. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 50, 1093–1109.
Expressive Language Disorders CASSANDRA MEANS Capella University, Batesburg, SC, USA
E
between words and meaning [4]. Due to this, individuals with expressive language disorder will become frustrated and may act out behaviorally due to this [5]. Thus, leaving individuals with expressive language disorder at risk of developing psychiatric disorders due to the emotional and behavioral issues that can stem from the frustration that they experience [2].
Signs and Symptoms The most common signs and symptoms of expressive language disorder, although each individual will present them differently, include: vocabulary below what is expected for age, difficulty in naming objects (i.e., cup, dog, etc.) or misnaming objects (dysnomia) due to difficulty in being able to retrieve words, inability to express ideas or thoughts, not talking much, often or at all, difficulty communicating and interacting with others, difficulty with pronouncing words, difficulty with overall expressive language tasks, particularly complex tasks, to include rules of grammar or syntax, change in verb tense or morphology and word meaning or semantics [2, 3, 5]. It is recommended that one refers back to his or her family physician or pediatrician due the symptoms can mimic those associated with serious medical conditions such as stroke [2].
Causes Synonyms Communication disorders
Definition A language disorder where there is difficulty in expressing one’s self verbally and/or in writing due to inability to retrieve and organize words.
Description Expressive language disorder, unlike speech disorders where the individual has difficulty pronouncing speech sounds, the difficulty lies with expressing one’s self due to the inability to retrieve or recall words and organizing them in a meaningful manner [1–6]. An individual with expressive language disorder is better able to understand what is being said to him or her than what he or she is able to express ideas or thoughts [5]. It is part of developmental language delay and can co-occur with receptive language disorder [1, 4, 5]. In expressive language disorder, the difficulty lies within the areas of the brain responsible for language processing thus the individual has difficulty processing and successfully making the connection
621
Expressive language disorder can be developmental, acquired or genetically based [2, 5, 6]. Developmentally based expressive language disorder is commonly seen in children [5, 6]. Often the signs and symptoms can be picked upon early when the child is not meeting developmental language milestones (severe) or will be discovered once the child has started school and experiences problems with academics (mild) [5]. Acquired expressive language disorder is more commonly seen in the elderly [5, 6]. This is due to acquired expressive language disorder is the result of a medical condition such aphasia (the loss of language skills and abilities already acquired), stroke, brain injury or damage, exposures to toxins (i.e., substance abuse, lead, etc.) [2, 5, 6]. There are other cases where the cause is due to inherited conditions or genetics as seen in such disorders as Autism and Down Syndrome [1, 2]. Boys tend to be diagnosed more so than girls with expressive language disorder [2]. It should be noted that expressive language disorder can and does occur in an individual with normal intelligence as well as those with below normal intelligence as seen with mental retardation, congenital disorders (i.e., Cerebral Palsy) and pervasive developmental disorders (i.e., Autism) [5, 6].
E
622
E
Expressive Therapy
Diagnosis Expressive language disorder is diagnosed via a battery of evaluations and tests [2, 4]. These often include observations, assessment of cognitive abilities, or psychological testing as well as psychometric testing, diagnostic speech and language as well as writing tests, and occupational therapy evaluations [2, 4]. Due to the emotional and behavioral issues that can and often result from the frustrations that are experience with not being able to express one’s self, a psychiatrist may be consulted with in particular in the case of children and adolescents [2].
Treatment There are several factors that will determine the kind of treatment one with expressive disorder will receive. These factors include medical history in case there is a need for medication, severity and prognosis of the disorder, individual’s overall health status, age, and the individual’s preference and expectations regarding therapies [1, 2]. Treatments for expressive language disorder include speech and language therapy, occupational therapy, and in some cases mental health treatment [1, 2, 4]. It should be noted that expressive language disorder does not go away with time, rather is a disorder that the individual will have to cope with for the rest of his or her life [5].
with expressive language disorders have a lot to say and want to share with others [5]. However, due to the nature of the disorder he or she may present worse off than what he or she may really be thus school personnel may develop misperceptions regarding the child’s true abilities [4, 5]. This can lead the child to not like school and may reject the idea of learning without assistance [5].
References 1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
American Speech-Language-Hearing Association. (2008). Speech and language disorders and diseases. Retrieved June 29, 2008, from ASHA Web site: http://www.asha.org/pulbic/speech/disorders/ Children’s Hospital of Wisconsin. (2008). Communication disorders. Retrieved July 7, 2008, from http://www.chw.org/display/Print_page. asp?DocID=22124&ThisPage=undefined Kaufman Children’s Center. (2004). Signs and symptoms: Expressive language disorder. Retrieved July 7, 2008, from http://www.kidspeech. com/index.php?page=76 Logsdon, A. (2007). Learning disabilities in expressive languagedisorders of communication. Retrieved July 7, 2008, from About.com Web site: http://learningdisabilities.about.com/od/learningdisabilitybasics/p/exprslangdisrdr.htm?p=1 Morales, S. (2006). Expressive language disorder. Retrieved July 7, 2008, from Children’s Speech Care Center Web site: http://www. childspeech.net/u_iv_h.html Speech Works. (2008). Speech and language disorders. Retrieved July 7, 2008, from http://www.speechsensory.com/speech-and-languagedisorders/
Relevance to Childhood Development For one to be successful socially and academically, one must be able to express him or herself. Children with expressive language disorder do not learn language as quickly as their peers thus have difficulty expressing themselves [4, 6]. Thus, they may display poor social skills, withdraw or isolate, present with acting out behaviors or difficulty with imaginative play and picking up on or expressing such social cues as manners or engaging in a conversation [4]. It is estimated that about seven percent school age children are found to present with notable language deficiencies [1]. Due to these deficiencies, a child with expressive language disorder may struggle academically as well. Although many are able to speak when they start school, in school the child will struggle with such tasks as formulating words which are imperative when presenting an oral report, spelling, writing well which is crucial for such tasks as sentence structure, being able to take adequate notes and written composition which entails one to express abstract ideas as seen with writing an essay [2, 5]. The older the child becomes, the harder the school work will become which means the more difficulties the child will experience [5]. Children
Expressive Therapy ▶Art Therapy
Expressive Vocabulary Test, Second Edition JESSICA R. GURLEY Argosy University, Arlington, VA, USA
Synonyms Expressive language
Definition The expressive vocabulary test, second edition, is a brief measure of expressive language.
Extended Families
Description The Expressive Vocabulary Test, second edition (EVT-2) is a brief measure of expressive vocabulary and word retrieval abilities for ages 2 years, 6 months and above. The test can be administered in less than 20 minutes. There are two parallel forms of the EVT-2: Form A and Form B. The manual reports a number of uses for the EVT-2, including the evaluation of language impairments and assessing the knowledge of the English language in non-native speakers. It can also be used as a screening measure for Expressive Language Disorders and can be used with the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test, fourth edition (PPVT-4) to screen for mixed receptive-expressive language disorders [3]. The EVT-2 can be scored by hand or by using computer scoring software. The EVT-2 raw scores can be used to calculate standard scores, percentiles, normal curve equivalents, and stanines. In addition, the raw scores can be translated into age equivalents and grade equivalents. Standard scores can be based on either age-based or gradebased normative standards. The EVT-2 was standardized in 2005 and 2006 on 5,543 individuals in the United States. The standardization sample was stratified according to 2004 Census data and was representative of the population of the United States in relation to race/ethnicity. The EVT-2 has strong psychometric properties. The internal consistency (split half reliability) of the two parallel forms are 0.94 (Form A) and 0.93 (Form B). The testretest reliability is 0.95. Additionally, the EVT-2 correlates highly with the PPVT-4 (0.82) [3].
Relevance to Childhood Development The EVT-2 can be used to screen children and adolescents for language disorders and language delays.
References 1.
2.
3.
Restrepo, M. A., Schwanenflugel, P. J., Blake, J., Neuharth-Prichett, S., Cramer, S. E., & Ruston, H. P. (2006). Performance on the PPVTIII and the EVT: Applicability of the measures of African American and European American preschool children. Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools, 37, 17–27. Thomas-Tate, S., Washington, J., Craig, H., & Packard, M. (2006). Performance of African American preschool and kindergarten students on the Expressive Vocabulary Test. Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools, 37, 143–149. Williams, K. T. (2007). The Expressive Vocabulary Test (2nd ed.). Circle Pines, MN: AGS Publishing.
Expulsion ▶Purging
E
623
Extended Families STACY A. S. WILLIAMS State University of New York at Albany, Albany, NY, USA
Synonyms Joint family; Kinship group; Multigenerational family
Definition An extended family is a family composition that includes in one household near relatives in addition to the nuclear family.
Description The extended family has been categorized as many things in the research literature. Early researchers defined this family structure as a constellation of nuclear families across two or more generations [1]. Furthermore, it has been operationally defined as a three-generation structure comprised of related relatives: grandparents, parents, grandchildren, and sometimes a fourth generation [5]. However, the aforementioned description defines extended families as a compilation of nuclear families across generations. It should be noted that there are many other variations of the extended family structure. Extended family structures may consist of grandmother/grandfather, aunt/uncle, cousins, one-parent extended families, divorced families, and other kin relations [1]. Each variation operates differently depending on cultural and socioeconomic factors. For example, a Black child growing up in the AfricanAmerican community may be surrounded by a kin organization including grandparents, parents, aunts, uncles, and cousins [6]. In addition, the Black child may be a part of a matriarchal single-parent extended family. Extended family structures tend to be prevalent in non-Western societies and minority cultures (e.g., Hispanics, African-Americans, Caribbean-Americans, Asians). Although not the dominant familial structure in Western societies, this structure also plays a role in mainstream society. Many have argued that the formation of the extended family is indigenous to certain ethnic groups. However, the formation and sustainability of the extended family is often facilitated by historical, religious, socioeconomic, and marital factors [5, 6]. For example, people of Indian origin living in Durban, South Africa continue to live in extended family arrangements despite the government’s housing development policies that prevent large groups of individuals from sharing residency. Indian
E
624
E
Extensor Plantar Reflex (Pathological) Toe Phenomenon
families in this community tend to follow the Mitakshara law which states that “joint families that constitute a coparcenary, who by virtue of association with their biological parents and grandparents, have the right to enjoy and hold the joint property, to restrain each others acts in respect thereof, not to burden it with debts and at their pleasure to enforce its partition” [5, p. 458]. Many families who continue to live within these households do so for familial obligations, safety, and financial reasons. It is often customary for newly married individuals to live within this setting for one or more years before branching out on their own. Interestingly, though couples may branch out on their own, they are often still connected with their extended families through proximity of residence [5]. In the Black community, the formation of the family is a byproduct of the interplay of historical factors such as slavery, marital and interpersonal factors such as divorces, single parenthood, and socioeconomic factors. The most important factor correlated with extended family formation is the persistent and high concentrated poverty of Black parents, especially single mothers [6]. In fact, the establishment of an extended family is one coping mechanism used extensively and disproportionally by Black households to respond to housing affordability and adverse economic circumstances [3]. Transitions in the life cycle may also affect the formation of an extended family. For example, the migration history and the socioeconomic status of the immigrant group may facilitate the formation and sustainability of this family structure. For example, the threegeneration families among Cuban Americans have often been seen as the retention of cultural patterns and norms; however, the nature and selectivity of the exodus from Cuba have largely determined the high incidence of three-generation families in the population [4]. Extended families play a pivotal role in the rearing of children whose biological parents are otherwise disposed. Additionally, they offer emotional and financial support [2]. Furthermore, the involvement of extended family members in one-parent families facilitates the biological mother’s participation in self-improvement activities (e.g., school and work), increases the quality of childcare, and reduces the negative effects of single parenting. Moreover, living within this family structure also offsets some of the negative effects of adolescent extramarital pregnancy. In addition, the presence of the sensitive grandmother in the home tends to buffer the infant against the influence of the insensitive mother. Extended families tend to be more effective when lines and boundaries are clearly defined. Confusion arises when this is not the case [2]. Although, household mergers can offset the cost of household
expenditures, extended families can also reduce the quality of the home environment, by increasing crowdedness and thus limiting privacy [3].
References 1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Georgas, J., Mylonas, K., Bafiti, T., Poortinga, Y. H., Christakopoulou, S., Kagitcibasi, C., et al. (2001). Functional relationships in the nuclear and extended family: A 16-culture study. International Journal of Psychology, 36, 289–300. Knis-Matthews, L. (2007). The role of spouses and extended family members as primary caretakers of children during a parent’s drug addition: The parent perspective. Occupational Therapy in Mental Health, 23, 1–19. Macpherson, D., & Stewart, J. B. (1991). The effects of extended families and marital status on housing consumption by black femaleheaded households. Review of Black Political Economy, 19, 65–83. Perez, L. (1994). The household structure of second-generation children: An exploratory study of extended family arrangements. International Migration Review, 28, 736–747. Singh, A. (2008). A critical evaluation of attitudes towards nuclear, joint, and extended family structures among people of Indian origin in Durban, South Africa. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 39, 453–470. Wilson, M. N. (1989). Child development in the context of the black extended family. American Psychologist, 44, 380–385.
Extensor Plantar Reflex (Pathological) Toe Phenomenon ▶Babinski Reflex
Extensor Plantar Response or Extensor Response ▶Babinsky Response
External Motivation STEPHANIE A. GROTE-GARCIA1, FORREST D. MCDOWELL2 1 University of the Incarnate Word College of Education, Texas A&M University-Corpus Christi, Corpus Christi, TX, USA 2 Texas A&M University-Corpus Christi, Corpus Christi, TX, USA
Synonyms Extrinsic motivation
Extinction
Definition Motivation is the activation of goal-oriented behavior. When motivation develops from a source other than the individual, then that individual is externally motivated. Examples of such sources are money, trophies, grades, and complements. Punishments or other negative consequences can also be sources of external motivation.
Description There are two types of motivation – external and internal. When individuals are motivated by outside sources, they are driven by external motivation. Outside sources may be tangible or intangible rewards. Tangible rewards may include stickers or toys. Intangible rewards may include complements or a round of applause from an audience. Individuals who are externally motivated may not be interested in the actual task. Instead they may be interested in receiving the tangible or intangible rewards earned by completing the tasks. For example, children who are given allowances for completing weekly household chores may complete their chores, not because they enjoy completing them, but because they are externally motivated by their allowance. Directly opposite of external motivation is internal motivation. Internal motivation accrues within an individual. An individual who is driven by internal motivation are motivated to complete a task without the incentive of receiving a reward. These individuals find satisfaction in completing the actual task. Theories that are often connected to motivation are the following: Social Theory [1], Transpersonal Theory [2, 4, 5], Achievement Motivation Theory [3, 6, 7], and Behavioral Theory [8].
References 1. 2. 3. 4.
5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and action: a social cognitive theory. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall. Freud, S. (1990). Beyond the pleasure principle. New York: W.W. Norton. Herzberg, F. (1966). Work and the nature of man. Cleveland: Ward. Jung, C. G. (1960/1973). On the nature of the psyche. Hull, R.F.C. (Trans.). Bollingen Series XX. The Collected works of C.G. Jung, 8. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Maslow, A. (1954/1970). Motivation and personality. New York: Harper. McClelland, D. (1985). Human motivation. New York: Scott, Foresman. McGregor, D. (1960). The human side of enterprise. London: Penguin. Skinner, B. F. (1953). Science and human behavior. New York: Simon and Schuster. Stipek, D. J. (1993). Motivation to learn: from theory to practice. Needham Heights: Allyn and Bacon.
E
625
Extinction BRADY I. PHELPS South Dakota State University, Brookings, SD, USA
Synonyms Extinction burst
Definition In both Classical Conditioning (also known as respondent conditioning) and Operant Conditioning (also known as instrumental conditioning), the term extinction refers to both a procedure and a behavioral process. Simply put, in Ivan Pavlov’s Classical Conditioning, extinction refers to a procedure of presenting a CS, a conditioned stimulus alone, without a US, an unconditioned stimulus, after conditioning has transpired. In effect, this is a procedure of severing the CS–US association. An example would be that of the spoken word “constrict” as a neutral stimulus (NS) followed by a flash of light as a US presented to a person’s pupils. After several pairings, the pupillary constriction would occur as a CR, a conditioned response to the spoken word as the word comes to function as a CS. Extinction would then consist of the word “constrict” repeatedly presented in the absence of the flash of light. As a behavioral process, extinction denotes the decrease in measures of the CR, the conditioned response, when the aforementioned procedure is in effect. That is, as a result of the conditioning just described, some measurable degree of pupillary decrease would occur to the spoken word-CS but as the CS were presented alone, the conditioned response of the pupil to the word would show orderly decrements, as a function of each solitary CS presentation [1, 2]. In the operant conditioning of B.F. Skinner, extinction also encompasses both procedure and outcomeprocess. As a procedure, this term envelopes the breaking or discontinuation of the contingency between an operant response and its formerly contingent consequence. Other writers have described extinction as the removal or unavailability of the reinforcer. In terms of a behavioral process, extinction pertains to a decline in the frequency of the operant response being measured when the extinction procedure is in place. An example would be that of a rhesus monkey lever pressing for a sip of juice. The lever press would be the operant response and the juice would be the consequence, in this case, a positive reinforcer. This contingent relation between response and consequence would maintain some
E
626
E
Extinction Burst
frequency of lever pressing by the monkey. If lever pressing no longer resulted in any juice, the discontinuation of the juice-reinforcer would be a procedure of extinction and the decline in the frequency of lever pressing that results would be the process of extinction. Under conditions of extinction, responding decreases and can eventually cease or merely return to its prereinforcement measures [2, 3]. In both classical and operant conditioning, extinction refers to a behavior weakening procedure and process for acquired or learned responses. Both a conditioned response and an operant that have reduced measures of magnitude or frequency as a result of extinction are said to be “extinguished.” Extinction is neither a procedure nor a process performed upon or observed with unlearned behavior. Compare with habituation. There are other similarities between the extinction process in classical and operant conditioning. In both, the extinguished response will typically display what is known as spontaneous recovery. In classical conditioning, if the CS is presented alone to the point that the CR no longer occurs to the CS and the extinction process is complete, if the animal or human goes through a period of time without any exposure to the CS, a subsequent presentation of the CS will again elicit a CR, albeit in somewhat weakened magnitude. If the CS is again presented alone, the CR will again extinguish but spontaneous recovery may reoccur in subsequent CS presentations following a recovery period in the absence of the CS. In these instances, the re-elicited CR is thought to be due to extraneous environmental events that were still functional as a CS and each subsequent extinction procedure extinguishes the CR to these other CSs. Spontaneous recovery is an expected outcome of the extinction procedure and process in classical conditioning. The boy who has acquired a fear of dogs from a bite can overcome his fear by having repeated exposures to dogs without any further trauma; gradually the fear response to dogs will diminish and no longer be problematic. Nevertheless, if the boy then sees a dog after being away from any dogs for some time, the boy will predictably feel afraid of dogs again as a result of spontaneous recovery [3]. A similar spontaneous recovery occurs with an operant response that has undergone extinction. Many children have the behavior of throwing bedtime tantrums when parents implement sleeping alone in the child’s own room; tantruming and crying can result in parental attention, the parents staying in the room, the bedroom lights being left on, etc. Parents who let the child tantrum and do not re-enter the child’s room after saying goodnight will eventually see the tantruming behavior subside as they withhold their attention to put the
behavior on extinction. Predictably, if the child sleeps at the grandparent’s house for a long weekend and subsequently returns to sleeping in their usual bedroom, the tantruming will show spontaneous recovery the first night the child is put to bed at home. If the parents do not reinforce the behavior, the spontaneous recovery of tantruming will be short lived [4]. This example of an operant response undergoing extinction raises the important point of one important distinction between the two processes of extinction. While the response undergoing extinction does weaken in both classical and operant conditioning, before the operant response does weaken due to the discontinued consequence, the response being measured will reliably increase in its frequency, intensity, and variability before weakening. This effect is known as an extinction burst and only occurs during the extinction process of operant conditioning. In the example just provided, the child’s tantrums would reliably become louder, last longer, display different forms of throwing a tantrum as the behavior was put on extinction; all of these increases in the behavior of tantruming would be observed before the behavior would decrease. The parents need to withhold any attention for the tantrums to see the desired decrease in the unwanted behavior [3, 4].
References 1. 2. 3. 4.
Bouton, M. E. (2007). Learning and behavior: A contemporary synthesis. Sunderland, MA: Sinauer. Gluck, M. A., Mercado, E., & Myers, C. E. (2008). Learning and memory: From brain to behavior. New York: Worth. Pear, J. J. (2001). The science of learning. New York: Psychology Press. Pierce, D. W., & Cheney, C. D. (2008). Behavior analysis and learning (4th ed.). New York: Psychology Press.
Extinction Burst ROBERT WALRATH Rivier College, Nashua, NH, USA
Synonyms Extinction
Definition Extinction burst refers to the phenomenon of a previously reinforced or learned behavior temporarily increasing
Extrinsic Motivation
when the reinforcement for the behavior is removed. Learning theory suggests the organism is increasing the frequency of the behavior in an attempt to regain the original reinforcement for the behavior. In the absence of additional reinforcement, the behavior will diminish to lower (pre-extinction burst) levels and eventual cessation.
References 1.
Lerman, D. C., & Iwata, B. A. (1995). Prevalence of the extinction burst and it’s attenuation during treatment. Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, 28, 93–94.
Extrafamilial Home ▶Group Homes
Extrinsic An extrinsic property depends on the relationship of one thing with other things. The term denotes a property of some thing or action which is essential and specific to that thing or action and which is completely independent of any other object, action or consequence.
Extrinsic Motivation PEI-HSUAN HSIEH University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA
Synonyms External motivation
Definition Engaging in an activity with expectations to receive a reward separate from the activity it self, or to accomplish something to make an impression on others by showing one’s competency.
Description When individuals engage in activities that are not personally enjoyable to them but grant them money, prestige, or beauty they are exerting extrinsic motivation. Extrinsic motivation is present when the incentives to engage in an
E
activity are outside the individual and the reinforcement is due to an outside source. For example, when a child is committed to an activity he takes no pleasure in but he receives a reward for his work, he is being motivated to do this task because of an outside source, the reward (either a sticker, a pencil or extra time on the computer). Researchers suggest that extrinsically motivated learners may process information at a superficial level, often performing to meet minimal classroom requirements.
Relevance to Childhood Development One’s development of motivation can be influenced by outside sources. When one is influenced solely from outside sources they are being motivated extrinsically. Extrinsic factors develop when a child focuses on a goal because it might make him popular or he feels pressure from his parents to do well. Extrinsic rewards may be detrimental to children if they are promised a reward every time they accomplish a task. Once the reward is stopped, the child may lose ambition to engage in that task again; he has no reason to initiate the activity on his own. Tangible rewards can be harmful for young children because they may become dependent on the rewards. Similar to Skinner’s theory on operant conditioning, when a behavior is reinforced with a reward it is more likely the behavior will continue. However, once the reward is taken away the behavior decreases or ceases to exist. Researchers also found that when children were rewarded for activities, their intrinsic motivation was undermined. They suggested that children notice patterns or develop schemas when other people, such as parents, use extrinsic incentives over and over. For example, when a parent offers a reward for a task, the child has the presumption that the task is probably something boring. Such as when a parent tells a child she can go outside and play, but only after she cleans her room. The extrinsic incentives are not always useful for younger children. In the context of a classroom, students may exert little effort on their work to complete a task if they are extrinsically motivated. If their motivation to do the work does not lie within themselves, meaning they have no interest in the topic, they will provide the minimum amount of effort until the task is complete. Other researchers found that verbal extrinsic motivators are not as detrimental to the college students as they are to younger children. When students enter college they are often motivated by verbal feedback such as “good work,” or “you are an excellent student,” which is a form of extrinsic motivation that has found to be helpful to college students. A student will sometimes work harder if he knows he will be recognized for his work.
627
E
628
E
Extrinsically Motivated Behavior
References 1. 2.
3.
4.
5.
Brophy, J. (2004). Motivating students to learn (2nd ed.). Boston, MA: McGraw-Hill. Deci, E. L., Koestner, R., & Ryan, R. M. (1999). A meta-analytic review of experiments examining the effects of extrinsic rewards on intrinsic motivation. Psychological Bulletin, 125(6), 627–668. Flink, C., Boggiano, A. K., Main, D. S., Barrett, M., & Katz, P. A. (1992). Children’s achievement related behaviors: The role of extrinsic and intrinsic motivational orientations. In A. K. Boggiano & T. S. Pittman (Eds.), Achievement and motivation: A social-development perspective. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Intrinsic and extrinsic motivations: Classic definitions and new directions. Contemporary Educational Psychology, 25, 54–67. Skinner, B. F. (1953). Science and human behavior. New York: Macmillan.
Extrinsically Motivated Behavior STEUART T. WATSON, DARRELL DAVIS Miami University (OH), Oxford, OH, USA
Synonyms Contingency-maintained maintained behavior
behavior;
Reinforcement-
Definition Extrinsically motivated behavior refers to behavior that is performed because of rewards that are external to a person.
viewed with less esteem than intrinsic motivation. A person who is intrinsically motivated is often described in more positive terms than a person who is extrinsically motivated. There is great debate about the effects of external rewards (extrinsic motivation) on internal motivation. This position is attributable to Edward Deci who, in the early 1970s, said that external rewards should not be used because they interfere with a person’s natural interest and enjoyment of a task [3]. Three decades and over 100 studies later, the research strongly suggests that external rewards do not harm internal motivation nor do they lead to decreases in performance, enjoyment of a task, or creativity [2].
Relevance to Childhood Development There is no evidence that providing external rewards for behavior is harmful to children, their development, or their performance in school or in athletics. In fact, genuine praise for performance, effort, or goal attainment enhances a child’s sense of competence and esteem, improves their level of satisfaction, and generally leads to other positive outcomes. Tangible rewards do not create a “dependency” on the tangible for the behavior to occur and result in the same positive effects as praise [4].
References 1. 2.
3.
Description Motivation speaks to the issue of why a behavior occurs, or the reasons why certain behaviors are performed in lieu of others. Extrinsic motivation ascribes these reasons to external forces or rewards. Thus, behavior that occurs because of the external rewards that are involved are said to be extrinsically motivated. Completing a task for money, recognition/praise, or to avoid punishment are common examples of extrinsically motivated behavior. In these cases, the behavior occurs because of the external rewards, not because of some unseen, unverifiable intrinsic value of the task [1]. Virtually everything that humans do is, in some way, related to the outcomes of their behavior. Even behaviors that seemingly have no immediate external consequence or reward may continue for long periods of time because they have been rewarded in the past. In such a case, an observer may mistakenly believe that the person is engaging in the behavior because they “like” doing it versus the behavior being an infrequently reinforced behavior. Unfortunately, extrinsic motivation is often
4.
Cameron, J., & Pierce, W. D. (2002). Rewards and intrinsic motivation. Westport, CT: Bergin and Garvey. Cameron, J., & Pierce, W. D. (1994). Reinforcement, reward, and intrinsic motivation: A meta-analysis. Review of Educational Research, 64, 363–423. Deci, E. L. (1971). Effects of externally mediated rewards on intrinsic motivation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 18, 105–115. Weaver, A. D., & Watson, T. S. (2004). An idiographic investigation of the effects of ability- and effort-based praise on math performance and persistence. The Behavior Analyst Today, 5, 381–390.
Eye Fixations ▶Eye Movements
Eye Movements ALICIA MACKAY Tulsa Community College, Tulsa, OK, USA
Synonyms Eye fixations; Saccades
Eye–Hand Coordination
Definition The voluntary or involuntary movement of the eyes that can be controlled by the individual or the external environment.
Description There are four basic types of eye movements: pursuit, vergence, vestibular, and saccadic [3]. Pursuit eye movements occur when an individual attempts to track a moving object. Vergence eye movements occur when an individual moves their eyes from a distant object to a near object (or vice versa). Vestibular eye movements occur when an individual’s eyes move to compensate for head and body movements. Saccadic eye movements are rapid, ballistic movements that serve to position the eye for visual processing. Visual processing occurs when the eyes are not moving (i.e., fixating). Visual processing is suppressed when the eye is in motion [4].
Relevance to Childhood Development Researchers analyze eye movements in studies to investigate cognitive processing in adults as well as children and infants. Research with infants has shown that infants become bored with objects with which they are familiar, and they respond to them less and less over time. They spend less time looking at the object and make fewer eye movements to the object. The phenomenon is called habitation. By analyzing infants’ eye movements during the viewing of objects, researchers can infer whether the infant recognizes the stimulus. Habituation has been used to investigate visual perception of faces and objects, visual acuity, and contrast sensitivity [2]. A second technique in which infants’ eye movements are analyzed is the preferential looking paradigm. An infant is habituated to a stimulus over a number of trials. The infant is then shown a second stimulus that differs from the first stimulus and the looking time is compared for the two stimuli. If the infant looks longer at the second stimulus this suggests that the infant can discriminate
E
629
between the stimuli. Preferential looking has been used to investigate memory, visual attention, and numbering in infants [1].
References 1.
2. 3. 4.
Hirsh-Pasek, K., & Golinkoff, R. M. (1996). The intermodal preferential looking paradigm: A window onto emerging language comprehension. In D. McDaniel, C. McKee, & H. S. Cairn’s (Eds.), Methods for assessing children’s syntax (pp. 105–124). Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Miller, D. (1972). Visual habituation in the human infant. Child Development, 43, 481–493. Rayner, K., & Pollatsek, A. (1992). Eye movements and scene perception. Canadian Journal of Psychology, 46(3), 342–376. Rayner, K., & Pollatsek, A. (1994). Psychology of reading. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Eye–Hand Coordination JANA SANDER Texas A&M University Corpus Christi College of Education, Corpus Christi, TX, USA
Definition Coordinating the eyes and hands together to accomplish a task.
Description Eye-hand coordination is important in many aspects of life. When children are babies coordinating their vision with hand movements ensures that they are able to pick up items. As children grow older their visual acuity directs their hands to draw, paint, catch a ball or put a puzzle together.
References HEALTH BOOK. . .
E
F Fabry Syndrome ANTHONY P. ODLAND, WILEY MITTENBERG Nova Southeastern University, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
Synonyms Alpha-galactosidase A deficiency; Anderson-Fabry syndrome; Angiokeratoma corporis diffusum; Ceramide trihexosidase deficiency; GLA deficiency; Hereditary dystopic lipidosis; OMIM 301500
Definition An X-linked disorder affecting multiple organ systems characterized by an enzymatic defect due to a reduction in the catabolism of compounds comprising galactosyl, resulting in a deficiency of the lysosomal enzyme a-galactosidase A. This deficiency leads to pathology in multiple organs.
Description This deficiency results in the altered metabolism and an accumulation of globotriaosylceramide and other neutral glycolipids in various tissues throughout the body such as the heart, peripheral, and central nervous systems leading to pathology in multiple organs. Fabry syndrome (FS) is an X-linked disorder that manifests in males as well as females. Although symptom presentation in females is variable, some females experience symptoms characteristic of their male carriers. Fabry syndrome was once thought to be asymptomatic in all females due to an unaffected X-chromosome; however, more recent research suggests that symptom presentation may be similar to males [14, 18, 20]). The prevalence of FS may range from 1 in 40,000 to 1 in every 117,000 births and is more prevalent in males [4, 21]. Diagnosis may be aided by measuring the presence of a-galactosidase A activity in plasma or peripheral leukocytes [2]. The accumulation and altered metabolism of globotriaosylceramide may be associated with neuropathic pain, dermatological symptoms, renal and cardiac signs and symptoms, hearing
loss and tinnitus, gastrointestinal problems, ophthalmic manifestations, and fatigue. Specific signs and symptoms may include, but are not limited to, severe left ventricular hypertrophy, acute pain attacks, acroparesthesia, diarrhea, heart palpitations and pain, various ocular disorders or difficulties such as clouding of the cornea, corneal dystrophy, cornea verticillata, cardiomyopathies, angiokeratoma, cerebrovascular accidents, lymphoedema, kidney disorders, hypohydrosis, proteinuria, respiratory problems, and other symptoms associated with central nervous system pathology [17, 18, 20, 28]. Neurologic complications may be evident in the central and peripheral nervous systems, manifested in areas such as cognitive impairment, autonomic dysfunction, and ischemic or hemorrhagic stroke. As many as 68% of individuals with FS may have white and gray matter lesions, with increased involvement approaching older age. Magnetic resonance imaging has identified the presence of cerebrovascular involvement in patients by 26 years of age. Cerebrovascular involvement is likely to increase and to encompass almost all patients by 54 years of age, suggesting increased susceptibility to cerebrovascular accidents with increasing age [1]. Damage to dorsal root ganglia neurons and axonal degeneration of small fibers may be responsible for the pain attacks that are often experienced with FS [5, 11]. Without treatment the presence of FS is associated with an average decrease in life span by 15 and 20 years in females and males respectively [17, 18]. Overall health-related quality-of-life in individuals with FS is considerably lower than that of unaffected individuals [22]. Greater than 70% of patients experience pain in the hands and feet, as well as in other areas of the body. Symptomatic pain appears to be more prevalent in males than in females [9]. Pain, tingling, and numbness of the skin may be induced or exacerbated by external changes in temperature [8]. Sensitivity to changes in temperature may make exercise or physical activities laborious [16]. With increasing age there is likely to be more cerebral and renal involvement. Onset of cardiomyopathy in males is up to 10 years earlier than in females. However, most individuals will eventually develop left ventricular hypertrophy [12].
Sam Goldstein & Jack A. Naglieri (eds.), Encyclopedia of Child Behavior and Development, DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-79061-9, # Springer Science+Business Media LLC 2011
632
F
Fabry Syndrome
Delayed symptom onset and nonspecific symptomatology contributes to misdiagnosis and under diagnosis of FS [20, 31]. Echocardiography may be useful in differential diagnosis between FS cardiomyopathy and hypertrophic cardiomyopathy by a distinctive appearance of left ventricular endocardial border [23]. Left ventricular hypertrophy may be differentiated by features such as acroparesthesia, hypertension, and hypohydrosis [10]. Onset in childhood of early adolescence is most common, but may extend as late as early adulthood, with symptom presentation varying both with age and gender [9]. However, misdiagnoses are common and an accurate diagnosis may not be established for a mean 13–16 or more years after the first symptom presentation [20]. Hearing loss may be insidious and can occur across all frequency ranges, with the sensory threshold increasing with age [28]. Until recently, treatment for FS has been mainly palliative in nature. Studies using enzyme replacement therapy (ERT) have demonstrated improved long-term well-being of individuals with FS. ERT reduces the accumulation of globotriaosylceramide, and attenuates pain associated with FS. ERT has been associated with improved pain-related quality of life [9, 29]. The use of ERT may improve cold and heat thresholds to pain, the frequency of diarrhea, and may alleviate hypohydrosis [7]. ERT may also improve cardiac and renal functioning by reducing globotriaosylceramide and other glycolipid deposit levels. Improved renal functioning may be sustainable with ERT due to reduced glycolipid deposits in renal vascular endothelial cells. ERT is proving to be efficacious for the treatment of FS; however, more research needs to investigate long-term treatment outcomes [29, 30].
Relevance to Childhood Development Unlike adults with FS, children do not typically experience major organ dysfunction; however, children may experience extremely distressing symptoms related to the syndrome’s insidious progression [27]. Symptom presentation in children may appear by 6 and 7 years of age in males and females respectively, but symptoms have been observed as early as the first 3 years of life [24, 25]. Children and adolescents commonly experience hypohydrosis, cornea verticillata, and acroparaesthesias secondary to FS. Acroparesthesia may be elicited by emotional stress, exercise, or fatigue and be present by as early as 3 years of age or younger. Pain often occurs in the soles of the feet and the palms of the hands, which radiates proximally. This pain can produce extreme discomfort and range in duration from days to weeks. Other features of acroparesthesia and painful crises may also be experienced in other areas
of the body such as the abdomen. Discomfort is likely due to small nerve fiber neuropathy, which may be misinterpreted as malingering due to its subtle nature [3]. As many as 67% of children with FS may experience vertigo, fatigue, and tinnitus. Gastrointestinal problems are common, and cardiac and renal complications are less present than the aforementioned signs and symptoms. These problems may be present in an attenuated form and develop with increasing age. Presentation in females is similar to males, but may be less frequent [28]. Cerebrovascular complications, such as those associated with increased risk of stroke, have been noted in patients as young as 6 years of age. Cerebrovascular, renal, and cardiovascular signs and symptoms tend to progress with age and increase one’s susceptibility to future complications and morbidity [15, 19, 24, 25]. Similarly, white matter lesions may be present in children with FS and are likely to increase in incidence with age [6]. Ophthalmological features may be present in as many as 60% of children with FS. In addition, children with FS may be prone to more behavioral problems, anxiety, and depression [24, 25]. Mild hearing problems may be present and are likely to exacerbate with increasing age [13]. Although specific dosages and long-term effects of ERT have not been entirely established some have suggested treatment as early as possible after the first symptoms present, barring other complications. Since pathology related to the metabolic dysfunction in FS commences at birth, it is efficacious to begin ERT as soon as possible. In young children ERTmay prevent the development of future disease processes [2]. Specifically, agalsidase alfa may be well tolerated in both male and female children, and improve manifestations of FS such as pain, heart rate variability, and hypohydrosis. Agalsidase alfa may also reduce the need for antineuropathic analgesics [24–26].
References 1. Crutchfield, K. E., Patronas, N. J., Dambrosia, J. M., Frei, K. P., Banerjee, T. K., Barton, N. W., et al. (1998). Quantitative analysis of cerebral vasculopathy in patients with Fabry disease. Neurology, 50(6), 1746–1749. 2. Desnick, R. J., Brady, R., Barranger, J., Collins, A. J., Germain, D. P., Goldman, M., et al. (2003). Fabry disease, an under-recognized multisystemic disorder: Expert recommendations for diagnosis, management, and enzyme replacement therapy. Annals of Internal Medicine, 138, 338–346. 3. Desnick, R. J., & Brady, R. O. (2004). Fabry disease in childhood. The Journal of Pediatrics, 144, S20–S26. 4. Desnick, R. J., Ioannou, Y. A., & Eng, C. M. (2001). Alphagalactosidase A deficiency: Fabry disease. In C. R. Scriver, A. L. Beaudet, W. S. Sly, & D. Valle (Eds.), The metabolic and molecular bases of inherited disease (8th ed., pp. 3733–3774). New York: McGraw-Hill.
Facial Identification 5. Gadoth, N., & Sandbank, U. (1983). Involvement of dorsal root ganglia in Fabry’s disease. Journal of Medical Genetics, 20, 309–312. 6. Ginsberg, L., Manara, R., Valentine, A. R., Kendall, B., & Burlina, A. P. (2006). Magnetic resonance imaging changes in Fabry disease. Acta Paediatrica, 451, 57–62. 7. Hilz, M. J., Brys, M., Marthol, H., Stemper, B., & Du¨tsch, M. (2004). Enzyme replacement therapy improves function of C-, Ad-, and Ab-nerve fibers in Fabry neuropathy. Neurology, 62, 1066–1072. 8. Hilz, M. J., Stemper, B., & Kolodny, E. H. (2000). Lower limb cold exposure induces pain and prolonged small fiber dysfunction in Fabry patients. Pain, 84, 361–365. 9. Hoffmann, B., Beck, M., Sunder-Plassmann, G., Borsini, W., Ricci, R., & Mehta, A. (2007). Nature and prevalence of pain in Fabry disease and its response to enzyme replacement therapy-a retrospective analysis from the Fabry outcome survey. The Clinical Journal of Pain, 23(6), 535–542. 10. Hoigne, P., Attenhofer Jost, C. H., Duru, F., Oechslin, E. N., Seifert, B., Widmer, U., et al. (2006). Simple criteria for differentiation of Fabry disease from amyloid heart disease and other causes of left ventricular hypertrophy. International Journal of Cardiology, 111, 413–422. 11. Kahn, P. (1973). Anderson-Fabry disease: A histopathological study of three cases with observations on the mechanism of production of pain. Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery, and Psychiatry, 36, 1053– 1062. 12. Kampmann, C., Linhart, A., Baehner, F., Palecek, T., Wiethoff, C. M., Miebach, E., et al. (2008). Onset and progression of the AndersonFabry disease related cardiomyopathy. International Journal of Cardiology, 130, 367–373. 13. Keilman, A. (2003). Inner ear function in children with Fabry disease. Acta Paediatrica, 92(Suppl.), 31–32. 14. Laaksonen, S. M., Roytta, M., Jaaskelainen, S. K., Kantola, I., Penttinen, M., & Falck, B. (2008). Neuropathic symptoms and findings in women with Fabry disease. Clinical Neurophysiology, 119, 1365–1372. 15. Linhart, A., & Elliot, P. M. (2007). The heart in AndersonFabry disease and other lysosomal storage disorders. Heart, 93, 528–535. 16. MacDermot, J., & MacDermot, K. D. (2001). Neuropathic pain in Anderson-Fabry disease: Pathology and therapeutic options. European Journal of Pharmacology, 429, 121–125. 17. MacDermot, K. D., Holmes, A., & Miners, A. H. (2001a). AndersonFabry disease: Clinical manifestations and impact of disease in a cohort of 98 hemizygous males. Journal of Medical Genetics, 38(11), 750–760. 18. MacDermot, K. D., Holmes, A., & Miners, A. H. (2001b). AndersonFabry disease: Clinical manifestations and impact of disease in a cohort of 60 obligate carrier females. Journal of Medical Genetics, 38(11), 769–775. 19. Mehta, A., & Ginsberg, L. (2005). Natural history of the cerebrovascular complications of Fabry disease. Acta Paediatrica, 94(Suppl. 447), 24–27. 20. Mehta, A., Ricci, R., Widmer, U., Dehout, F., Garcia de Lorenzo, A., Kampmann, C., et al. (2004). Fabry disease defined: Baseline clinical manifestations of 366 patients in the Fabry outcome survey. European Journal of Clinical Investigation, 34, 236–242. 21. Meikle, P. J., Hopwood, J. J., Clague, A. E., & Carey, W. F. (1999). Prevalence of lysosomal storage disorders. JAMA, 281, 249–254. 22. Miners, A. H., Holmes, A., Sherr, L., Jenkinson, C., & MacDermot, K. D. (2002). Assessment of health-related quality-of-life in males in
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
F
Anderson Fabry disease before therapeutic intervention. Quality of Life Research, 11, 127–133. Pieroni, M., Chimenti, C., Cobelli, F., Morgante, E., Maschio, A., Gaudio, C., et al. (2006). Fabry’s disease cardiomyopathy: Echocardiographic detection of endomyocardial glycosphingolipid compartmentalization. Journal of the American College of Cardiology, 47(8), 1663–1671. Ramaswami, U., Wendt, S., Pintos-Morell, G., Parini, R., Whybra, C., Leon Leal, J. A., et al. (2006a). Enzyme replacement therapy with agalsidase alfa in children with Fabry disease. Acta Paediatrica, 96, 122–127. Ramaswami, U., Whybra, C., Parini, R., Pintos-Morell, G., Mehta, A., Sunder-Plassmann, G., et al. (2006b). Clinical manifestations of Fabry disease in children: Data from the Fabry outcome survey. Acta Paediatrica, 95, 86–92. Ries, M., Clarke, J. T. R., Whybra, C., Timmons, M., Robinson, C., Schlaggar, B. L., et al. (2006). Enzyme-replacement therapy with agalsidase alfa in children with Fabry disease. Pediatrics, 118, 924–932. Ries, M., Gupta, S., Moore, D. F., Sachdev, V., Quirk, J. M., Murray, G. J., et al. (2005). Pediatric Fabry disease. Pediatrics, 115(3), e344– e355. Ries, M., Kim, H. J., Zalewski, C. K., Mastroianni, M. A., Moore, D. F., Brady, R. O., et al. (2007). Neuropathic and cerebrovascular correlates of hearing loss in Fabry disease. Brain, 130, 143–150. Schiffmann, R., Kopp, J. B., Austin, H. A., Sabnis, S., Moore, D. F., Weibel, T., et al. (2001). Enzyme replacement therapy in Fabry disease: A randomized controlled trial. JAMA, 285, 2743–2749. Spinelli, L., Pisani, A., Sabbatini, M., Petretta, M., Andreucci, M. V., Procaccini, D., et al. (2004). Enzyme replacement therapy with agalsidase b improves cardiac involvement in Fabry’s disease. Clinical Genetics, 66, 158–165. Zarate, Y. A., & Hopkin, R. J. (2008). Lysosomal storage disease 3: Fabry’s disease. Lancet, 372, 1427–1435.
Face Blindness or Facial Agnosia ▶Prosopagnosia
Face Perception ▶Facial Recognition
Facial Identification ▶Facial Recognition
633
F
634
F
Facial Recognition
Face perception; Facial identification
differences in faces from the basic template of their configuration. Research has shown that faces which deviate from that common configuration are more easily and accurately distinguished [1]. It has also been shown using computer programs which can detect certain deviations from the normal face and enhance those differences to create a caricature, that those images of enhanced differences are actually more accurately recognized than the true picture of the person’s face [1].
Definition
Relevance to Childhood Development
Facial recognition is the human ability to recognize a certain face from other faces.
As children prefer to orient to facial stimuli, it is important to notice if the developing child does not show a preference for faces. This is a sign of abnormal development and could indicate an autism spectrum disorder. Persons with an autistic disorder show impaired abilities to recognize faces.
Facial Recognition MARK PENNICK University of Alabama, Birmingham, AL, USA
Synonyms
Description Face recognition is especially interesting because human faces are remarkably similar and yet most typical individuals show considerable accuracy in identifying individual faces. The parts of the face, such as the eyes, nose, mouth, and ears, are very similar from one individual to another. Furthermore, the proportions and configuration of parts of the face are also very similar. Such minute differences in the physical appearance of faces and the fact that humans are able to make precise judgments about the identity of faces despite their similarities has spawned considerable investigation of facial recognition. It has long been known that infants as young as 4 months of age demonstrate a preference for human faces over other stimuli that are not configured as faces [2]. It has also been demonstrated in brain imaging studies that the human face elicits different neural pathways in the brain than non-face stimuli [4]. This research identified a brain area in the extrastriate cortex which has come to be known as the fusiform face area. Another group of researchers also used brain imaging technology to show that this same area is used by persons who are experts in identifying certain objects [3]. These studies have suggested that face recognition is a highly specialized human skill. Vicki Bruce and Andy Young have contributed significantly to our understanding of facial recognition. They assert that our ability to identify one face from the other is dependent on the configural and holistic perception of the face. This is supported by studies that show a 95% accuracy rating for identifying familiar faces when viewed upright, but only 50–60% accuracy when viewed upsidedown [1]. They also describe the Thatcher Effect to support the idea that configuration of facial features are paramount when recognizing faces. Another important aspect of facial recognition seems to be distinctive characteristics. There are subtle
References 1. 2. 3.
4.
Bruce, V., & Young, A. (1998). In the eye of the beholder: The science of face perception. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Fantz, R. L. (1961). The origin of form perception. Scientific American, 204, 66–72. Gauthier, I., Tarr, M. J., Anderson, A. W., Skudlarski, P., & Gore, J. C. (1999). Activation of the middle fusiform ‘face area’ increases with expertise in recognizing novel objects. Neuroscience, 2(6), 568–573. Kanwisher, N., McDermott, J., & Chun, M. M. (1997). The fusiform face area: A module in human extrastriate cortex specialized for face perception. The Journal of Neuroscience, 17(11), 4302–4311.
Factor IX Deficiency ▶Hemophilia
Factor VIII Deficiency ▶Hemophilia
Failing a Grade ▶Grade Retention
Failure to Thrive ▶Feeding Disorder
Failure to Thrive Syndrome
Failure to Thrive Syndrome MICAH S. BROSBE Nova Southeastern University, Ft. Lauderdale, FL, USA
Synonyms Growth faltering; Inadequate growth; Malnutrition; Protein-energy malnutrition; Undernutrition; Weight faltering
Definition Failure to thrive syndrome (FTT) is a condition in infants and young children in which they do not grow at expected rates. It can be a sign of a general medical condition or can have other biopsychosocial causes.
Description Failure to thrive is the term generally used to describe a syndrome in which an infant or child does not grow at a rate considered to be healthy. It is generally diagnosed based on size ratio, whether it is weight-for-height, weight-for-age, or height-for-age [7]. Weight-for-age is the most common ratio used to assess FTT. Weights are plotted according to age along a normal distribution curve, and neonates who fall below a certain cutoff score are considered to be failing to thrive. Professionals are not entirely unanimous in what this cutoff score should be, but most of the literature describes cutoff scores as below the third or fifth percentile [1, 7]. It is also important to distinguish between pre and postnatal failure to gain weight because they may have different etiologies and sequelae. Given the diagnostic definition of falling below cutoff scores on the normal distribution curve of a growth ratio, it is not surprising that overall lifetime prevalence rates are approximately 5% [8]. Neonates younger than two months have higher prevalence rates, approximately 12% for having a low height-for-age ratio and 4.1% for having a low weight-for-height ratio [8]. FTT is categorized based on the etiology of the insufficient caloric intake: organic (OFTT), nonorganic (NFTT), or of mixed etiology (MFTT; 1). Specific associated risks of undernutrition depend on the type of FTT. Children with OFTT or MFTT, for example, may be more likely to have a lower birth weight, and children with NFTT may be more likely to live in poverty and less likely to live with both parents [8]. If the etiology is organic, there could be any of a number of different causes, such
F
as prenatal (e.g., toxin exposure, premature birth, congenital anomalies) or an ongoing general medical condition such as a gastrointestinal or central nervous system disturbance [7]. If there is no medical or physical reason for the growth delay, then the FTT is likely due to low food intake [1]. This is frequently the case, since research has shown a low rate of being able to identify a specific medical illness as the sole cause; in the majority of cases, the FTT had mixed etiologies. Some researchers have found that children with FTT tend to show less of an interest in food, to be somewhat pickier eaters, and to have been weaned later than controls [1, 9]. Inadequate intake may also be caused by feeding problems such as dysphagia, a condition in which children have difficulty with swallowing mechanisms and behaviors [4, 5]. Complications with breast feeding can lead to inadequate growth in infants as well [8]. Other factors that have been associated with FTT include attachment style, presence of abuse or neglect, poverty, and psychopathology and age of the mother [1, 9]. These are controversial, however, and are being debated in the scientific literature. OFTT or inadequate growth can be caused by any of a variety of factors. The condition may be due to the direct effects of a general medical condition such as heart disease, cystic fibrosis, a persistent infectious disease (e.g., AIDS), or endocrine abnormalities. It could also be due to prenatal exposure to drugs or toxins, or to inadequate food intake secondary to a general medical condition [1, 2, 8]. Gastrointestinal problems that lead specifically to FTT can be divided into two categories: inadequate intake (not eating enough) and excessive losses of nutrients (not absorbing or retaining; 5). Inadequate intake may be caused by pain or discomfort in the esophagus or stomach. Gastrointestinal reflux, or spitting up, is different from vomiting. It is common in healthy children and not usually a problem; if it happens too frequently, however, it can possibly cause malnutrition [4]. For excessive losses, the causes are generally vomiting, diarrhea, or malabsorption. Actual vomiting may be more serious than reflux since it is more likely to be associated with an illness that could lead to poor weight gain. Diarrhea can be a sign that nutrients are not being absorbed properly by the digestive tract, and if severe, can lead to poor weight gain in infants. An example of a disease that has these signs, including poor growth and weight gain, is celiac disease [4]. Some neurological disorders that can cause FTT and poor growth are ▶cerebral palsy (CP), tumors of the central nervous system, and myopathy [3]. These can cause a low birth weight and/or motor problems with
635
F
636
F
Fairbairn’s Psychoanalytic Theory
feeding behaviors that lead to lower food intake [1, 3]. CP, for example, can cause problems swallowing. Prenatal exposure to teratogens such as alcohol and other drugs can lead to OFTT. Fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) can lead to a low birth weight, height, and head circumference [2]. When FAS is not present, the scientific literature on the effects of alcohol exposure on size, growth, and weight is inconsistent. Prenatal exposure to tobacco can cause lower size, weight, and growth rates in infants. Exposure of infants to second hand smoke can lead to growth faltering secondary to respiratory infections [2]. Prenatal exposure to cocaine often causes low birth weight. The literature concerning how well these infants can catch up to normal weights is inconsistent, however. Prenatal exposure to opiates (e.g., heroin) can lead to smaller sizes of infants [2]. Furthermore, when infants are born dependent on opiates, they can have withdrawal symptoms which include vomiting, diarrhea, and disturbances in feeding behaviors. Since FTT is a heterogeneous condition, it is essential to determine the cause when considering treatment options. Prognosis of OFTT depends on the response to treatment of the underlying condition, as well as the severity of the malnutrition and the number and severity of its causes [7]. Unless there is a specific and identifiable medical condition identified as the cause, interventions tend to focus on parent training for feeding behaviors. In addition to establishing a theory of etiology, it is important to take into account the age and cognitive development of the children when assessing and formulating a treatment plan. With hospitalization and multi-disciplinary interventions, including nutritional rehabilitation, there can be a good chance for rapid growth catch-up.
Relevance to Childhood Development FTT can be associated with serious outcomes and developmental sequelae if it is not treated. These include medical conditions, delays in psychomotor development, and cognitive deficits. It also may be associated with cardiovascular disease and other heart problems later in life [1, 8]. Nutritionally at-risk infants tend to have lower scores on a psychomotor development index [6]. There is also some evidence to suggest that malnourished children have a lower activity level and are less active, possibly to conserve energy. Not all studies have come to this conclusion, however. Low birth weight has been associated with poorer intellectual development and cognitive functioning, although studies differ with regard to the extent of this
effect [1, 6]. FTT has been moderately associated with lower IQ, even after controlling for birth weight and time of gestation. FTT has also been associated with more cognitive decline in old age. The strength of these associations has not been consistent, however. Malnutrition can also lead to a condition called microcephaly, in which the infant has a small head circumference, as well as cognitive impairments [3]. With regard to social emotional functioning, individuals who had FTT as infants did not demonstrate emotional problems in adolescence, but did in adulthood [1]. These effects were possibly mediated through IQ and their associated physical health conditions.
References 1. 2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Drewett, R. (2007). The nutritional psychology of childhood. New York: Cambridge University Press. Frank, D. A., & Wong, F. (1999). Effects of prenatal exposures to alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs. In D. B. Kessler & P. Dawson (Eds.), Failure to thrive and pediatric undernutrition: A transdisciplinary approach (pp. 275–280). Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brookes Publishing Co. Goldson, E. (1999). Neurological and genetic disorders. In D. B. Kessler & P. Dawson (Eds.), Failure to thrive and pediatric undernutrition: A transdisciplinary approach (pp. 245–253). Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brookes Publishing Co. Krebs, N. F. (1999). Gastrointestinal problems and disorders. In D. B. Kessler & P. Dawson (Eds.), Failure to thrive and pediatric undernutrition: A transdisciplinary approach (pp. 215–225). Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brookes Publishing Co. Lachenmeyer, J. R. (1998). Parent training for failure to thrive. In J. M. Briesmeister & C. E. Schaefer (Eds.), Handbook of parent training: Parents as co-therapists for children’s behavior problems (2nd ed., pp. 261–280). New York: John Wiley & Sons. Metallinos-Katsaras, E., & Gorman, K. S. (1999). Effects of undernutrition on growth and development. In D. B. Kessler & P. Dawson (Eds.), Failure to thrive and pediatric undernutrition: A transdisciplinary approach (pp. 37–63). Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brookes Publishing Co. Peterson, K. E. (1993). Failure to thrive. In P. M. Queen & C. E. Lang (Eds.), Handbook of Pediatric Nutrition (pp. 366–383). Gaithersburg, MD: Aspen Publishers. Sherry, B. (1999). Epidemiology of inadequate growth. In D. B. Kessler & P. Dawson (Eds.), Failure to thrive and pediatric undernutrition: A transdisciplinary approach (pp. 19–36). Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brookes Publishing Co. Wright, C., & Birks, E. (2000). Risk factors for failure to thrive: A population-based survey. Child: Care, Health, and Development, 26(1), 5–16.
Fairbairn’s Psychoanalytic Theory ▶Object Relations Theory
False Belief Task
False Belief Task DOUGLAS K. SYMONS Acadia University, Wolfville, ON, Canada
Synonyms Appearance-reality task; Emotion false belief; Maxi task; Sally-Ann task; Theory of mind task; Unintended transfer task
Definition A false belief task is commonly used in child development research to assess social understanding or theory of mind. A wide variety of these have been developed using common play materials and story themes that children feel comfortable with. Their common goal is to determine whether children can distinguish between the thoughts and feelings they themselves currently have with those that can be possibly held by others.
Description False belief tasks have become widely known and used in child development research [2, 4], although there are many different versions of these tasks. They all have the common feature of creating a situation in which a child is led to believe something about a current set of circumstances, but this belief is different from a belief that should/could be held by others. There are various techniques used to deliver false belief tasks and many have formal scripts associated with them. Many involve the use of household items and toys as props for the task, and most recently, some of these tasks have been converted to a series of pictures so they can be delivered on a computer or without oral scripts or test questions. Typically there are a number of control questions that children are asked, in addition to the essential test question for false belief, and performance is judged on a pass/fail basis from the answers to these questions. Two common and well-known false belief tasks will be described to show how they work. The first is the “Smarties task” [5], in which a child is shown a closed box of Smarties, the box is rattled to generate interest, and the child is asked what they think is in the box. Children typically answer with the obvious, Smarties. But then the box is emptied out into the experimenter’s hand and it turns out to be rocks in the box. This is surprising to the child as the actual contents of the Smartie box are unexpected. The rocks are then returned to the box, and the
F
child is then asked a number of test questions. These include what they think another child new to the scene would think is in the box when the other child first sees the box. In order to answer the question correctly (i.e., that the other child should think it is Smarties), the child participant needs to separate what they know is really in the box (rocks) from the false belief the new child should have (that the box contains Smarties). A whole series of these kinds of tasks have been developed in which a brick turns out to be a sponge that looks like a rock, an apple turns out to be a candle, an egg-carton contains forks and not eggs, and a pen turns out to be a flashlight. The common feature of these kinds of tasks is that an object is not what it appears to be or contain what it should contain, the deception is revealed, and the child is asked what another child would initially think. A second kind of task is called the Maxi-task, aka unintended transfer task. This kind of false belief task involves a script often acted out with props in which Maxi is playing with an object of some kind, puts it in a hidden place, and then has some reason to leave the situation. While Maxi is gone, a foil enters the room and moves the object from one location to another hidden location, all in the full view of the participant child but not Maxi. The foil leaves, Maxi returns, and the test questions revolve around where Maxi should look for his toy. The participant passes the task by answering that Maxi should look in the original location and not the new one, but to do so, children must separate what they know to be true (i.e., the object is in location 2) to what Maxi should know (the object should be in location 1 because that is where he left it and he was gone when the foil moved the object). If they make this distinction, then participants are said to have an understanding of the “self ” as a mental agent whose thoughts and feelings can either change over time or can be different from those of an “other.” Various versions of false belief tasks exist in which all kinds of objects and toys are relocated, the identity of the foil changes (e.g., monkey, clown), and Maxi is given a name more appropriate to the country where the research is conducted (e.g., Sally-Ann). Figure 1 shows the kinds of materials that could be used in conjunction with this kind of script [13]. Typically a whole series of false belief tasks are administered in what is often called a theory of mind battery, but this varies considerably from as few as one or two, to as many as a dozen or more. Tasks must differ from one another within a battery as many require the participant to be deceived. Each is scored on a pass/fail basis where chance performance is 0.50 (i.e., random response). Typically a false belief score is the average level of performance across these tasks [6].
637
F
638
F
False Belief Task
False Belief Task. Fig. 1
Relevance to Childhood Development Initial use of false belief tasks took place in theory of mind research on children’s cognitive development. This research sought to determine when tasks were passed in an above-chance way, and this was seen as a developmental milestone that indicated a child had transitioned to a higher level of social understanding and “had” a theory of mind that allowed them to distinguish between thoughts of self and those of another. There is variability in when this occurs across studies and cultures, but typically this is around 5 years of age [15]. However, there is considerable variability in when children pass false belief tasks, and research has evolved from examining when children typically pass tasks to treating their performance as an individual difference variable. In other words, different children begin to pass tasks at different ages, and performance can be calculated and then related to other aspects of child development in longitudinal or correlational research. For example, there are a number of other cognitive factors that develop significantly around age five associated with passing false belief tasks, including the executive functions of attention, memory, and inhibitory control [10]. Some of this research has attempted to vary aspects of the false belief task to isolate specific cognitive factors that could affect performance. In addition, research has focused on experiential factors that are related to passing false belief tasks [8, 9]. Cognitive development in childhood occurs within family, peer, and school social environments, and it is important to consider social factors that relate to passing false belief tasks. Much of this research has focused on talking about thoughts and feelings, which has also been referred to as
discourse about mental states, inner state talk, and beliefdesire talk [12]. Some of this research has shown that mental state discourse predicts false belief task performance, and thus may contribute to the development of social understanding. Other research has focused on family factors including whether children have older siblings, what kind of disciplinary strategies are used in the home, what kind of language is used when interacting with children in common tasks like play and joint-reading, and cultural factors [14]. Parental factors have also been considered, such as whether a parent tend to describe their child in terms of mental states, that is, in a mind-minded fashion. There have also been a number of training studies in which children who have failed false belief tasks have been exposed to social discourse about competing beliefs and desires, and these children do better on false belief tasks compared to children who receive other kinds of training [7, 11]. There is thus considerable evidence that social talk about thoughts and feelings is related both longitudinally, cross-sectionally, and experimentally to children passing false belief tasks. Language development more generally has been examined as a factor in false belief task performance. Because language development can be used as an estimate of general developmental level, many studies use a measure of receptive language as a control variable in their analyses. Other research has focused on the grammatical structure of language [2], and how children’s development in this area is related to performance and comprehension of false belief tasks. Parental language which is sensitive to and elaborative of children’s own language is related to children’s social understanding. A final area of use of false belief tasks is in studies of children with atypical development. This is most wellknown in the area of autism [1] due to the serious social deficits and poor false belief performance of children in this clinical group. However, there have been many studies of children with other clinical problems of attention, behavior, and conduct, and false belief performance is also poorer in these children than typically developing children. Because false belief tasks are designed to test social understanding in young children, they are useful for either clinical problems that arise at this age or with older children whose developmental level is at this age. The false belief task is a tool that has become synonymous with what it is designed to study, that is, theory of mind and social understanding. Because research has spanned all areas of child development and been used with clinical samples, it has been used widely over the past 25 years in both basic and applied research.
Family Drawing
References 1. Baron-Cohen, S. (1995). Mindblindness: An essay on autism and theory of mind. Cambridge, MA: Bradford Books/MIT Press. 2. de Villiers, J., & de Villers, P. (2000). Linguistic determinism and understanding of false beliefs. In P. Mitchell & K. J. Riggs (Eds.), Children’s reasoning and the mind (pp. 191–228). Hove: Psychology Press. 3. Dunn, J. (2000). Mind-reading, emotion understanding, and relationships. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 24, 142–144. 4. Flavell, J. H. (2000). Development of children’s knowledge about the mental world. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 24, 15–23. 5. Gopnik, A., & Astington, J. W. (1988). Children’s understanding of representational change and its relation to the understanding of false belief and the appearance-reality distinction. Child Development, 59, 26–37. 6. Hughes, C., Adlam, A., Happe, F., Jackson, J., Taylor, A., & Caspi, A. (2000). Good test-retest reliability for standard and advanced falsebelief tasks across a wide range of abilities. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry and Allied Disciplines, 41, 483–490. 7. Lohmann, H., & Tomasello, M. (2003). The role of language in the development of false belief understanding: A training study. Child Development, 74, 1130–1144. 8. Meins, E. (1997). Security of attachment and the development of social cognition. Hove: Psychology Press. 9. Nelson, K., Plesa Skwerer, D., Goldman, S., Henseler, S., Presler, N., & Walkenfeld, F. (2003). Entering a community of minds: An experiential approach to theory of mind. Human Development, 46, 24–46. 10. Perner, J., & Lang, B. (1999). Development of theory of mind and executive control. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 3, 337–344. 11. Slaughter, V., & Gopnik, A. (1996). Conceptual coherence in the child’s theory of mind: Training children to understand belief. Child Development, 67, 2967–2988. 12. Symons, D. (2004). Mental state discourse and theory of mind: Internalisation of self – other understanding within a social – cognitive framework. Developmental Review, 24, 159–188. 13. Symons, D. K., McLaughlin, E., Moore, C., & Morine, S. (1997). Integrating relationship constructs and emotional experience into false belief tasks in preschool children. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 67, 423–447. 14. Tomasello, M. (1999). The cultural origins of human cognition. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 15. Wellman, H. M., Cross, D., & Watson, J. (2001). Meta-analysis of theory-of-mind development: The truth about false belief. Child Development, 72, 655–684.
Falter ▶Stuttering
Family Constellation ▶Birth Order
F
639
Family Dissolution ▶Divorce-Stress-Adjustment Perspective
Family Drawing REBEKAH R. PENDER San Antonio, TX, USA
Synonyms Family drawing global rating scales; Kinetic family drawing
Definition Family Drawing is a widely used test in psychodiagnostic assessment that allows the clinician gain some understanding and awareness into the child’s perception of itself; the child’s perception of its parents; and “some indicators of the development of its mental organization” [1]. The family drawing is considered an optional tool for the investigation of the child’s mental representation of attachment to the parents synchronized with the developmental psychology concepts [1].
Description The family drawing “projects the image of the family as perceived by the child in its growth” [1]. The family drawing also provides insight into the child’s “fantasies that combine the child’s subjective life experiences and their meetings with the objective outside world [1].” There are several ways to analyze children’s family drawings. One of the most widely used projective drawing techniques is the Kinetic Family Drawing (KFD) devised by Burns and Kaufman in 1970 [2]. The Kinetic Family Drawing involves the therapist asking the test taker, usually a child, to draw a picture of his or her entire family [3]. With the Kinetic Family Drawing, children are asked to draw a picture of their family, including themselves, engaged in some activity [3]. The purpose of “this picture is meant to elicit the child’s attitudes toward his or her family and the overall family dynamics” [3]. “The examiner may then ask the child questions about the drawing, such as what is happening and who is in the picture. Certain characteristics of the drawing are noted upon analysis, such as the placement of family members; the absence of any members; whether the figures are relatively consistent with reality or altered by the child; the absence
F
640
F
Family Drawing Global Rating Scales
of particular body parts; erasures; elevated figures; and so on.” Another popular method less concerned with the placement or absence of figures is the Family Drawing Global Rating Scales [4]. The FDGRS is a set of eight scales with an assigned numerical rating for the overall pattern of drawing features [4]. These scales rate “the emotional tone and quality of the mother–child relationship portrayed in family drawings” [4]. The dimensions of the FDGRS are “two positive dimensions, vitality/creativity, family pride/ happiness, and six negative dimensions, vulnerability, emotional distance/isolation, tension/anger, role-reversal, bizarreness/dissociation, and global pathology” [4].
Relevance to Childhood Development The non-verbal nature of the family drawing allows the child a safe outlet to express those feelings he/she may not otherwise be able to express verbally, including those aspects of mental representations the child is not aware of on a conscious level [4].
Family Systems Theory ▶Systems Theory
Family Therapist BERNADETTE HASSAN SOLO´RZANO Our Lady of the Lake University Community Counseling Service, San Antonio, TX, USA
Synonyms Bowenians; Collaborative; Dyadic therapist; Milan therapist; Social constructionist; Social system; Strategist; Structuralist; Systems therapist; Triadic; Triangular
Definition References 1.
2.
3. 4.
Piperno, F., Di Biasi, S., & Levi, G. (2007). Evaluation of family drawings of physically and sexually abused children. European Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 16, 389–397. Burns, R. C., & Kaufman, S. H. (1970). Kinetic Family Drawings (K-FD): An introduction to understanding children through kinetic drawings. New York: Brunner/Mazel. Kinetic family drawing. (2008). Retrieved on January 3, 2009, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kinetic_family_drawing. Leon, K., Wallace, T., & Rudy, D. (2007). Representations of parentchild alliances in children’s family drawings. Social Development, 16(3), 440–459.
Family Drawing Global Rating Scales ▶Family Drawing
Family Relationships ▶Relationships
Family Structure ▶Baumrind’s Parenting Styles ▶Parenting Styles
A family therapist is a clinician who has received extensive training in working systemically with a group of individuals who live in an interdependent relationship with one another. The definition of family is open to many different interpretations in today’s world.
Description The family therapist assists families with improving communications, parent and child interactions and resolve challenges families confront including traumas, illnesses and normal developmental changes. Family membership normally remains intact even beyond the time the family lives together as a unit. Family therapist is a protected title and can only be used by those individuals who are certified by a marriage and family licensing board. Family therapists usually conduct evaluations and interviews with the entire family and any extended members who wish to work on the family’s identified problem. Family therapists are trained to work systemically and incorporate all aspects – developmental, cultural, socioeconomic, health, community, gender – which impact the family. Family therapists must also be clear about ethical challenges when working with more than one individual at a time. There are many different approaches utilized by family therapists. Among the most well known are the object relations therapists, experiential family therapists, Bowenians, structuralists, strategists, Milan therapists, solution focused therapists, narrative therapists and feminist family therapists. Different theories of change focus on different aspects. All family therapists focus on the interactional component of the system. Some models
Family Therapy
focus on the insight-action dichotomy while others say change comes when the cognitions change, while others collaborate with the system to find new solutions. Family therapists may work alone or with a team of therapists who will provide reflections to the family in helping them to introduce new perspectives which may lead to change. Many family therapists also believe that small change leads to big change and thus brief therapy approaches are successful in helping families reach their goals. All family therapists concentrate on helping the clients to see they have choices to handle their situations differently and reintroduce hope to the family. Family therapists may work as a part of crisis intervention, brief or long term. There is also outcome evidence being collected to show the utilization of single session, walk in therapy is a powerful way for family therapist to assist families.
References 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
American Association for Marriage and Family Therapy: www.aamft. org Becvar, D. S., & Becvar, R. J. (2008). Family therapy: A systemic integration (7th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson. Goldenberg, H., & Goldenberg, I. (2004). Family therapy: An overview. New York: Brook/Cole. Hoffman, L. (2002). Family therapy: An intimate history. New York: Norton. Miller, J. K., & Slive, A. B. (2004). Breaking down the barriers to clinical service delivery: The process and outcome of walk-in family therapy. Journal of Marriage and Family Therapy, 30(1), 95–103.
F
Institute [1] studying communication patterns among schizophrenic and their families and with Bowen [2], in a more clinically oriented setting treating schizophrenic patients within the family group. Distinct schools of family therapy have evolved over time (see below), but most share the common aspects of therapists taking an active and sometime directive approach, maintaining a focus on the present, and the premise that all family members somehow play a role in the family dysfunction. The most influential models of family therapy are described below:
Family Systems Therapy Bowen’s [2] theory focuses on the degree of “differentiation” an individual is able to achieve from the family if origin and how t related to emotional and intellectual systems, which may become “used” if the person has difficulty differentiating themselves. Bowen used the term “triangles” to describe how individuals within a family system may deal with anxiety by members “fusing” together to exclude another. Birth order and transgenerational issues are considered important to understand the individual’s relationship tendencies. Therapy focuses on gaining insight through interacting in different ways with family of origin members to improve differentiation and “detriangulate.”
Strategic Family Therapy
Family Therapy ROBERT WALRATH Rivier College, Nashua, NH, USA
Synonyms
Proposed primarily by Haley [3], strategic approaches to family therapy center around the family’s protective and dysfunctional interaction patterns that serve to hold the family together. Therapists provide directive and sometime provocative tasks to challenge the existing patterns and effect change. A family’s insight into their difficulties is not considered important and is not a goal of therapy.
Conjoint therapy
Structural Family Therapy
Definition Family therapy is the application of therapeutic techniques and theories to the family as client or patient. Family in this instance can be defined as any number of biologically or otherwise related (e.g., by marriage) individuals, including multi-generational relationships, who may or may not reside together.
Description Early work in family therapy in the 1950s centered on the work of Bateson and his colleagues at the Mental Research
Developed by Minuchin [5], the Structural approach focuses on bringing family interactional patterns into the session to allow the therapist opportunities to influence boundaries difficulties between family subsystems and thereby improve problem solving among family members. He uses terms such as “enmeshment” and “disengagement” to describe aspects of family structure that relate to boundaries and the connection or lack of connection among family members. Minuchin stressed the need for the therapist to “join” the family to help unbalance the dysfunctional system.
641
F
642
F
Fantasy Play
References 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
Bateson, G., Jackson, D. D., Haley, J., & Weakland, J. H. (1956). Toward a theory of schizophrenia. Behavioral Science, 1, 251–264. Bowen, M. (1978). Family therapy in clinical practice. New York: Jason Aronson. Haley, J. (1991). Problem solving therapy. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Hoffman, L. (1981). Foundations of family therapy. New York: Basic Books. Minuchin, S. (1974). Families and family therapy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
others. Together, children practice planning and negotiating how objects, people, and actions function in their make-believe world. This type of play also allows children to engage in affective role taking, which is necessary for their emotional development [2].
References 1.
2.
Fantasy Play NAYLA DAOU Nova Southeastern University, Nova Southeastern, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
3.
4.
Synonyms
FAS
Dramatic play; Make-believe play; Pretend play
Definition
Ahn, J., & Filipenko, M. (2007). Narrative, imaginary play, art, and self: Intersecting worlds. Early Childhood Education Journal, 34, 279–289. Gayler, K. T., & Evans, I. M. (2001). Pretend play and the development of emotion regulation in preschool children. Early Childhood Development and Care, 166, 93–108. Russ, S. W., Robins, A. L., & Christiano, B. A. (1999). Pretend play: longitudinal prediction of creativity and affects in fantasy in children. Creativity Research Journal, 12, 129–139. Singer, D. G., & Singer, J. L. (1992). The house of make-believe. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
▶Fetal Alcohol Syndrome
Fantasy play is a type of non-realistic play in which children take on different roles and enact various situations.
Fascia
Description Fantasy play is nonliteral, meaning it is not realistic. It involves pretense and symbolism and greatly evokes a child’s imaginative capacity [3]. In this type of play, children take on different roles and are able to examine and understand various types of interpersonal interactions and social situations. Children may perform activities without the materials and the social context necessary for such activities in reality. Children may also create their own outcomes to the activity they are pretending to perform and may use inanimate objects as animate beings.
Relevance to Childhood Development Engaging in fantasy play has many benefits for the developing child. This type of play improves the child’s understanding of the world, contributes to the development of social understanding, improves emotional development, and exercises imaginative capacity. While engaging in fantasy play, children develop their own narratives and listen to other children’s narratives [1]. Through these narratives, they can make sense of the world and learn to guide their behaviors within different social roles. Children take on characters and explore different perspectives for themselves. Through their generated stories, children also learn to negotiate and see themselves in relation to
ARTHUR E. HERNANDEZ Texas A&M University Corpus Christi College of Education, Corpus Christi, TX, USA
Definition A sheet or band of connective tissue which binds or covers soft structures of the body such as muscles or organs.
Description Fascia is a sheet of tissue often white and fibrous which acts as a connector, binder or cover for various internal organs and muscles. It is composed of a superficial and a deep layer and is responsible for structural integrity connecting the skin to the structures and organs underneath, serving as a suspension mechanism for internal organs capable of contraction and relaxation. Aponeurosis is generally a type which connects muscle to bone and resemble.
References 1.
A layman friendly reference is Webster’s New Encyclopedic Dictionary. (1993). New York: Black Dog and Leventhal. (ISBN: 0-9637056-0-1).
Fathers
Fatal Illness ▶Terminal Illness
Father Only Families ▶Single Parent Families
Fathers BADY QUINTAR Nova Southeastern University (CPS), Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA Literature concerning children’s emotional attachment and emotional development has dealt primarily with the mother–infant interactions. Indeed, prior to the 1970s research centering about the contributions of fathers to the psychosocial growth and development of infants has been rather limited. According to Gill [3], studies have reported that both father’s presence and absence can have serious affects on the personality development of a child. In our culture infants form more intense attachments to primary caregivers (usually mothers) and slightly less intense attachments to secondary caregivers (often fathers). Such differential reactions displayed by infants is understandable given that soon after birth the infant’s basic needs for feeding, physical comfort, touching, changing diapers, and other related activities are performed primarily by mothers. It may also be argued that infants are attached more to their mothers because of the role and expectation that society has assigned to them. What then are the roles of fathers? What does the phrase “to father a child” mean? Does it refer only to the act of insemination but not to the responsibility for raising a child? Is the father’s role limited to the sole biological contribution of the moment of conception? Do these questions suggest that what fathers contribute to their offspring after conception is largely a matter of cultural devising and definition? At this point, it may be helpful to make a distinction between two related concepts; namely father and fatherhood. The term father tends to emphasize the biological connection between the progenitor and his offspring, while the concept of fatherhood stresses the
F
socio-cultural and psychological obligation that men have to their biological offsprings. At times, we observe a harmonious synergism between these two concepts, and when that happens, positive outcome invariably occurs. When a disjunction or a gap between father and fatherhood takes place, the risk of deleterious effect increases considerably. Psychoanalytic Object Relations theories are inclined to state that when a father dies, his fatherhood lives on, as a mental representation, in the child’s psyche. However, when the father deserts the family his fatherhood leaves with him and the child will be unfathered. Indeed, when a father dies, children grieve and mourn the loss, but when the father abandons the children, they feel anger, anxiety, resentment, guilt, and self-blame. Richard Gill’s book Posterity Lost (1997), a welldocument scholarly written document underscores the idea that the current structure of the American family life is deteriorating. The rapid rate of divorce, increasing domestic violence and child abuse, early teenage pregnancies, juvenile crimes, drugs, antisocial behavior, suicide, and poor attendance and increasing failures in schools are highly symptomatic of the breakdown observed in our current family life. At the core of this crisis in family life seems to be the roles and functions of fathers. The presence of fathers at home seems to serve as an important stabilizing factor. Gill [3], adds that the explosion of crime and violence among children and teenagers in recent years, is most attributed to the absence of a father in the household. He adds, “Fully 70% of all prison and reform school inmates come from fatherless homes. This is a dramatic finding that underlies the critical importance of a caring and competent father to serve both as a role model and disciplinarian during the often wild teenage years, particularly for young males” (p. 41). Hrdy [5], states, “No matter how Apollo-like the progenitor, how skilled a hunter, how good his genes, how viable his immune system, his absence puts his children at a disadvantage” (p. 235). She adds that in fatherless families one sees higher rates of delinquency for boys and early pregnancies for girls. Gill [3], in reflecting over current American families, suggests that fatherlessness is the most harmful demographic trend of this generation and that it is the engine driving our most urgent social problems. Despite the deleterious effects of fatherlessness in our society, it is a problem which is minimized, ignored, or denied. According to Blankenhorn [1], in 1990, 36.3% of American children were living apart from their biological fathers. . . Scholars estimate that before they reach age eighteen, more than half of all children in the nation will live apart from their fathers for at least a significant portion of their childhood (p. 18–19).
643
F
644
F
Fatness
Relevance to Childhood Development Regardless of the changing economic and social condition and guided by the desire to stamp out the erosion of fatherlessness, it is incumbent on all of us to take all necessary measures to put an end to such a serious social problem. Efforts should be made to help growing children realize that both parents have equal responsibility in raising them to be trustworthy, honest, and responsible children. Parents should realize that children try to emulate their parents’ behavior and that when parents act in a mature, responsible, and a respectful manner children will try to model their behaviors after them. Grinker et al [4], in outlining a cluster of conditions he associates with mental health listed the followings: “satisfactory positive affectionate relationships with both parents, parental agreement and cooperation in child raising, definite and known limitations and boundaries placed on behavior, and strong identification with father and father figures” (p.146). Thus, rather than conveying the idea that fathers are breadwinners and disciplinarian, children should be help to view fathers and their presence in the family as crucial socializing agents who compliment the various maternal functions. Fathers, realizing that in the last few decades have gradually moved from the center to the periphery of family life, must by their actions and behaviors try to reclaim their original position, that of being central to family life. In his very moving statement, Blankenhorn [1], stated, “I pledge to live my life according to the principle that every child deserves a father; that marriage is the pathway to effective fatherhood; that part of being a good man means being a good father; and that America need more good men (p.226).”
FBA ▶Functional Behavioral Assessment
Fear ▶Anxiety
Fear of Strangers ▶Stranger Anxiety
Fecal Soiling ▶Encopresis
Feeding ▶Breastfeeding
References 1. 2. 3. 4.
5. 6.
Blankenhorn, D. (1995). Fatherless America: Confronting our most urgent social problems. New York: Basic Books. Dworetzky, J. (1981). Introduction to child development. St. Paul, MN: West Publishing Company. Gill, R. (1997). Posterity Lost. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers. Grinker, R. R., Sr. Grinker, R., Jr., & Timberlake. (1962). A study of “mentally healthy” young males (homoclites). A.M.A. Archives of General Psychiatry, 6(6), 146. Hrdy, S. B. (1999). Mother nature. New York, NY: The Ballutine Publishing Group. Offer, D., & Sabshin, M. (1966). Normality. Basic Book, Inc: New York, NY.
Feeding Disorder JESSICA SPARLING, IVY CHONG Florida Institute of Technology, Melbourne, FL, USA
Synonyms Failure to thrive; Food refusal/selectivity
Definition A feeding disorder is a disorder in which food intake is insufficient to maintain health.
Fatness ▶Obesity
Description A feeding disorder is diagnosed when the amount of food consumed or caloric intake is insufficient to maintain
Feingold Diet
appropriate weight or growth [1]. While the exact etiology, prevalence, and change due to maturation is relatively unknown, various social and biological factors appear to be involved. Feeding disorders tend to be categorized as structural abnormalities affecting ability to eat, neurological or developmental disorders affecting ability to eat, or as behavioral feeding disorders [2]. Feeding disorders are not specific to one population, however, are more prevalent in the developmentally disabled, and may pose a variety of health risks [7]. A variety or problematic behaviors may be associated with feeding disorders, such as vomiting, rumination, gagging, expulsion, negative affect, and tantrums. Often the first course of treatment is a medical approach, however, behavioral interventions have been shown to be effective [3, 5, 6].
References
Relevance to Childhood Development
4.
Feeding disorders are reportedly one of the most common disorders of childhood, and affect an estimated 25–35% of typically developing children, and 33–80% of children with developmental delays [4]. Evaluation for a feeding disorder often occurs when a child is developmentally delayed, presents with neurological or physical problems or defects, or behavioral issues. Causes may be due to medical disorders such as gastroesophageal reflux, disorders causing malabsorption of food, lactose intolerance, celiac disease, disorders causing persistent vomiting or diarrhea, and cystic fibrosis. Abnormalities affecting ability to swallow or delayed or insufficient oral motor skills may also contribute to the development of a feeding disorder. Social and environmental factors have also been identified, such as conditions unfavorable for eating, inadequate consequences for inappropriate or appropriate eating, parental beliefs regarding nutrition, maternal depression, and social isolation. Children diagnosed with a feeding disorder are at risk for a variety of health risks, such as malnutrition, lethargy, delayed growth, significant weight loss, failure to gain weight, developmental delays, and cognitive delays. Feeding disorders are often reported to cause parental stress, and are often associated with disrupted or difficult mealtimes. Further, feeding disorders may be linked to an increased risk of eating disorders later in life. Treatment is oftentimes medical, and involves force feeding, intravenous feeding, and tube feedings such as gastrostomy, oral-gastric, or naso-gastric tubes. Such treatments often serve as stabilizing procedures when lifethreatening risk of dehydration or malnutrition occurs. Behavioral treatment is also often effective, and may include components such as prompts to eat, punishment, extinction procedures, and differential reinforcement [5].
F
645
Procedures such as manipulating the texture or portion of meals have been demonstrated to be effective in treating feeding disorders. While some issues related to feeding disorders tend to persist, behavioral interventions have shown success in increasing food intake in children with feeding disorders.
1. 2.
3.
5.
6.
7.
Bernard-Bonnin, A.-C. (2006). Feeding problems of infants and toddlers. Canadian Family Physician, 52, 1247–1251. Burklow, K. A., Phelps, A. N., Schultz, J. R., McConnell, K., & Rudolph, C. (1998). Classifying complex feeding disorders. Journal of Pediatric Gastroenterology and Nutrition, 27(2), 143–147. Cooper, L. J., Wacker, D. P., McComas, J. J., Brown, K., Peck, S. M., Richman, D., et al. (1984). Use of component analysis to identify active variables in treatment packages for children with feeding disorders. Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, 28(2), 139–153. Manikam, R., & Perman, J. A. (2000). Pediatric feeding disorders. Journal of Clinical Gastroenterology, 30, 34–46. Piazza, C. C., Patel, M. R., Gulotta, C. S., Sevin, B. M., & Layer, S. A. (2003). On the relative contributions of positive reinforcement and escape extinction in the treatment of food refusal. Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, 36(3), 309–324. Riordan, M. M., Iwata, B. A., Finney, J. W., Wohl, M. K., & Stanley, A. E. (1984). Behavioral assessment and treatment of chronic food refusal in handicapped children. Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, 17(3), 327–344. Werle, M. A., Murphy, T. B., & Budd, K. S. (1993). Treating chronic food refusal in young children: home-based parent training. Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, 26, 421–433.
Feelings ▶Affect
Feingold Diet JANA SANDER Texas A&M University Corpus Christi College of Education, Corpus Christi, TX, USA
Definition Feingold diet a controversial diet for hyperactive children which excludes artificial colors, artificial flavors, preservatives, and salicylates. http://medical-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/Fein gold+diet
F
646
F
Female
Description This diet requires the removal of any additives or chemicals thought to be the source of ADD or ADHD. Any type of artificial coloring is eliminated because it is derived from petroleum by-products and this is thought to cause hyperactivity. Thus, any food containing an artificial coloring is removed from the diet. In addition, any food containing artificial flavoring is removed from the diet. The Feingold Association is concerned that these additives may not have had the thorough study of the effects on the behavior of children. Of particular concern is the flavoring vanilla. This flavor is frequently made from the by-products of paper production. Further, Aspartame, the artificial sweetener, is also eliminated from the diet. No artificial preservatives are allowed in the diet when following the Feingold Diet. This includes BHA (Butylated Hydroxyanisole) and BHT (Butylated Hydroxtoluene). Both of them are derivatives of petroleum. Initially numerous salicylates are removed from the diet but are reintroduced later. Some salicylates occur naturally such as apples, berries, grapes, oranges, peaches, plums, tangerines, and tomatoes. The diet is divided into two stages. The first stage includes the removal of all foods thought to cause the disorders. Next, each food is added back into the diet, one food at a time to help determine if it causes the symptoms. This diet can be very difficult to follow and very time consuming. Sleep disturbances and constipation may occur. Therefore, it is recommended that before a child is put on the Feingold Diet their physician or pediatrician is contacted. In addition, The Feingold Association of the United States has an in-depth website concerning this diet. This association offers a free e-newsletter, materials as well as numerous resources pertaining to the diet. http://wellness.diet.com/encyclopedia-of-diets/dr-fein gold-diet
References 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
Hershey, J. (1996). Why can’t my child behave? Alexandria: Pear Tree. http://medical-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/Feingold+diet http://wellness.diet.com/encyclopedia-of-diets/dr-feingold-diet http://www.feingold.org/ Willis, A. P. (Ed.). (2007). Diet therapy research trends. New York: Nova Science.
Female ▶Femininity
Female Gamete ▶Ovum
Female Germ Cell ▶Ovum
Femaleness ▶Femininity
Feminine ▶Femininity
Femininity ASHLEA SMITH Phoenix College, Phoenix, AZ, USA
Synonyms Effeminate; Effete; Female; Femaleness; Feminine; Fertile; Girlhood; Girly; Maternal; Womanhood; Womanly
Definition To possess a trait or characteristic that has been associated with the totality of being female or womanlike; most often influenced by socio-cultural norms and expectations.
Description The term femininity encompasses what people perceive as how to look, act, think, and feel to be considered or labeled female. These labels or as some may say constraints dictate how one achieves these feminine ideals set forth by our society, media, culture, and familial factors. Nakash et al. [2] defined femininity as a “concern for others and on connectedness, with attributes such as gentleness,
Femininity
submissiveness, dependency, and emotionality” being the primary focus of those identifying with the female gender (p. 4). The term takes on a more specific meaning then just the physicality of a female body, but defines personality traits and ways of relating to others for young girls and women to successfully subscribe to feminine ideologies. Typically, we associate femininity with females of all ages as a group. The perceived primary indicator of whether or not one is feminine relates to one’s sex. However, this way of acting female can go beyond the general scope of gender in that males can also adopt feminine traits and ways of being just as females adopt masculine traits. This belief stems from the biological roots in that males need the hormone estrogen and females need the hormone testosterone as survival mechanisms. Additionally, the media and social influences have even created a name for men who incorporate these feminine traits into their masculinity as “metrosexual.” Societal pressures and cultural demands most commonly illustrated in different forms of media can dictate how young women should embody these set of expectations to fit the mold of what it means to be a feminine girl or woman. From the moment that a child’s sex has been announced as, “It’s a girl!” the female roles and expectations begin to form from the abundance of pink-colored outfits to the sense of being more sensitive and fragile than their male counterparts. Young girls are even taught the correct expression of emotions or the socially accepted toys such as baby dolls and kitchen sets that they should be interested in as children to be considered female. Furthermore, when it comes to females selecting a chosen profession these roles and expectations surface in that it is more socially acceptable for women to enter professions in the helping field such as nurses, teachers, social workers, and secretaries to name a few; instead of becoming lawyers, physicians, engineers, or executives of companies. These ideals of what it means to be feminine and the ability to intertwine femininity into one’s sense of self are born. This concept develops as a child progresses into the different stages of development into adulthood. As a young girl progresses through puberty and becomes “a woman now” with the start of the menstrual cycle and the development of breasts new duties emerge upon entering adulthood such as being a caretaker, procreator, mother, and good wife [3]. In addition, this rite of passage fosters a new source of feminine identity “to create a sense of belonging within society,” which is typically “engrained during childhood and inevitably forges a source of connection with one’s body that is not necessarily positive or healthy” ([4], p. 41). For young girls, the
F
ability to uphold these obligations upon entering adulthood and possess an identity outside of their physical bodily appearance may create struggles when it comes to embracing one’s feminine identity. The female breasts are one of the most represented symbols of femininity even referred to as the “crown jewels of femininity” ([5], p. 3). Not all young girls accept these bodily changes as part of their new identity by wearing baggy clothing to camouflage or hide the appearance of breasts. It has also been described as impacting one’s body, hair, clothing choice, voice, skin, movement, emotion, and ambition [1]. When it comes to the physical female body, femininity has been defined as the distance “between the nipples of the breasts, from the lower edge of the breast to the navel, and the distance from the naval to the crotch” all being units of equal length according to the classical Greeks ([1], p. 23).These specific formulas have even filtrated into the field of cosmetic surgery where asthetic plastic surgeons use particular measurements when creating the newly constructed ideal body part(s) for female consumers based on these standards of beauty. Moreover, when it comes to looking the part of an ideal female or the ability to possess an air of femininity one needs particular clothing to induce “the body to strut about in small, restrained yet show-offy ways” ([1], p. 79). This look can be achieved by wearing fitted yet but not revealing clothing paired with high stiletto heels, and the addition of accessories such as: bracelets, earrings, and necklaces. To complete the look of femininity we must add the use of make-up to accentuate and highlight facial features, and a spray of sweet smelling perfume to create the embodiment of what it means to look and dress female.
Relevance to Childhood Development Femininity is a term that is automatically associated with young girls and adolescents simply due to the fact of their sex. Young girls are taught at such a young age what it means to be feminine or a “girly girl.” It starts with the color pink being the signature color to girls should openly express their emotions; except for those society has labeled as “negative emotions” such as anger, hostility, and jealousy because it is considered impolite to express those in public. This idea of femininity is also woven within the future goals and expectations set forth for girls in part of the social roles or professions to venture into. Femininity is a form of self expression that young girls and women should be able incorporate into the sum total of whom they are based on their personal perception of what it means to be female. Although social and cultural constraints may paint a vivid picture of how
647
F
648
F
Fertile
one should look, act, think, and feel to be considered female it is the individuals choice to select which of those ideals they want to include in the personal worldview and identity.
References 1. 2.
3.
4.
5.
Brownmiller, S. (1985). Femininity. New York, NY: Fawcett Columbine. Nakash, O., Williams, L. M., & Jordan, J. V. (2004). Relationalcultural theory, body image, and physical health. Works in progress, No. 416. Wellesley, MA: Stone Center Working Paper series. Wooley, O. W. (1994). And man created “woman”. Representations of women’s bodies in western culture. In P. Fallon, M. A. Katzman, & S. C. Wooley (Eds.), Feminist perspectives on eating disorders (pp. 17– 52). New York, NY: Guilford Press. Worrell, A. R. (2008). An examination of women’s body image and sexual satisfaction following breast augmentation. Proquest Dissertations and Theses 2008. Section 1164, Part 0382 154 pages. PhD dissertation, St. Mary’s University, TX; 2008. Publication Number: AAT 3315326. Yalom, M. (1997). A history of the breast. New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf.
Fertile ▶Femininity
Festinger, Leon BERNADETTE HASSAN SOLO´RZANO Our Lady of the Lake University Community Counseling Service, San Antonio, TX, USA
He earned a Bachelor of Science from City College of New York in 1939. He pursued his graduate studies at the University of Iowa where he earned both his masters and doctoral degree in psychology in 1942. It was during this time he worked with the prominent social psychologist, Kurt Lewin.
Accomplishments After he completed his degree he stayed for 2 more years at the University of Iowa as a research assistant. During World War II, he worked as a senior statistician for the Committee on the Selection and Training of Aircraft Pilots at the University of Rochester. In 1945, he rejoined Lewin at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology as an assistant professor at the Research Center for Group Dynamics. When Lewin died in 1947, Festinger moved to the University of Michigan as an associate professor and became the director for the Group Dynamics Center. He next worked at the University of Minnesota in 1951 where he became a full professor of psychology. He moved to Stanford in 1955 and in 1968 made his final move to the New School for Social Research in New York where he was the Else and Hans Staudinger Professor of Psychology. He was awarded the Distinguished Scientist Award of the American Psychological Association in 1959 and was also elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences that same year. In 1972, he became a member of the National Academy of Sciences and the Society of Experimental Psychology in 1973. In 1980, the University of Mannheim named Festinger the Einstein Visiting Fellow of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities. Also in 1980 he received the Distinguished Senior Scientist Award of the Society of Experimental Social Psychology.
Contributions Life Dates (1919–1989)
Introduction Dr. Leon Festinger earned fame and recognition as a social psychologist. He developed the theory of cognitive dissonance, social comparison theory, and explored the role of propinquity in forming social relationships.
Educational Information Dr. Festinger was born in Brooklyn, New York on May 8, 1919. He attended Boys’ High School in New York City.
Festinger is most well known for the development of the theory of cognitive dissonance. Dissonance, according to Festinger, results when there is a conflict in an individual’s belief system. This conflict results in psychological tension which must be resolved. The conflict is resolved using either a rationalization or ignoring the situation. Festinger began his work on cognitive dissonance while he was at Stanford when he observed that people liked consistency in their lives. Festinger also developed the social comparison theory and how group norms exert pressure on an individual’s behavior. In association with Stanley Schacter and Kurt Backlund he developed the social network theory which studied that people form association based on their physical proximity.
Fetal Alcohol Effects
References 1. 2. 3. 4.
5.
Aronson, E., Wilson, T. D., & Akert, R. M. (Eds.). (2002). Social psychology (4th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. Cohen, D. (1977). Psychologists on psychology. New York: Taplinger. Festinger, L. (1957). A theory of cognitive dissonance. Evanston, IL: Row, Peterson. Milite, G.A. (2001). Festinger, Leon (1919–1989). In Gale encyclopedia of psychology (2nd ed.). Retrieved December 17, 2008, from http://findarticles.com/articles/mi_2699/is_0004ai_2699000466print? tag=artBody;coll Schachter, S. (1994). Leon Festinger 1919–1989. In Office of the Home Secretary National Academy of Sciences (Eds.), Biographical memoirs (Vol. 64, pp. 98–110). Washington, DC: National Academy of Sciences.
Fetal Alcohol Effects ASHLEY N. PETTONI Pediatric Psychology, Atlanta, GA, USA
Synonyms Alcohol exposure; Alcohol related birth defects (ARBD); Alcohol related neurodevelopmental disorder (ARND); Fetal alcohol spectrum disorder; Fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS); Partial fetal alcohol syndrome (pFAS); Prenatal alcohol exposure
Definitions Fetal alcohol effects (FAE), or ▶Fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD), is an umbrella term describing the range of effects that can occur in an individual whose mother drank alcohol during pregnancy. These effects include physical, mental, behavioral, and/or learning disabilities with possible lifelong implications [1].
Description FAE is one of a spectrum of neurological impairments that can affect a child who has been exposed to alcohol prenatally [1, 3–5]. One of the most severe effects of drinking during pregnancy is fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS), which is one of the leading known preventable causes of mental retardation and birth defects [1, 6]. From a morphological perspective, children with FAE are not as impaired as children diagnosed with FAS, as they usually lack the distinctive FAS facial features and may have normal intellectual functioning. This is misleading as FAE is sometimes described as less serious. Unfortunately, children with FAE are in fact more likely to have negative outcomes such as trouble with school, trouble with the law, and teen pregnancy. Unrealistic expectations are frequently made with these
F
children since more overt signs of impairments (i.e., facial features) are not present. Thus, children with FAE may be without adequate support and this can lead to detrimental ramifications for these children and their families [1]. Alcohol, which is able to cross the placental barrier, exerts its effects on the developing fetus through multiple actions at different sites. In the developing brain, alcohol interferes with nerve cell (i.e., the neuron) development in several ways, including cells not reaching the final destination and even premature cell death [4]. An embryo’s susceptibility to distinct FAE defects seems to be related to the timing of maternal alcohol consumption. Specifically, consumption during critical periods of development for various organ systems, regions, or cell types has been linked to particular defects [4, 5]. Duration of the prenatal alcohol exposure and quantity of alcohol has also been shown to factor into the expression of deficits [3, 4, 6]. Regardless, not all children exposed to alcohol will be affected in the same way [4, 6]. In 1996, the Institute of Medicine (IOM) replaced FAE with the terms ARND and ARBD. Children with ARND might have functional or mental problems linked to prenatal alcohol exposure. These include behavioral or cognitive abnormalities or a combination of both. These deficits are often more subtle than is observed in children with FAS and can include difficulties with mathematical skills, difficulties with memory or attention, poor school performance, and poor impulse control and/or judgment. Children with ARBD might have problems with the heart, kidneys, bones, and/or hearing. The term FASD is now being utilized to accentuate that alcohol can exert its effects in multiple ways on a developing child and that no particular set of impairments is “better” or “worse” and seeks to refer collectively to FAS, partial FAS, ARBD, and ARND [1, 2]. Neuroanatomical differences in children exposed to alcohol in utero have also been found. There is evidence to suggest that the basal ganglia, corpus callosum, cerebellum, and hippocampus have irreversible structural changes following alcohol exposure during development of the fetus. These findings indicate that the structural changes could account for several observed deficits and suggest that are global, rather than specific, developmental abnormalities [4, 6]. Children with FASDs might have the following characteristics or exhibit the following behaviors: growth deficiencies; facial abnormalities such as small eye openings (palpebral fissures), flat midface, thin upper lip, and a flat philtrum (groove between nose and upper lip) [1, 2]; poor coordination [1]; learning disabilities; developmental disabilities (e.g., speech and language and motor
649
F
650
F
Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder
delays) [1, 4, 5]; mental retardation or low IQ; problems with daily living; poor reasoning and judgment skills; sleep and sucking disturbances in infancy [1]. In addition, other researchers have delineated that children with prenatal alcohol exposure demonstrate impairments in focused attention, executive functions [2–4, 6], and visual-spatial ability [4, 6]. Learning and memory is also impaired, as children with FASDs show deficits in immediate recall; however, retention and recognition is generally intact [2, 3]. Emotionally, increased levels of irritability have been observed during infancy [4], as well as hypersensitivity to sensory stimuli and self-soothing problems [5]. Children with FASDs also may display impaired social functioning and psychiatric disorders [4, 5], along with hyperactive behavior [1, 2] and impulsivity [5]. Collectively, these problems often lead to difficulties in school and problems getting along with others. FASD is a permanent condition and affects every aspect of an individual’s life and the lives of his or her family [1]. It is difficult to ascertain the exact prevalence rates of FAS and other alcohol related conditions, as it varies widely depending on the population studied and the surveillance methods used. Estimates of FAS prevalence rates vary from 0.5 to 3.0 per 1,000 live births in a majority of populations. ARND and ARBD are believed to occur approximately three times as often as FAS [1, 4].
Relevance to Childhood Development Unfortunately, there is no cure for FASDs. However, treatment is possible. Due to the range of CNS damage, symptoms, and secondary disabilities, treatment approaches vary depending on the individual needs of the child and family. Comprehensive models of treatment are the most effective, as several types of inventions, such as medical, behavioral, and developmental, are needed to ameliorate the negative effects [5]. While these conditions are serious and pervasive, there are protective factors that have been found to help individuals with FASDs. For example, a child who is diagnosed early in life is eligible to receive appropriate educational services and can have access to social services that can assist the child and his or her family. The children who obtain special education are more likely to achieve their developmental and educational potential. In addition, children with FASDs need a loving, nurturing, and stable home life to avoid disruptions, transient lifestyles, or harmful relationships. Children with FASDs who live in abusive or unstable homes or who develop anti-social behaviors are much more likely than those who do not have such negative experiences to develop secondary conditions [1].
Given that FASDs are preventable, several approaches are aimed at reducing the effects of alcohol on developing fetuses. More comprehensive approaches involve social, cognitive-behavioral, medical, and referral services. Public health models emphasizes three different levels of prevention: primary (attempt to cease maternal alcohol consumption before it begins), secondary (utilize early detection and treatment of problems), and tertiary (programs which attempt to change the pattern of behavior of high-risk women who already have a child with FASD). Universal and selective prevention strategies have also been developed. Universal programs attempt to reach all of society, through the utilization of media and policy and environmental change. An example includes warnings on alcoholic beverages. Selective prevention interventions are intended for those individuals who are at high risk for developing problems. Once these women are identified (usually through questionnaires at clinics); measures can be put in place to assist in change. This form of prevention is similar to secondary prevention [4].
References 1.
2.
3.
4. 5.
6.
Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2003). Fetal alcohol syndrome. Retrieved November 28, 2008, from http://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/fas/fasask. htm Jacobson, J. L., & Jacobson, S. W. (2002). Effects of prenatal alcohol exposure on child development. Alcohol Research and Health, 26, 282–286. Korkman, M., Kettunen, S., & Autti-Ramo, I. (2003). Neurocognitive impairment in early adolescence following prenatal alcohol exposure to varying duration. Child Neuropsychology, 9, 117–128. National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism. (2001). Prenatal exposure to alcohol. Alcohol Research and Health, 24, 32–41. O’Leary, C. M. (2004). Fetal alcohol syndrome: Diagnosis, epidemiology, and developmental outcomes. Journal of Pediatrics and Child Health, 40, 2–7. Wacha, V. H., & Obrzut, J. E. (2007). Effects of fetal alcohol syndrome on neuropsychological function. Journal of Developmental and Physical Disabilities, 19, 217–226.
Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder ▶Fetal Alcohol Effects
Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder (FASD) ▶Alcohol Exposure
Fetal Alcohol Syndrome
Fetal Alcohol Syndrome JOHN JOSHUA HALL1, CHAD A. NOGGLE2 1 The University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences, Little Rock, AR, USA 2 SIU School of Medicine, Springfield, IL, USA
Synonyms
F
also occur such as agenesis of the corpus callosum, cerebellar abnormalities, reduced volume of the basal ganglia, damage to the hippocampus, and enlarged ventricles (Randall, 1996). While factors such as amount of alcohol consumed, frequency of use, and timing of use during pregnancy have all been related to the nature and severity of FAS/FAE residuals, Olson et al. [1] found that a fetus of an alcoholic mother who engaged in “binge” drinking is more at risk for deficits associated with FAS.
FAS
Relevance to Childhood Development Definition Fetal Alcohol Syndrome (FAS) is a developmental disorder that results from a developing fetus being exposed to alcohol in utero. FAS is characterized by distinctive neurological, cognitive, and behavioral deficits [8]. In some cases distinct phenotypical traits may also be seen.
Description FAS is a developmental disorder that affects individuals throughout his or her life. Initially described in the United States by Jones and Smith [3], FAS commonly results in intrauterine growth retardation and physical and neurological deficits. Physical abnormalities may include widely spaced eyes, shortened eyelid length, elongated midface, flattened nose, and a thin upper lip [8]. However, in many children exposed to alcohol in utero, few actually demonstrate the growth and facial abnormalities [6]. Even though they do not have the characteristic growth deficits and other physical abnormalities of FAS, they often exhibit the same cognitive, neurological, and behavioral changes. These features are often referred to as fetal alcohol effects (FAE) or alcohol-related neurodevelopmental disabilities (ARND) [8]. In response to the variability of outcomes in response to prenatal alcohol exposure, many researchers have argued that children exposed to alcohol should be categorized on a continuum [5]. As with most teratogens, the point and magnitude of exposure plays a vital role in the nature of affliction. While the early stages of pregnancy are viewed as the most sensitive periods to adverse impacts of teratogens such as alcohol, exposure at any point prenatal may negatively impact development. As previously mentioned, children with FAS and FAE often experience neurological deficits. Neurological deficits often include microcephaly, seizures, poor coordination, reduced muscle tone, poor behavioral regulation, below average cognitive ability, inattention, hyperactivity, and learning disorders [2]. Neuroanatomical changes can
651
Individuals afflicted with FAS often experience lifelong deficits in cognitive ability, behavioral functioning, and adaptive functioning [7]. Infants experience low birth weight, feeding problems, poor sleeping patterns, and irritability while children often experience attention, memory, learning, gross, and fine motor skill deficits. Enuresis (bed-wetting), language and other communication disorders, Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (AD/HD), mental retardation, and learning disorders are also common [8]. Executive functioning also appears to be greatly affected with FAS indicating frontal/ prefrontal involvement. Children with FAS appear to perform less well than same-aged peers when matched for IQ on tasks of verbal fluency, design fluency, cognitive set shifting, and planning [2]. These executive deficits may also contribute to difficulties with proper socialization. This is seen in fact that as children with FAS grow older, poor social judgment, poor interpersonal skills, and antisocial behavior are commonly seen [2]. Recent studies have also found that children with FAS experience greater difficulty on certain tasks of memory and learning. Mattson et al. [4] found that children on a list learning task experienced more difficulty memorizing new information than retaining and retrieving what they had previously learned. Recognition memory and the ability to benefit from priming and cueing also appear to be relatively intact in children with FAS [2]. In sum, children with FAS and FAE experience a great deal of deficits in cognitive abilities such as language, memory, learning, and executive functioning that can contribute to learning difficulties in school. Social skill deficits may also occur which creates further difficulties in proper adjustment and education. It is a lifelong disorder that will continue to create difficulties into adolescence and adulthood. However, FAS is easily preventable with early intervention and education as well as treatment for pregnant mothers with alcohol dependence and/or alcohol abuse.
F
652
F
Fetal Alcohol Syndrome (FAS)
References 1.
2.
3. 4.
5.
6.
7. 8.
Olson, C., Streissguth, A. P., Sampson, P. D., Barr, H. M., Bookstein, F. L., & Thiede, K. (1997). Association of prenatal alcohol exposure with behavioral and learning problems in early adolescence. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 36, 1187–1194. Jacobson, J. L., & Jacobson, S. W. (2002). Effects of prenatal alcohol exposure on child development. Alcohol Research and Health, 26, 282–286. Jones, K. L., & Smith, D. W. (1973). Recognition of fetal alcohol syndrome in early infancy. Lancet, 2, 999–1001. Mattson, S. N., Riley, E. P., & Gramling, L. (1998). Neuropsychological comparison of alcohol-exposed children with or without physical features of fetal alcohol syndrome. Neuropsychology, 12, 146–153. Rasmussen, C., Horne, K., & Witol, A. (2006). Neurobehavioral functioning in children with fetal alcohol spectrum disorder. Child Neuropsychology, 12, 453–468. Sampson, P., Streissguth, A. P., Bookstein, F., & Barr, H. (2000). On categorizations in analysis of alcohol teratogenesis. Environmental Health Perspectives, 108, 421–428. Streissguth, A. (1997). Fetal alcohol syndrome. Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes. Zillmer, E. A., & Spiers, M. V. (2001). Principles of Neuropsychology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning.
Fetal Alcohol Syndrome (FAS) ▶Alcohol Exposure ▶Fetal Alcohol Effects
Fetal Death ▶Stillbirths
Fetal Development JANA SANDER Texas A&M University Corpus Christi College of Education, Corpus Christi, TX, USA
the fetus is extraordinarily large in comparison to the rest of the body. The eyes move to their proper location and the organs, muscles, and nervous system become more structured. The face is well formed and the eyelids close. The tooth buds also appear. In addition, male and female external genitalia appear. Fine hair, lanugo, begins to develop on the head and bones develop and become harder. Sucking motions are made. Muscle tissue develops and the fetus begins to move its feet, hands, arms, and toes. However, the movements are so slight they cannot be felt by the mother at this point ([2], p. 173, [3], p. 123, [1], p. 89). The fourth month brings rapid growth in length though, the weight of the fetus does not increase much. The fetus is able to hear and eye movement begins. At this point in the pregnancy, the mother may begin to feel slight movement of the fetus. ([3, 4], p. 124). During the fifth month fine, silky hair called lanugo cover the entire body of the fetus. Due to increased muscle development the fetus is more active and can be felt by the mother. The lungs develop but are not viable outside of the mother’s body ([3, 4], p. 124). In the sixth month of fetal development all parts of the eye have developed and are able to open and close. Footprints and fingerprints are developing and fingernails are present. The respiratory system is still developing and is able to exchange gas while the nervous system can now control some bodily functions. Toward the end of this month the brain develops rapidly ([3, 4], p. 124). The fetus begins to gain weight and fill out during the seventh month. The brain can support rhythmic breathing but the lungs are still immature. Eyelashes and toenails grow ([3, 4], p. 124). In the eighth month the fetus has gained fat under the skin. The lanugo begins to disappear and the fingernails reach the end of the fingertips ([3, 4], p. 124). During the final month of fetal development, the fetus steadily gains weight and weighs about 7 lb. The lunugo is almost gone with the exception of the upper arms and shoulders. Body structures are being refined and the brain expands during this time ([3, 4], p. 124).
References 1.
Definition
2.
Weeks 9–40 of gestation or weeks 11–41 of a pregnancy. 3.
Description The period known as the fetus ranges from week 9 of gestation until birth. During this period the developing fetus grows rapidly. During the third month the head of
4. 5.
Berk, L. E. (2006). Child development (7th ed.). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Charlesworth, R. (2011). Understanding child development. Belmont: Wadsworth. McDevitt, T. M., & Ormrod, J. E. (2010). Child development and education (2nd ed.). Upper Saddle River: Merrill. Retrieved April 25, 2010, http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/ ency/article/002398.htm Trawick-Smith, J. (1997). Early childhood development: a multicultural perspective. Upper Saddle River: Merrill Prentice Hall.
Fetus 3.
Fetal Distress JANA SANDER Texas A&M University Corpus Christi College of Education, Corpus Christi, TX, USA
Definition The fetus experiences some type of complication.
Description Fetal distress may be caused when the fetus does not get enough oxygen ([1], p. 80) and can be determined by the use of a fetal monitor. Fetal abruption (early separation of the placenta from the wall of the uterus), compression of the umbilical cord, infection of the fetus, or the mother is in a position which puts pressure on the major blood vessels and deprives the fetus of oxygen. In utero the healthy fetus will have a stable and strong heartbeat. In addition, the fetus will move. A fetus in distress will react by having a decreased heart beat, slow their movements or even stop moving. In addition, the stressed fetus may pass their first stool (meconuim) while still in utero. An oxygen deprived fetus is in immediate danger. If a mother suspects the fetus is in distress she should count the number of kicks in a 2-h period. If the fetus is not this active the obstetrician should be called. To take pressure off of the major blood vessels the mother can lie down on her left side. To determine if a fetus is in distress the mother will be put on a fetal monitor. This consists of a large belt like device being strapped around the mother’s abdomen. The fetal monitor will determine if the fetus’ heartbeat is sufficient. In addition, the mother may be given oxygen and an IV. In case these treatments do not eliminate the fetal distress, a speedy delivery is necessary. This may mean the obstetrician will use forceps in the delivery to extract the fetus. Another possibility is vacuum delivery. A vacuum delivery involves a small rounded cup that attaches to the fetus’ head. The cup is in turn attached to a hose that creates a vacuum that then pulls it out of the birth canal. Often an emergency cesarean section on the mother is performed in order to reduce the fetal distress.
References 1. 2.
Deiner, P. L. (2009). Infants and toddlers: development and curriculum planning. Clifton Park: Delmar Cengage Learning. Murkoff, H., & Mazel, L. (2008). What to expect when you’re expecting (4th ed.). New York: Workman.
4. 5.
F
653
Retrieved April 3, 2010, http://dictionary.webmd.com/terms/fetaldistress. Retrieved April 3, 2010, http://www.obgyn.net/displayarticle.asp? page=/FM/articles/obgmgmt_fetaldistress. Retrieved April 4, 2010, http://maternity-newborn-nursing.blogspot. com/2008/12/fetal-distress.html.
Fetal Survival ▶Age of Viability
Fetus ELISHEVA KONSTAM, DEVORAH NEUHAUS Pace University, New York, NY, USA
Definition A fetus is defined as an unborn or unhatched vertebrate. The word fetus specifically refers to the unborn child during the time when all of the major structures and organs have been formed, typically after the eighth week of pregnancy. Prior to that point, the fetus is referred to as an embryo. The fetal stage continues until birth.
Description Fetus is the word used to describe unborn offspring in the uterus of vertebrate animals. This stage occurs between seven to eight weeks after the fertilization of the egg. At this time the embryo has taken the basic shape of a newborn and all major structures have been formed. It is also at this point in development that the risk of miscarriage decreases significantly. During this stage the fetus is surrounded by amniotic fluid that enables it to move. Oxygen and nutrients are provided through the placenta and umbilical cord. Nurtured in this protective environment, the body grows larger and more defined and organ development is completed. At the start of the fetal stage the fetus typically weighs about 8 g and measures 1.2 in. From that point until birth, the fetus continues to gain weight and refine the functionality of their organs. This growth allows the fetus to be less sensitive to damage from the environment than the embryo was. However, exposure to certain toxins can still cause physiological abnormalities or minor congenital malformations. Some of these fetal disorders may cause the birth of an infant before the complete gestational
F
654
F
Fidelity
time period has passed. At the 20 or 22 week point, a fetus is considered developed enough to be viable outside of the womb. Another interesting phenomenon occurs at the beginning of the fetal stage. From 8 weeks postmenstrual age onward, the fetus begins to move in a distinct pattern. The pattern is identical to the movement patterns of infants immediately after birth. The pattern of these movements have been studied, as alternative patterns are a reliable indicator of brain dysfunction and has been used as a predictor of the development of cerebral palsy.
Fighting ▶Physical Aggression
Filial Family Therapy (FFT) ▶Filial Therapy
References 1.
2.
Einspieler, C., Marschik, P. B., & Prechtl, H. (2008). Human motor behavior: Prenatal origin and early postnatal development. Journal of Psychology: Germany, 216(3), 147–153. Spelt, D. K. (1948). The conditioning of the human fetus in utero. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 38(3), 338–343.
Suggested Resources National Institute of Childhood Health and Human Development: http:// nichd.nih.gov/ Society for Research in Child Development: http://www.srcd.org/
Fidelity ▶Validity
Fidgety ▶Hyperactivity
Field Observation ▶Natural Observation
Filial Therapy JEFF L. COCHRAN, NANCY H. COCHRAN University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN, USA
Synonyms Child-parent relationship (CPR) training; Child relationship enhancement family therapy (CREFT); Filial family therapy (FFT)
Definition Filial therapy is a method of enhancing family relationships in which mental health professionals (such as counselors, psychologists, or clinical social workers) teach and supervise parents use of key elements of child-centered play therapy (e.g., [1, 4, 12, 17]) to help their own children with behavioral, emotional, adjustment, attachment, and self-esteem difficulties. The American Heritage Dictionary defines “filial” as: of or pertaining to, or benefiting a son or daughter (American Heritage Dictionary, 1982, p. 503). Thus it is a parental therapy for the daughter or son, in which the counselor helps the parent to learn and implement skills for special play time in order to be a therapeutic agent for her or his child. While filial therapy employs the special emotional bond possible between parent and child to help the children with difficulties ranging from normal adjustment issues to trauma, it also improves parental self-efficacy and stress levels as it is an intervention in the parent-child relationship.
Description
Fight or Flight ▶Anxiety
Development History and Research Filial Therapy was introduced and developed by Bernard and Louise Guerney (see [10, 11, 25]) to empower parents
Filial Therapy
to advance or augment the benefits possible from therapeutic relationships frequently provided by mental health and school counselors, psychologists, social workers and professionals from related fields. The approach has continued to rapid growth in research and application in recent years. Its effectiveness has been demonstrated with child populations defined by various problem or life stress areas including conduct problems, stuttering, learning problems, chronic illness, problems related to immigration status, and learning disabilities [6, 15]. Promising results have been found for parents from differing ethnicities and life situations (e.g., Native American [8]; Chinese American [29]; parents with chronically ill children [27]; foster parents [7]; and incarcerated parents [13, 16]; single parents [2]; nonoffending parents of children who have been sexually abused [5]; and German mothers [9]). Particularly important to child and family development, the effects of filial therapy have been shown to remain strong over time. For example, Sywulak [26] confirmed that a significant increase in parental child acceptance was maintained after 4 months. Stover and Guerney [25] found an increase in mothers’ reflective statements and a decrease in directive statements maintained 12 months after filial therapy. Sensue [24] reported lengthy maintained results. For 16 elementary-age children, the behavioral gains that were demonstrated as the result of 4 months of filial therapy were still present after 3 years. Rennie and Landreth [21] reviewed the research in filial therapy, looking particularly at changes in parental characteristics (empathy, acceptance, stress, and family environment) and in children (adjustment, behavioral problems, play session behavior, and self-concept). They concluded that filial therapy is a powerful intervention that increased “parental acceptance, self-esteem, empathy, (and created) positive changes in family environment, and the child’s adjustment and self-esteem while decreasing parental stress and the child’s behavioral problems” (p. 31). In a meta-analysis of the effectiveness of filial therapy, Ray et al. [20] found filial therapy to be an effective treatment for children’s problems, reporting a quite high effect size, 1.06.
Brief Overview In filial therapy, a play therapist trains parents, who become therapeutic change agents by offering their children empathy, genuineness, and acceptance in play sessions [10]. The therapist (mental health professional) takes the role of the parent(s)’ guide, teacher, supervisor, supporter and challenger as the parent develops skills to provide a particularly structured, child-directed, child-centered,
F
hour or half hour of weekly play, focused on parent-tochild empathy, unconditional acceptance of the child’s self-expression (within limits necessary to maintain safety and to facilitate self-expression, and the parent-child connection). These 30–60 minutes of specialized parent-child interaction/play time is often referred to as special play time (SPT). In contrast to many parent training interventions that require parents to use new relationship or interaction skills consistently across time, a daunting task for many stressed parents, filial therapy focuses change and new skills in the 30–60 minutes of weekly SPT. The therapist’s focus is on helping the parents succeed with the unique relationship provided in SPT. Once that success is well begun, new ways of interacting naturally emanate throughout the week from SPT. Parents benefit from greatly expanded empathy and unconditional positive regard, considered by many in the counseling and psychotherapy field to be the core conditions of therapeutic relationships (especially counselors and therapists with interest in the person-centered approach to counseling, psychotherapy and other relationships – see [3, 22, 23]). Parents also learn empathic methods for limit setting when needed to facilitate the child’s self-expression and parental connection in SPT. Practitioners of filial therapy often describe “the filial glow” evident in parents and children once the parent is succeeding in connecting through SPT. Filial therapy is based on helping parents approximate, as closely as possible, the therapeutic skills of CCPT. Therapists provide significant didactic instruction, demonstration, and mock practice before parents begin SPT with their children under the supervision of their therapist. Therapists also help parents develop a specialized kit of toys, designed to best facilitate the child’s therapeutic selfexpression in SPT. Therapists using filial therapy should be well-trained and well-experienced in CCPT. Especially for situations that have included significant trauma for the child, filial therapy is often provided as an addition to CCPT, after the child has achieved mastery stage [19] in CCPT. The primary professional organization focused in promoting filial therapy and associated family relationship interventions is the Association for Filial and Relationship Enhancement Methods (AFREM – afrem.org). The National Institute for Relationship Enhancement (NIRE – www.nire.org) has served as the major training, service and research institute for filial therapy, CCPT and related interventions for the past 25 years. Along with Bernard and Louise Guerney at NIRE, Garry Landreth, of the University of North Texas, is one of the major trainers and scholars of
655
F
656
F
Filial Therapy
filial therapy (e.g., see [2, 5, 12, 18]) and the University of North Texas Center for Play Therapy has been the major university based training, service and research center for play therapy since it began in 1988. Landreth [17, 18] developed a 10-week training model that has been wellresearched across 14 studies involving more than 400 participants. A meta-analysis of studies utilizing the Landreth 10-session model demonstrated an exceptionally high effect size of 1.57. A commonly used and highly effective parent training manual for filial therapy is Mastering the Magic of Play, by Mary Ortwein (1997, Ideals). Another highly recommended filial parent training manual is Filial Therapy: Strengthening Parent-Child Relationships Through Play, 2nd edition, by Rise VanFleet (2005, Professional Resources Press). As Landreth [17] points out, filial therapy can be an effective intervention for parents of children experiencing behavioral and emotionally based problems, but is also appropriate for families experiencing difficult times in normal development, times when the parent needs to strengthen her sense of her child’s emotional reactions and needs (e.g., around the birth of a new baby or new adoption, when children from different parents are being blended through a new marriage, during periods of grief and loss, around the time of a family move, and through other significant changes). Filial therapy is considered appropriate through the age ranges projected for CCPT, usually considered ages 3–12 years, with some therapists modifying toys to be more age appropriate for 11 and 12 year children. While filial therapy is an option for most families, there may be some parents who would likely be unable to use the model. Watts and Broadus [28] quote Garry Landreth as suggesting that exceptions include parents who are severely retarded and may be unable to learn the skills, parents who are excessively angry with their children and may need individual counseling before they could begin the new relationships required in filial therapy, and parents who are out of touch with reality (e.g., severe psychosis). The approach also requires a significant commitment to consistency. It may be that some parents self-select out of the treatment due to an unwillingness or inability to commit to the training required. Practitioners often report that once parents are engaged in SPT, the new relationship is highly self-rewarding to the parent, which strongly encourages consistent application. Additionally, when filial therapy is provided as an addition to childcentered play therapy, parents have usually developed high levels of trust in the therapist, and thus are willing to engage in the necessary training, and many
parents are particularly ready to seek ways to greater relationships with their children, after seeing their children succeed in CCPT.
Relevance to Childhood Development Johnson et al. [14] point out that filial therapy is a family system intervention. They explain that it: (1) requires family involvement, (2) takes the focus off the child as the identified problem, (3) often helps parents see their role in the problem, (4) enhances parental leadership by strengthening the generational boundary between parents and children, (5) increases differentiated relating and reduces polarization between parents and children, and (6) highlights unhelpful systematic sequences. Filial therapy is one of the most promising therapeutic interventions for troubled children and parents. It capitalizes on the potential of positive parent child bonds through teaching and supervising parents in becoming therapeutic agents for their children. It provides a relatively stigma free way for parents to help their children with behavioral and emotional difficulties in ways that in turn help the parents become more effective and less stressed, especially through forming balanced and healthy parent-child attachments. It appears effective across a wide range of parent-child problems and population groups and may be particularly promising for foster and adoptive families in need. Filial therapy is a dynamic family intervention that provides opportunities for very positive change for families and children in need.
References 1. Axline, V. (1947). Play therapy. The inner dynamics of childhood. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. 2. Bratton, S., & Landreth, G. (1995). Filial therapy with single parents: Effects on parental acceptance, empathy, and stress. International Journal of Play Therapy, 4, 61–80. 3. Cochran, J. L., & Cochran, N. H. (2006). The heart of counseling: A guide to developing therapeutic relationships. Belmont, CA: Thomson Brooks/Cole. 4. Cochran, N. H., Nordling, W. J., & Cochran, J. L. (2010). Childcentered play therapy. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. 5. Costas, M. B., & Landreth, G. (1999). Filial therapy with nonoffending parents of children who have been sexually abused. International Journal of Play Therapy, 8, 43–66. 6. Crow, J. (1990). Play therapy with low achievers in reading (Doctoral dissertation, University of North Texas, 1989). Dissertation Abstracts International, 50, 2789. 7. Ginsberg, B. G. (1976). Parents as therapeutic agents: The usefulness of filial therapy in a community mental health center. American Journal of Community Psychology, 4, 47–54. 8. Glover, G. J. (1996). Filial therapy with the Native Americans on the flathead reservation. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of North Texas, Denton.
Fire Setting 9. Grskovic, J. A., & Goetze, H. (2008). Short-term filial therapy with German mothers: Findings from a controlled study. International Journal of Play Therapy, 17, 39–51. 10. Guerney, B. (1964). Filial therapy: Description and rationale. Journal of Consulting Psychology, 28, 304–310. 11. Guerney, L. (2000). Filial therapy into the 21st century. International Journal of Play Therapy, 9, 1–17. 12. Guerney, L. (2001). Child-centered play therapy. International Journal of Play Therapy, 10, 13–31. 13. Harris, Z. L., & Landreth, G. L. (1997). Filial therapy with incarcerated mothers: A five week model. International Journal of Play Therapy, 6, 53–73. 14. Johnson, L., Bruhn, R., Winek, J., Kreps, J., & Wiley, K. (1999). The use of child-centered play therapy and filial therapy with head start families: A brief report. Journal of Marital and Family Therapy, 25, 169–175. 15. Kale, A. L., & Landreth, G. L. (1999). Filial therapy with parents of children experiencing learning difficulties. International Journal of Play Therapy, 8, 35–56. 16. Landreth, G. L., & Lobaugh, A. F. (1998). Filial therapy with incarcerated fathers: Effects on parental acceptance of child, parental stress, and child adjustment. Journal of Counseling & Development, 76, 157–165. 17. Landreth, G. L. (2002). Play therapy: The art of the relationship (2nd ed.). New York: Brunner-Routledge. 18. Landreth, G. L., & Bratton, S. C. (2005). Child parent relationship therapy (CPRT): A 10-session filial model. New York: BrunnerRoutledge. 19. Nordling, W. J., & Guerney, L. F. (1999). Typical stages in the childcentered play therapy process. Journal for the Professional Counselor, 14, 17–23. 20. Ray, D., Bratton, S., Rhine, T., & Jones, L. (2001). The effectiveness of play therapy: Responding to the critics. International Journal of Play Therapy, 10, 85–108. 21. Rennie, R., & Landreth, G. L. (2000). Effects of filial therapy on parent and child behaviors. International Journal of Play Therapy, 9(2), 19–38. 22. Rogers, C. R. (1957). The necessary and sufficient conditions of therapeutic personality change. Journal of Consulting Psychology, 21, 95–103. 23. Rogers, C. R. (1980). A way of being. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. 24. Sensue, M. E. (1981). Filial therapy follow up study: Effects on parental acceptance and child adjustment (Doctoral dissertation, The Pennsylvania State University, 1981). Dissertation Abstracts International, 42, 0148B. 25. Stover, L., & Guerney, B. (1967). The efficacy of training procedures for mothers in filial therapy. Psychotherapy: Theory, research, and practice, 4, 110–115. 26. Sywulak, A. (1978). The effect of filial therapy on parental acceptance and child adjustment (Doctoral dissertation, The Pennsylvania State University, 1977). Dissertation Abstracts International, 38, B6180. 27. Tew, K., Landreth, G. L., Joiner, K. B., & Solt, M. D. (2002). Filial therapy with parents of chronically ill children. International Journal of Play Therapy, 11, 79–100. 28. Watts, R. E., & Broaddus, J. L. (2002). Improving parent-child relationships through filial therapy: An interview with Garry Landreth. Journal of Counseling and Development, 80, 372–379. 29. Yuen, T., Landreth, G., & Baggerly, J. (2002). Filial therapy with immigrant Chinese families. International Journal of Play Therapy, 11, 63–90.
F
657
Fine Motor Skills MARIA ASSUNTA CUFFARO State University of NY: Potsdam, Potsdam, NY, USA
Definition More precision and steadiness than the skills developed by gross motor skills. Fine Motor Skills Students’ proficiency in using small motor muscles for tasks such as writing, buttoning or grasping [2].
Description Fine motor skills, including reaching, grasping, and manipulating objects, it is in ne motor skills can be defined as coordination of small muscle movements which occur e.g., in the fingers, usually in coordination with the eyes. In application to motor skills of hands (and fingers) the term dexterity is commonly used. The abilities which involve the use of hands, develop over time, starting with primitive gestures such as grabbing at objects to more precise activities that involve precise hand-eye coordination. Fine motor skills are skills that involve a refined use of the small muscles controlling the hand, fingers, and thumb. The development of these skills allows one to be able to complete tasks such as writing, drawing, and buttoning [1].
References 1.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dexterity
Fire Setting MICAH S. BROSBE, ANGELA WAGUESPACK Nova Southeastern University, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
Synonyms Firestarting
Definition Fire setting is a complex pattern of behavior in which a child or adolescent starts fires, either accidentally or intentionally. Factors in classifying fire setting include
F
658
F
Fire Setting
intentionality, damage caused, frequency, and interest in fire vs. actually starting fires. Fire-setting has a variety of contexts and causes, and may be an aspect of the clinical presentation of other psychological disorders such as conduct disorder.
Description The literature is somewhat mixed as to what exactly is meant by the label of fire setter [5]. The term firesetting is often used synonymously with arson; however, arson is a legal term that is applied in situations when an individual engages in intentional firesetting and is aware of the potential consequences of the behavior [7]. Some fire setters, usually younger ones, do so out of curiosity or accidentally. They do not intend to cause harm and often show remorse [9]. Of those who intentionally start fires, some do it as a cry for help or for attention. These children often have a diagnosable condition such as major depressive disorder or attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder. They may not mean to cause harm, but set fires in an attempt to bring attention to their situation and to express their emotions. These children often have histories of fire play, and lack the skills or abilities to appropriately express themselves and solve problems [9]. For other children or adolescents, fire setting is simply considered a severe form of antisocial behavior [8]. These delinquent fire setters may have an external gain for their behavior. They often engage in other antisocial behaviors and conduct problems as well, and the fire setting behavior may be part of a group activity [9, 10]. Finally, a fourth group of children who set fires have a severe emotional or mental illness such as mania or schizophrenia. For these “severely disturbed fire setters,” the behavior is attributable to their mental illness. Pyromania is included under this category, but it is rare to see this in juvenile fire setters.
Relevance to Childhood Development Childhood fire setting is a serious and prevalent societal problem, exhibited primarily by males. Almost 250,000 fires were set by juveniles in 1993 [10]. Children and adolescents have accounted for roughly half of all arson arrests in recent decades, including 2006 [3, 10]. Previous studies suggest that typically developing children often engage in fireplay and firesetting; however, only a small number of children become repetitive firesetters [7]. Many factors determine whether a child actually engages in fire setting behavior or not [10]. Risk factors for childhood fire setting can be discussed in terms of
both individual as well as environmental characteristics (e.g., family). Risk factors appear to be cumulative; the number of risk factors affects the course and prognosis of the fire setting behaviors [8]. High levels of aggression, impulsivity, delinquency, interest in fire, social skills deficits, attention-seeking and risky behaviors, and externalizing emotions are commonly seen in children who light fires [9]. Some other risk factors include past fire play, being around people who smoke, and knowledge of materials that burn [5]. The attention individuals receive after setting fires is often reinforcing, which maintains the behavior [9]. Further, individuals who engage in more persistent fire setting may have poor social judgment, problems in peer relationships, and evidence higher levels of other forms of antisocial behavior. Children who set fires may have social skills deficits or difficulties in appropriately expressing their emotions, thus setting the fires serves this function for them [9]. Many fire setters have high levels of impulsivity and difficulty controlling their thoughts and actions [9]. They may show more aggression and engage in other antisocial acts such as lying and stealing. Individuals who set fires tend to be more impulsive, show less remorse or guilt, and have exhibited more cruelty to animals [5]. Fire setters also often engage in other antisocial behaviors such as property destruction (other than by fire setting), physical aggression, and vandalism [5]. Individuals who exhibit many of these other behaviors in addition to the firesetting are often diagnosed with conduct disorder in childhood or adolescence. A history of fire involvement and playing with matches is consistently shown to be a predictor of recidivism [4]. Among children who have set fires, impulsivity is the individual characteristic that most often determines whether they continue [8]. Other research has shown that conduct problems, specifically covert antisocial behaviors, predict continuation of fire setting behaviors in children and adolescents [4]. Aggressive acts become more deviant as a child grows older. Age is also a risk factor for future fire setting. When older children and adolescents light fires, they are more likely to engage in such behavior in the future [4]. With regard to parental and family factors, children who have continually set fires often have parents who use harsh and inconsistent discipline, display less warmth, and have interpersonal problems [5, 8]. Poor parental supervision and lax child rearing have also been shown to contribute to the development of fire setting behaviors. In some cases, parents can be hostile and aggressive, and they tend to be less educated [9]. In addition, there may be a higher level of family dysfunction for children who set
Fixed Interval Schedule
fires [5]. There is a correlation between repeated fire setting in children and parental mental health issues and problems in the family. Children who have continually set fires were more likely to have depressed parents and more hostility among family members, including violence among parents [8]. They may be more likely to come from single parent homes [8] and to observe fathers who are alcoholics and/or abuse animals [2]. Living with a person who smokes greatly increases the risk of children becoming involved with fire as well [10]. Interventions utilized with children who engage in firesetting behaviors often include individual, family, and community levels. While treatment outcome studies are relatively sparse in the literature, research suggests that fire safety education programs targeting both children and their families have been found to improve both fire safety knowledge and skills [6] and are often included in treatment planning. Additionally, clinical interventions such as cognitive-behavior treatment and family therapy have been used in order to address behavioral, emotional, and social difficulties of the child, as well as parental and family functioning.
References 1. American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed., text revision). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association. 2. Becker, K. D., Stuewig, J., Herrera, V. M., & McCloskey, L. A. (2004). A study of firesetting and animal cruelty in children: Family influences and adolescent outcomes. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 43(7), 905–912. 3. Hall, J. R. (2007). Intentional fires and arson. Quincy, MA: National Fire Protection Association. 4. Kennedy, P. J., Vale, E. L. E., Khan, S. J., & McAnaney, A. (2006). Factors predicting recidivism in child and adolescent fire-setters: A systematic review of the literature. The Journal of Forensic Psychiatry and Psychology, 17(1), 151–164. 5. Kolko, D. J. (2002). Research studies on the problem. In D. J. Kolko (Ed.), Handbook on firesetting in children and youth (pp. 33–56). San Diego, CA: Academic Press. 6. Kolko, D. J., Herschell, A. D., & Scharf, D. M. (2006). Education and treatment for boys who set fires: Specificity, moderators, and predictors of recidivism. Journal of Emotional and Behavioral Disorders, 14(4), 227–239. 7. Lambie, I., McCardle, S., & Colmar, R. (2002). Where there’s smoke there’s fire: Firesetting behavior in children and adolescents. New England Journal of Psychology, 31(2), 73–78. 8. McCarty, C. A., McMahon, R. J., & Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group. (2005). Domains of risk in the developmental continuity of fire setting. Behavior Therapy, 36, 185–195. 9. Slavkin, M. (2007). Juvenile firesetting. In M. Herson & J. C. Thomas (Eds.), Juvenile firesetting (pp. 384–403). Los Angeles: Sage Publications. 10. U.S. Fire Administration. (2001). Children and fire. In Topical Fire Research Series.
F
659
Firestarting ▶Fire Setting
First Language Acquisition ▶Language Acquisition
First-Generation Immigrant Children ▶Immigrant Children
Fixed Interval Schedule STEUART T. WATSON, CHRISTINE GRIFFES Miami University (OH), Oxford, OH, USA
Synonyms Scalloped response pattern
Definition A schedule of reinforcement in which the first response is reinforced only after a set amount of time has elapsed.
Description A fixed-interval (FI) schedule has two components: (1) it requires the passage of a specified amount of time before reinforcement will be delivered contingent on a response and (2) no responding during the interval is reinforced, only the first response following the end of the interval is reinforced [1]. An FI schedule of reinforcement results in high amounts of responding near the end of the interval, but a much slower rate of responding immediately after the delivery of the reinforcer. This post reinforcement pause and then subsequent acceleration in responding results in a scalloped pattern of responding. B. F. Skinner’s early research with pigeons identified the scalloped pattern, which was also consistently found in mice, monkeys, and human children [3]. More recent research is skeptical of
F
660
F
Floppy Baby Syndrome
humans responding in a scalloped pattern, however it is agreed that a post-reinforcement pause followed by increased responding is typically found when using an FI schedule [2]. Examples of true FI schedules are difficulty to find in everyday life. First, they must be distinguished from fixed time schedules where reinforcement is delivered only after a certain amount of time has elapsed. Second, there are often other factors that interfere to make the schedule less than a true FI. In educational and other applied settings, there are devices that provide a vibration to signal the end of an interval and that reinforcement is available for the next target response. For instance, a teacher could use one of these and set the timer for 2 min. At the end of the 2 min period, the student’s next correct response would be reinforced. In such a real life setting, FI schedules have advantages and disadvantages. Some of the advantages of an FI schedule are they produce an overall low but consistent rate of responding and they allow for reinforcement to be provided at greater intervals, (i.e., hourly, weekly, etc.) versus a more frequent basis. Some of the disadvantages of FI schedules are that they tend to produce irregular performance and are susceptible to extinction due to infrequent reinforcement. Also, some people may have a tendency to increase their rate of response as the end of the interval (i.e., availability of reinforcement) draws near, which can result in sloppy work or incomplete assignments.
References 1.
2.
3.
APP-53 Schedules of reinforcement. Retrieved December 16, 2008, from www.mrgalusha.org/APPsychDocs/Unit%205/APP%20% 2053%20Schedules%20of%20Reinforcement.ppt Hyten, C., & Madden, G. J. (1993). The scallop in human fixedinterval research: A review of problems with data description. Psychological Record, 43, 471–501. Skinner, B. F. (1938). The behavior of organisms. New York: AppletonCentury-Crofts.
Floppy Baby Syndrome ▶Hypotonia
Floppy Infant Syndrome
Fluency ▶Standard Celeration Charting
Fluid Intelligence ROBERT WALRATH Rivier College, Nashua, NH, USA
Synonyms Analytic intelligence; Fluid reasoning; Gf
Definition The ability to solve novel problems using inductive and deductive reasoning abilities, sequential thinking, and quantitative abilities. It includes abilities to draw inferences, identify and classify relationships, and to change reasoning and problem solving approaches based on demands of the situation [2].
Description Part of the Cattell-Horn-Carroll (CHC) theory of cognitive abilities [1], Fluid Intelligence is considered a broad ability composed of a series of narrow abilities including general sequential (deductive) reasoning (RG), induction (I), quantitative reasoning (RQ), piagetian reasoning (RP), and speed of reasoning (RE).
References 1.
2.
McGrew, K. S. (2005). The Cattell-Horn-Carroll theory of cognitive abilities. In D. Flanagan & P. Harrison (Eds.), Contemporary intellectual assessment: Theories, tests, and issues (pp. 136–202). New York: Guilford. McGrew, K. S., & Flanagan, D. P. (1998). The intelligence test desk reference (ITDR): Gf-Gc cross battery assessment. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Fluid Reasoning ▶Fluid Intelligence
Fluoxetine Synonyms
▶Hypotonia
Prozac; Sarafem
Formative Assessment
Definition A selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) antidepressant most commonly used to treat major depression; however, it is also used to treat obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), panic disorder, bulimia nervosa, and premenstrual dysphoric disorder (PMDD).
Description Depression is believed to be caused by an imbalance of the neurotransmitter, serotonin. Serotonin is known to affect mood, emotions, sleep, and appetite. Fluoxetine corrects the imbalance by preventing the reuptake of serotonin into the synaptic clef; therefore, increasing serotonin in the brain and alleviating depression symptoms. Fluoxetine has some adverse side effects. It can cause nausea, headaches, insomnia, anxiety, drowsiness, loss of appetite, skin rashes, and vasculitis. Also, blood pressure can increase; some seizures and sexual dysfunction have been reported. When coming off fluoxetine withdrawal symptoms such as anxiety, nausea, nervousness, and insomnia can occur. There is also an increased risk of suicidal ideations. Fluoxetine should not be taken while pregnant or when nursing.
F
Food ▶Nutrition
Food Refusal/Selectivity ▶Feeding Disorder
Formative Assessment SUSAN K. GREEN Winthrop University, Rock Hill, SC, USA
Synonyms Assessment for learning; Formative evaluation
Definition
Flurazepam Flurazepam, also marketed under the brand names of Dalmane and Dalmadorm, is a psychiatric drug of benzodiazepam derivation. Flurazepam possesses anxiolytic, anticonvulsant, sedative and skeletal muscle relaxant properties. Flurazepam produces a metabolite with a very long half life of up to 25 hours. It may stay in the blood stream up to four days. Flurazepam demonstrates effects approximately a half to one hour after oral administration. It is typically used for the treatment of insomnia. It acts by relaxing muscles, reducing anxiety and causing sleepiness. It is typically used on a short term basis and not approved for children under the age of fifteen. It has been used off label to treat anxiety. In many cases, however, it causes sedation for extended periods of time often into the next day and therefore may not be a good long term sleep aid.
Focused Attention ▶Selective Attention
661
The monitoring of progress during instruction that includes useful feedback, opportunities for improvement, and information helpful for tailoring future instruction.
Description The concept of formative assessment [2–4] has been researched and promoted over the last decade as a means of reconceptualizing classroom assessment, and even the teaching and learning process. Formative assessment, conducted during a course of instruction, is often termed assessment for learning to distinguish it from traditional summative assessment, such as an end of unit test after instruction (assessment of learning). The function of formative assessment is to promote learning. The function of summative assessment is to document learning. In formative assessment, “activities. . . are undertaken by teachers to provide feedback to students to enhance their motivation and learning. . .” [4]. To qualify as formative, that feedback must offer learners specific suggestions for future actions that will improve their learning. Examples of formative assessment activities might include students explaining their reasoning behind a choice or position on a political issue in a social studies class with teacher feedback, observation of students’ performance of a gymnastics routine with both teacher and students making suggestions for improvement, an ungraded quiz covering recent biology
F
662
F
Formative Evaluation
readings for student self-assessment, or quick writes at the end of class asking students to describe their understanding of and questions about the content addressed that can contribute to later discussion and instruction. Key components of effective formative assessment include student understanding of the academic learning goals, meaningful tasks involving critical thinking and dialogue between teacher and student, and student selfassessment, as well as feedback to students with explicit information on how to close the gap between where they are and what they are aiming for, and then opportunities to close that gap [2–4]. The use of formative assessment in the classroom has been shown to enhance student achievement as effectively or more effectively than many traditional academic interventions such as one-one-one tutoring [3]. Other recent research [5, 8] has demonstrated that formative assessment can dramatically increase student achievement, especially among lower achievers. To account for these findings, researchers have suggested that emphasizing individual improvement and rewarding growth rather than focusing on comparison to others and competition, leads to stronger motivation, persistence, and engagement [1, 9]. In contrast, evaluation practices such as grading on a curve, giving special recognition to high achievers and emphasizing correct answers more than the process of learning may allow high achievers to thrive, but may influence less gifted students to reduce effort, avoid difficult tasks or classes, and disengage. Thus, quality formative assessment “redefines the emotional dynamics” of assessment [7]. Rather than exclusively using (summative) assessments as a threat to increase anxiety to maximize motivation and learning, use of formative assessment encourages positive emotional states with the intent of producing confidence, optimism and persistence among students. In addition, the emphasis in formative assessment on the development of metacognition, the process of analyzing and thinking about one’s own thinking (e.g., using skills such as self-assessment, self-correcting errors, and actively monitoring one’s own progress toward a goal) can be especially helpful for lower achievers [6].
References 1. 2.
3. 4. 5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Ames, C. (1992). Classrooms: Goals, structures, and student motivation. Journal of Educational Psychology, 84, 261–271. Black, P., & Wiliam, D. (1998). Inside the black box: Raising standards through classroom assessment. Phi Delta Kappan, October, 139–148. Black, P., & Wiliam, D. (1998). Assessment and classroom learning. Assessment in Education: Principles, Policy and Practice, 5(1), 7–73. McMillan, J. (2007). Formative classroom assessment: Theory into practice. New York: Teachers College Press. Meisels, S. Atkins-Burnett, S., Xue, Y., & Bickel, D. (2003). Creating a system of accountability: The impact of instructional assessment on elementary children’s achievement scores. Education Policy Analysis Archives, 11(9). Retrieved June 2, 2008, from http://epaa.asu.edu/ epaa/v11n9/ Shepard, L. (2008). Formative assessment: Caveat Emptor. In C. A. Dwyer (Ed.), The future of assessment: Shaping teaching and learning (pp. 279–303). New York: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Stiggins, R. (2008). Correcting “Errors of measurement” that sabotage student learning. In C. A. Dwyer (Ed.), The future of assessment: Shaping Teaching and learning (pp. 229–243). New York: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Wiliam, D., Lee, C., Harrison, C., & Black, P. (2004). Teachers developing assessment for learning: Impact on student achievement. Assessment in Education, 11, 49–65. Wolters, C. (2004). Advancing achievement goal theory: Using goal structures, and goal orientations to predict students’ motivation, cognition, and achievement. Journal of Educational Psychology, 96, 216–235.
Formative Evaluation ▶Formative Assessment
Formative Year ▶Infancy
Foster Care
Relevance to Childhood Development Because use of formative assessment strategies has been shown to augment student learning and motivation, the basic elements of formative assessment can be recommended to teachers and incorporated into many types of interventions to enhance children’s academic development and improve attitudes toward school and learning.
STEPHANIE DVORAK, TASHA R. HOWE Humboldt State University, Arcata, CA, USA
Synonyms Kinship care; Out-of-home placements; Parental rights termination
Fragile X Syndrome
Definition Temporary care provided for children who are unable to live with their biological parents and are typically placed by state agencies [4].
3.
4.
Description In the United States over 500,000 children are currently in some foster care placement [1]. Some of the reasons for foster care placements include cases where children have been abused or neglected, have severe emotional or behavioral problems, or there have been parental problems such as drug abuse, incarceration, abandonment, serious illness, or death [1]. The largest population of children in foster care is African American children who represent two thirds of all children and foster care and are more likely to remain in foster care for longer periods of time [1]. However, two thirds of children in foster care will be reunited with their parents within 2 years. Unfortunately, many children spend years waiting in the system to either go back to their biological families or be adopted. Most states encourage reunification of biological families, but if that is not possible, children can spend years waiting for other permanent placements [1]. About one quarter of the children in foster care have serious problems including emotional, behavioral, and developmental delays or disturbances. Over the past few years the number of foster parents available has decreased, while there has been an increase in foster care placement with relatives (kinship care) [1]. Some of the different types of foster care settings include relative and nonrelative foster homes, group homes, emergency shelters, and residential facilities. Data from 2005 show that around 70% of foster care placements are relative or non-relative foster family homes. The main goal of foster care is that children will be placed in a permanent setting in which they will have a loving and stable environment in which to thrive [1]. Statistics from 2005 show that of the children who exited foster care that year, over 50% went back to their parents and 18% were adopted [2]. Children can be placed in foster care at any point from birth to age 18. There is a growing problem of children who reach age 18 “aging out” of foster care without the proper educational, emotional, or financial support to maintain lives as productive adults [3].
References 1.
2.
American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. Facts for families foster care [Data File]. Retrieved December 1, 2008, from http://www.aacap.org/cs/root/facts_for_families/foster_care Child Welfare Information Gateway Protecting Children Strengthening Families. Child welfare/foster care statistics [Data File].
F
663
Retrieved December 1, 2008, from http://www.childwelfare.gov/ pubs/factsheets/foster.cfm Geenen, S., & Powers, L. E. (2007). Tomorrow is another problem: The experiences of youth in foster care during their transition into adulthood. Children and Youth Services Review, 29, 1085–1101. United States Department of Health and Human Services Administration for Children and Families. Child welfare policy manual [Data File]. Retrieved December 1, 2008, from http://www.acf. hhs.gov/j2ee/programs/cb/laws_policies/laws/cwpm/policy_dsp.jsp? citID=207#820
F Fragile X Syndrome RANDAL J. MCCALLIAN, MARIA G. VALDOVINOS Drake University, Des Moines, IA, USA
Synonyms FXS; Martin-Bell syndrome
Description Fragile X Syndrome, originally called Martin-Bell syndrome, was first described by Martin and Bell in 1943 as they described a large family in which multiple males were affected with mental retardation (MR) which appeared to be inherited from women who either were not affected with mental retardation or who were minimally affected with MR. Since that time, Fragile X Syndrome (FXS) has been identified as the most commonly known inherited cause of mental retardation. FXS is caused by a mutation on the fragile X mental retardation 1 gene (FMR1), located on the X chromosome. The mutation results in a decrease in, or lack of, production of the fragile X mental retardation protein (FMRP) leading to a wide range of learning disabilities, emotional problems, physical features, and high comorbidity with other disorders, such as ADHD and autism. There is no known cure for FXS and the best treatment includes a broad range of behavioral interventions and pharmacotherapy.
Genetics FXS is the first known disorder to be associated with a trinucleotide sequence (CGG). This sequence is located on the X chromosome at the Xq27.3 locus [9]. Within the general population, the number of CGG repeats varies between 6 and 54. This results in the normal expression of FMR1 gene and the appropriate production of FMRP. However, for some, through a process not entirely understood, an observed expansion in the number of repeats occurs. Specifically, an expansion from a premutation
664
F
Fragile X Syndrome
state (between 55 and 200 CGG repeats) to full mutation may occur when the FMR1 gene is passed on to the next generation via a female. Those with the premutation were previously thought to be unaffected by the inherited mutation on the FMR1 gene as the production of FMRP is unaltered, however, recent research has shown that those with the premutation may have higher prevalence rates of psychological, cognitive and physical issues than the typical population. For instance, female carriers of the premutation have a higher incidence (20–28% of women carriers) of premature ovarian failure, a cessation of the normal functioning of the ovaries in a woman younger than age 40 (this is not to be confused with menopause as women with premature ovarian failure are much more likely to continue to menstruate, even if irregularly) [9]. Women with the premutation also present with increased rates of depression. Male carriers are prone to develop fragile X associated tremor/ataxia syndrome (FXTAS). This disorder affects 30% of premutation older males and often begins with an intention tremor or ataxia. Then, as the disorder progresses, disruption in activities associated with daily living occurs in addition to a decreased sensation in lower extremities, Parkinsonian features, psychiatric symptoms including anxiety, progressive memory and executive function deficits along with attention switching problems [8]. In females, premutations are unstable and can expand further when passed down to the next generation. Males with the premutation pass the premutation to their daughters (X-linked disorders) but unlike in female transmission, the number of repeats does not expand in size. In female transmission of the premutation, the greater the number of repeats found on the mother’s X chromosome, the greater the likelihood of expansion to full mutation in next generation. If the mother possesses more than 100 repeats and passes the mutated X chromosome to her child, that mutation will expand to a full mutation 100% of the time [9]. Once expansion of the trinucleotide sequence CGG exceeds 230, methylation, or silencing, of a portion of the FMR1 gene and surrounding areas occurs resulting in a disruption in the production of FMRP. Not everyone with the full mutation is affected in the same way. That is to say, individuals with the full mutation may experience partial or full methylation which in turn determines FMRP production. Nonetheless, the greater the number of repeats the more likely one experiences full methylation. Another form of inheritance is mosaicism, which occurs in up to 5% of those diagnosed with FXS. In those with a mosaic form of FXS, some cells have unmethylated FMR1 genes and other cells have fully
mutated genes resulting in varying amounts of FMRP production. Those with a mosaic inheritance generally present with fewer cognitive deficits and overall higher functioning abilities as FMRP production positively correlates with level of functioning [13]. Females, on average, are less affected by the inheritance of the full mutation. This is, in part, due to typical methylation that occurs regardless of mutation status. Since females possess two X chromosomes, inactivation of one of the X chromosomes occurs naturally via methylation in each cell. Contingent on the ratio of cells that possess methylated affected versus methylated unaffected X chromosomes (referred to as the activation ratio), the impact of FXS may be limited as there may be a varying degree of normal X chromosome expression. In other words, more FMRP is produced and fewer symptoms are observed when there are more mutated X chromosomes turned off and more unaffected X chromosomes left on [2]. Diagnosing FXS is conducted via DNA testing. Specifically, the FMR1 gene is evaluated and the number of CGG repeats is determined. This testing enables the diagnosis of either the premutation or the full mutation. As with many disorders, the definitive prevalence rates for those with FXS is unknown, however, recent reports have stated the prevalence for full mutations to be at 1 in 4,000 for males and 1 in 9,000 for females. The prevalence of premutation carriers is greater at 1 in 259 females and 1 in 700 males [9].
Mechanism of Action Although the FXS brain appears to be grossly normal in comparison to typically matched peers, in the absence of FMRP, abnormal dendritic development occurs in which an overgrowth of immature spines is observed [4, 10]. The mechanism by which this occurs is unknown, but is hypothesized to be attributed to enhanced metabotropic glutamate receptor (mGluR) activity resulting from the lack of FMRP [3]. Essentially, the activation of mGluR leads to mRNA translation at synapses producing an increase in long-term depression (LTD), a process that decreases synaptic effectiveness, and a weakening of AMPA receptors. FMRP, which is widely expressed in a typically developing brain, functions as a repressor of mRNA translation (negative feedback loop). As a result, AMPA is made available at the synapse thereby facilitating long-term potentiation (LTP), a process that increases synaptic strength, rather than LTD [3]. In the case of FXS, in which there are lower amounts of FMRP available or none at all, the overabundance of mRNA translation results in increased LTD and decreased AMPA activity at the synapse resulting in an increased density of immature dendritic spines.
Fragile X Syndrome
The overactive mGluR signaling is hypothesized to be responsible for many features of FXS such as epilepsy, cognitive impairment, developmental delay, and loss of motor coordination [8].
F
Those diagnosed with FXS have distinct features which include a long face, a high arched palate, and large and long ears. Also observed in those with FXS are flat feet, soft skin, and hand calluses. A characteristic unique to FXS is the single palmer crease seen in approximately 51% of males. Additionally, an increased prevalence of connective tissue dysplasia is found in those with FXS. This connective tissue dysplasia is thought to contribute to other common physical features of FXS including: hypotonia, hyperextensible finger joints, double-jointed thumbs, mitral valve prolapse, cardiac murmur, hernias, scoliosis and higher than average rates of otitis media. Growth abnormalities are also more likely to be observed in those with FXS. For example, young children with FXS may present with a large head circumference and an initial overgrowth in height and weight; however, during puberty, many with FXS experience a slowing of growth leading to an overall shorter stature. Adolescent and adult males with FXS also tend to develop macroorchidism (i.e., large testicles) sometimes reaching a volume two to three times the normal size [9].
math skills are still likely. There may also be issues with mood lability, temper control, and increased levels of anxiety in some males with FXS. It has been found that many males with FXS experience a developmental decline in IQ as they age, although the reason for this is not yet known [8]. Females with FXS are also affected by cognitive impairments with deficits observed in, focusing and maintaining attention, organizational tasks, and a tendency to also have difficulties with math. Females are more commonly affected, than males with FXS, by impulsive behavior, mood lability, avoidant personality disorder, and anxiety disorders [2]. Excessive shyness and social anxiety are also common among girls with FXS and in very severe cases can lead to selective mutism in specific settings. The severity of cognitive impairments, as with most features of FXS, varies greatly among individuals. It is typically seen that females with FXS tend to have a less severe presentation of associated characteristics than males because of the potential for more FMRP production. Strengths for both genders are often seen in the entering and processing of simultaneous information in addition to retrieving information from long-term memory, particularly verbal memory. Those with FXS have also displayed an increased ability to understand the difference between their own personal representations of the world, as compared to that of others [7].
Neurological Presentation
Behavioral Phenotype
Epilepsy is the most common neurologic abnormality in FXS presenting in 15–20% of males diagnosed with FXS [13]. Seizures typically begin in childhood or adolescence and are usually seen to either occur less frequently by adulthood or have disappeared altogether. Anticonvulsant medications (e.g., carbamazepine (Tegretol)) have been found to be very effective in controlling seizure activity in individuals with FXS. The cause of epilepsy in individuals with FXS is not yet known, however, it is hypothesized that the dendritic spine abnormalities seen in the FXS brain may lead to excessive neuronal excitation and potentially cause seizures [9].
Behavioral characteristics that are prevalent in those with FXS include difficulty with social interaction, sensory hypersensitivities, and extreme sensitivity to changes in their environment. This also includes poor eye contact, shyness, and social anxiety particularly in new or unfamiliar environments [11]. Individuals with FXS may have hypersensitivities to visual, auditory, tactile, and olfactory stimuli. Loud noises, obvious or distinct smells and some textures of fabric or food are frequently aversive to those with FXS. Hyper-arousal of the senses may lead to violent outbursts, tantrums, and either self-injurious behavior or outward aggression. Children with FXS are prone to hyperarousal and tend to struggle with even simple transitions, potentially leading to violent behavior [11]. Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and associated symptoms (e.g., varying degrees of inhibition/ impulsivity, hyperactivity, and sustained, divided or selective attention) account for much of the problematic behaviors observed in those with FXS [12]. When compared to other children diagnosed with developmental disabilities (matched for intellectual functioning), a higher prevalence of ADHD has been found in those
Physical Phenotype
Cognitive Deficits Males with FXS generally present with moderate to severe intellectual disabilities (mental retardation) displaying deficits in cognitive and executive functioning, verbal reasoning, abstract /visual ability, quantitative skills, short-term memory, adaptive and daily living skills and communication [9]. High functioning males may have typical, or slightly less than typical, cognitive abilities but deficits in executive functioning, attentional control, and
665
F
666
F
Fragile X Syndrome
with FXS. Research has also found a higher incidence of ADHD in boys with FXS (73%) as compared to girls with FXS (35%); however, it appears that a percentage of older males with FXS outgrow their hyperactivity [11]. FXS also has a high comorbidity with autism. Approximately 30% of males with FXS have a dual diagnosis of autism and FXS. Conversely, approximately 6% of those diagnosed with autism will also possess the FXS FMR1 gene mutation [9]. Those presenting with a dual diagnosis have more severe cognitive, adaptive, receptive and expressive language deficits [9]. Certain behavioral characteristics of autism (e.g., hand flapping, hand biting and toe-walking) are more common among those with FXS as are certain speech characteristics (e.g., perseveration of a particular activity or topic of speech, echolalia, cluttered speech, mumbling, and self-talk) [11].
Language Prelinguistic gestures and vocalizations are commonly used well past the usual age (i.e., toddlerhood) at times extending into adolescence or adulthood [1]. Language delays may be more severe in males, although research with females in this area is minimal. Those with a dual diagnosis of autism and FXS show greater language delays with limited receptive and expressive vocabulary skills. For those who do not have a comorbid diagnosis of autism, research has demonstrated that receptive and expressive vocabularies can be strengths [7]. The high frequency of difficult behaviors and psychopathology, such as excessive hyperactivity, greatly impact the acquisition of language and subsequent use.
Treatment Treatment and appropriate interventions, for the physical and behavioral problems associated with FXS, are currently the best available methods for alleviating the effects of the disorder. An optimal treatment plan involves a multiprofessional approach of physicians, occupational therapists, speech therapists, physical therapists, psychologists, and the involvement of those closest to the person such as family members and teachers. These professionals can provide support to the individual through an individualized treatment plan addressing academic and behavioral issues, motor and language delays, and pharmacotherapy for the psychopathologies and epilepsy associated with FXS [9]. Intervention methods can be very effective for addressing both the emotional and behavioral problems associated with FXS. Treatment may include individual and family psychotherapy, behavioral therapy, group therapy, social skills training programs, and pharmacotherapy
[9]. Pharmacotherapy can be used to treat the wide range of attentional, behavioral and neurological issues seen in individuals with FXS. ADHD symptoms, such as attentional deficits and impulsivity, can be treated with stimulant medication (e.g., dextroamphetamine (Dexedrin; Adderall), methylphenidate (Ritalin)) [9]. For some individuals, stimulants may exacerbate problem behaviors in which case medications such as anti-hypertensive drugs (e.g., clonidine or guanfacine) may be prescribed. Antidepressants, such as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) (e.g., fluoxetine (Prozac), paroxetine (Paxil)), can be used to treat various problems related to anxiety, compulsive and perseverative behaviors along with mood symptoms and depression. SSRIs are also used to treat the social anxiety and withdrawal symptoms found in many females and high-functioning males with FXS [5]. Atypical antipsychotics (e.g., risperidone (Risperdal)) are also used to treat mood disorders and aggression in those with FXS. Anticonvulsants (e.g., carbamazepine, valproic acid, lamotrigine, gabapentin, and topiramate) are commonly used to treat epilepsy and have also been shown to be effective in decreasing some of the behavioral problems observed in those with FXS and treating mood disorders in individuals with FXS [5, 9]. Sleep disturbances, including problems with sleep regulation, is a common feature of FXS, particularly in young children for which melatonin use at bedtime is often used [5]. Recent research has been focused towards addressing the cognitive impairments and neurological basis of FXS (i.e., mGluR overactivity). Preliminary research has evaluated the effects lithium, an inhibitor of mGluR pathways, has on behavioral and cognitive traits of those with FXS. Results indicate positive benefits; however, clinical trials are necessary to determine the reliability and validity of these results [6].
References 1. Abbeduto, L., Brady, N., & Kover, S. T. (2007). Language and development and fragile X syndrome: Profiles, syndrome-specificity, and within-syndrome differences. Mental Retardation and Developmental Disabilities Research Reviews, 13, 36–46. 2. Abrams, M. T., Reiss, A. L., Freund, L. S., Baumgardner, T. L., Chase, G. A., & Denckla, M. B. (1994). Molecular-neurobehavioral associations in females with the fragile X full mutation. American Journal of Medical Genetics, 51, 317–327. 3. Bear, M. F., Huber, K. M., & Warren, S. T. (2004). The mGluR theory of fragile X mental retardation. Trends in Neuroscience, 27(7), 370–377. 4. Beckel-Mitchener, A., & Greenough, W. T. (2004). Correlates across the structural, functional, and molecular phenotypes of fragile X syndrome. Mental Retardation and Developmental Disabilities Research Reviews, 10, 53–59.
Freud, Anna 5. Berry-Kravis, E., & Potanos, K. (2004). Psychopharmacology in fragile X syndrome-present and future. Mental Retardation and Developmental Disabilities, 10, 42–48. 6. Berry-Kravis, E., Sumis, A., Hervey, C., Nelson, M., Porges, S. W., Weng, N., et al. (2008). Open-label treatment trial of lithium to target the underlying defect in fragile X syndrome. Journal of Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics, 29, 293–302. 7. Cornish, K., Sudhalter, V., & Turk, J. (2004). Attention and language in fragile X. Mental Retardation and Developmental Disabilities Research Reviews, 10, 11–16. 8. Hagerman, R. J., & Hagerman, P. J. (Eds.). (2002). Fragile X syndrome: Diagnosis, treatment, and research. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. 9. Hagerman, R. J., & Lampe, M. E. (1999). Fragile X syndrome. In S. Goldstein & C. R. Reynolds (Eds.), Handbook of neurodevelopmental and genetic disorders (pp. 298–316). New York: The Guilford Press. 10. Irwin, S. A., Galvez, R., & Greenough, W. T. (2000). Dendritic spine abnormalities in fragile-X mental retardation syndrome. Cerebral Cortex, 10, 1038–1044. 11. Roberts, J. E., Weisenfield, L. A., Hatton, D. D., Heath, M., & Kaufmann, W. E. (2006). Social approach and autistic behavior in children with fragile X syndrome. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 37, 1748–1760. 12. Sullivan, K., Hatton, D., Hammer, J., Sideris, J., Hooper, S., Ornstein, P., et al. (2006). ADHD symptoms in children with FXS. American Journal of Medical Genetics, 140A, 2275–2288. 13. Tsiouris, J. A., & Brown, W. T. (2004). Neuropsychiatric symptoms of fragile X syndrome: Pathophysiology and pharmacotherapy. Therapy in Practice: CNS Drugs, 18(11), 687–703.
Frame of Mind ▶Mood
F
Frequency Curve ▶Normal Curve
Freud, Anna RACHEL WAMSER1, RACHEL HIBBERD1, BRIAN VANDENBERG2 1 University Missouri-St. Louis, St. Louis, MO, USA 2 University Missouri 1 University Boulevard, St. Louis, MO, USA
Life Dates 1895–1982
Introduction Anna Freud is the daughter of Dr. Sigmund Freud and is considered to be the keeper of her father’s legacy [1, 12– 14]. She is a pioneer in the development of child psychoanalysis and child developmental psychology. Ms. Freud is known for her theoretical, technical, and scientific contributions to psychoanalysis, child and ego psychology, as well as her initiatives with children in poverty and those in the legal system. Ms. Freud was prolific, with over 200 articles, most of which can be found in The Writings of Anna Freud [6], and her book, The Ego and its Defense Mechanisms [5], is one of the most widely read psychoanalytic works to this day.
Educational Information
Fraternal Twins ▶Dizygotic (DZ) Twins
Fraudulence ▶Dishonesty
Frequency ▶Standard Celeration Charting
667
Ms. Freud, originally an elementary school teacher, completed her training as a psychoanalyst in 1920 [14]. She never had formal college training, nor a medical degree, but at that time no formal training programs existed and none would be developed until 1926. She later received many honorary degrees including Doctor of Laws, M.D., and Ph.D.
Accomplishments Anna Freud was involved in psychoanalytic training, establishing charitable nurseries, and improving legal decisions involving children. Ms. Freud was a training analyst and later the director of the Vienna Psychoanalytic Training Institute, where she was instrumental in training many analysts, including Erik Erikson [14]. In 1947, Ms. Freud and Kate Friedlander founded the Hampstead Child Therapy Training course and later the Hampstead Child Therapy Clinic, subsequently renamed
F
668
F
Freud, Anna
the Anna Freud Centre, a charitable institution that provided free services. Anna Freud and Edith Jackson established the Jackson nursery in 1937, one of the first nurseries to provide care for underprivileged children under the age of 2. During World War II, Ms. Freud and Dorothy Burlingham founded the Hampstead Wartime Nurseries, which served over 190 children who had been evacuated due to the war. She received the first Dolly Madison Award at the White House for Outstanding Service to Children. Ms. Freud taught courses at Yale Law School on family and crime in the early 1960s. Here, she partnered with Joseph Goldstein, Dorothy Burlingham, and Albert Solnit and published Beyond the Best Interests of the Child, Before the Best Interests of the Child, and In the Best Interests of the Child [9–11]. The authors stressed the importance of continuity in children’s relationships, argued for how to best construe “the best interests of the child,” and helped to define situations in which intervention is needed. Beyond the Best Interests of the Child, in particular, had a profound impact on the legal system [11]. Anna Freud was involved in many professional affiliations and had numerous appointments. Ms. Freud presented her first paper, “Beating Fantasies and Daydreams” for admittance into the Vienna Psychoanalytic Society in May 1922 [2]. Ms. Freud held the position of Secretary from 1931 to 1933, at which time she became coVice-President. She also was General Secretary of the International Psychoanalytic Association in 1927 and continued in that position until 1934, when she became VicePresident. Following her emigration to London in 1938, she became affiliated with the British Psychoanalytic Society and was elected Secretary in 1944. Ms. Freud was one of the founding editors of The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, and editor of Journal of Psychoanalytic Education and Psychoanalytic Quarterly [14].
Contributions Anna Freud was one of a small group of analysts interested in using psychoanalysis with children. In 1927, Ms. Freud established the use of psychoanalysis with children in Introduction to the Technique of Child Analysis, based on lectures from her child analysis courses [1, 3]. Ms. Freud viewed children’s difficulties as being transient and normal, and urged a conservative use of psychoanalysis with children. Nonetheless, she advocated for a psychoanalytically informed environment for children. Her work emphasized the developmental and technical differences in working with children, as opposed to adults, an uncommon perspective at the time. She recommended the use of play techniques for children, since she viewed techniques used
in adult psychoanalysis to be inappropriate. Ms. Freud asserted that not all children’s play actions have symbolic significance, and should not be thought of as equivalent to free association in adults. Ms. Freud also argued that transference differs in children, in that children do not develop a complete transference neurosis. Despite some important developmental differences, she argued that a separate theory of child psychoanalysis was unnecessary; that psychoanalytic insights applied equally to children. Ms. Freud effectively argued for the importance of the ego, in comparison to instincts and drives, in The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense, making the ego a worthwhile therapeutic enterprise [5, 12]. Ms. Freud mapped out the ego’s functioning and offered a comprehensive account of psychological defenses. Sigmund Freud had introduced the concept of defense mechanisms; however, it was largely unexplained and he had not expanded the concept since 1900. Ms. Freud added new defense mechanisms to the classic list of defense mechanisms, including sublimation or the transformation of unwanted impulses into something less harmful, altruistic surrender, and identification with the aggressor. Based on their observations from Hampstead, Anna Freud and Dorothy Burlingham published Young Children in Wartime: A Year’s Work in a Residential Nursery and Infants Without Families: The Case for and Against Residential Nurseries [7, 8]. These works concluded that emotional development was most hindered in institutional life due to separation from caregivers, and consequently a family-like atmosphere was created in the residential nursery. Children were assigned to surrogate families, with one nurse assigned to four or five children. Parent involvement was encouraged as much as possible. Mothers could work as housekeepers so that they could nurse their babies, siblings were not separated, and there were no restrictions placed on visitation. The Hampstead Nurseries provided valuable information about the effects of wartime on children, which led to changes in the treatment of children separated from their parents. For example, English hospital polices were amended to allow parents to stay with their children during long hospital stays. Ms. Freud was involved in the development of the Hampstead Index, an observational classification system used to record children’s feeding, sleeping, bodily development, intellectual development, and formation of relationships [2]. The use of the Hampstead Index lead to detailed developmental charts and histories for each child, and was one of the first to utilize systematic reliable observation of children. At Hampstead, Ms. Freud and colleagues also created the Developmental Profile, a diagnostic instrument used
Friends
to assess normality and abnormality [1]. The Profile includes numerous aspects of psychological functioning, as well as achievements and regressions, in a number of areas of development, such as body independence (independent feeding, bladder and bowel control) and play (from egocentricity to companionship). Prior to this Profile, diagnosis was given little attention in psychoanalysis [2]. The use of the Profile led to more precise diagnoses and conceptualizations for treatment. It also was used to test the effectiveness of analysis, by comparing pre- and post-treatment profiles to each other. In her last major theoretical statement, Normality and Pathology in Childhood, Ms. Freud gives a comprehensive account of her views on abnormal and normal development, including her theory of “developmental lines.” [4, 13] Developmental lines are linear progressions in various aspects of development that can be observed in children. The sequence of social relations, for example, runs from the total dependency observed in infants to the ability to form mature relationships in adulthood. Psychopathology is thought to occur when an individual fails to progress in one aspect of development or when there is unevenness along the “lines.” Through this theory, Ms. Freud was able to connect normal and abnormal developmental processes [2].
References 1. Cole, R. (1992). Anna Freud: The dream of psychoanalysis (Radcliffe biography series). Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. 2. Dyer, R. (1983). Her father’s daughter: The work of Anna Freud. New York: Jason Aronson, Inc. 3. Freud, A. (1928). Techniques of child analysis. New York: Nervous and Mental Disease Pub. Co. 4. Freud, A. (1965). Normality and pathology in childhood. New York: International Universities Press. 5. Freud, A. (1966). The ego and mechanisms of defense. New York: International Universities Press. 6. Freud, A. (1967). The writings of Anna Freud. New York: International Universities Press. 7. Freud, A., & Burlingham, D. (1942). Young children in wartime: A year’s work in a residential nursery. London: International Universities Press. 8. Freud, A., & Burlingham, D. (1944). Infants without families: The case for and against residential nurseries. London: International Universities Press. 9. Goldstein, J., Freud, A., & Solnit, A. (1973). Before the best interests of the child. New York: Free Press. 10. Goldstein, J., Freud, A., & Solnit, A. (1979). Beyond the best interests of the child. New York: Free Press. 11. Goldstein, J., Freud, A., & Solnit, A. (1986). In the best interests of the child. New York: Free Press. 12. Peters, U. H. (1985). Anna Freud. New York: Schocken Books. 13. Solnit, A. (1983). Anna Freud’s contribution to child and applied analysis. International Journal of Psychoanalysis, 64, 379–390. 14. Young-Bruehl, E. (1988). Anna Freud. New York: Summit Books.
F
669
Friends CYNTHIA A. ERDLEY, DOUGLAS W. NANGLE, ALANA M. BURNS University of Maine, Orono, ME, USA
Synonyms Buddies; Chums; Companions; Pals
Definition Friends are individuals who have a close, personal relationship with one another that is characterized by mutual positive feelings.
Description Assessment of Friendship Friendship dyads are typically identified using sociometric techniques. Specifically, researchers use some combination of positive nominations, in which children are asked to select their best friends or the classmates they like the most, and peer ratings, in which children are asked to rate how much they like to play with or participate in activities with their classmates. Identification of friends has most frequently been based on mutual positive nominations (i.e., each dyad member nominates the other as a best friend). However, some researchers have classified individuals as friends if they display mutual positive regard for one another through either positive nominations or high ratings. It has been found that operationalizing friendship based on mutual positive nominations is more restrictive, since this technique results in fewer friendships being identified than techniques involving the use of ratings [5]. It is possible that defining friendship based on mutual positive nominations identifies friendship dyads that are qualitatively distinct from the friendships that are identified using more lenient criteria. This proposition is relevant to the question of whether friendship is a categorical or continuous construct [8]. Whereas the categorical view implies that friendship is a distinct relationship, a continuous view implies that there are varying levels of relationships that are labeled as “friendships” (for example, best friends, good friends, acquaintances). The degree to which individuals say they like one another may reflect the level of friendship that exists. It should be noted that some researchers simply ask individuals who their friends are and assume a friendship exists despite the fact that there is no information available regarding whether the identified partner actually has positive feelings for the person.
F
670
F
Friends
Nature of Interactions with Friends Individuals tend to choose as their friends those who are similar to themselves in demographic, behavioral, and personality characteristics. For example, friends are typically similar in variables such as age, race, level of aggression, attitudes toward school, and substance use patterns. It is thought that similarity in features initially attracts individuals to one another and provides validation for one’s characteristics. Friends then mutually influence one another in ways that make them even more alike as their relationship develops [3]. There are many ways in which individuals’ interactions with friends differ from their interactions with peers who are not friends. For example, there is a greater level of positive engagement with friends than nonfriends, including a higher intensity and frequency of talking, smiling, laughing, sharing, cooperating, and helping. Interactions with friends feature less intense competition and domination than interactions with nonfriends, and there is more emphasis on equality. Interestingly, although the frequency of conflict between friends versus nonfriends does not differ, disagreements between friends are more apt to be resolved using negotiation rather than strategies involving power assertion and standing firm. Consequently, conflict resolution strategies used by friends are more apt to lead to equitable outcomes that help to preserve the friendship [10]. Although friendships are characterized by mutual positive feelings, there is variability in the quality of specific friendships. Compared to those who are poorly accepted by the peer group, children who are well liked tend to enjoy higher quality friendships that involve greater trust and loyalty, more equitable conflict resolution, and greater validation and intimacy [11]. It is also important to consider the identity of an individual’s friends, given that whether a child’s friends are prosocial or antisocial likely makes a difference in the child’s overall adjustment [8]. Indeed, the friendships of antisocial adolescent males have been found to be of relatively low quality and short duration, and are apt to end acrimoniously [2]. Children begin forming friendships during the preschool years, and they tend to identify those with whom they play frequently as their friends. Although young children are likely to describe their friends primarily in terms of their role as playmate, it has been observed that intimacy also characterizes young children’s friendships. For example, young children confide in one another about their worries and fears, and friends know more about the likes and dislikes of their friends versus nonfriends. By middle childhood, children begin to emphasize the loyalty
aspect of friendship relations. During adolescence, there is a strong focus on intimacy as an important facet of friendship [6]. Throughout the childhood years, children tend to choose same-gender peers as their friends. This seems to result from boys and girls each having distinctive play styles (e.g., boys more focused on rough-and-tumble play) and differing interests in particular toys and activities. However, by early adolescence, cross-sex friendships begin to occur with greater frequency as individuals experience increasing interest in the other sex. Although boys’ and girls’ friendships are similar in many respects, such as companionship and conflict, it has been found that boys tend to have larger, less intimate friendship networks, whereas girls have smaller, more intimate friendship networks [4]. By late elementary school, female-female friendships are characterized by greater levels of emotional intimacy than are male-male friendships, a pattern that continues throughout the lifespan. In early adolescence, cross-sex friendships tend to be fairly low in intimacy, but by late adolescence female-male friendships show higher levels of intimacy, similar to the levels observed in female-female friendships. It has been suggested that this increase in intimacy in cross-sex friendships may provide a training ground, particularly for males, for heterosexual romantic relationships [12]. Interestingly, the size of adolescents’ same-sex friendship network is predictive of the size of their other-sex friendship network. In turn, the number of other-sex friends is associated with the likelihood of adolescents having a romantic relationship, both concurrently and in subsequent years [1].
Relevance to Childhood Development Friendships serve many important functions in childhood and beyond [7]. Within the friendship context, children typically experience affection and love. Moreover, friendships tend to be characterized by intimacy, as friends share their feelings and personal aspects of themselves. Having a friend to confide in may promote feelings of trust, acceptance, and a sense of being understood. Friends may also be a valuable source of nurturance by providing comfort, solace, and support to one another. Giving such aid may promote feelings of competence, enhance self-esteem, and create a sense of being needed. Furthermore, friends provide instrumental aide as well as a sense of reliable alliance by being loyal to one another and willing to share resources. Finally, friends are frequent sources of companionship, stimulation, and fun. Interacting with a friend affirms one’s
Friendship
competence and value and can enhance one’s feelings of self-worth. Given that interactions with friends provide affection, emotional support, validation, and a sense of belonging, it is not surprising that research has revealed that children and adolescents who have poor friendship experiences are at risk for psychosocial difficulties. Those who do not have a friend or who are involved in a low quality friendship are more vulnerable to feelings of loneliness and depression. Poor friendship experiences are also related to lower self-esteem, higher social anxiety, greater risk for peer victimization, and more difficulties in making school transitions [9]. Because of the critical role that positive friendship experiences play in childhood, there is clearly a need to design interventions that are focused on improving the social skills of children who are having difficulties with friendships.
References 1. Connolly, J., Furman, W., & Konarksi, R. (2000). The role of peers in the emergence of heterosexual romantic relationships in adolescence. Child Development, 71, 1395–1408. 2. Dishion, T. J., Andrews, D. W., & Crosby, L. (1995). Antisocial boys and their friends in early adolescence: Relationship characteristics, quality, and interactional process. Child Development, 66, 139–151. 3. Dishion, T. J., Patterson, G. R., & Griesler, P. C. (1994). Peer adaptations in the development of antisocial behavior: a confluence model. In L. R. Huesmann (Ed.), Aggressive behavior: current perspectives (pp. 61–95). New York: Plenum. 4. Eder, D., & Hallinan, M. T. (1978). Sex differences in children’s friendships. American Sociological Review, 43, 237–250. 5. Erdley, C. A., Nangle, D. W., & Gold, J. A. (1998). Operationalizing the construct of friendship among children: a psychometric comparison of sociometric-based definitional methodologies. Social Development, 7, 62–71. 6. Furman, W., & Bierman, K. (1984). Children’s conceptions of friendship: a multidimensional study. Developmental Psychology, 96, 925–931. 7. Furman, W., & Robbins, P. (1985). What’s the point? Issues in the selection of treatment objectives. In B. H. Schneider, K. H. Rubin, & J. E. Ledingham (Eds.), Children’s peer relations: issues in assessment and intervention. New York: Springer. 8. Hartup, W. W. (1996). The company they keep: friendships and their developmental significance. Child Development, 67, 1–13. 9. Nangle, D. W., & Erdley, C. A. (Eds.). (2001). New directions for child and adolescent development: the role of friendship in psychological adjustment. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. 10. Newcomb, A. F., & Bagwell, C. L. (1995). Children’s friendship relations: a meta-analytic review. Psychological Bulletin, 117, 306–347. 11. Parker, J. G., & Asher, S. R. (1993). Friendship and friendship quality in middle childhood: Links with peer group acceptance and feelings of loneliness and social dissatisfaction. Developmental Psychology, 29, 611–621. 12. Reisman, J. M. (1990). Intimacy in same-sex friendships. Sex Roles, 23, 65–82.
F
671
Friendship JANETT M. NAYLOR Fort Hays State University, Hays, KS, USA
Synonyms Ally; Best friends; Chums; Cohort; Companions; Pals; Peers; Playmates
Definition A close relationship entered in voluntary and is marked by emotional attachment, reciprocity, and mutuality.
Description Being liked by classmates is very different from having friends. Close friends provide children with (1) accepting contexts for children to learn and expand basic social skills; (2) knowledge about others and the self not available from other sources (family, siblings, etc.); (3) emotional support in times of need; and (4) a foundation of relationship expectations that set the stage for future relationships (romantic, parental, etc.). Just being liked by others does not necessary insure children will receive the benefits of close friendships. Although no central definition of friendship exists, researchers can agree on several key aspects that separate friendships from other types of relationships. Friendships are reciprocal in which both members must affirm participation in the relationship. Also, friends are tied by emotional bond rather than instrumental bonds (both playing the same sport or having same classes). Finally, friendships, unlike other relationships, are voluntary. Children willingly enter into the friendship and willingly maintain and dissolve the relationship. Friends play an important role in every stage of development. Toddlers show a clear preference for their choice of playmates and those preferences seem to remain stable over an entire year. Then, in preschool, friendships become more common and more clearly defined. The number of friends children report having increases steadily from preschool, across middle childhood, and into adolescence. The stability of friendships also increases with development with over 3⁄4 of older children naming the same individuals as friends over the course of one school year. Also, across childhood and adolescence, friends are more similar than nonfriends in age, gender, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status, as well as behavioral and emotional traits like shyness, achievement and antisocial behaviors.
F
672
F
Fromm, Erich
Like other areas of social development, children’s friendships progress from a playmate to reciprocal partners exchanging personal information. In preschool, children report friends as someone to play with and with whom to share certain activities. Typically, preschool friends are based on a matter of convenience (living next door, going to the same preschool, children of parents’ friends) rather than on true selection from a variety of sources. Young children also expect their friends to behave in a manner consistent with their own behavior and developmental struggles. However, when children enter elementary school, the selection of available friends expands. Children are able now to choose friends based on shared values and attitudes. Because of the selectivity of friendships in middle childhood, friends can stress the importance of mutually liking each other’s company. Children also understand the differential power distribution between parent-child relationships and friendships. Therefore, in middle childhood, children conceptualize friendships as relationships that transcend shared activities and time. Children are able to distinguish between supportive, high-quality friendships and one-sided friendships. From the reciprocal foundation built in middle childhood, adolescents can expand their friendships to include disclosing intimate and personal information, sharing problems and expecting help with psychological problems. Friendships in adolescence provide the basis for future romantic relationships by allowing members to become emotionally tied to non-related people. Studying children’s friendships is of great importance to researchers because having friends is important to children, making friendships impact on development even stronger. In fact, not having close friendships leads to elevated levels of loneliness, depression, anxiety, and loss of self-esteem. Specifically children without friends are more likely to have emotional problems, to be less altruistic, to have deficiencies in social skills, to show poorer school adjustment, and to make fewer educational gains. Several caveats to the link between friendlessness and developmental issues must be addressed. First, being friendless may be just a temporary state thus decreasing the lasting emotional effects. Second, not all children who are friendless will experience the same developmental issues. Some children seem to not need friends to develop appropriately. Last, no true cause-and-effect link has been determined. Not having friends could be due to poor social skills or having poor social skills could lead to not having friends. Causation may actually be more of a circular cycle for children, which once started can spiral out of control leading to loneliness.
Friendships serve different purposes and vary by contextual factors, such as gender. Specifically, girls’ friendships tend to be more intimate, and show more validation and emotional sharing than boys’ friendships. However, girls’ friendships, especially best friendships, tend to be less stable and more vulnerable to dissolution than those of boys. Friendships between males show less exchange of personal information and are based on shared physical activities. In addition, boys’ friendships are more integrated into the larger social network, whereas girls’ friendships are more isolated from the larger group again making them more vulnerable to dissolution than boys’ friendships. Interestingly, when boys and girls are friends, intimacy is higher than when two boys are friends. Again, this supports the notion of friendships serving different purposes and having different contexts.
References 1.
2. 3.
4.
Bulowski, W. M., Newcomb, A. F., & Hartup, W. W. (Eds.). (1996). The company they keep: Friendship in childhood and adolescence. New York: Cambridge University Press. Dunn, J. (2004). Children’s friendships: The beginnings of intimacy. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. Hartup, W. W., & Abecassis, M. (2004). Friends and enemies. In P. K. Smith & C. H. Hart (Eds.), Blackwell handbook of childhood social development (pp. 285–306). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. Schaffer, H. R. (1996). Social development. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.
Fromm, Erich JANET G. BENTON William Alanson White Institute, New York, USA
Life Dates 1900–1980
Educational Information Born in Frankfurt, Germany on March 23, 1900, Erich Fromm was a psychoanalyst and social philosopher whose ideas significantly influenced a broad audience, in addition to psychologists and psychiatrists, in the middle of the twentieth century. He was deeply interested in the emotional lives of the individual and of groups and how both related to community and to culture. Fromm was born into a bourgeois, Jewish background, which he described as “neurotic,” but he rejected religion in his mid-twenties [1]. He received his Ph.D. at the
Frontal Lesion
University of Heidelberg in 1922, then went on to train in psychoanalysis at the University of Munich in 1923–1924 and the Berlin Psychoanalytic Institute in 1925. Fromm was deeply influenced by the events leading up to and resulting from of World War I and by the theories of Karl Marx. Although trained as a Freudian psychoanalyst, Fromm would eventually part with Freud and many of his followers because of his beliefs about the influence of culture and social circumstances on personality [1, 6, 7].
Accomplishments Fromm visited as a guest lecturer in 1933 at the Chicago Psychoanalytic Institute, then left Nazi Germany and immigrated to the United States in 1934. He was never welcome in the orthodox community because of his socialist views and was actively ostracized in 1941 when he published Escape from Freedom, which met with critical success in other intellectual communities but not in his own. He went on to write a number of books, including The Forgotten Language (1951) about the function of dreams, The Art of Loving (1956), and The Anatomy of Human Destructiveness (1957) [2–5]. Originally aligned with Karen Horney and the American Institute of Psychoanalysis, Fromm eventually split in 1945 from this group because of controversy about his training as a “lay analyst,” i.e., his non-medical doctorate degree in psychology. This was the beginning of a long, politically driven controversy that was not resolved until 1988 after a lawsuit against the American Psychoanalytic Association was won allowing lay analysts to practice psychoanalysis in the United States [1, 6, 7]. Fromm joined Harry Stack Sullivan and Clara Thompson at what is now the William Alanson White Institute for Psychiatry, Psychology, and Psychoanalysis in New York in 1945 and was influential in establishing the interpersonal school of psychoanalysis. He subsequently taught at many different institutions including Columbia University , the New School and New York University in New York, Bennington College in Vermont, Yale University in New Haven, ant the National University of Mexico. He helped found the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE) [1].
Contributions Fromm published extensively about many topics, including the importance of social and cultural influence on the development of individuals and groups. He also foresaw difficulties that would eventually develop in the world about energy, famine, and nuclear war. In the theoretical realm Fromm believed in the importance of instinctual drives but rejected Freud’s structural model of Id, Ego, and
F
673
Superego. Instead he emphasized the need for others, transcendence, identity, and frames of orientation. He was somewhat more optimistic than Freud in his beliefs about the “productive frame of orientation” but was also cautionary in his warning about nonproductive frames that include receptive (overly dependent on external gratification and love,) hoarding, exploitative, marketing, and bureaucratic orientations [1, 7, 8].
References 1. 2. 3.
4. 5. 6.
7. 8.
Ewen, R. B. (1988). An introduction to theories of personality (3rd ed.). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Fromm, E. (1941). Escape from freedom. New York: Avon Books. Fromm, E. (1951). The forgotten language: An introduction to the understanding of dreams, fairy tales, and myths. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. Fromm, E. (1956). The art of loving. New York: Harper and Row. Fromm, E. (1973). The anatomy of human destructiveness. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. Lionells, M., Fiscalini, J., Mann, C. H., & Stern, D. B. (Eds.). (1995). Handbook of interpersonal psychoanalysis. Hillsdale, NJ: Analytic Press. Mitchell, S., & Black, M. (1995). Freud and beyond. New York: Basic Books. Singer, E. (1970). Key concepts in psychotherapy (2nd ed.). New York: Basic Books.
Frontal Cortex ▶Frontal Lobes
Frontal Lesion TRACEY MCLELLAN University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand
Synonyms Brain damage; Brain injury; Frontal lobe dysfunction; Frontal lobe injury
Definition A lesion, from the Latin word laesio meaning injury, is any abnormal tissue or injury. The frontal lobes are part of the cerebral cortex of the brain. Frontal lesions are damage to the frontal lobe region that is usually caused by disease or trauma.
F
674
F
Frontal Lesion
Description The frontal lobe region of the human brain (see Fig. 1) is the largest lobe and the region accounts for approximately a third of the total human brain surface. There are considerable functional and anatomical divisions within the frontal lobe. Three primary functional regions on the lateral surface are recognized: the motor region, premotor region, and prefrontal region. The prefrontal region can be subdivided into three topographically segregated groups: the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, orbitofrontal cortex, and paralimbic regions. The limbic/paralimbic region is a forth-functional region that is located deep in the medial portion of the lobe [4]. The cortical surface of the frontal lobe evolves prenatally and then continues throughout the forth decade. The frontal lobe plays a central role in human cognition and is involved in motor behavior, expressive language, concentration and attention, reasoning and thinking, orientation in time, place and person. Frontal lobe functioning, therefore, contributes significantly to the overall psychological and behavioral functioning of an individual [4]. The multidimensional nature of the frontal lobe serves to coordinate and organize brain functioning. This in turn serves the purpose of assisting individuals with goal-directed and self-regulatory behavior, including planning, flexibility and impulse control. The frontal lobes serve a vital role in social behavior, personality and emotion regulation [4]. Importantly, the frontal lobe provides a regulatory function, which effects the integration of multimodality information and the utilization of intellectual resources. Executive function is a cognitive construct adopted as a general description of the types of behavior that reflect frontal lobe activity. Executive functions may be defined as
Frontal lobe
Frontal Lesion. Fig. 1 Frontal lobe.
“the ability to maintain an appropriate problem-solving set for attainment of a future goal” [6]. Of central importance is the ability to plan future actions, maintain these in mind until implemented and inhibit other actions. Given the wide range of behaviors that are associated with the frontal lobes, it is not unusual to expect that individuals with frontal lesions exhibit a varied range of functional deficits. Frontal lesions are associated with psychiatric (functional) and neurological (organic) disorders. Damage to the frontal lobes can be very disabling for everyday life and dramatic behavioral changes are the hallmark of human frontal lobe dysfunction. In individuals with frontal lobe lesions, the cognitive abilities may continue to operate and “work” but the individual has difficulty ensuring they can constrain the skills to the task at hand [3]. Being able to control many aspects of behavior is often contingent on working memory. For example, an individual may need to manipulate temporarily held representations to formulate plans or they may need to update task goals when another task must also be performed. Frontal lesions that result in working memory deficits likely cause a wide range of problems in the control of attention and in planning and switching between tasks [2]. Frontal lesions can also result in an individual displaying abnormal behaviors linked to the reduced recognition of affective state in others, as well as associated difficulties with other emotional information and emotion regulation. Likewise, the lack of impulse control can result in the expression of inappropriate behaviors.
Relevance to Childhood Development Eslinger et al. [1] found that most but not all children who suffered early frontal lesions involving the prefrontal cortex showed chronic and profound impairments that limited their ability to participate fully in school/employment and maintain successful social relationships. Specific deficits involved the application of social knowledge and sustaining friendships, planning and impulse control, learning from experience, and the relative lack of anxiety, fear or empathy. The finding that a wide range of behaviors were associated with frontal lesions emphasized the convergent nature of the function of the frontal lobes. In addition, Eslinger et al. [1] concluded that an early lesion within the frontal lobe is not only a localized event but also the consequences then have an experiential effect on the maturation of other interacting areas of the brain. Frontal lobe dysfunction has been implicated in many childhood disorders. Deficits in executive function, for example, have been found to be typical of developmental
Frontal Lobes
disorders in general [5] and several studies have examined the contribution of executive function deficits to attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD [5]), learning disabilities [7] and conduct disorders [5]. Difficulty in maintaining attention is one of the hallmarks of selective frontal lesions. Developmental disorders of attention, such as ADHD are most notably relevant to childhood development. ADHD is a common referral for psychiatric treatment in children. The disorder is characterized by difficulties sustaining attention, organizing tasks, being easily distracted and forgetful, difficulty waiting a turn, and difficulty inhibiting a response. As discussed, many of these behaviors are associated with frontal lobe lesions in adults. There is converging evidence that frontal lesions in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (DLPFC) are implicated in schizophrenia. The onset of schizophrenia typically occurs in the postpubertal period just after performance on DLPFC-dependant tasks typically reaches full adult potential. The pruning of specific DLPFC neuron connections that occurs during adolescence may confer a selective vulnerability to symptom onset after maturity [4]. In addition, traumatic brain injury (TBI) frequently involves the frontal lobe. Severe closed head injuries, for example, preferentially involve the orbitofrontal areas because the movement of the brain on impact is restricted by the bony skull. Pediatric TBI results in substantial difficulties for survivors well beyond the acute phase of the injury [3].
F
Frontal Lobe Dysfunction ▶Frontal Lesion
Frontal Lobe Injury ▶Frontal Lesion
F Frontal Lobes AUDREY MCKINLAY University of Canterbury, Christchurch, Canterbury, New Zealand
Synonyms Frontal cortex
Definition The brain is divided into a left and right hemisphere. Each hemisphere is subdivided into four lobes, frontal parietal, occipital and temporal. Each of the four lobes is thought to have specialist roles for aspects of functioning.
Description References 1.
2.
3.
4. 5.
6.
7.
Eslinger, P. J., Flaherty-Craig, C. V., & Benton, A. L. (2004). Developmental outcomes after early prefrontal cortex damage. Brain and Cognition, 55(1), 84–103. Humphreys, G., & Samson, D. (2004). Attention and the frontal lobes. In M. Gazzaniga (Ed.), The cognitive neurosciences (3rd ed.). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Kramer, M. E., Chiu, C. Y., Walz, N. C., Holland, S. K., Yuan, W., Karunanayaka, P., et al. (2008). Long-term neural processing of attention following early childhood traumatic brain injury: fMRI and neurobehavioral outcomes. Journal of the International Neuropsychological Society, 14(3), 424–435. Miller, B., & Cummings, J. (1999). The human frontal lobes: Functions and disorders (2nd ed.). New York: Guilford Press. Pennington, B. F., & Ozonoff, S. (1996). Executive functions and developmental psychopathology. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry. Special Issue: Annual Research Review, 37(1), 51–87. Welsh, M. C., & Pennington, B. F. (1988). Assessing frontal lobe functioning in children: Views from developmental psychology. Developmental Neuropsychology, 4(3), 199–230. Graham, S., & Harris, K. (1993). Self-regulated strategy development: Helping students with learning problems develop as writers. The Elementary School Journal Special Issue. Strategies Instruction, 94(2), 169–181.
675
The frontal lobe is the largest part of the cortex. Anatomically, the frontal lobes extend from the central gyrus to the anterior limit of the brain [5] see yellow area in Fig. 1. The frontal lobes include the primary motor, supplementary motor and premotor cortex (involved in planning of
Frontal lobes
Frontal Lobes. Fig. 1 The frontal lobes in relation to the remainder of the brain.
676
F
Frontal Lobes
execution of movement), Brocas area (involved in the production of speech) and the prefrontal lobes (involved in executive functions, social behavior and motivational states [5].
Premotor and Motor Cortex The Primary motor cortex is principally involved with movement and motor control; it has extensive connections with the premotor cortex. Damage to the primary motor cortex causes loss of fine motor movements [6]. The Premotor area is principally involved with somatosensory information i.e., information about touch. The Supplementary motor cortex is involved in preparation for rapid series of movements i.e., typing. Both the Premotor and Supplementary motor cortex are involved in the planning of movement [5].
Brocas Area Broca’s area is located on the inferior frontal gyrus of the frontal lobes. Damage to Broca’s area results in difficulties producing speech, however, the person is still able to understand speech. Prefrontal cortex: The most anterior portion of the frontal lobes is called the prefrontal cortex. The prefrontal cortex is the only part of the brain that receives input from all sensory modalities. The prefrontal cortex is split into the
dorsolateral, orbitofronal and the anterior cingulate each area is associated with specific functions outline below [3]: A. Dorsolateral prefrontal circuit: The integrity of this circuit is associated with the effective performance of executive functions, the ability to integrate cognitive and perceptual processes across time and space and update goals in the face of new information. Executive functions include working memory, decision making, flexibility, set maintenance, self monitoring and control of ongoing behavior [9–11]. B. The Orbitofrontal circuit mediates socially appropriate behaviors. Personality changes are most commonly seen after disruption of this circuit and may include irritability and changes in mood [7]. Patients with lesions in this area may behave inappropriately in social situations, often failing to respond to environmental and social cues [3, 7]. C. The Anterior cingulate: This circuit is involved in motivated behavior [12]. Patients with lesions in the structures of the anterior cingulate are reported to be apathetic with impaired motivation along with poor response inhibition and may show a reduction in creative thought [3]. Lesions to different areas of the prefrontal cortex can result in a range of deficits depending on the site of the lesion prefrontal (see Table 1 below).
Frontal Lobes. Table 1 Cognitive and behavioral problems associated with dysfunction in the three frontal-sub-cortical circuits (Table adapted from Chow and Cummings [3]). Circuit
Dysfunction
Dorsolateral prefrontal circuit Executive functions
Impairments Poor organizational strategies Poor memory search strategies Stimulus bound behavior/Environmental dependency Impaired set shifting and maintenance Poor working memory
Anterior cingulate circuit
Socially appropriate behavior
Personality change Emotional incontinence Impulsivity Irritability Mood disorders
Lateral orbitofrontal circuit
Motivated behavior
Apathy Poverty of spontaneous speech Poor response inhibition Reduced creative thought Akinetic mutism
Frontal Lobes
Connections with Subcortical Structures The frontal lobes are also connected with subcortical structures including the basal ganglia and the thalamus (see Fig. 2). The relationship between the frontal lobes and the subcortical structures has been most clearly outline by Alexander, DeLong and Strick [1, 2]. These researchers introduced the concept that the structures of the frontal lobe were involved in five parallel but segregated frontal subcortical pathways. The five frontal subcorticle structures are each named according to their site of origin in the frontal lobes, (1) the motor circuit, (2) the ocular motor circuit (originating in the frontal eye fields), (3) dorsolateral circuit, (4) the Orbital frontal circuit and the (5) Anterior cingulated. The latter three originate in the prefrontal cortex and are dedicated to executive functions. Each of the five circuit is proposed as having a preeminent, if not exclusive, role in the performance of different functions and all share the same features having direct and indirect pathways, with each loop being segregated, and arising from and projecting to the same area of the cortex (see Fig. 2 for diagrammatic representation of the closed circuit for each pathway only the direct circuit is shown). A large body of research supports the role of these circuits in cognitive and behavioral functioning (for review see Owen [8]). Also, lesions to the cortical areas and at other points of the circuits have been reported as having similar effects. For example, people with Parkinson’s disease exhibit many of the deficits associated with dysfunction of the basal thalamo-cortical loops.
Significance to Child Development Synaptic density in the frontal cortex changes over the life span. Huttenlocher (1979) observed that density increases
Frontal cortex
Striatum
Globus pallidus/ Substaintia Nigra
Thalamus
Frontal Lobes. Fig. 2 Diagrammatic representation of the general structure of the frontal sub cortical circuits adapted from Tekin and Cummings [12].
F
in the first year of life to well above that of adults and then declines over the next 16 years. There is little change between 16 and 70 years. After 70 years of age the synaptic density declines [4]. This change in synaptic density has been associated with many of the developmental changes seen during childhood and adolescents, particularly the development of emotional and inhibitory control. Some researchers have pointed to the development of the frontal lobe as being directly related to changes such as development of executive functions and theory of mind [11]. Further, disorders such as Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder have also been associated with frontal lobe development, specifically the prefrontal cortex [11]. Given the role of the frontal lobes in development it is important to realize that damage to this area of the brain may have a significant effect on the child’s ability to function.
References 1. Alexander, G., & Crutcher, M. D. (1990). Functional architecture of basal ganglia circuits: Neural substrates of parallel processing. Trends in Neuroscience, 13(7), 266–271. 2. Alexander, G., DeLong, M. R., & Strick, P. L. (1986). Parallel organization of functionally segregated circuits linking basal ganglia and cortex. Annual Review of Neuroscience, 9, 357–381. 3. Chow, T. W., & Cummings, J. L. (1999). Frontal-subcortical circuits. In B. L. Miller & J. L. Cummings (Eds.), The human frontal lobes (pp. 3–26). Guilford Press: New York. 4. Huttenlocher, P. R. (1979). Synaptic density in human frontal cortex – developmental changes and effects of aging. Brain Research, 163(2), 195–205. 5. Kalat, J. W. (1995). Biological psychology (5th ed.). New York: Brookes/Cole Publishing Company. 6. Kolb, B., & Whishaw, I. Q. (1996). Fundamentals of human neuropsychology (4th ed.). New York: W.H. Freemen and Company. 7. Mah, L. W., Arnold, M. C., & Grafman, J. (2005). Deficits in social knowledge following damage to ventromedial prefrontal cortex. The Journal of Neuropsychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences, 17(1), 66–74. 8. Owen, A. M. (2004). Cognitive dysfunction in Parkinson’s disease: The role of frontostriatal circuitry. The Neuroscientist, 10(6), 525–537. 9. Roberts, R. J., Jr. & Pennington, B. F. (1996). An interactive framework for examining prefrontal cognitive processes. Developmental Neuropsychology [Special executive functions in children], 12(1), 105–126. 10. Salthouse, T. A. (2005). Relations between cognitive abilities and measures of executive functioning. Neuropsychology, 19(4), 532–545. 11. Samango-Sprouse, C. (1999). Frontal lobe development in childhood. In B. L. Miller & J. L. Cummings (Eds.), The human frontal lobes (pp. 584–605). New York: Guilford Press. 12. Tekin, S., & Cummings, J. L. (2002). Frontal-subcortical neuronal circuits and clinical neuropsychiatry: An update. Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 53(2), 647–654.
677
F
678
F
Full Inclusion
Full Inclusion JUDAH B. AXE Simmons College, Boston, MA, USA
Functional Behavior Analysis ▶Radical Behaviorism
Functional Behavioral Assessment
Synonyms Inclusive education; Mainstreaming
Definition Educating a child with a disability in a general education classroom for all educational services.
Synonyms
Description
Definition
One of the mandates of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act is educating children with disabilities in the “least restrictive environment.” This stipulates a continuum of services ranging from hospitalization to homebased education to resource room to partial inclusion to full inclusion. A student in full inclusion has a disability and spends all school hours with same-age, typically developing students in the general education classroom. A special educator often consults with a student’s general education teacher to assess the needs of the student and provide supports allowing the student to benefit from instruction.
Provides a consideration of specific behaviors and behavioral patterns set within an environmental context. It has been defined as “an analysis of the contingencies responsible for behavioral problems” [1, p. 433].
References 1. 2.
Guralnick, M. (2001). Early childhood inclusion: Focus on change. Baltimore: Brookes. Mesibov, G. B., & Shea, V. (1996). Full inclusion and students with autism. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 26, 337–346.
Full Scale IQ ▶Intelligence Quotient
FBA
Description FBA can be conducted with students who have an identified disability and who exhibit problem behaviors, which interfere with their learning and the learning of others in the classroom. The purpose of conducting an FBA is to determine the problem behavior and to identify the factors that predict and maintain the behavior. Such factors include (a) antecedents: events or situations that consistently preceded the behavior, and (b) consequences, events and conditions that result from problem behaviors. The steps in the FBA include the following: Identifying and operationally defining the target behaviors, collecting data, such as frequency, rate, intensity, and latency of the behaviors, identifying the events that precede and follow the target behavior (antecedent-behavior-consequence or ABC analysis), developing a “hypothesis” about the function of the target behavior and developing an intervention plan [2].
References 1.
Functional Analysis
2.
Malott, R. W., Whaley, D. L., & Malott, M. E. (1997). Elementary principles of behavior (3rd ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. Shippen, M. E., Simpson, R. G., & Crites, S. A. (2003). A practical guide to functional behavioural assessment. Teaching Exceptional Children, 35(5), 36–44.
▶Behavior Assessment
Functional Assessment ▶Behavior Assessment
Functional Imaging ▶Brain Imaging ▶Positron Emission Tomography
Function-Based Diagnostic Classification Systems: Problem Behavior
Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging LAUREN CONNELL PAVELKA University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA
F
679
Function-Based Diagnostic Classification Systems: Problem Behavior ENNIO CIPANI National University, Fresno, CA, USA
Synonyms Brain mapping MRI; Brain MRI
Definition Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) is a cutting edge type of magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) that measures blood flow and oxygenation in the brain to map brain functioning.
Description Making its first appearance in the early 1990s, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) is a procedure that detects the brain’s response to neural activity by measuring blood flow and blood oxygenation produced by neurons in different locations of the brain. The emergence of fMRI has contributed greatly to research in neuropsychiatry, neuropsychology, and neuroscience. Currently, fMRI provides the best quality of activity images in the human brain; therefore, it is used extensively in experiments involving functional brain mapping. Some examples of psychological functions that can be measured in the brain with fMRI include: attention, cognition, language, sensation, perception, and emotion.
Relevance to Childhood Development Functional MRI has gained much popularity among researchers in recent decades because it does not use ionizing radiation. This allows researchers to safely conduct multiple studies on single subjects – including child subjects.
References 1.
2.
Bandettine, P. A. (2007). Principles of functional magnetic resonance imaging. In F. G. Hillary & J. DeLuca (Eds.), Functional neuroimaging in clinical populations (pp. 31–70). New York: Guilford. Salvoni, U., & Scarabino, T. (Eds.). (2006). High field brain MRI: Use in clinical practice. Berlin: Springer.
Functional Mutism ▶Selective Mutism
Introduction A function based diagnostic classification system contrasts with traditional diagnostic classification systems for child behavior (e.g., DSM-IV-TR). Behaviors are classified as to their environmental function, rather than as a symptom of a syndrome of related behaviors. The characteristics of a function-based diagnostic classification system are the following [1, 2]: ● The diagnosis is of behavior problem characteristics, not child characteristics ● Prescriptive differential treatment is derived from a differential diagnosis ● Assessment data is collected to provide information on context variables, not just rate of behavior ● Assessment phase is concluded with diagnosis phase, in which a function-based category is selected A unique function-based diagnostic classification system has been developed [1, 2] with major categories and subcategories. The four major diagnostic categories classify problem behaviors according to their environmental function. One parameter for this system examines the reinforcement operation currently maintaining the problem behavior (positive reinforcement operations or negative reinforcement operations). A second parameter examines the manner of access to such reinforcement (directly produced or socially mediated). Problem behaviors that serve a positive reinforcement function are termed access behaviors. Problem behaviors that serve a negative reinforcement function are termed escape behaviors (encumbers avoidance functions). Access can be either socially mediated or direct. Escape can also be either socially mediated or direct. The following major categories constitute this classification system: 1. 2. 3. 4.
Direct access (DA) Socially mediated access (SMA) Direct escape (DE) Socially mediated escape (SME)
Within each category, the following sub-categories are offered.
F
680
F
FXS
1. Direct access (DA) ● DA-immediate sensory stimuli ● DA-direct chain to tangible reinforcers ● DA-other 2. Socially mediated access (SMA) ● SMA-adult attention ● SMA-peer attention ● SMA-tangible reinforcers ● SMA-other 3. Direct escape (DE) ● DE-Unpleasant social situations ● DE-relatively lengthy tasks/chores ● DE-relatively difficult tasks/chores ● DE aversive physical stimuli/events ● DE-other 4. Socially mediated escape (SME) ● SME-unpleasant social situations ● SME-relatively lengthy tasks/chores
● SME-relatively difficult tasks/chores ● SME-aversive physical stimuli/event ● SME-other
References 1.
2.
Cipani, E. (1994). Treating children’s severe behavior disorders: A behavioral diagnostic system. Journal of Behavior Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry, 25, 293–300. Cipani, E., & Schock, K. (2007). Functional behavioral assessment, diagnosis and treatment: A complete system for education and mental health settings. New York: Springer.
FXS ▶Fragile X Syndrome
G GAD ▶Generalized Anxiety Disorder
GAF ▶Global Assessment of Functioning Scales
intelligence; Logical-mathematical intelligence; Musical intelligence; Naturalist intelligence; Spatial intelligence
Definition According to Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences, there are eight different domain-specific intelligences. The eight intelligences are: Logical-mathematical, Linguistic, Musical, Spatial, Bodily-kinesthetic, Intrapersonal, Interpersonal, and Naturalist.
Description
Galantamine ▶Razadyne®
Gammahydroxybutyrate (GHB) ▶Depressants
GAPD ▶Global Assessment of Functioning Scales
Gardner’s Theory of Multiple Intelligences DANIEL PATANELLA1, CHANDRA EBANKS2 1 New York City Department of Education, New York, NY, USA 2 Florida International University, Miami, FL, USA
Synonyms Bodily-kinesthetic intelligence; Eight intelligences; Interpersonal intelligence; Intrapersonal intelligence; Linguistic
Although the concepts of intelligence and intelligence testing have been reliable cornerstones of both applied and academic psychology for over a century, they have been equally reliable sources of controversy. Once such controversy is whether intelligence is best conceptualized as being a general mental ability (often referred to in the literature as g), or a set of mental abilities. The traditional psychometric perspective on intelligence leans heavily toward g, yet arguments in favor of multiple intelligences have been offered as an alternative. One of the most influential, and most frequently cited, of these theories is Howard Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences. In his 1983 book Frames of Mind, Gardner (born in 1943) postulated that a multiple intelligence framework better describes human intellectual capacity than the traditional single intelligence as epitomized by such wellknown intelligence tests as the Stanford-Binet and the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC) [2]. Using an impressive array of evidence, Gardner argued that humans simply do not display equal aptitude across domains and initially proposed a set of seven intelligences. These intelligences would constitute distinct and separate units with their own measurable and observable abilities. Each type of intelligence would be tailored to specific types of information, possess different developmental trajectories, and individuals would display competencies in these intelligences in different combinations. All intelligences are not only simply biologically based, but must be
Author’s Note This work represents the scholarship of the author and does not imply any official position of the New York City Department of Education.
Sam Goldstein & Jack A. Naglieri (eds.), Encyclopedia of Child Behavior and Development, DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-79061-9, Springer Science+Business Media LLC 2011
#
682
G
Gaussian Distribution
nourished and developed by societies through valued disciplines. Gardner continued to develop and refine his theory through several publications and, in its most current form stemming from 1999s Intelligence Reframed, Gardner lists eight intelligences [3]. The eight intelligences are: Logical-mathematical, Linguistic, Musical, Spatial, Bodily-kinesthetic, Intrapersonal, Interpersonal, and Naturalist. Logical-mathematical and linguistic intelligences are the closest to intelligence as traditionally conceptualized. Musical intelligence is obviously linked to musical accomplishment, whereas spatial intelligence reflects accomplishment in the visual arts such as painting and sculpture and bodily-kinesthetic intelligence manifests itself in physical activity such as dance. Intrapersonal intelligence refers to self-awareness, and Gardner suggests that Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) is an exemplar of this specific type of intelligence. Interpersonal intelligence is related to leadership abilities and working with other people. Finally, naturalist intelligence is related to accomplishments in the study and appreciation of life itself; Gardner indicates that Charles Darwin is an exemplar of naturalist intelligence. As with virtually every other aspect of intelligence as a topic of psychological inquiry, controversy exists regarding Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences. Recent critics such as Allix [1] and Waterhouse (2006a, b) note that while there are indeed many publications devoted to Gardner’s theory, there are comparatively little scientific data to actually evaluate the theory. Morgan [7], while otherwise supportive, stresses the similarity of Gardner’s multiple intelligences to earlier conceptualizations of cognitive styles. At the heart of the debate are the differences between Gardner and his critics regarding psychometrics and the experimental method in theory-testing. Gardner’s critics take a traditional view of the worth of rigorous psychometric measurement as the core of intelligence research; Gardner is a critic of the standardized tests that result from psychometric development as well as the culture of testing that arose in response to intelligence tests. Gardner’s critics regard controlled experimentation as the strongest evidence to be offered in the testing and development of theory; Gardner prefers a more holistic approach that stresses external validity. Given the diametrically opposed paradigms these two positions represent, resolution of the conflict appears unlikely.
courses and workshops intended for educational professionals teaching the full spectrum of children from the gifted to the developmentally challenged. Although more data is needed to evaluate the scientific merit of Gardner’s multiple intelligences as a theory, his re-conceptualization of intelligence has provided a useful alternative paradigm in which educators may better assist student learning.
References 1.
2. 3. 4. 5.
6. 7. 8.
9.
Allix, N. M. (2000). The theory of multiple intelligences: A case of missing cognitive matter. Australian Journal of Education, 44, 272–288. Gardner, H. (1983). Frames of mind. New York: Basic Books. Gardner, H. (1999). Intelligence reframed. New York: Basic Books. Gardner, H., & Connell, M. (2000). Response to Nicholas Allix. Australian Journal of Education, 44, 288–293. Gardner, H., & Moran, S. (2006). The science of multiple intelligences theory: A response to Lynn Waterhouse. Educational Psychologist, 41(4), 227–232. Kornhaber, M., Krechevsky, M., & Gardner, H. (1990). Engaging intelligence. Educational Psychologist, 25(3 & 4), 177–199. Morgan, H. (1996). An analysis of Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligence. Roeper Review, 18(4), 263–269. Waterhouse, L. (2006a). Inadequate evidence for multiple intelligences, Mozart effect, and emotional intelligence theories. Educational Psychologist, 41(4), 247–255. Waterhouse, L. (2006b). Multiple intelligences, the Mozart effect, and emotional intelligence: A critical review. Educational Psychologist, 41, 207–225.
Gaussian Distribution ▶Normal Curve
Gay ▶Homosexuality
Gaze following ▶Joint Attention
Relevance to Childhood Development As is fitting given Gardner’s status as a professor at the Graduate School of Education at Harvard University, his theory of multiple intelligences is quite influential among educators. Multiple intelligence theory is a framework for
Gc ▶Crystallized Intelligence
Gender Development
GDS ▶Gordon Diagnostic System
Gender Conformity ▶Gender Roles
Gender Development JESSIE KOSOROK MELLOR University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA
Synonyms Gender identity
Definition The process of identifying one’s subjective sense of identity as male or female [2], neither or both.
Description On the most basic level, gender identity refers to individuals accepting themselves as male or female. The intersexed (intersexed/intersexuality) community includes a neither or both aspect due to the fact that there individuals are also born with characteristics pertaining to both males and females. Limiting the definition of gender identity to the categorization of solely male or female ignores individuals who do not identify as solely male or female. Aside from the complicated process of biological sex development, or the development of internal and external genitalia is the social phenomenon of gender development or how individuals identify as male, female, neither, or both. Each child has their own unique development of gender and both biology and social learning play key roles.
Relevance to Childhood Development In typical western society, children are exposed to gender differences as well as gender reinforcements from before they are even born. Once a mother finds out she is pregnant, it is inevitable that she will be asked if she is having a boy or a girl. Based on the dichotomous answer, friends,
G
relatives and the like will often purchase gifts based on the identified biological sex of the baby. Pink items are given to girls and blue items to boys. Once the baby is born, the hospital often gives pink or blue blankets and identifying bracelets depending on the biological sex. From day one children are bombarded with proper girl toys and proper boy toys and respective colored clothing. Some researchers believe infants have the ability to distinguish between male and female faces as young as 6 months of age [5]. However, it is not until 24 months of age that toddlers show gender specific activities including verbal differences [6]. Although, when infants and toddlers make gender distinctions, they are using superficial features such as hair length and are reported to not possess the ability to make more sound gender distinctions. This issue is referred to as a lack of gender constancy, or the understanding that being male or female is permanent and unable to change and by 3 years of age most children are still deficient with respect to this concept; however, [2] by age 6 aspects of gender constancy (i.e., gender consistency and gender stability) are evident. As children develop they are bombarded with ▶gender stereotypes and the pressures to adhere to traditional ▶gender roles. Boys are not stereotypically encouraged to play with dolls; the majority of western society perceives dolls as girls’ toys. Instead, boys are encouraged to play sports, play with trucks, dinosaurs, and similar toys and activities [3]. Girls are encouraged to look pretty, pretend to play house and cook, and take care of their dolls. However, if girls wish to cross the gender boundary and play with stereotypical boy toys or participate in boyish activities, they do not experience negative consequences on the same level that boys do when they choose to play with stereotypical girl toys or participate in girl activities. As children grow and develop and understand various aspects of gender, how to appropriately label different genders and what stereotypically accounts for appropriate gender roles, they begin to adopt what they feel is appropriate behavior with respect to gender. Children often evaluate their own gender as “better” and are more knowledgeable of the stereotypical appropriate behaviors associated with their own gender [4]. In general it is agreed that with increase in age comes an increase in gender flexibility, or the idea that children will make exceptions to gender stereotypes as they grow older and become more comfortable with their own gender identity and what gender identity means. However, research on this topic varies in methodology and how to measure gender flexibility thus giving exceptions to this reported linear relationship [2]. By the time children enter middle childhood and adolescence, their concept of gender identity is more
683
G
684
G
Gender Identity
concrete and they have a more sound idea of what constitutes stereotypical gender roles. Additionally, they have a more concrete understanding of their own identity and what it means to identify as male, female, neither, or both. Occasionally, children and adolescents will have an understanding that their biological sex (that is being born with a penis or vagina) does not match their gender identity (or identifying as male, female, neither, or both). Exhibiting four of the five following symptoms can result in a diagnosis of Gender Identity Disorder [1]: (1) cross-sex behaviors, (2) cross-sex toy and activity preferences, (3) cross-sex peer affiliation, (4) cross-dressing, (5) a stated desire to be the other sex. Each child will come to terms with their gender identity in their own way and understanding. A desire to be the gender that does not match their biological sex can result in many difficult situations for the individual as well as their family; however, there are many resources available to the transgender community to foster a healthy transition for the individual and offer support and education for their family.
References 1.
2. 3.
4. 5.
6.
American Psychiatric Association. (2002). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (DSM). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association. Brannon, L. (2008). Gender: Psychological perspectives. Boston: Pearson. Kane, E.W. (2006). “No way my boys are going to be like that!”. Parents’ response to children’s gender nonconformity. Gender & Society, 20, 149–176. Levy, G. D. (1999). Gender-typed and non-gender-typed category awareness in toddlers. Sex Roles, 41, 851–874. Ramsey-Rennels, J. L., & Langlois, J. H. (2006). Infants’ differential processing of female and male faces. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 15, 59–62. Serbin, L. A., Poulin-Doubois, D., & Eichestedt, J. A. (2002). Infants’ response to gender-inconsistent events. Infancy, 3, 531–542.
Gender Identity LISA KILANOWSKI-PRESS Niagara University, Niagara, NY, USA
Synonyms Gender development; Gender identity disorder; Gender roles; Gender variance; Sexual identity; Transgender; Transsexual
Definition Gender identity pertains to the degree to which an individual espouses either a male or female sexual identity; it is
reflective of the degree to which individuals “feel” or conceptualize their psychological and sexual identity as male or female. Most often, gender identity matches biological sex. In cases where ones’ gender identity does not match assigned sex, diagnosis of gender identity disorder (GID) may be explored.
Description Gender identity pertains to the degree to which an individual espouses either a male or female sexual identity; it is reflective of the degree to which individuals “feel” or conceptualize their psychological and sexual identity as male or female. Most often, gender identity matches biological sex. Specifically, most biological males espouse a male gender identity, and most biological females espouse a female gender identity. However, biological sex assignment alone is not predictive of gender identity in all cases, leading to situations in which ones’ gender identity differs from their sex assignment. Gender typical behavior, including dress, mannerisms, and sexual attraction, are some of many factors that comprise gender identity. Stereotypical gender role fulfillment is also viewed by some to reflect gender identity, but is not in and of itself a strong predictor of either gender identity or sexual orientation. Espousal of gender roles that significantly deviate from ones’ biological sex, combined with reports on the part of an individual that they want to be (or feel like) a member of the opposite sex, are early indicators of mismatch between sex and gender identity, and are suggestive of GID.
Gender Identity Disorder (GID) or Gender Dysphoria Dissonance between biological sex and gender identity may be reported in early childhood, adolescence, or adulthood. According to the APA [1], diagnosis of GID may occur when four or more of the following criteria are met: 1. Repeatedly stated desire to be, or insistence that he or she is, a member of the opposite sex. 2. In boys, a preference for cross-dressing or simulating women’s attire; in girls, insistence on wearing only stereotypically masculine clothing. 3. Strong and persistent preferences for cross-sex roles in make believe play or persistent fantasies of the opposite sex. 4. Intense desire to participate in the stereotypical games and pastimes of the other sex. 5. Strong preference for playmates of the other sex (p. 581).
Gender Identity
Additionally, “persistent discomfort with his or her sex or sense of inappropriateness in the gender role of that sex” must be manifested, must not be attributed to a physical intersex condition wherein the individual possesses both male and female genitalia, and must result in significant psychosocial impairment (p. 581). Often, male children with disturbances in gender identity overtly reject their genitalia and express a desire to no longer have a penis; some will indicate a desire to have a vagina. Avoidance of or disinterest in stereotypical male pursuits, such as rough play, engaging in games or playing with toys most often associated with boys, or engaging in play with male playmates, is common. Open interest in stereotypical female interests, including dolls, female play mates, and wearing female clothing is frequently observed. Female children may demonstrate aversion to their genitalia by standing to urinate, suggesting that they may “grow a penis” or someday have a penis, or indicating that they do not want breasts or to menstruate. Active avoidance of feminine clothing and pursuits is also often noted, along with a preference for male dress, haircuts, playmates, and stereotypical male play activities ([1], p. 581). In adolescents and adults, individuals with GID often take active steps to live as a member of the opposite sex for some or part of the time. Many express desire to engage in hormone treatment or surgery in hopes of attaining their desired physical form, and may often indicate belief that they were “born the wrong sex” ([1], p. 581). Individuals with GID may be referred to as transgender or transsexual. The term male-tofemale (MTF) is used to denote a male individual who is transgender and is living their life as a female. Femaleto-male (FTM) is used to indicate a female who is living their life as a male. Holistically, children, adolescents, and adults with GID are plagued by social and emotional discomfort resulting from the lack of congruence between their actual and desired sex. In addition to experiencing social isolation stemming from gender related differences and stigma, individuals with GID are prone to depression, anxiety, and suicide or suicide attempt [6]. Many individuals with GID do not actively pursue gender reassignment surgery, hormone therapy (testosterone or estrogen), or the use of implants, but rather choose to live their life as a member of their assigned sex. Some individuals with GID elect to live their “private” lives as the opposite sex, while their “public” gender identity matches their biological sex. The degree to which and individual actively pursues a lifestyle as the opposite sex varies considerably from person to person.
G
685
Prevalence of Gender Identity Disorder Due the lack of comprehensive national data collection systems assessing gender identity in the United States, data regarding prevalence in the US is unavailable. As per Sohn, Hartmut, and Bosinski [5], several researchers have identified prevalence rates in Europe due to the availability of broader, national data collection systems. In the Netherlands, the number of MTF transsexuals is approximately one per 119,000 individuals, with the number of FTM transsexuals approximately one per 11,900 individuals; in Belgium, the number of MTF’s is approximately 1 per 12,900, with one per 33,800 persons (p. 1,195). Similar prevalence rates appear to be common across Europe. MTF transsexuals typically outnumber FTM transsexuals by three to one.
Etiology of Gender Identity Disorder The precise cause of disruptions in gender identity is unknown. Current theory regarding GID highlights the possibility of genetic as well as hormonal underpinnings, with relatively limited and non definitive literature supporting either of the aforementioned. At present, twin studies have yielded the finding that GID appears to be heritable, with estimates of heritability ranging from 50 to 62% [2, 3]. However, despite the fact that genetic identity disruptions are likely heritable, to date, no research has identified how differences in gender identity are genetically coded [4]. Hormonal hypotheses suggest that prenatal hormone exposure influences the development of sex-typed behavior. However, aside from illuminating potential differences in the development of the hypothalamus as a result of hormone bathing, no definitive hormonal cause has been found.
References 1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders, (4th ed. text revision). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press. Bailey, J. M., Dunne, M. P., & Martin, N. G. (2000). Genetic and environmental influences on sexual orientation and its correlates in an Australian twin sample. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78, 524–553. Coolidge, F. L., Thede, L. L., & Young, S. E. (2002). The heritability of gender identity disorder in an adolescent twin sample. Behavior Genetics, 32(4), 251–257. Martin, N. G. (2008). Nosology, etiology, and course of gender identity disorder in children. Journal of Gay and Lesbian Mental Health, 12(1), 2008. Sohn, M., Hartmut, A. G., & Bosinski, M. D. (2007). Gender identity disorders: Diagnostic and surgical aspects. Journal of Sex Medicine, 4, 1193–1208. Wallien, M. S., Swaab, H., & Cohen-Kettenis, P. T. (2007). Psychiatric comorbidity among children with gender identity disorder. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 46(10), 1307–1314.
G
686
G
Gender Identity Disorder
Gender Identity Disorder STACEE REICHERZER Walden University, Minneapolis, MN, USA
Synonyms Gender identity; Transgenderism; Transsexualism
Definition Gender Identity Disorder (GID) is the diagnosis for persistent discomfort with the gender role of one’s birthassigned sex, concurrent with a strong identification as the opposite gender.
Description GID is the formal classification identified in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders IV-Text Revision (DSM-IV-TR [1]) for an experience of both extreme identification with one’s opposite gender, and a lack of association or comfort with the gender role of with one’s birth-assigned sex. Formal assessment of the diagnosis includes a ruling out of a physical intersex experience, and the establishment of a significant level of stress in interpersonal relationships and social interactions as a result of one’s gender. A diagnosis of GID by a qualified mental health professional is recommended by the World Professional Association of Transgender Health (WPATH) Standards of Care [8] for determining candidacy and readiness for a medical referral to begin hormone replacement therapy (HRT); while two mental health evaluation of GID are recommended for referrals of transgenders who seek sexual reassignment surgery (SRS). The prevalence of GID has been estimated by identifying the number of transgenders who seek SRS, which the WPATH Standards of Care have identified as ranging from 1 in 37,000 males and 1 in 107,000 females in an early estimation, to 1 in 11,900 males and 1 in 30,400 females in a more recent estimate. A major challenge in establishing a more precise estimate exists in that the high cost of surgeries, individuals’ pre-existing medical conditions, and limited esthetically satisfactory medical options (particularly of female-to-male genital surgery) do not make surgery an option for transgenders who would otherwise meet the diagnostic criteria of GID. The GID diagnosis has been a subject of some controversy, as many transgender activists and allies have identified it as pathologizing, citing that it is based upon
a biased system of diagnosis that posits a binary model of gender [2, 3, 5, 7, 12, 13]. The argument also centers on the role of mental health professionals in assessing candidacy and readiness for hormones surgery, when many transgenders identify that the choice to migrate their bodies in concordance with gender identity should be their own [10]. Additionally, seeking mental health services for the purpose of procuring an assessment of GID is seen as artificial and counter-intuitive to a therapeutic environment of honesty, as many transgenders have identified that they tell therapists what they believe the therapists wish to hear in order to write favorable assessment letters [10]. The identification of gender as a continuum [4, 11] or spectrum [9], rather than a binary model of male and female as discrete and opposite experiences, is gaining attention within the medical and mental health community, as more helping professionals and gender researchers encounter transgender clients who do not meet the full diagnostic criteria of GID, but who identify themselves as existing between the genders. Self-identifiers such as gender queer, genderless, bi-gendered, and third-gendered have emerged along with third gender pronouns (“ze” or “sie” – rather than “he” or “she”) to identify a range of experiences to that reflect a range of gender possibilities [6]. Cross-cultural examples of third gender experiences include the hijra of India, the kathoey of Thailand, and numerous examples of two-spirit tradition in Hopi, Navajo, and other Native American cultures (sometimes mistakenly referred to by non-Native researchers using the perjorative berdache). The Bugi ethnic group of the Indonesian island of Sulawesi acknowledges five genders that are seen as a foundation for social harmony.
Relevance to Childhood Development Many adult transgenders report having experienced the features of GID from earliest memory. Such reports include knowledge that one was “different,” a desire to play with the toys or games more typically assigned to the other gender, and a desire to dress in the clothes or assume the appearance of the other gender. Clinically, children are referred as young as ages 2–4 [1] for mental health services, generally when gender nonconforming behaviors are a cause of concern for caregivers. Although some of these children do grow-up to identify as transgender and/or to present the features of GID, relatively few pre-school age children who demonstrate crossgender propensities will continue these behaviors into adulthood. Generally, the malleability of behavior is
Gender Roles
relative to a child’s age. Although relatively few children who meet the diagnostic criteria of GID will become transsexuals as adults (meaning that they actively pursue hormones and sexual reassignment), many will identify as lesbian or gay in adulthood ([1]; WPATH, 2001). GID can be a source of tremendous distress for children, with a great deal of stress often precipitated by interactions with parents, siblings, and other children who are antagonistic of the child’s expression of her or his gender. Social mistreatment is often cited in teen suicide letters, and is identified as a major cause of Major Depression for transgender adolescents. Referral to a mental health professional who is knowledgeable of transgender experiences and who will be supportive of the child is advisable.
G
Gender Roles KEVIN L. NADAL John Jay College of Criminal Justice City University, New York, NY, USA
Synonyms Gender conformity; Gender identity; Gender socialization
Definition The behaviors, expectations, and values defined by society as masculine and feminine [4].
Description References 1. American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed., text revision). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association. 2. Bornstein, K. (1994). Gender outlaw: Of men, women, and the rest of us. New York: Vintage Books. 3. Califia, P. (1997). Sex changes: The politics of transgenderism. San Francisco: Cleis Press. 4. Casper, V., & Schultz, S. B. (1999). Gay parents/straight schools: Building communication and trust. New York: Teachers College Press. 5. Cromwell, J. (1999). Transmen & FTM’s: Identities, bodies, genders, & sexualities. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press. 6. Feinberg, L. (1996). Transgender warriors: Making history from Joan of Arc to RuPaul. Boston: Beacon Press. 7. Griggs, C. (1998). S/he. Changing sex and changing clothes. Oxford: Berg. 8. Meyer, W., Cohen-Kettenis, P., Coleman, E., Diceglie, D., Devor, H., et al. (2001). World Professional Association of Transgender Health standards of care for gender-identity disorders (6th version). International Journal of Transgenderism, 5(1). Retrieved September 5, 2008, from http://www.symposion.com/ijt/soc_2001/index.htm. 9. Monro, S. (2005). Beyond male and female: Poststructuralism and the spectrum of gender. International Journal of Transgenderism, 6(1), 3–22. 10. Reicherzer, S. (2007). The grounded theory of a new gender episteme: Transgender subjectivity deconstructs the power, privilege, and pathos of mental health diagnostics. Doctoral dissertation, St. Mary’s University. 11. Reicherzer, S., & Anderson, J. (2006). Ethics and the gender continuum: A lifespan approach. Vistas 2006- American Counseling Association Virtual Counseling Library. Retrieved from: http:// counselingoutfitters.com/Reicherzer.htm 12. Stryker, S. (1997). Over and out in academe: Transgender studies come of age. In G. E. Israel & D. E. Tarver (Eds.), Transgender care: Recommended guidelines, practical information, & personal accounts (pp. 241–247). Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 13. Wilchins, R. (2004). Queer theory, gender theory: An instant primer. Los Angeles: Alyson Books.
687
Gender roles are defined differently within specific societies and cultures as each society sends messages to its members about culturally appropriate behaviors, norms, and values for men and women, based on gender. Each society or culture has its own concept of gender, which can be defined as the social construct that associates behavioral, cultural, or psychological traits as male or female. Gender is usually determined by one’s biological sex (or whether one has male or female reproductive organs). However, it is possible for an individual to accept gender roles that are opposite of their birth sex. Gender roles are often determined based on traditional stereotypes (e.g., women cook and clean, while men go to work or fix cars). Gender roles may also influence one’s career choice (e.g., women are often discouraged from entering sciences or medicine, while men are discouraged from traditionally feminine careers like nursing or secretarial work). Gender roles may also be expressed through clothing or styles of dress (e.g., men wear suits and ties to formal occasions, while women wear dresses to formal occasions). In contemporary times, women may wear pants and dress shirts like men, but these articles of clothing are often feminized and/or fitted differently. Gender roles may be expressed in behavior (e.g., men express their emotions through anger or yelling, while women express their emotions through crying). Gender roles may be expressed in relationships (e.g., men have close friendships with other men where they do not discuss intimate, personal problems, while women have close friendships with other women where they discuss emotions and intimate, personal problems regularly). Gender roles may even influence personality traits that are more desirable for men or women; for example, men are
G
688
G
Gender Roles
more desired to act as leaders or be aggressive, while women are more desired to be affectionate or cheerful [1]. Gender role socialization (Gender socialization, Gender conformity, Gender identity) is the process in which an individual learns and accepts roles as a male or a female. There are many ways that individuals are socialized to learn about gender roles, even from a very early age. In many Western societies, baby boys are usually dressed in blue and male toddlers are given toys like trucks and cars; baby girls are usually dressed in pink and female toddlers are given toys like baby dolls and play cooking sets. In adolescence, boys and girls receive messages about how they are supposed to behave. Adolescent girls are encouraged to be emotionally expressive, while adolescent boys are encouraged to be more controlling of their emotions [8]. And in adulthood, men may be socialized to believe that they must be providers or breadwinners of the family, while women may be socialized to believe that they must be motherly and submissive to men. Gender role socialization may influence one’s personality development. Previous literature has supported that men may be more achievement-oriented than women and that men may have a greater internal locus of control than women, but that women may possess more empathy than men [3]. Gender roles may influence achievementorientation in that men are socialized to be more practical and unemotional; accordingly, they may view a problem or stressor as something to be overcome. Gender role expectations may impact locus of control and worldview; women may learn that stereotyping and discrimination may limit their opportunities and negatively impact their lives. Accordingly, men may perceive that they have more power in determining their present and future lives, while women may perceive that there will be other external forces that may determine their present and future lives. Gender role norms may encourage one’s ability to be empathetic and emotionally-expressive. Women may be more able to relate personally and emotionally with others, and may cope by seeking social support, while men may learn that it is more acceptable to have emotional control and cope with problems individually. Gender role socialization may also influence how individuals cope with stress and/or how mental health disparities occur for both men and women. Previous literature has supported that there is a higher prevalence of depression in adolescent girls, while there is a higher prevalence of substance use and antisocial behavior in adolescent boys [3]. Because women are taught to be emotionally expressive, there is a higher risk of depression. However, because men are not taught to be emotionally expressive of
their feelings, it may be more acceptable to cope with their depression or stress by turning to substances and/or acting out in rebellious ways. Additionally, men are likely to be more aggressive, engage in violent behaviors, and/or have conduct problems than women [2]. Gender role expectations may lead to conflict and psychological distress for women. First, gender role expectations for women imply sexism, in that they objectify and demean women, while prevent them from the same opportunities for success or equality as men [6]. Additionally, previous literature purports that women are often in conflict about being societal norms of success for women, which is defined as a woman being “nurturing, physically attractive, and passive” [7]. Additionally, many women may be resistant to be identified as “feminists” because of the negative connotations that are attributed [7]. The manifestation of these gender roles on women may lead to several psychological problems, including a decrease in self-esteem, a decrease in comfort, and feelings of anger and depression [6]. Gender role expectations may also lead to conflict and psychological distress for men. Previous literature on gender role conflict has purported that there are six patterns that lead to mental health problems for men, including: restrictive emotionality, health care problems, obsession with achievement and success, restrictive sexual and affectionate behavior, socialized control, power, and competition issues, and homophobia [4]. Additionally, gender role conflict may manifest in several situational contexts including times when men experience a gender role transition or face difficult developmental tasks, when men deviate from or violate gender role norms of masculinity ideology, or when men try to meet or fail to meet gender role norms of masculinity ideology [5]. Gender roles may vary distinctly across cultures. For example, while women in Asian or Latin American countries are taught to be submissive to men, women in the Philippines are seen as the authoritative leaders and decision-makers of the family. Additionally, while doctors in the US are traditionally stereotyped to be mostly men, doctors in Russia, Taiwan, or Germany are predominantly women. Finally, while men in the US are discouraged from expressing physical affection towards other men, it is common and acceptable for men in Spain or France to hold hands or even kiss to express their friendship. Finally, the practice of androgyny (or the acceptance of both male and female behaviors and physical traits) is common practice in some cultures. For example, many Native American tribes have described their members as “twospirited” or individuals who fulfill an array of mixed
Gender Roles
gender roles (physically, socially, or functionally) in their everyday lives. Two-spirited people may serve as mothers, fathers, healers or medicine persons, pottery makers, fortune tellers, and many other gender-neutral roles. Gender roles may also have different meanings for various subcultures. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) individuals may find themselves balancing various gender roles in their personal, romantic, and family relationships. First, by virtue of identifying as non-heterosexual and behaving accordingly, LGB individuals are already breaking gender role expectations. Second, there may be a spectrum of gender role identities for LGB individuals. Some LGB individuals may maintain strict gender roles; these individuals be involved in same-sex attractions and relationships, but may still choose to behave in “masculine” or “feminine” ways within their romantic, personal, family, or work relationships. For example, a gay man may choose to be the masculine, dominant one in his same-sex relationship (socially and sexually), while a lesbian woman may choose to be the feminine, submissive one in the relationship (socially and sexually). Conversely, some LGB individuals may identify as androgynous or a mix of masculine and feminine gender roles. For example, some lesbian women may choose to dress in genderneutral ways and desire others not knowing what their gender or biological sex is. Finally, some LGB individuals may enjoy rebelling against gender role norms. For example, some gay or bisexual men may enjoy wearing makeup or entering professions that are considered feminine, while some lesbian or bisexual women may enjoy playing or watching masculine sports or being dominant or aggressive in their sexual and romantic relationships. Gender roles may also have different meanings for transgender individuals. Transgender persons, whom are diagnosed with Gender Identity Disorder (GID), are defined as individuals whose self-identification as a woman, man, or neither does not match their biological sex. Because transgender individuals may feel like they were born into the wrong gender, they may struggle in accepting prescribed gender roles from a very young age. For example, if a boy identifies as a girl, but his parents force him to wear boys’ clothes, play with boys’ toys, and play boys’ sports, this may cause him significant psychological distress.
(e.g., buying a boy masculine toys like guns or buying a girl feminine toys like dolls). Gender roles may be learned by children through modeling (e.g., watching how parents and adults interact with each other), through the media (e.g., viewing how men and women relate with each other on television), through religion (e.g., studying messages about gender from religious leaders or historical religious figures), and through school (e.g., understanding messages that one’s teacher gives them about gender). When parents, families, and other sources send messages about gender roles to their children, these messages and may have lasting impacts on individual’s personality development, worldviews, and self-esteem. Gender roles in childhood may also influence an individual’s perception of socially acceptable ways of coping with problems, expressing their emotions, interacting in relationships, or choosing career paths. Gender roles can be both positive and negative in a child’s development. Some gender roles may be positive in that they may encourage affirmative personality traits in children. For example, little girls may learn the importance of being affectionate, compassionate, or sensitive to the needs of others, while little boys may learn the importance of being assertive, self-sufficient, or willing to take risks. However, while these gender role traits may be positive for the gender these traits are assigned to, they may negatively impact children of the other gender. For example, little girls may learn to be submissive, shy, or soft-spoken, while little boys may learn to be competitive, forceful, or dominant. Finally, parents and families can minimize gender role conflict in individuals by preparing them for the psychological distress that may occur as a result of gender roles. For example, teaching young girls about sexism and discrimination or teaching young boys about the pressures and negative implications of masculinity may lead to better coping mechanisms and an increase in mental health.
References 1. 2.
3.
Relevance to Childhood Development Gender roles are introduced in early childhood in both overt and covert ways. Gender roles may be communicated overtly (e.g., telling a boy that “Boys don’t cry” or telling a girl “Young ladies don’t play rough”) or covertly
G
4.
Bem, S. L. (1981). Bem sex role inventory: Professional manual. Palo Alto, CA: Consulting Psychologists Press. Cohn, A., & Zeichner, A. (2006). Effects of masculine identity and gender role stress on aggression in men. Psychology of Men and Masculinity, 7(4), 179–190. Lengua, L. J. (2000). Gender, gender roles, and personality: Gender differences in the prediction of coping and psychological symptoms. Sex Roles, 43(11/12), 787–820. O’Neil, J. M. (1990). Assessing men’s gender role conflict. In D. Moore & F. Leafgren (Eds.), Men in conflict: Problem solving strategies and interventions (pp. 23–38). Alexandria, VA: American Association for Counseling and Development.
689
G
690
G 5.
6.
7. 8.
Gender Schema Theory
O’Neil, J. M. (2008). Summarizing 25 years of research on men’s gender role conflict using the gender role conflict scale: New research paradigms and clinical implications. The Counseling Psychologist, 36(3), 358–445. Swim, J. K., Hyers, L. L., Cohen, L. L., & Ferguson, M. J. (2001). Everyday sexism: Evidence for its incidence, nature, and psychological impact from three daily diary studies. Journal of Social Issues, 57(1), 31–53. Toller, P. W., Suter, E. A., & Trautman, T. C. (2004). Gender role identity and attitudes toward feminism. Sex Roles, 51(1/2), 85–90. Vogel, D. L., Wester, S. R., Heesacker, M., & Madon, S. (2003). Confirming gender stereotypes: A social role perspective. Sex Roles, 48(11/12), 519–528.
Gender Schema Theory JONATHAN PERLE, ANGELA WAGUESPACK Nova Southeastern University, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
Definition Gender schema theory states that children actively construct mental representations about that which defines males and females by observing individuals in the culture in which they live. Such schemas are incorporated into the child’s self concept, aid in the search and assimilation of subsequent information that the child deems schema-relevant, and are constantly changing as the child develops.
Description First coined by Sandra Bem in 1981 [1], gender schema theory is a cognitive account of sex typing by which schemas are developed through the combination of social and cognitive learning processes. Through observations of individuals within a child’s culture, the child is able to observe male and female typical attributes, activities, and actions. These observations which aid in gender segregation and guide the child’s gender related actions and activities are incorporated into the child’s evolving gender schema. The developing child begins to label him or herself as either male or female by about age 2 [6], but it is not until about age 7 that the child gains gender constancy [5] and recognizes that his or her sex is unchanging. However, even at age 2, the child is actively developing his or her schemas and incorporating them into his or her sense of self. He/She is constantly evaluating objects and activities as “boy” or “girl” things and forming his/her own schema, thereby integrating those aspects of self-definition that are appropriate for one’s own gender. Further, gender schematic cognitions are not only influenced by the child
observing others, but are also reinforced by toys, clothing, occupations, and hobbies including sports.
Relevance to Childhood Development The lens through which children see the world as explained by gender schema theory is used to account for sex-related behavioral differences in boys and girls. Once a child develops his/her schemas regarding proper behaviors for men and women, these schemata guide all subsequent cognitions including information processing, behavior, and memory to specific activities [1]. By assimilating these schemas into their cognitions, children develop self-concepts that include the concepts of gender and gender-specific roles. Such development of selfconcept is demonstrated by those gender-schematic children behaving in more gender-typical ways than genderaschematic children. For these children, gender-consistent information is more easily understood and remembered, while information that contradicts or doesn’t fit within the constructs of the schemas are difficult to process and are often not as easily remembered [3]. Gender schematic individuals are also more likely to be able to quickly indicate the gender appropriateness of behaviors and activities and are more readily able to recall gender specific terms and information in free recall tasks [4]. Given these findings, it is hypothesized that the attempted behaviors and associated cognitions of a child are not random, but rather determined by the child to match his/her hypothesized ▶gender identity as determined through his/her schemas. It has been hypothesized by Sandra Bem that the ideal developing child schema would not be strongly male or female gender typical; with an optimal child having both male and female associations [2]. Such ideals are believed to be possible if the parents partake in behaviors that are cross-sexed. Possible behaviors including taking turns making dinner, both parents taking part in sex-typical hobbies such as watching and playing sports, and making sure that their children have access to both male and female typical colored clothing and toys.
References 1. 2.
3.
Bem, S. L. (1981). Gender schema theory: A cognitive account of sex typing. Psychological Review, 88(4), 354–364. Bem, S. L. (1983). Gender schema theory and its implications for child development: Raising gender-aschematic children in a gender-schematic society. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 8(4), 598–616. Bigler, R. S., & Liben, L. S. (1992). Cognitive mechanisms in children’s gender stereotyping: Theoretical and educational implication of a cognitive-based intervention. Child Development, 63(6), 1351–1363.
Generalization 4.
5.
6.
Frable, D. E. S., & Bem, S. L. (1985). If you are gender schematic, all members of the opposite sex look alike. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 49(2), 459–468. Kohlberg, L. (1993). A cognitive-developmental analysis of children’s sex-role concepts and attitudes. In E. E. Maccoby (Ed.), The development of sex differences. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Slaby, R. G., & Frey, K. S. (1975). Development of gender constancy and selective attention to same-sex models. Child Development, 46, 849–856.
Gender Socialization ▶Gender Roles
Gender Variance ▶Gender Identity
Gene–Environment Interaction ▶Diathesis-stress Model
12 individual subtests which varied in content. The content of the IQ tests developed in the early part of the 1900s included subtests, like the Army Mental Tests, which varied along the now familiar verbal, nonverbal (performance), and quantitative dimensions. Despite the varying content, all tests were intended to measure general ability. For example, some of the tests require knowledge of words and comprehension of verbal relationships; others, memory of the sequence of numbers; and others, reasoning with arithmetic and spatial stimuli. But as Wechsler (1975) wrote “… the attributes and factors of intelligence, like the elementary particles in physics, have at once collective and individual properties (p. 138).” Therefore, despite the individual demands of specific subtests, they form a cohesive whole which is general ability. Wechsler continued writing “the subtests are different measures of intelligence, not measures of different kinds of intelligence (p. 64)”. More recently, Naglieri (2003) reminded us that “the term nonverbal refers to the content of the test, not a type of ability (p. 2).” Thus, tests may differ in their content or specific demands (what Spearman [1927] referred to as “indifference of the indicator” [p. 197]) but still measure the concept of general intelligence.
References 1. 2. 3.
General Cognitive Aptitude Testing
G
4.
Spearman, C. (1904). “General intelligence”: Objectively determined and measured. American Journal of Psychology, 15, 201–293. Naglieri, J. A. (2003). Naglieri nonverbal ability test–Individual administration. San Antonio, TX: Pearson. Wechsler, D. (1939). Wechsler-Bellevue intelligence scale. New York: The Psychological Corporation. Wechsler, D. (1975). Intelligence defined and undefined: A relativistic appraisal. American Psychologist, 30, 135–139.
▶Intelligence Testing
General System Theory General Intelligence The concept of general intelligence began more than 100 years ago with Charles Spearman’s (1904) seminal work General Intelligence, Objectively Determined and Measured. Spearman proposed that all mental tests are comprised of a factor specific to each test and a general factor of intelligence, noted by g. One of the first tests to formally measure general ability was the Wechsler-Bellevue Scales (Wechsler, 1939) which included subtests that differed in their content but were all designed to measure general ability. All of Wechsler’s tests that have been published have included an overall total score called a Full Scale score which represents general ability based on 10 to
▶Systems Theory
Generalization GINA COFFEE Loyola University Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA
Definition Generalization is “the occurrence of relevant behavior under different, nontraining conditions (i.e., across subjects,
691
G
692
G
Generalization
settings, people, behaviors, and/or time) without the scheduling of the same events in those conditions as had been scheduled in the training conditions” ([2], p. 350).
Description The concept of generalization is particularly important in child behavior and development when changes in behavior across settings, people, or time, for example, are desired. Historically, generalization was thought to occur passively and naturally, as practitioners adopted the “train and hope” philosophy of generalization [2], whereby they acknowledged the potential for generalization to occur but did not facilitate its occurrence. However, generalization does not appear to occur naturally, so attention has recently been turned to programming for it [1–4]. The seminal piece by Stokes and Baer [2] first called attention to the fact that generalization is rarely a passive process. By systematically reviewing the generalization literature to date, Stokes and Baer [2] developed a classification system of generalization techniques used in research studies. Stokes and Baer’s contribution was important not only because it provided a thorough review of the existing generalization literature at the time and facilitated the conceptualization of generalization as an active process, but also because it provided a framework for researchers who sought to bring about lasting and widespread behavioral change in their clients/patients/ participants. Later, Stokes and Osnes [3] modified the classification system by grouping programming tactics within three general principles. That is, Stokes and Osnes reorganized, and elaborated upon, the techniques first presented by Stokes and Baer [2], with the goal of presenting a clearer picture of how to program for generalization. Within the categorization developed by Stokes and Osnes [3], twelve programming tactics fell under the general principles of (1) exploit current functional contingencies, (2) train diversely, and (3) incorporate functional mediators. The first principle (exploit current functional contingencies) refers to the direct exploitation of the antecedentresponse-consequence pathway that can influence the frequency, intensity, and/or duration a given behavior. The programming tactics under this general principle include (1) contact natural consequences, (2) recruit natural consequences, (3) modify maladaptive consequences, and (4) reinforce occurrences of generalization. Contacting natural consequences involves identifying and making use of positive consequences that naturally occur in the environment, rather than employing artificial consequences or consequences that have been programmed by the
therapist or change agent. For example, a natural positive consequence for engagement behaviors of a child who is socially withdrawn may be positive peer attention. When natural consequences are not readily identifiable or accessible, it may become necessary to recruit natural consequences – the second tactic within this principle. For example, a student can recruit the natural consequence of teacher praise by directly asking the teacher how he/she performed on an academic or behavioral task (e.g., asking the teacher “How did I do?” after successfully turning an assignment in on time). The third programming tactic of modifying maladaptive consequences is used when existing consequences are working toward maintaining an inappropriate behavior. In these cases, the maladaptive consequences must be changed in order to decrease the frequency, intensity, or duration of the inappropriate behavior. For example, if the consequence for a student’s out-of-seat behavior (avoidance behavior) is to send the student out of the classroom, it is likely that this consequence needs to be changed to encourage the student to stay actively engaged in classwork. Finally, Stokes and Osnes [3] proffered that current functional contingencies may be exploited by the reinforcement of generalization occurrences. Specifically, generalization behaviors should be noted and reinforced, such as when a student who has been taught to engage in prosocial behaviors in the lunchroom also engages in these behaviors on the playground. The second principle (train diversely) involves the institution of less control and rigidity during training conditions. In particular, training diversely encourages change agents to broaden training goals and procedures with the ultimate goal of promoting widespread outcomes. The programming tactics under this general principle include (1) use sufficient stimulus exemplars, (2) use sufficient response exemplars, (3) make antecedents less discriminable, and (4) make consequences less discriminable. A stimulus exemplar is an aspect of training that is associated with the training condition (e.g., a change agent or the therapy room). By using sufficient stimulus exemplars (e.g., multiple change agents or several different therapy rooms), generalization can be enhanced. The literature suggests that as few as two stimulus exemplars may be sufficient. In contrast, a response exemplar can be understood as the behavior that is sought during training. An example of using sufficient response exemplars could be training students to solve a problem in many different ways. Another way generalization can be achieved with this tactic is by training subsets of behaviors that are representative of a particular class of responses. The final two tactics of this principle address discrimination
Generalized Anxiety Disorder
by indicating that (to enhance generalization) antecedents and consequences must be made less discriminable. In terms of antecedents, the conditions of training should vary and be flexible enough so that target behaviors are not associated only with a specific set of circumstances. For example, training could occur in natural settings at unplanned times. With regard to consequences, schedules of reinforcement should be varied, and reinforcement should be delayed when feasible. The final principle (incorporate functional mediators) involves the use of mediators to enhance generalization. In this context, “a mediator is a stimulus that occurs between the training and the occurrence of generalization in such a way that it facilitates or mediates that generalization, probably as a discriminative stimulus for the performance of the behavior” ([3], p. 348). A mediating stimulus, then, is a stimulus that is either present in multiple conditions or a stimulus that the client can easily transport between the training condition and other settings. The programming tactics under this general principle include (1) incorporate common salient physical stimuli, (2) incorporate common salient social stimuli, (3) incorporate salient selfmediated physical stimuli, and (4) incorporate salient self-mediated verbal and overt stimuli. Essentially, the principle remains the same, while the types of stimuli differ. In particular, a physical stimulus is a physical object (e.g., a timer); a social stimulus is a person (e.g., a peer, therapist, teacher) or a characteristic of a person (e.g., a gesture someone makes); a self-mediated physical stimulus is something the client can maintain and carry with him/her between training and non-training conditions (e.g., a notebook with procedures or a self-monitoring chart); and self-mediated verbal and overt stimuli are verbalizations, thoughts, and or cognitive strategies used by the client in relevant settings. Using the techniques put forth by Stokes and Baer [2] and Stokes and Osnes [3], Osnes and Lieblein [4] recently examined the current state of generalization programming by reviewing generalization articles in select journals (Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, Behavior Modification, the Journal of Positive Behavior Interventions, and The Behavior Analyst Today) from 1999 to 2002. In general, they sought to determine whether the field of generalization has moved beyond “train and hope” and found mixed results. Whereas they found researchers are assessing maintenance and incorporating the techniques identified by Stokes and Baer [2] and Stokes and Osnes [3], they also found that researchers are continuing to use interventions that are highly discriminable without longlasting effects.
G
693
References 1. 2. 3. 4.
Osnes, P. G., & Lieblein, T. (2003). An explicit technology of generalization. The Behavior Analyst Today, 3, 364–374. Stokes, T. F., & Baer, D. M. (1977). An implicit technology of generalization. Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, 10, 349–367. Stokes, T. F., & Osnes, P. G. (1989). An operant pursuit of generalization. Behavior Therapy, 20, 337–355. Tillman, T. C. (2000). Generalization programming and behavioral consultation. The Behavior Analyst Today, 1, 30–34.
Generalized Anxiety Disorder G JILL DRIEST Nova Southeastern University, Davie, FL, USA
Synonyms Anxiety disorders; GAD; Over-anxious disorder
Definition Generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) is an anxiety disorder that is characterized by excessive worry, more days than not, for at least 6 months. This worry can cause significant distress in both social and academic functioning.
Description Diagnosis and Classification Children diagnosed with GAD must experience excessive anxiety and worry occurring more days than not for at least 6 months. These children find it very difficult to control their anxious thoughts and which results in distress at school, home, and other areas of functioning. This worry is observed in restlessness, fatigue, irritability, muscle tension, difficulty concentrating, or sleep disturbances. Prior to the fourth edition of the Diagnostic Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, GAD was referred to as Over-Anxious Disorder (OAD).
Core Symptoms The continuous anxiety and worry characterized by GAD can occur in a variety of areas, including academics, natural disasters, sports, past behavior, or future events. Some children also worry about characteristically adult issues, such as the financial situations of their parents, relationships, punctuality, or perfectionism. When these issues begin to interfere with social adjustment and academic functioning, the anxiety becomes a cause for clinical concern.
694
G
Generation
The expression of GAD can change developmentally in both the content and the severity of the disorder. Children over the age of 12 years report more GAD symptoms and present with anxiety towards more events. The worries experienced by children diagnosed with GAD persist despite the fact that the event is unlikely to occur. This can be partly attributed to the fact that these children overestimate the likelihood that a negative event will occur. These children also underestimate their ability to cope with these negative events and tend to catastrophize minor events. Children with GAD tend to make more negative statements about themselves and require constant reassurance from others. As a result, they tend to present with a negative self-concept.
Physical Complaints Children diagnosed with GAD are likely to complain about gastrointestinal problems, which include muscle tension, nausea, diarrhea, and stomachaches. Other common physical symptoms include, but are not limited to, sweating, headaches, dry mouth, teeth grinding, and trembling. Due to all these physical complaints, most children with GAD tend to seek out consultation of a physician or an internist [1].
Prevalence GAD is one of the most common anxiety disorders in children. It is estimated that approximately 2–4% of children in the general population meet the diagnostic criteria for the diagnosis.
studies. Likewise, there have also been some abnormalities with sleep electroencephalogram (EEG). These studies have illustrated that those diagnosed with GAD tend to have decreased delta sleep, decreased stage 1 sleep, reduced rapid eye movement sleep, and difficulty staying asleep [4].
Comorbid Problems GAD is frequently comorbid with other anxiety disorders and affective disorders. Children diagnosed with GAD are also at increased risk for alcohol use as a form of selfmedication [2].
Developmental Course and Prognosis The developmental course of GAD is unknown due to the high comorbidity rate associated with the disorder. The few studies in the literature are retrospective in nature with adults reporting the onset of symptomatology in childhood [3].
Relevance to Childhood Development Considering the extensiveness of the disorder, children diagnosed with GAD are likely to have problems developing and maintaining close relationships, as well as completing everyday activities [3].
References 1.
2.
Sociodemographic Variables Data regarding the sociodemographic variables of children diagnosed with GAD are limited. Nevertheless, much of the research from the previous diagnosis of OAD can utilize. Children diagnosed with OAD are typically from middle-to-upper class families. Females are more frequently diagnosed with GAD.
Etiology The cause of GAD is unknown. However, early twin studies suggest that every anxiety disorder, with the exception of GAD, demonstrated a high monozygotic concordance. Since this study, more researchers have argued that there is a possible genetic contribution in patients with GAD. The genes are responsible for creating a general vulnerability and risk factor for these disorders [4]. GAD has also been associated with a lower metabolic rate in white matter and basal ganglia with brain-imaging
3. 4.
American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed., text revision). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association. Kaplow, J. B., Curran, P. J., Angold, A., & Costello, E. J. (2001). The prospective relation between dimensions of anxiety and the initiation of adolescent alcohol abuse. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 30, 316–326. Mash, E. J., & Barkley, R. A. (Eds.). (2003). Child psychopathology (2nd ed.). New York: Guilford Press. Torgersen, S. (1983). Genetic factors in anxiety disorders. Archives of General Psychiatry, 40, 1085–1089.
Generation ▶Birth Cohort
Generational Effects ▶Age-Graded Influences: Cohort
Generativity versus Stagnation (Erikson’s Middle Age)
Generativity versus Stagnation (Erikson’s Middle Age) SARAH POOLE, JOHN SNAREY Emory University, Atlanta, GA, USA
Definition Generativity is psychologist Erik H. Erikson’s term for the primary developmental task of the seventh stage of the life cycle – caring for and contributing to the life of the next generation. The developmental challenge of adults in their middle years is to be procreative, productive, and creative and to overcome a pervading mood of self-absorption or personal stagnation. Generativity includes any activity that contributes to the development of others and to the life of the generations. The successful realization of generativity gives rise to the ego strength that Erikson described as the virtue of care.
Description Erik H. Erikson viewed generativity as the principal task of middle adulthood and used the term to highlight the adult’s role “in establishing and guiding the next generation” ([3], p. 267). Erikson summed up the stages in the following way: “In youth you find out what you care to do and who you care to be – even in changing roles. In young adulthood you learn whom you care to be with – at work and in private life, not only exchanging intimacies, but sharing intimacy. In adulthood, however, you learn to know what and whom you can take care of ” (p. 124). Stage 7 of the life cycle marks the time a person takes their place in society and helps to take care of the next generation. Adults’ societal generativity can be in the form of creating and caring for ideas, art, children, and products. Erikson notes that those who do not have children sometimes fulfill their parental responsibility by performing other altruistic and care-related activities. For example, one can help someone else’s child and still exercise generativity. Therefore, this stage does not center on having children; it centers on extending one’s self to make the world a better place for the next generation [7]. Due to the nature of this stage, relationships center on the workplace, the community, and the family – places where one can both creatively contribute to and care for what has been created. Regardless of the setting, the psychosocial challenge to adults is to promote the development of others, from nurturing the growth of another person to shepherding the development of a broader community.
G
If adults do not master this developmental task, however, they tend to become self-absorbed and stagnant. Erikson’s concept of stagnation, that is, most directly applies to the failure to become socially generative. The absence of generative care threatens the entire future of the society because generativity is “the link between the life cycle and the generational cycle” ([5], p. 258). Without generativity, inactivity and meaninglessness predominate; adults embrace “pseudo intimacy” while feeling “stagnation and interpersonal impoverishment” ([2], p. 103). They focus inward, indulging their own needs instead of the needs of others. In some sense, they become their own child. An extension of self-absorption is the act of “rejectivity” or rejecting specified groups of people. Erikson elaborated on this term by noting the correlation between rejectivity and what he calls “pseudospeciation,” which he defined as the distorted belief that another group not only differs from you but also poses a threat to you ([4], p. 69). For the mature, generative adult, care extends to all, not just to certain groups of people. The virtue of care arises from the favorable resolution of generativity versus stagnation. Erikson notes that “care” includes “‘to care to do’ something, to ‘care for’ somebody or something, to ‘take care of’ that which needs protection and attention, and ‘to take care not to’ do something destructive” ([6], p. 53). An “ethic of care,” as expanded by Snarey [13], “is an ethical position that first considers the possible effects on the next generation. Care is an inclusive concern for what love, necessity, and chance have generated. Generative care overcomes the ambivalence associated with irreversible obligations by being inclusively attentive to all that has been created” (p. 228). Giving instead of receiving generates personal contentment. Erikson [1] posits that mature humans “need to be needed, and maturity needs guidance as well as encouragement from what has been produced and must be taken care of ” (pp. 266–267). In the process of caring for others, the adult also experiences further growth and personal development. In other words, just as children cannot develop into healthy adults without committed parenting, adults cannot achieve healthy maturity and generativity without the experience of nurturing future generations [7]. Research on adult development has built on or advanced Erikson’s concept of generativity. Valliant and Milofsky [14] interpreted the findings of their longitudinal study of working and upper-class men as indicating that two separate developmental tasks (career consolidation versus self-absorption; keepers of meaning versus rigidity) can be understood as derive from Erikson’s concept of generativity. Deemphasizing the significance of crisis, they also suggested a spiral model by which each new
695
G
696
G
Genetic Blueprint
stage balanced off the prior stage in a pendulum swing between “times of change and instability” and a “preoccupation with the preservation of sameness and autonomy and with following and maintaining rules” (p. 1350). A spiral model suggests the evolving, hierarchal nature of maturation and the difficulties of development without mastery of each stage. This study also illumines the role of culture in modifying the tasks of development; cultural differences influence what society deems as suitable developmental tasks for each stage ([14], pp. 1348–1351). Erikson’s concept of generativity also was elaborated in the lives of men by studying the role of fatherhood. Kotre’s theorizing [8] and Snarey’s [12] research centered on generative fathering, which describes men “who contribute to and renew the ongoing cycle of the generations through the care they provide as birth fathers (biological generativity), childrearing fathers (parental generativity), and cultural fathers (societal generativity)” (12, p. 1). Additionally, Snarey [12] developed the concept of “generativity chill” to describe the threats to adult generativity, and his four-decade study demonstrated that brief or long-term threats to generativity have considerable impact on a father’s selfhood, bringing the father to confront his own mortality and challenging his own generativity with stagnation. McAdams and de St. Aubin [9] introduce seven interrelated features of generativity: cultural demand, inner desire, generative concern, belief in species, commitment, generative action, and personal narration (p. 1). The creation of the Loyola Generativity Scale attempts to assess self-reported acts and autobiographical experiences to of measure the psychosocial dimensions of generativity. McAdams and de St. Aubin [10] elaborate further by pointing to “generativity scripts” or the stories people construct to answer the question of generativity. These stories outline what a person plans to do to ensure that he or she leaves a legacy for the next generation. They posit that identity deals not only with the past and present, but with future life plans of generative action manifested in the life stories or generativity scripts of individuals. Finally, Slater [11] gave new breadth to Erikson’s crisis of generativity versus stagnation by highlighting the ways in which each of the other seven stages in Erikson’s eightstage model of the life cycle is present and expresses itself as a dimension of middle adulthood. Following Erikson’s lead, he presents inclusivity versus exclusivity, pride versus embarrassment, responsibility versus ambivalence, career productivity versus inadequacy, being needed versus alienation, and honesty versus denial (pp. 59–64). Overall, the developmental concept of Generativity continues to be an effective tool for understanding how mature adults care for the next generation.
Relevance to Childhood Development The goal of societal generativity directly involves a person in guiding and establishing the next generation. Stagnation in this period of life is counterproductive to the development of successive generations. Lack of generativity can lead to placing excessive pressure and expectations on children to redeem what adults or parents failed to do. Unrealistic burdens such as these hinder a child’s development instead of promoting it. Additionally, the adult does not just fulfill the needs of children; children also fulfill the adult’s need to be needed. In this sense, a mutual exchange takes place. Viewing a child in this way implies interconnectedness within the life cycle. In essence, based on whether an adult is generative or stagnant, this stage can either promote or hinder the flourishing of the next generation and future generations.
References 1. Erikson, E. H. (1950). Childhood and society. New York: Norton. 2. Erikson, E. H. (1959). Identity and the life cycle. New York: International Universities Press. 3. Erikson, E. H. (1974). Dimensions of a new identity. New York: Norton. 4. Erikson, E. H. (1982). The life cycle completed: A review. New York: Norton. 5. Erikson, E. H., & Erikson, J. (1981). On generativity and identity. Harvard Educational Review, 51(2), 249–269. 6. Evans, R. I., & Erikson, E. H. (1967). Dialogue with Erik Erikson. New York: Harper & Row. 7. Hawkins, A., & Dollahite, D. (1997). Generative fathering. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. 8. Kotre, J. (1984). Outliving the self: Generativity and the interpretation of lives. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. 9. McAdams, D., & St. Aubin, E. (1992). A theory of generativity and its assessment through self-report, behavioral acts, and narrative themes in autobiography. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 62(6), 1003–1015. 10. McAdams, D., & St. Aubin, E. (1998). Generativity and adult development: How and why we care for the next generation. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. 11. Slater, C. L. (2003). Generativity versus Stagnation: An elaboration of Erikson’s adult stage of human development. Journal of Adult Development, 10(1), 53–65. 12. Snarey, J. (1993). How fathers care for the next generation: A fourdecade study. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 13. Snarey, J. (1998). Fathers. In Encyclopedia of mental health (Vol. 10, pp. 227–240). New York: Academic Press. 14. Vaillant, G. E., & Milofsky, E. S. (1980). Natural history of male psychological health: Empirical evidence for Erikson’s model of the life cycle. American Journal of Psychiatry, 137(11), 1348–1359.
Genetic Blueprint ▶Maturation
Gerstmann Syndrome
Genetic Disorder ▶Turner Syndrome
Genotype ARTHUR E. HERNANDEZ Texas A&M University Corpus Christi College of Education, Corpus Christi, TX, USA
Definition The genetic make up of an individual or group.
Description The genotype determines the hereditary characteristics of an individual and is sometimes considered as the allele constitution of any particular trait. Among individuals who are the product of sexual reproduction, the genotype represents the complete set of genes transmitted by both parents. The genotype is often contrasted with the phenotype which refers to individual characteristics determined by nonhereditary experience.
References 1.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Genotype accessed April 21, 2010.
Geodon® ANISA FORNOFF Drake University, Ankeny, IA, USA
is 160 mg a day. This medication should only be taken as directed by a doctor. The intramuscular injection form of this medication is generally just used in the hospital setting. This medication should be taken with food. Avoid drinking alcohol. Inform your doctor if you have kidney disease, a personal history or family history of heart problems, or other medical conditions. Some side effects are listed here: twitching or muscle movements you cannot control, sleepiness, headache, dizziness, nausea, chest pain, change in heart rate, rash, anxiety, weight gain, and weakness. Tell your doctor immediately if you notice the following: fainting, slurred speech, or irregular heartbeat. The doctor may check your potassium level with a blood test. Geodon may cause an increase in blood sugar levels and possible weight gain. Elderly patients with dementia-related psychosis taking this class of medications are at increased risk of death. This medication may cause lightheadedness when going from a lying or sitting position, so it is recommended to get up slowly. This medication should be stored out of reach of children and pets and away from light, heat, and moisture.
Relevance to Childhood Development Geodon® is not FDA approved for use in children. Women should let their doctor know if they are pregnant or planning to become pregnant. Talk with your doctor before breastfeeding.
References 1.
2. 3.
Synonyms Ziprasidone
G
American Management Association. (2008). AHFS drug information (24th ed., pp. 1280–1282). Maryland: American Society of HealthSystem Pharmacists. Lexi-Drugs Online [database online]. Hudson, OH: Lexi-Comp. Accessed August 26, 2008. Medical Economics Staff. (2007). Advice for the patient: Drug information in lay language. USP DI Vol II. (27th ed., pp. 1663–1665). Kentucky: Thompson Micromedex.
Definition A prescription medication FDA approved for the treatment of schizophrenia, acute manic or mixed episodes associated with bipolar disorder, and in acute agitation in people with schizophrenia.
Description This medication is an atypical antipsychotic available in capsule or injection. The recommended starting dose for the oral capsules is 20 or 40 mg twice daily. Maximum recommended dose
Gerstmann Syndrome KRISTEN DOMBOSKI, WILEY MITTENBERG Nova Southeastern University, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
Synonyms Angular gyrus syndrome
697
G
698
G
Gerstmann Syndrome
Definition Gerstmann syndrome is a condition that consists of a tetrad of neuropsychological symptoms including agraphia, acalculia, finger agnosia, and right-left disorientation. The presence of these four symptoms suggests cortical dysfunction in the left parietal lobe. The autonomous nature of the syndrome is debated, and some posit that a developmental form also exists.
Description Gerstmann syndrome was first identified and described in a paper by Josef Gerstmann in 1924. In this paper, a case was presented of a patient who exhibited inabilities to write, to perform mathematical calculations; to recognize, name, or identify fingers; and to discriminate the right and left sides of the body. Gerstmann later reported additional cases of patients with the same tetrad of symptoms, and he hypothesized that these cardinal symptoms resulted from a lesion in the left angular gyrus [7, 14]. Gerstmann believed that a unifying disruption of body image integration, or body scheme, accounted for all four symptoms and was responsible for the shared spatial deficit root of each symptom. Due to this belief of a unifying theme, Gerstmann argued that the symptoms constitute an autonomous syndrome [8]. Researchers and clinicians have subsequently disputed the existence of Gerstmann syndrome as a discrete entity [3, 5]. Cases have been presented consisting of the tetrad of symptoms with no additional deficits [4, 15], often referred to as “pure Gerstmann syndrome.” However, patients frequently exhibit a mixed presentation of symptoms, including some or all of the cardinal symptoms along with other symptoms. Some of these other symptoms include constructional apraxia [2], ideational apraxia [6, 14], alexia [3], hemianopsia [5, 15], color agnosia [5], and aphasia [5, 21]. Because of the overlap and variability of the presentation of the cardinal symptoms with these other deficits, it is argued that an autonomous syndrome does not exist [11]. The tetrad of symptoms is less likely to occur in patients without aphasia than in patients with aphasia, refuting the notion that the disorder is purely spatial [21]. The syndrome may develop in primary form, where no additional deficits have been noted within the course of the illness and the tetrad manifests as the primary presentation. The secondary form refers to cases where the clinical presentation initially includes additional symptoms (i.e., aphasia, constructional apraxia) and over time, most resolve with the exception of the Gerstmann tetrad. Generally intact functions in patients who present with pure or partial Gerstmann
syndrome include intellectual functioning, memory, and personality [7]. The cardinal symptoms of this syndrome most frequently occur following damage to the left parietal lobe, and for this reason the syndrome is thought by some to carry value in regards to lesion localization. The left angular gyrus, located at the inferior parietal lobe at the temporal and occipital junctions, is more specifically implicated, and accounts for the belief that this syndrome is related to deficits with visuospatial processing [4], mental manipulation of images [15], or body scheme [7]. A unifying theme of spatial cognition is evident [26]. Case reports of pure Gerstmann syndrome entail discrete focal damage to this region, such as in a cerebrovascular accident (CVA) or glioma. Patients may present with Gerstmann symptoms secondary to diffuse damage or focal damage to regions other than the angular gyrus as well. Deficits in addition to the cardinal symptoms are more likely to occur in these cases, such as with patients with diffuse posterior cortical atrophy (PCA) who have been observed to exhibit some or all of the Gerstmann syndrome symptoms [25]. The four cardinal symptoms comorbid with other neurological deficits have also been observed in cases with lesions in the left temporoparieto-occipital lobes, left posterior frontal lobe, and right parietal lobe in left-handed patients [15]. The additional deficits are assumed to be caused by damage to tissue adjacent to the angular gyrus [7]. Of significance, lesions to the angular gyrus may not produce a pure Gerstmann syndrome, yet the identification of a pure Gerstmann syndrome invariably denotes tissue damage to this specific region.
Finger Agnosia Patients with finger agnosia are unable to name, identify, recognize, or differentiate their fingers, or imitate finger movements although vision and sensorimotor functioning remains intact. The deficit is not restricted to identifying right versus left [7] and the difficulty is often most pronounced for the three middle fingers [5]. While Gerstmann attributed finger agnosia to a defect with body image, finger gnosis is also mediated by language [14]. The common comorbidity of aphasia with not only finger agnosia, but also the rest of the tetrad of symptoms, supports the claim that Gerstmann syndrome is not a unique disorder but instead the result of multiple presumable etiologies [3]. However, cases of the syndrome without aphasia [16] have corroborated the finding that finger gnosis is an ability reliant upon spatial functioning and can become impaired when language functions remain intact. The left angular gyrus has specifically been
Gerstmann Syndrome
shown during repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation to disrupt finger schema [22]. Historically, fingers have been instrumental in developing numerical and calculation abilities, which may account for the co-occurrence of finger agnosia and acalculia. When one’s ability to recognize and utilize the fingers is blunted, as in a lesion in the angular gyrus, a disruption in arithmetic calculations may ensue, even for adults who do not use their fingers for solving arithmetical problems [22].
Right-Left Disorientation Gerstmann found that a disruption in the ability to discriminate and identify the right and left sides of the body, for self and others, was also a commonly observed deficit when body scheme was impaired. The disorientation is exhibited despite preserved knowledge of right and left and is often most pronounced for hands and fingers. The disruption usually does not generalize to understanding sidedness for objects outside the space of the body [8].
Agraphia This term refers to handwriting deficits despite intact letter recognition, reading, motor, and language abilities. Gerstmann conceptualized this writing impairment as a function of the loss of orientation to the hands and body, citing the spatial functioning required to perform the skill [8]. Copying written words may be less impaired that spontaneous writing. Radiographic studies utilizing functional magnetic resonance imaging has confirmed the presence of writing impairments secondary to damage to the inferior and superior parietal cortices [17].
Acalculia Calculation ability is not thought to consist of one discrete function [1]. Disturbances in calculation can result from not only impaired numerical understanding, but also from other deficits, such as spatial relations, language, and memory. Calculation deficits can occur as result of various neuropathologies involving numerous areas of the brain. In cases of primary acalculia, where the ability to understand and execute basic arithmetical calculations is not based on other cognitive deficits such as attention, memory, or language impairment, the left angular gyrus is implicated in the calculation deficit. Recognition of numbers and understanding of numerical concepts remains intact in primary acalculia. It is this precise type of calculation disturbance that Gerstmann [7] postulated was associated with the other symptoms of his syndrome. When agraphia is also present, the acalculia is more pronounced for written arithmetic than oral [12].
G
699
Relevance to Childhood Development While Gerstmann syndrome typically relates to an acquired condition secondary to cerebral damage, some cases of developmental origin have been reported. In children, however, the symptom presence must be considered relative to the child’s developmental level. Rather than absolute inability, a deficient level of skill compared to the expected developmental level of the child may be observed. Developmental Gerstmann syndrome has been recognized more infrequently than the acquired form, possibly due to the difficulty in diagnosing the presence of the symptoms at earlier developmental levels. Another potential explanation for the paucity of information on the developmental form is that other, more wellrecognized disorders better account for the symptoms. In the acquired form, symptom onset results from an injury, such as a CVA. The developmental form differs in that no specific injury is identified as the etiology of the symptoms, yet cases have been reported in children both with and without neurologic insults [19]. In case studies with children who exhibit developmental Gerstmann syndrome, soft neurologic signs suggesting parietal lobe involvement, such as gait disturbance, hypertonia, and tremor have also been reported [24]. The syndrome has been hypothesized to be attributable to learning disorders [13], perinatal trauma [12], and developmental delays, but no known etiology exists [18]. Related disorders that may better account for the symptoms of Gerstmann syndrome in childhood include Fragile X syndrome, Williams syndrome, nonverbal learning disabilities, and Asperger’s syndrome. Abnormalities in the left parietal lobe often seen in Fragile X syndrome may account for the presence of the cardinal Gerstmann symptoms [9]. In Williams syndrome, which may also include visuospatial deficits, pronounced attention and verbal memory deficits are also seen [10]. Regardless of the presence or absence of developmental Gerstmann syndrome, nonverbal learning disabilities are characterized by impairments in social judgment and problem solving, and Asperger’s syndrome includes deficits with social interaction, communication, and personal interests [18].
Finger Agnosia Diagnosis of finger agnosia can be difficult in children, as this ability typically develops in later childhood to early adolescence [5]. The term is often used to describe distinct dysfunction in either finger identification or finger naming. In finger identification dysfunction, the child cannot point to or select a given finger on request. Finger naming dysfunction, also called finger anomia, entails the child’s inability to name specific fingers on request. In the
G
700
G
Gerstmann Syndrome
developmental form of Gerstmann syndrome, either or both functions may be impaired [24].
Right-Left Disorientation It is has been demonstrated that the majority of children can discriminate the right and left sides of their body by eight years of age [5]. Right-left disorientation may be seen as slowness or hesitation in responding to tasks requiring right and left differentiation rather than a complete lack of right-left orientation. Simple knowledge of right and left may be intact, yet performance of complex commands may be impaired [19].
Agraphia Levels of writing impairment, called dysgraphia, vary in the developmental form of this condition, often regardless of the developmental level of the child [18, 24]. Letter and word formation can be seen as clumsy or illegible, and spelling errors may occur. The impairment may be for spontaneous writing, copying, or both. Letter sequencing and reversal is also common. Demonstrating a visuospatial nature of the symptomatology, the underdeveloped penmanship may qualitatively be considered poor use of space [2]. Disorientation for right and left impacts the manifestation of agraphia in some cases, evidenced by improper use of paper margins, misaligned writing, and disoriented letters [24].
Dyscalculia The term dyscalculia refers to a developmental lack of acquisition of numerical or mathematical abilities [1]. Developmentally-appropriate understanding of numbers and mathematical concepts remains intact. Dyscalculia may present as difficulty sequencing numbers, writing numbers, or performing calculations verbally or in writing [27]. In dyscalculia, also sometimes referred to as developmental dyscalculia, mathematical abilities are never learned. This impairment contrasts with acalculia, where a previous understanding of mathematical concepts is halted by acquired organic brain dysfunction. In children, the co-occurrence of finger agnosia and dyscalculia are considered evidence of a learning disorder, as numerical concepts and arithmetic skills at early ages are reliant on discrimination of the fingers [26]. The acquisition of simple arithmetic skills can also be understood by examining Piaget’s Concrete Operational stage of development [23], where children between the ages of 7 and 11 years typically develop an understanding of the concept of reversibility for logical problem solving. Without ability to utilize this concept, the child may manifest intact abilities,
such as language, yet have impaired abilities with ordering and simple arithmetic. While constructional dyspraxia may or may not occur with acquired Gerstmann syndrome, many consider it the fifth sign of the developmental form [2]. The child may not be able to copy drawings or manipulate blocks, but the impairment is not attributable to sensorimotor deficits. Contrasting with the acquired form, which frequently presents with aphasia, developmental Gerstmann syndrome typically does not occur with pronounced language deficits [13, 27]. Other associated features of the developmental form may include hyperactivity, attention deficit [28], mild language delays, and behavioral problems such as aggressiveness and temper tantrums [24]. Due to the scarcity of literature, varied causal hypotheses, and reduced reliability in diagnosing individual symptoms of developmental Gerstmann syndrome, there is doubt as to whether the syndrome is an independent developmental disorder. A higher incidence of cases with Gerstmann symptoms may be uncovered through more thorough neurological and neuropsychological assessment for children with learning disabilities, as some argue that the syndrome often goes unrecognized. When the syndrome is identified, averting the child’s deficits by teaching compensation skills and utilization of strengths remain common treatment approaches [20].
References 1. Ardila, A., & Rosselli, M. (2002). Acalculia and dyscalculia. Neuropsychology Review, 12, 179–231. 2. Benson, F., & Geschwind, N. (1970). Developmental Gerstmann syndrome. Neurology, 20, 293–298. 3. Benton, A. (1977). Reflections on the Gerstmann syndrome. Brain and Language, 4, 45–62. 4. Carota, A., Di Pietro, M., Ptak, R., Poglia, D., & Schnider, A. (2004). Defective spatial imagery with pure Gerstmann syndrome. European Neurology, 52, 1–6. 5. Critchley, M. (1966). The enigma of Gerstmann’s syndrome. Brain, 89, 183–197. 6. Dozono, K., Hachisuka, K., Ohnishi, A., & Ogata, H. (1997). Gerstmann’s syndrome and ideational apraxia with a right cerebral hemispheric lesion: A case study. Neurocase, 3, 61–66. 7. Gerstmann, J. (1940). Syndrome of finger agnosia, disorientation for right and left, agraphia, and acalculia. Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry, 44, 398–408. 8. Gerstmann, J. (1957). Some notes on the Gerstmann syndrome. Neurology, 7, 866–869. 9. Grigsby, J. P., Kemper, M. B., Hagerman, R. J., & Myers, C. S. (1990). Neuropsychological dysfunction among affected heterozygous fragile X females. American Journal of Medical Genetics, 35, 28–35. 10. Jarrold, C., Baddeley, A. D., & Hewes, A. K. (1998). Verbal and nonverbal abilities in the Williams syndrome phenotype: Evidence for diverging developmental trajectories. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 39, 511–523.
Gestures 11. Kaplan, E., Gallagher, R. E., & Glosser, G. (1998). Aphasia-related disorders. In M. T. Sarno (Ed.), Acquired aphasia (pp. 309–339). California: Academic Press. 12. Kinsbourne, M. (1968). Developmental Gerstmann syndrome. Pediatric Clinics of North America, 15, 771–778. 13. Kinsbourne, M., & Warrington, E. K. (1963). The developmental Gerstmann syndrome. Archives of Neurology, 8, 490–501. 14. Lebrun, Y. (2005). Gerstmann’s syndrome. Journal of Neuorlinguistics, 18, 317–326. 15. Mayer, E., Martory, M., Pegna, A. J., Landis, T., Delavelle, J., & Annoni, J. (1999). A pure case of Gerstmann syndrome with a subangular lesion. Brain, 122, 1107–1120. 16. Mazzoni, M., Pardossi, L., Cantini, R., Giorgetti, V., & Arena, R. (1990). Gerstmann syndrome: A case report. Cortex, 26, 459–467. 17. Menon, V., & Desmond, J. E. (2001). Left superior parietal cortex involvement in writing: Integrating fMRI with lesion evidence. Cognitive Brain Research, 12, 337–340. 18. Miller, C. J., & Hynd, G. W. (2004). What ever happened to developmental Gerstmann’s syndrome? Links to other pediatric, genetic, and neurodevelopmental syndromes. Journal of Child Neurology, 19, 282–289. 19. PeBenito, R. (1987). Developmental Gerstmann syndrome: Case report and review of the literature. Journal of Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics, 8, 229–232. 20. PeBenito, R., Fisch, C. B., & Fisch, M. L. (1988). Developmental Gerstmann’s syndrome. Archives of Neurology, 45, 977–982. 21. Poeck, K., & Orgass, B. (1966). Gerstmann’s syndrome and aphasia. Cortex, 2, 421–437. 22. Rusconi, E., Walsh, V., & Butterworth, B. (2005). Dexterity with numbers: rTMS over left angular gyrus disrupts finger gnosis and number processing. Neuropsychologia, 43, 1609–1624. 23. Saxe, G. B., & Shaheen, S. (1981). Piagetian theory and the atypical case: An analysis of the developmental Gerstmann syndrome. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 14, 131–135. 24. Suresh, P. A., & Sebastian, S. (2000). Developmental Gerstmann’s syndrome: A distinct clinical entity of learning disabilities. Pediatric Neurology, 22, 267–278. 25. Tang-Wai, D., & Mapstone, M. (2006). What are we seeing? Is posterior cortical atrophy just Alzheimer disease? Neurology, 66, 300–301. 26. Vallar, G. (2007). Spatial neglect, Balint-Homes’ and Gerstmann’s syndrome, and other spatial disorders. CNS Spectrums, 12, 527–536. 27. Weinberg, W. A., & McLean, A. (1986). A diagnostic approach to developmental specific learning disabilities. Journal of Child Neurology, 1, 158–172. 28. Werneck, L. C. (1975). Developmental Gerstmann syndrome associated with cerebellar neoplasm: Report of a case and review of the literature. Arquivos de Neuro-psiquiatria, 33, 64–74.
GEs ▶Grade Equivalents
Gestalt Play Therapy ▶Play-Group Therapy
G
701
Gestalt Therapy ▶Humanistic Therapy
Gestures SEONGWON YUN Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA
Synonyms Action; Body language; Movement; Nonverbal communication; Signal
Definition Gestures are bodily movements that are carried out for the purpose of communication. A wave of the hand and a nod of the head are examples of gestures.
Description Parts of a body (e.g., hand shape, kinetic movement, face, eyes, and posture) and surrounding environments are used simultaneously when we gesture [1]. For example, when someone says, “Here” with a pointing gesture, the place can be understood only as the specific location the person is referring to. Gestures can express different things. Pointing gestures indicate things, persons, or locations as objects of references. Iconic characterizing gestures provide a visual representation of things to show physical and concrete items (e.g., using hands to show how big or small a physical item is). Symbolic designating gestures express abstract ideas in visible forms (e.g., pointing ahead in space to indicate time, “the future”). Emblematic gestures are patterns of gesture that have been conventionalized within a culture (e.g., thumbs up). People also gesture spontaneously during speech. A speaker’s specific spontaneous gesture is distinguished from iconic representational gestures and emblems because it does not represent any shared meanings among people as iconic gestures or emblems do. Gestures also differ across different languages and cultures because different languages and cultures organize information about events differently. For example, people from southern India or Pakistan may shake their head from side to side to indicate “you’re welcome” or “goodbye.”
Gesture, Speech, and Thought According to research findings, speech and gesture are not separate [2, 3]. In the process of making sense to others,
G
702
G
Gf
people use not only language but also gesture as a part of multiple resources, which include physical and cultural environments [1]. People may leave out some words and instead substitute them with gesture incorporating the relevant features of the environment. For example, a person holding a cup of hot coffee in a coffee shop may say to a salesperson, “Please give me” with hand shaking gestures up and down quickly indicating a cup sleeve. The relevant features of the environment in this example include physical environments such as the place (coffee shop) and a cup of hot coffee and cultural environments such as the interpersonal relationships between the customer and the salesperson and the context of holding a cup of hot coffee to take out. In meaning-making processes, speech and gesture occur almost at the same time at the very moment of expressing thought. Whereas speech is used to convey more conventional, segmental, and sequential meanings, gesture reflects instantaneous, global, and holistic thought in order to provide additional features of meaning accompanied with utterances.
distinguished from spoken language and spontaneous individualized gestures. Sign language helps deaf children learn and develop resilient properties of language.
Relevance to Childhood Development Gestures play a facilitating role in communication and in early language development [5, 6]. Gestures are used to communicate before children use their voices to express something. Infants can start understanding and using simple gestures around 6–8 months of age (e.g., rhythmic hand movements) [7]. Babies begin to use pointing gestures around 8–10 months of age [7]. Gestures not only precede language development but also have a close relationship to children’s development of words and grammatical structures. For example, babies who are producing single-word utterances may use gestures in combination with words to produce sentence-like combinations (e.g., saying want and pointing to candies). These types of gestures and word combinations occur around 18–20 months of age [7]. Gesture continues to facilitate, expand, and speed children’s early language repertoire over childhood development.
Functions of Gestures Why do we gesture? Individualized spontaneous gestures function for the speaker to compensate for or spur verbal formulation. Gestures can help people keep complex concepts in mind or retrieve certain words. Gestures can be regarded as a resource to construct discourse, which is composed of multiple resources such as speech, gesture, and relevant parts of physical and cultural environments. Gestures reflect a dynamic process of thinking for speaking [2]. They show a relationship between language and thought representation in the mind. Speech gestures are generated during the conceptual process for speaking, in which speech and gesture take place at the same time. Gestures also function as a cohesive device as people narrate discourse. There is a recurrent of one or more gesture features that spread out over a stretch of discourse to maintain reference and achieve cohesiveness in the discourse [3]. Gestures can also reveal meanings beyond speech. Gestures stimulate thought processes as people prepare gestures in advance. People enact their thoughts through gestures and express aspects of utterance content in visible forms.
References 1. 2.
3. 4. 5. 6. 7.
Bates, E., & Dick, F. (2002). Language, gesture, and the developing brain. Developmental Psychology, 40(3), 293–310. Duncan, S. D., Cassell, J., & Levy, E. T. (Eds.). (2007). Gesture and the dynamic dimension of language. Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Goldin-Meadow, S., & Wagner, S. M. (2005). How our hands help us learn. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 9(5), 234–241. Goodwin, C. (2000). Action and embodiment within situated human interaction. Journal of Pragmatics, 32, 1489–1522. Iverson, J. M., & Goldin-Meadow, S. (2005). Gesture paves the way for language development. Psychological Science, 16(5), 367–371. Kendon, A. (1997). Gesture. Annual Review of Anthropology, 26, 109–128. McNeill, D. (1992). Hand and mind: What gestures reveal about thought. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Gf ▶Fluid Intelligence
Sign, Gesture, and Language Sign language developed among the deaf shows an indirect relationship to spoken language [4]. Sign languages developed in deaf communities, for example, American Sign Language, are full-fledged languages, which are
Gibberish ▶Babbling
Girly
Gifted and Talented Children MEGAN PARKER University of Tennessee- Knoxville, Knoxville, TN, USA
Life Dates 1984–
Educational Information B. S. Psychology, Middle Tennessee State University (2005), M.S. Applied Educational Psychology, University of Tennessee- Knoxville (2008), Ph.D. School Psychology, University of Tennessee- Knoxville (2010).
Description Identification Traditionally, gifted children were identified and defined by their advanced intelligence, which was assessed by an IQ test. By this qualifier, a child was deemed gifted if he or she produced scores of approximately 130 or above or the 95th percentile. However, in many cases, there are now other ways for children to qualify and be identified as gifted [5]. Advanced scores on achievement assessments, exceptional grades in school, creativity, leadership, and observed advanced skills are just some of the additional components that may be used in combination with an IQ assessment to identify gifted children from the correction given [3].
References 1. 2.
3. 4.
5.
Delisle, J. R. (2006). The Javits debacle. Gifted Child Today, 29, 47–48. Karnes, F. A., & Wherry, J. N. (1983). CPQ personality factors of upper elementary gifted students. Journal of Personality Assessment, 47, 303–306. National Association for Gifted Children (NAGC). http://www.nagc. org/ U. S. Department of Education. (2007). Jacob K. Javits Gifted and Talented Students Education Program: Guide to U.S. Department of Education Programs. http://www.ed.gov/programs/javits/index.html VanTassel-Baska, J. L., Feng, A. X., & de Brux, E. (2007). A study of identification and achievement profiles of performance taskidentified gifted students over 6 years. Journal for the Education of the Gifted, 31, 7–34.
Giggle ▶Laughter
Gilles de la Tourette’s Syndrome
Traits Because gifted children can now be identified in many different ways, it is more difficult to distinguish characteristics that only belong to gifted children. If a child is a gifted pianist, than the child’s abilities will surely be seen in his or her ability to play the piano. If a child is a gifted mathematician, than the child’s abilities will shine while computing formulas and equations. The commonality among the different types of giftedness is the advanced nature of the ability. Gifted children are also often noted for their creativity, leadership skills, and advanced cognitive development.
Services States vary on how they provide services to gifted children. Some states provide no services, and others provide
703
comprehensive programs including advanced coursework and separate classes for every grade level in all subject areas for gifted students. There is currently no mandated federal funding for gifted education. However, the Javits Act provides funding to gifted education programs serving traditionally underrepresented students [1, 4]. The Javits Act funding is highly competitive. Also, in states that provide services to gifted students, there is not a uniform method for organizing such services into the educational system. Some states place gifted programs within Special Education; others place gifted services within general education programming.
Definition Gifted and talented is a label that describes children who possess exceptionally advanced abilities in one or more performance areas.
G
▶Tourette Syndrome
Girlhood ▶Femininity
Girly ▶Femininity
G
704
G
GLA Deficiency
GLA Deficiency ▶Fabry Syndrome
GLBTQ ▶Homosexuality
Global Assessment of Functioning Scales LORI J. WARNER Center for Human Development, Berkley, MI, USA
Synonyms CGAS; C-GAS; Children’s global functioning; GAF; GAPD; Social adjustment
Definition Global assessment of functioning scales are intended for use by mental health professionals to rate the overall functioning of their patients, taking into account occupational/school, social, and psychological symptoms.
the general functioning of their patients. The GAF is designed for use with patients of any age, whereas the GAPD is intended specifically for use with children under age 18, and the CGAS is for use with patients aged 4–16. The psychometric properties of all three scales have been recently summarized [3]. Each scale has specific instructions regarding which areas of functioning to assess and which to exclude (e.g., impairment due to physical or environmental limitations), and each differs in terms of the timeframe during which the rating is being made (see [3] for overview). The scales contain clinical descriptors of functioning/ symptoms as benchmarks or anchor points, and ratings are made on the lowest level of functioning for the CGAS and the GAPD, whereas the GAF does not specify how to rate if functioning levels vary.
Relevance to Childhood Development None of the scales has established psychometric properties for children under 4 years of age, and the reason for selecting age 16 as the upper limit for the CGAS is undocumented [3]. A developmental disabilities modification of the CGAS was published in 2007 (DD-CGAS; Wagner et al.) as the descriptors in CGAS scores are not easily applied to children with developmental disabilities. The DD-CGAS was found to be reliable, with apparent convergent validity for measuring the global functioning of children with Pervasive Developmental Disorders [4].
References 1.
Description There is consensus that clinical indices of overall functioning have utility in treatment of mental illness and impairment [3]. Functional impairment is often the impetus for clinical referral and entry into treatment [4]. Additionally, global assessment scales allow clinicians to integrate information from many areas of the patient’s functioning into one clinically meaningful index [2]. This information can then be used in planning treatment and evaluating outcome of interventions. The Global Assessment of Functioning Scale (GAF; [1]), the Children’s Global Assessment Scale (CGAS; [2]), and the Global Assessment of Psychosocial Disability (GAPD; [5]) are the three most commonly used measures of global assessment of functioning. All are numeric scales intended for use by mental health professionals to assess
2.
3.
4.
5.
American Psychiatric Association. (2002). Multiaxial assessment. In DSM-IV-TR: Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed., text revision). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association. Schaffer, D., Gould, M. S., Brasic, J., Ambrosini, P., Fisher, P., Bird, H., et al. (1983). A children’s global assessment scale (CGAS). Archives of General Psychiatry, 40, 1228–1231. Schorre, B. E., & Vandvik, I. H. (2004). Global assessment of psychosocial functioning in child and adolescent psychiatry: A review of three unidimensional scales (CGAS, GAF, GAPD). European Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 13(5), 273–286. Wagner, A., Lecavalier, L., Arnold, L. E., Aman, M. G., Scahill, L., Stigler, K. A., et al. (2007). Developmental disabilities modification of the Children’s Global Assessment Scale. Biological Psychiatry, 61, 504–511. World Health Organization. (1996). Axis Six Global Assessment of Psychosocial Disability. In: World Health Organization (1996) Multiaxial classification of child and adolescent psychiatric disorders: The ICD-10 classification of mental and behavioral disorders in children and adolescents. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp 271–272.
Go/No-Go Task
Globus Pallidus
G
Go/No-Go Task
CHAD A. NOGGLE SIU School of Medicine, Springfield, IL, USA
GEORGE GEORGIOU, CECILIA A. ESSAU Roehampton University, London, UK
Definition
Synonyms
The Globus Pallidus is the medial portion of the lenticular nucleus, narrowly, and one part of the basal ganglia broadly, which plays a prominent role in motor modulation [2].
The go/no-go task is similar to the stop-signal task in that both investigate the ability to inhibit a response.
Description The globus pallidus is one portion of the basal ganglia, which is a cluster of subcortical structures that have been tied to the modulation and regulation of motor activities and has also been linked to procedural memory. Together as a working whole, the basal ganglia demonstrate complex interconnections between sensory centers and the cerebral cortex that participate in the control of higher-order movement, particularly in starting or initiating movement [3]. While it is part of the basal ganglia, more narrowly the globus pallidus represents the medial portion of the lenticular nucleus [2]. In terms of its influence on motor activity, the globus pallidus reflects the site at which the excitatory and inhibitory motor pathways of the motor cortex converge [1]. More specifically, this convergence occurs at the internal part of the globus pallidus. The globus pallidus in turn projects to the thalamus and the thalamus in turn projects to the motor cortex [1]. It is the actions of these thalamic projections that controls the size and force of a movement that the cortex produces; however, given the globus pallidus influences the actions of the thalamus, functionally it is likely difficult to separate one from the other. As a result, the globus pallidus may be perceived as determining how weak or how strong a movement may be [1].
References 1. 2. 3.
Kolb, B., & Whishaw, I. Q. (2003). Fundamentals of human neuropsychology (5th ed.). New York: Worth Publishers. Loring, D. W. (1999). INS dictionary of neuropsychology. New York: Oxford University Press. Zillmer, E. A., & Spiers, M. V. (2001). Principles of neuropsychology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning.
Glutethimide (Doriden) ▶Depressants
705
Definition The go/no-go is a cognitive task aimed at determining the ability of an individual to inhibit a response deemed inappropriate.
Description Experimental paradigms measuring response times (RTs) often assess how the information-processing sequence of perception, decision making, and action are organized. A tool commonly employed in this endeavor is the two choice task which typically requires participants to respond to a presented stimulus using one of two possible choice responses [6]. An alternative tool is the go/no-go task where participants are required to either respond (i.e., pressing designated key) or withhold a response (not pressing designated key) depending on whether a go stimulus or a no-go stimulus is presented (Verbruggen & Logan, 2008). It has been argued that compared to the two choice task, the data collected from go/no-go procedure provides a higher signal-to-noise ratio [7]. The stopsignal task paradigm closely resembles a choice reaction task with the exception that during the presentation of a series of trials, a random presentation of a stop signal will appear (Verbruggen & Logan, 2008). The stop signal indicates to participants that a response should be withheld. The ability to suppress a response (i.e., response inhibition) has been extensively investigated using the stopsignal procedure [10] and go/no-go task (Verbruggen & Logan, 2008). Although there is a tendency for some investigators to treat the go/no-go task and the stop-signal paradigm as one of the same, recent evidence has suggested that differentiating the two may be justified upon the grounds that response inhibition may not achieved in the same way across the two paradigms (Verbruggen & Logan, 2008).
Relevance to Childhood Development The role of behavioral disinhibition is considered fundamental by a number of models of developmental
G
706
G
Gonads
psychopathology [3]. In general terms, inhibition refers to the ability to ignore extraneous information or to prevent an inappropriate response [5]. One’s inhibitory capabilities, whether suppressing a thought, emotion or a particular behavior, is considered to be a key feature of executive control [9]. Executive control refers to a group of interrelated abilities that promote the ability to pursue some thoughts and behaviors whilst suppressing others [1]. With regard to childhood development, inhibitory control is subject to rapid development in childhood between the ages of 3 and 5 [15]. As the capacity of inhibitory control increases with age [17] there is the risk of impairment as implicated in attention deficit/ hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) [13]. ADHD is associated with deficits in sustained attention (or inattention), response inhibition, and hyperactivity amongst others [16]. This line of research was mainly prompted by clinical observations linking excessive distractibility, impulsivity, and hyperactivity with failures in inhibition [2]. The go/no-go procedure has proved to be a popular tool in showing that children diagnosed with ADHD exhibit poor inhibitory control [14]. Similar findings were also found with the stop-signal task [12]. There is some evidence, albeit tentative, that behavioral disinhibition has also been found in patients diagnosed with conduct disorder [8]. Nevertheless, there are suggestions that ADHD should be first and foremost be seen as a dysfunction of behavior inhibition [2].
10. Logan, G. D., & Cowan, W. B. (1984). On the ability to inhibit thought and action: A theory of an act of control. Psychological Review, 91, 295–327. 11. Nigg, J. T. (2000). On inhibition/disinhibition in developmental psychopathology: Views from cognitive and personality psychology and a working inhibition taxonomy. Psychological Bulletin, 126, 220– 246. 12. Oosterlaan, J., Logan, G. D., & Sergeant, J. A. (1998). Response inhibition in AD/HD, CD, comorbid AD/HD+CD, anxious, and control children: A meta-analysis of studies with the stop task. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 39, 411–425. 13. Overtoom, C. C. E., Kenemans, J. L., Verbaten, M. N., Kemmer, C., van der Molen, M. W., van Engeland, H., et al. (2002). Inhibition in children with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder: A psychophysiological study of the stop task. Biological Psychiatry, 51, 667–676. 14. Shue, K. L., & Douglas, V. I. (1992). Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder and the frontal lobe syndrome. Brain and Cognition, 20, 104–124. 15. Simpson, A., & Riggs, K. J. (2005). Inhibitory and working memory demands of the day-night task in children. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 23, 317–333. 16. Voeller, K. K. S. (2004). Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Journal of Child Neurology, 19, 798–814. 17. Williams, B. R., Ponesse, J. S., Schachar, R., Logan, G. D., & Tanock, R. (1999). Development of inhibitory control across the lifespan. Developmental Psychology, 35, 205–213.
Gonads CAROL D. DANIELS Emporia State University, Emporia, KS, USA
References 1. Baddeley, A. D. (1986). Working memory. Oxford, England: Clarendon Press. 2. Barkley, R. A. (1997). Behavioral inhibition, sustained attention, and executive functions: Constructing a unifying theory of ADHD. Psychological Bulletin, 121(1), 65–94. 3. Berlin, L., & Bohlin, G. (2002). Response inhibition, hyperactivity, and conduct problems among preschool children. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 31(2), 242–251. 4. Carlson, S. M., & Moses, L. J. (2001). Individual differences in inhibitory control and children’s theory of mind. Child Development, 72, 1032–1053. 5. Dagenbach, D., & Carr, T. H. (1994). Inhibitory processes in attention, memory, and language. San Diego, CA: Academic Press. 6. Gomez, P., Ratcliff, R., & Perea, M. (2007). A model of the go/no-go task. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 136, 389–413. 7. Gordon, B., & Caramazza, A. (1982). Lexical decision for open- and closed-class words: Failure to replicate differential frequency sensitivity. Brain and Language, 15, 143–160. 8. Hurt, J., & Naglieri, J. A. (1992). Performance of delinquent and nondeliquent males on planning, attention, simultaneous, and successive cognitive processing tasks. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 48, 120–128. 9. Logan, G. D. (1985). Executive control of thought and action. Acta Psychologica, 60, 193–210.
Synonyms Balls; Testes; Testicles
Definition From the Greek work, gone, meaning seed. It refers to a seed producing gland, such as an ovary or a testis [1].
Description Gonads typically refer to the male sex glands. These glands usually occur in pairs. They are located in an external sac of skin in humans called the scrotum behind the penis. The gonads produce and store sperm and are the male’s primary source of male hormones, such as testosterone. These hormones control the development of the reproductive organs and other male characteristics, such as body and facial hair, low voice, and wide shoulders [1].
Relevance to Childhood Development The male sex glands, gonads, provide the male gamete, or seed, that joins with the female gamete to form a zygote
Gordon Diagnostic System
from which the embryo develops. The male seed helps to determine the sex of the zygote and the characteristics inherited from the father. As the male child progresses through puberty, the gonads release the male hormones that control the development of the reproductive organs and other male characteristics [1].
G
Synonyms
Hyperactivity Disorder. The GDS can also be used as a monitor of stimulant medication and as a neuropsychological assessment of post concussion syndrome, closed head injury, neurotoxicity, Fragile X Syndrome, and Alzheimer’s disease. The evaluative tests used in the GDS are Standard Vigilance Task, Standard Distractibility Test, Delay Task, Preschool Delay Task, Preschool Vigilance “0” Task, Preschool Vigilance “1” Task, Vigilance “3/5” Task, Adult Vigilance Task, Adult Distractibility Task, Auditory Vigilance Task, and Auditory Interference Task [1]. The outcomes of the evaluations are shown on a printout via the automatic printer output on the instrument. The printout notates the number of correct responses, incorrect responses, and failures to respond. The GDS has been standardized on approximately 1,300 4–16 year olds. Standardization was primarily performed on a limited selection of individuals in the upstate area of New York, but additional protocols from various populations, including deaf, blind, emotionally disturbed, learning disabled, and Spanish-speaking have been gathered [2]. When the GDS is being used for its primary purpose of providing a behavior-based measure of inattention and impulsivity, three of the tests are used: Delay, Vigilance, and Distractibility. The Delay task provides a measure of the child’s ability to inhibit impulsive responding. The Vigilance task assesses the child’s ability to sustain attention, respond correctly, and inhibit incorrect responding. The Distractibility task assesses the child’s ability to differentiate extraneous stimuli while responding correctly, and inhibiting incorrect responses. Moderate correlations with neuropsychological instruments, behavior-based measures, and teacher and parent evaluations of attention deficit hyperactivity disorders have been found although validity studies have primarily been performed by the developers [1, 3]. The developer recommends that the GDS is to be utilized as only one resource of data to be combined with other resources in evaluating and diagnosing attention difficulties.
Computerized assessment of attention and self control; Computerized behavior assessment; Continuous performance test; GDS
References
References 1.
Anderson, K. N., Anderson, L. E., & Glanze, W. D. (Eds.). (1998). Mosby’s medical, nursing, & allied health dictionary (5th ed.). St. Louis, MO: Mosby.
Good-Enough Mother ▶Object Relations Theory
Goodenough/Harris Drawing Test ▶Draw-A-Person Test
Goofballs ▶Depressants
Gordon Diagnostic System NINA FOSTER University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA
1.
Definition The Gordon Diagnostic System (GDS) consists of 11 tests that aid in assessing Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder.
2.
Description
3.
The GDS is a portable, microprocessor-based continuous performance test often used in assessing Attention Deficit
Dickerson Mayes, S., Calhoun, S. L., & Crowell, E. W. (2001). Clinical validity and interpretation of the Gordon Diagnostic System in ADHD assessments. Child Neuropsychology, 7(1), 32–41. Harrington, R. G. (1998). Review of the Gordon Diagnostic System. In J. C. Impara & B. S. Plake (Eds.), The thirteenth mental measurements yearbook. Retrieved from the Buros Institute’s Test Reviews Online website: http://www.unl.edu/buros. Oehler-Stinnett, J. J. (1998). Review of the Gordon Diagnostic System. In J. C. Impara & B. S. Plake (Eds.), The thirteenth mental measurements yearbook. Retrieved from the Buros Institute’s Test Reviews Online website: http://www.unl.edu/buros.
707
G
708
G
Grade Equivalents
Grade Equivalents MARIE C. MCGRATH Immaculata University, Immaculata, PA, USA
Synonyms Developmental norms; referenced scores
GEs; Grade
scores;
Norm
Definition A type of test score describing an individual’s performance in relation to the performance of typical students at a given grade level.
Description Grade equivalent scores are commonly used in reporting students’ performance in educational settings. Most often, these scores are used to describe performance on academic achievement tests, though grade-based norms and grade equivalent scores are available for some other types of standardized assessment instruments (e.g., cognitive assessment instruments, speech and language assessment instruments). Grade equivalent scores can be calculated for a test by finding the median (i.e., the 50th percentile) score obtained by children at each grade level on that test. Children who earn the median raw score for a given grade level are assigned a score equivalent to that grade level. Grade equivalent scores are generally expressed numerically in decimal format, with the number to the left of the decimal representing the grade, and the number to the right of the decimal indicating the number of months completed in that grade. For example, a grade equivalent score of 5.8 on a test would indicate that the student receiving that score answered the same number of items correctly as the typical student who has completed eight months of fifth grade. Despite their frequent use, grade equivalent scores are prone to misinterpretation. Since grade equivalent scores represent a student’s performance on a single test, they should not be interpreted to mean that the grade level represented by the grade equivalent score would be more appropriate for the student, or that, overall, the student is performing at the grade level indicated by the score. In other words, if a fifth-grade student obtains a grade equivalent score of 6.0 on a test of reading skill, it means that that student got the same number of items right on that test as the typical sixth-grader in that test’s norming sample; however, it does not necessarily mean that the student
reads or requires reading instruction at a sixth-grade level. Additionally, grade equivalent scores do not necessarily increase smoothly as the number of correctly answered items increases. For example, imagine a hypothetical academic achievement test on which the typical third-grader gets 17 items right, the typical fourth-grader gets 19 items right, and the typical seventh-grader gets 21 items right. For a student with a raw score of 17, increasing performance by two points (i.e., to 19) would increase that student’s grade equivalent score from 3.0 to 4.0; however, if a student with a raw score of 19 got two additional items right, that student’s grade equivalent score would increase much more dramatically (i.e., from 4.0 to 7.0). Finally, if the students who participate in the norming process for a given test are taught academic skills in a different sequence from test-takers, grade equivalent scores are likely to provide inaccurate estimates of skill levels. For these reasons, grade equivalent scores should be reported and interpreted with caution.
References 1. 2. 3.
4.
Allen, M. J., & Yen, W. M. (2002). Introduction to measurement theory. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press. Anastasi, A., & Urbina, S. (1997). Psychological testing (7th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Joint Committee on Standards for Educational and Psychological Testing of the American Educational Research Association, American Psychological Association, and National Council on Measurement in Education. (1999). Standards for educational and psychological testing. Washington, DC: American Educational Research Association. Murphy, K. M., & Davidshofer, C. O. (2005). Psychological testing: Principles and applications (6th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Grade Retention PRISCILLA JONES, ANGELA WAGUESPACK Nova Southeastern University, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
Synonyms Failing a grade; Non-promotion
Definition Grade retention is the practice in which children are required to repeat a grade level in school because they failed to meet required benchmarks or grade level standards.
Description Grade retention, which has been increasingly implemented in recent years, is considered one of the most scrutinized
Grade Retention
and debated practices in education. Historically, students have been retained by well-meaning school-based decisionmakers when it was believed that holding the child back would allow him/her the opportunity to “catch-up” socially or academically with peers. While teacher-based retention continues, since the 2001 No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act, large-scale test-based retention polices have been enacted by several states in an effort to address student progression and to end social promotion. Students who fail to meet grade level standards, typically assessed by standardized tests, must be retained according to state law. This has resulted in greater numbers of students retained than ever before in the United States. Recent estimates indicate that as many as 15% of children are retained each year, with boys, minority students, and poor children retained at the highest rates [9]. Grade retention can occur at any grade level, but practices vary depending on the source with teacher-based retentions occurring in the early grade-school years and testbased retentions occurring throughout the school career at grades designated by state policy.
Relevance to Childhood Development Despite the widespread use of grade retention as an intervention, the preponderance of the research suggests there are many long-term negative consequences for children as a result of this practice. While some studies suggest short-term gains in retainees, meta-analyses involving 80 studies failed to support greater levels of academic achievement in retainees when compared to lowperforming promoted peers [7]. Additionally, a strong correlation between retention and high school drop-out exists, with one recent longitudinal study finding that compared to promoted students, retained students were five to nine times more likely to drop out of high school [6]. Further, another study found that retainees were much less likely to enroll in college even if they did graduate from high school [4]. In addition to the lack of support for increased academic achievement when using retention as an intervention, negative social-emotional consequences for retained students have been investigated as well. Retention has been found to give rise to the development of low-self esteem in retained students, since these students are usually teased by other non-retained students [2]. Studies have found that children view being retained as a form of punishment and often feel stigmatized throughout their school career [10]. Further, research suggests that children perceive retention as one of the most significant stressful life events that can occur [1, 11] and that it becomes increasingly stressful as the child ages.
G
With regard to claims that retention enhances the behavioral and social-emotional functioning of children when compared to promoted students, the research is unsupportive as well. In one study, an existing relationship was found between peer rejection and academic outcomes, especially for retained students [8]. Other studies have indicated that retained students are at greater risk of exhibiting disruptive and aggressive behaviors [3, 6] and display poorer social adjustment and more problem behaviors when compared to matched controls [5]. Given the evidence that grade retention is generally considered harmful in many ways, evidence-based alternatives to retention are currently being investigated and implemented. These include incorporating system-wide prevention efforts such as high quality preschool and early reading programs for targeted at-risk groups, as well as providing effective instructional and/or behavioral interventions for students who are identified as experiencing difficulties [7].
References 1. Anderson, G. E., Jimerson, S. R., & Whipple, A. D. (2005). Students’ ratings of stressful experiences at home and school: Loss of a parent and grade retention as superlative stressors. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 21(1), 1–20. 2. Bowman, L. J. (2005). Grade retention: Is it a help or hindrance to student academic success? Preventing School Failure, 49(3), 42–46. 3. Eide, E. R., & Goldhaber, D. D. (2005). Grade retention: What are the costs and benefits? Journal of Education Finance, 31(2), 195–214. 4. Fine, J. G., & Davis, J. M. (2003). Grade retention and enrollment in post-secondary education. Journal of School Psychology, 41(6), 401–411. 5. Holmes, C. T. (1989). Grade-level retention effects: A meta-analysis of research studies. In L. A. Shepard & M. L. Smith (Eds.), Flunking grades: Research and policies on retention (pp. 16–33). London: Falmer Press. 6. Jimerson, S. R., & Ferguson, P. (2007). A longitudinal study of grade retention: Academic and behavioral outcomes of retained students through adolescence. School Psychology Quarterly, 22(3), 314–339. 7. Jimerson, S. R., Pletcher, S. M., Graydon, K., Schnurr, B. L., Nickerson, A. B., & Kundert, D. K. (2006). Beyond grade retention and social promotion: Promoting the social and academic competence of students. Psychology in the Schools, 43(1), 85–97. 8. Lubbers, M. J., Van Der Werf, M. P. C., Snijders, T. A. B., Creemers, B. P. M., & Kuyper, H. (2006). The impact of peer relations on academic progress in junior high. Journal of School Psychology, 44, 491–512. 9. National Association of School Psychologists. (2003). Position statement on student grade retention and social promotion. Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists. 10. Setencich, J. (1994). The impact of early grade retention on the academic achievement and self-esteem of seventh and eighth grade students. In Paper presented at the annual meeting of the National Association of School Psychologists, Seattle, WA. 11. Yamamoto, K., & Byrnes, D. A. (1987). Primary children’s ratings of the stressfulness of experiences. Journal of Research in Childhood Education, 2, 117–121.
709
G
710
G
Grade Scores
Grade Scores ▶Grade Equivalents
Graduated Learning ▶Dynamic Assessment
Grain Alcohol ▶Alcohol
system are dependent upon the integrity of the cell body which controls and maintains the neuronal structure [4]. The presence of grey matter within the various areas of the Central Nervous System demonstrates that nerve cells have their origins and are making rich interconnections in these regions [1]. In terms of its’ presence in the Spinal Cord, grey matter is found in the inner part. Functionally, grey matter in the Spinal Cord is composed of cell bodies which help organize movements carried out peripherally [3]. This conduction is made possible by the grey matter also representing the area from which the ventral roots of the Spinal Cord originate. It is through these circuits that transmissions of signals are sent away from the Spinal Cord to the muscles [3]. In regards to the brain, grey matter predominates in the outer layers, forming the cortex, which may be depicted as those areas where functions are housed.
References
Grammar
1. 2.
▶Morphology ▶Syntax
3. 4.
Beaumont, J. G. (2008). Introduction to Neuropsychology (2nd ed.). New York: The Guilford Press. Goldberg, S. (2007). Clinical neuroanatomy made ridiculously simple (3rd ed.). Miami, Fl: Medmaster. Kolb, B., & Whishaw, I. Q. (2003). Fundamentals of human neuropsychology (5th ed.). New York: Worth Publishers. Zillmer, E. A., & Spiers, M. V. (2001). Principles of neuropsychology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning.
GRE/SAT Score ▶Standard Scores
Grief ▶Cross-Culture Perspective on Bereavement Springer
Grey Matter CHAD A. NOGGLE SIU School of Medicine, Springfield, IL, USA
Grief Work EMILY A. BULLINGTON Spartanburg School District 6, Spartanburg, SC, USA
Definition Grey matter is a form of tissue found in the brain and spinal cord that contains neuronal cell bodies and capillary.
Definition Grief work is the working out of psychological issues connected with grief [4].
Description Grey matter is a form of tissue found throughout the Central Nervous System. It is so termed based on its characteristic grayish-brown color. Grey matter obtains its color from the neuronal cell bodies and capillaries that make up the tissue [2, 3]. This is important because the functionality and survival of the neurons within the
Description Grief is a highly personal experience to which some people recover fairly quickly, while others never do. Grief work is often looked at in three stages. It begins with shock and disbelief, during which the bereaved person begins to accept the painful reality of the loss. Next, the person
Grieving
will gradually let go of the bond with the dead person. They may become preoccupied with the memory of the dead person during this time. The last stage begins when a person readjusts to life by developing new interests and relationships. This pattern of grief work is common; however, grieving does not necessarily follow a straight line from one stage to the next [4].
References 1. 2.
3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.
Giddens, S., & Giddens, O. (2000). Coping with grieving and loss. New York: The Rosen Publishing Group, Inc. Mauk, G., & Sharpnack, J. (1997). Grief. In G. Bear, K. Minke, & A. Thomas (Eds.), Children’s needs II: Development, problems, and alternatives (pp. 375–385). Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists. Neimeyer, R. (2000). Lessons of loss: A guide to coping. Memphis TN: University of Memphis. Papalia, D., Olds, S., & Feldman, R. (2001). Epilogue: The end of life. In Human development (8th ed., pp. E1–E13). New York: McGraw Hill. The Dougy Center. (1997). Helping children cope with death. Portland, OR: The Dougy Center for Grieving Children. The Dougy Center. (2003). Helping the grieving student: A guide for teachers. Portland, OR: The Dougy Center for Grieving Children. The Dougy Center. (2004). Helping teens cope with death. Portland, OR: The Dougy Center for Grieving Children. Whiting, P., & Matthews, J. (1997). Responding to loss: A manual to assist educators in responding to loss in the schools. Rock Hill, SC: SCETV.
Grieving EMILY A. BULLINGTON Spartanburg School District 6, Spartanburg, SC, USA
Synonyms Anguished; Inconsolable; Mournful; Sorrowful
Definition Grief is the combination of thoughts and feelings you experience surrounding loss [1]. It is not only a response caused by the death of someone loved but also a response characteristic of the loss of something or someone significant in an individual’s life. Grieving is the process of separating oneself from losses for survival, for effecting necessary changes in life, and for fostering new attachments and commitments [2, p. 375].
Description Grief is a highly personal experience to which some people recover quickly and others never do [4]. Some basic concepts of grief are that it is a natural reaction to loss, each
G
person’s grief experience is unique, there are no “right” and “wrong” ways to grieve, every death is different and will be experienced in differing ways, the grieving process is influenced by a multitude of factors, and grieving never ends [6, pp. 4–6]. The type of response a person will have to grieving is individual and unpredictable. While there are common experiences, each person must go through grief in their own way. Some common response types to grief include behavioral, emotional, social, physical, and spiritual [6]. Mauk and Sharpnack [2] describe three grief response phases, which include avoidance, confrontation, and reestablishment. Avoidance is when a person feels shock, denial, and disbelief. The confrontation phase is a highly emotional state when a person realizes that the significant other or loved one is dead. This phase is the one in which grief is often most intense. The reestablishment phase is the gradual decline of acute grief and the start of reentry into the everyday world. Another widely studied pattern of grief that is similar to the previous one, and also includes three stages, is defined as a process of grief work. Grief work is the working out of psychological issues connected with grief. It often follows the path of shock and disbelief, preoccupation with the memory of the dead person, and resolution. Although the pattern of grief work just described is common, grieving does not necessarily follow a straight line from shock to resolution [4]. Many experts indicate that to speak of grief “stages” is misleading. Neimeyer [3] explains that all mourners do not follow the same path in their journey, but pass through phases at their own pace. He describes three phases in a typical grief process, which include avoidance, assimilation, and accommodation. Avoidance is when a person avoids the full awareness of reality because it is too painful to absorb. People will often act as if the deceased is still alive, or will imagine they see his or her face. This can be a confusing experience, but it can be said to be a normal reaction to loss. A person in this phase may physically feel numb, distant, or detached from their immediate surroundings. At the behavioral level, one may appear distracted, disorganized, and often unable to complete even routine activities of daily life. The assimilation phase begins as a person gradually starts to absorb the full impact of their loss. One will often begin to experience loneliness, sorrow, and the realization of the loved one’s absence. Depressive symptoms likely appear during this phase and include loss of motivation, unpredictable crying spells, pervasive sadness, inability to concentrate, and hopelessness about the future. The last phase is accommodation and occurs as the anguish from the assimilation phase starts to blend into an
711
G
712
G
Grieving
acceptance and reality of the death. Gradually, a person will reestablish a greater sense of emotional self-control and return to normal daily living habits.
Relevance to Childhood Development Death is viewed in many diverse ways, especially at different ages in a person’s life. Often a person’s attitude towards death reflects their past experiences and their personality. Typical changes in the way a person feels toward death across the life span will depend on their cognitive development and on the typical or atypical timing of the event [4]. In general, there are some important things to remember when a child is grieving. These include remembering that children go in and out of grief, not all children talk about their grief, some children do not seem affected at all, play is one way children will deal with grief, it is not unusual for children to experience physical reactions or difficulty thinking, a child’s developmental age will influence their reaction to the death, and it is not uncommon for children to believe that they have seen or heard the deceased person [5]. Children usually do not understand death or loss as final. However, infants and toddlers have an intuitive sense that something serious has happened, even if they do not entirely comprehend what it is. These young children are able to sense the emotions in their environment as well as read the expressions of others. Children who are grieving during this stage in their life will often present reactions which are sensory and physical. Some common behaviors expected at this age include crying, biting, separation anxiety, temper tantrums, and general anxiety [6]. As a child becomes preschool age they are naturally egocentric. They believe that they cause things to happen and that the world revolves around them. Death for them is often an experience of abandonment and may even believe that they have somehow caused the death. A preschool age child will often show intense but brief grief responses and may also regress to earlier behaviors such as thumb sucking or baby talk [6]. Children grade-school age see the world in a more literal sense and need concrete and detailed explanations of loss situations. They may begin to question how their lives will be different with the loss of someone, what may be the same, and may even wonder if a person is truly deceased [6]. They also have short attention spans and will move from one feeling to another rapidly. For these children, grief can often be misunderstood because “sad” emotions are quickly turned into happiness and playfulness. One must remember that children grieve with the same emotions that adults do, but for children these emotions come and
go in a different way [8]. As children grow older they will begin to understand that death is final. With this feeling of finality, they may also being to worry about their own death and the death of others. The school age child will often show some common behaviors when grieving that include fighting, anger, withdrawal, regression to earlier behaviors, and not completing assignments [6]. It is important to know that many factors can influence how a child copes with death. Some of these include the nature of the death, past experiences with death, response of others to the death, support systems in and outside of the immediate family, as well as consistency and routines [5]. As a child grows older and enters their teen years, their ways of coping with grief continue to change. Adolescence is a time of identity formation and loss must be affirmed as it uniquely impacts the individual person. When an adolescent has a loss that occurs in their life, they are shocked because most of them fell that nothing can happen to them. Our assumptions about the order of the world collapse when loss occurs outside the normally expected timeline of life events [8]. The Dougy Center for Grieving Children (2004) indicates that there are six basic principles of teen grief. They report that grieving is the teens natural reaction to a death, each teen’s grieving experience is unique, there are no “right” and “wrong” ways to grieve, every death is unique and experienced differently, the grieving process is influenced by many issues, and grief is ongoing. When you look at adolescence broken down even further into middle and high school ages, even more differences in dealing with grief can be seen. Middle school students are experiencing a vast amount of disorder due to the physical and hormonal changes in their bodies. When the additional stress of grief is added to this they will likely experience a range of emotional reactions. This is also the time in which a teen will begin to get their principal support from friends rather than family. Some other common grief behaviors to expect in a middle school student include anger, fighting, moodiness, and risktaking behaviors [6]. As a teen enters into high school they will often become more philosophical about life and death, and may believe that death won’t happen to them. Teens at this stage will appear to use an “adult” approach to solving a problem; however, it is important to remember that high school students are not adults yet. Some common behaviors to expect include withdrawal from parents or other adults, pushing the limits of rules, lack of concentration, evidence of crying, sleepiness, angry outbursts, and increased risk-taking behaviors [6].
Group Homes
G
No matter what age a teenager actually is, their level of emotional and physical maturity, past experiences and family dynamics all influence his or her grief response. A grieving teen may feel conflicted about letting go of the deceased, attached to (yet separated) from the deceased, embarrassed about showing emotions, ambivalent about the person who died, or awkward about being different from their peers [7]. Some overall reactions to grief from a teen may include academic problems, crying, eating problems and disorders, nightmares and dreams, physical reactions, playing, regressive behaviors, suicidal talk or behaviors, sensory experiences. Some common emotions include anger, frustration, guilt, anxiety, isolation, relief, revenge and rage, sadness [7]. Even though grieving manifests itself differently from adults, the needs leading in the direction of resolution are the same [2]. Some basic needs of a grieving teen (or child) include assurances, boundaries, choices, food, listeners, models, privacy, recreation, routines, sleep, and truth [7]. One must remember that a child’s grief responses are natural reactions when they are experiencing the loss and separation from someone they were close to and/or loved [2].
Extrafamilial home; In residence; Residential care; Residential group care; 24-hour care
References
Definition
1. 2.
3. 4.
5. 6.
7. 8.
Giddens, S., & Giddens, O. (2000). Coping with grieving and loss. New York: The Rosen Publishing Group. Mauk, G., & Sharpnack, J. (1997). Grief. In G. Bear, K. Minke, & A. Thomas (Eds.), Children’s needs II: Development, problems, and alternatives (pp. 375–385). Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists. Neimeyer, R. (2000). Lessons of loss: A guide to coping. Memphis, TN: University of Memphis. Papalia, D., Olds, S., & Feldman, R. (Eds.). (2001). Epilogue: The end of life. Human development (8th ed., pp. E1–E13). New York: McGraw Hill. The Dougy Center for Grieving Children. (1997). Helping children cope with death. Portland, OR: The Dougy Center for Grieving Children. The Dougy Center for Grieving Children. (2003). Helping the grieving student: A guide for teachers. Portland, OR: The Dougy Center for Grieving Children. The Dougy Center for Grieving Children. (2004). Helping teens cope with death. Portland, OR: The Dougy Center for Grieving Children. Whiting, P., & Matthews, J. (1997). Responding to loss: A manual to assist educators in responding to loss in the schools. Rock Hill, SC: SCETV.
Gross Impairment in Reality Testing ▶Childhood Psychosis
713
Group Activity Therapy ▶Play-Group Therapy
Group Embedded Figures Test ▶Embedded Figures Test
G Group Homes MYSTI S. FRAZIER University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA
Synonyms
Group homes are community based care facilities designed to provide resources to children and youth who experience abuse and/or neglect and must be removed from their homes. Group homes also include residential treatment centers for children with mental disorders and/or disabilities [5]. Group homes vary by community and include staffed residential homes and large institutions like residential schools, detention facilities, mental health centers, psychiatric wards, boarding schools, or orphanages (Anglin 2002). They do not include foster homes or family-based homes.
Description Group home care is one of the most common communitybased residential treatment placements for youth with the most difficult to treat combinations of psychiatric disorders, aggressive behavior, and histories of complex and extended personal and family problems [4]. Group homes employ staff members to attend to and teach children daily living and self-care skills, so that they may be able to provide for and take care of themselves. Daily living skills include cooking meals, doing laundry, cleaning, managing money, and learning to interact socially; self-care skills include bathing, dressing, eating, and taking needed medications [5]. It is important to note that many of the children in group homes are not considered orphans; a majority of
714
G
Group Investigation (GI)
these children have families. The families, however, are unable to provide and/or appropriately care for their children for various reasons. It is important for the children to maintain a link to the biological family because there is a chance that they may be reunited if conditions in the family improve (Anglin 2002). In group homes, the staff is able to help children address issues with relationships, socialization, economic concerns, and emotional well-being (Anglin 2002). All of these functions are characteristic of family life which group home staff members work to incorporate so that children may get the support that is needed as well as become well-rounded individuals. However, there is research to suggest that these settings fall short of providing a family-like atmosphere because they may not provide love and a sense of belonging (Anglin 2002). The term “group home” implies that a home-like environment is offered; however, since many group home settings are institutional it is hard to create an intimate, loving experience. The staff of the group home is required to maintain control at all times [1]. Therefore, it is in the overall best interest of the children for the staff to maintain a hierarchy and contain problem situations right away; this results in an incongruence between the desired affects of group home living and the reality [1] (Anglin 2002). Adequate attention to proper group home care involves sincere and constant engagement with the children and for each individual child as to not hinder their positive development [1]. Important factors to consider include the physical environment, opportunities for social interaction with peers and staff, access to adequate food, and positive attitudes from the staff [1]. Appropriate attention to these factors can predict the quality of children’s experiences in group homes.
References 1. 2. 3. 4.
5.
6.
Ainsworth, F., & Fulcher, L. C. (2006). Creating and sustaining a culture of group care. Child & Youth Services, 28(1/2), 151–176. Anglin, J. P. (2002). Historical and contemporary issues in residential care for children and youth. Child & Youth Services, 24(1/2), 5–21. Anglin, J. P. (2002). A theoretical framework for understanding group home life and work. Child & Youth Services, 24(1/2), 49–59. Breland-Nobel, A. M., Farmer, E. M. Z., Dubs, M. S., Potter, E., & Burns, B. J. (2005). Mental health and other service used by youth in therapeutic foster care and group homes. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 14(2), 167–180. Encyclopedia of Mental Disorders. (2010). Group homes. http:// www.minddisorders.com/Flu-Inv/Group-homes.html#ixzz0hhs2EkFw. Accessed on April 26, 2010. Whittaker, J. K. (2000). The future of residential group care. Child Welfare League of America, LXXIX(1), 59–74.
Group Investigation (GI) ▶Cooperative Learning
Group Play Therapy ▶Play-Group Therapy
Group Psychotherapy ▶Group Therapy ▶Play-Group Therapy
Group Therapy MICHAEL BLOCK Azusa Pacific University, Azusa, CA, USA
Synonyms Group psychotherapy; Psychosocial therapy
Definition Group therapy is a form of psychosocial treatment where a small group of patients meet regularly to talk, interact, and discuss problems with each other and the group leader (therapist).
Description A psychologist, psychiatrist, social worker, or other healthcare professional typically arranges and conducts group therapy sessions. In some therapy groups, two individuals or co-therapists may share the responsibility of group leadership. Patients are selected on the basis of what they might gain from group therapy interaction and what they can contribute to the group as a whole. Therapy groups may be homogeneous or heterogeneous. Homogeneous groups have members with similar diagnostic backgrounds (for example, they may all suffer from depression). Heterogeneous groups have a mix of individuals with different emotional issues. The number of group members varies widely, but is typically no
Growth
more than 12. Groups may be time limited (with a predetermined number of sessions) or indefinite (where the group determines when therapy ends). Membership may be closed or open to new members once sessions begin. The number of sessions in group therapy depends on the makeup, goals, and setting of the group. For example, a therapy group that is part of a substance abuse program to rehabilitate inpatients would be called short-term group therapy. This term is used because, as patients, the group members will only be in the hospital for a relatively short period of time. Long-term therapy groups may meet for six months, a year, or longer. The therapeutic approach used in therapy depends on the focus of the group and the psychological training of the therapist. Some common techniques include psychodynamic, cognitive-behavioral, and Gestalt therapy. In a group therapy session, group members are encouraged to openly and honestly discuss the issues that brought them to therapy. They try to help other group members by offering their own suggestions, insights, and empathy regarding their problems. There are no definite rules for group therapy, only that members participate to the best of their ability. However, most therapy groups do have some basic ground rules that are usually discussed during the first session. Patients are asked not to share what goes on in therapy sessions with anyone outside of the group. This protects the confidentiality of the other members. They may also be asked not to see other group members socially outside of therapy because of the harmful effect it might have on the dynamics of the group. The therapist’s main task is to guide the group in selfdiscovery. Depending on the goals of the group and the training and style of the therapist, he or she may lead the group interaction or allow the group to take their own direction. Typically, the group leader does some of both, providing direction when the group gets off track while letting them set their own agenda. The therapist may guide the group by simply reinforcing the positive behaviors they engage in. For example, if a group member shows empathy to another member, or offers a constructive suggestion, the therapist will point this out and explain the value of these actions to the group. In almost all group therapy situations, the therapist will attempt to emphasize the common traits among group members so that members can gain a sense of group identity. Group members realize that others share the same issues they do. The main benefit group therapy may have over individual psychotherapy is that some patients behave and
G
react more like themselves in a group setting than they would one-on-one with a therapist. The group therapy patient gains a certain sense of identity and social acceptance from their membership in the group. Suddenly, they are not alone. They are surrounded by others who have the same anxieties and emotional issues that they have. Seeing how others deal with these issues may give them new solutions to their problems. Feedback from group members also offers them a unique insight into their own behavior, and the group provides a safe forum in which to practice new behaviors. Lastly, by helping others in the group work through their problems, group therapy members can gain more self-esteem. Group therapy may also simulate family experiences of patients and will allow family dynamic issues to emerge. Self-help groups like Alcoholics Anonymous and Weight Watchers fall outside of the psychotherapy realm. These self-help groups do offer many of the same benefits of social support, identity, and belonging that make group therapy effective for many. Self-help group members meet to discuss a common area of concern (such as, eating disorders, bereavement, parenting). Group sessions are not run by a therapist, but by a nonprofessional leader, group member, or the group as a whole. Self-help groups are sometimes used in addition to psychotherapy or regular group therapy.
References 1. 2. 3. 4.
5.
American Group Psychotherapy Association, 25 East 21st Street, 6th Floor, New York, NY 10010, email,
[email protected]. Corey, G. (2007). Theory and Practice of Group Counseling (7th ed.). Belmont, CA: Brooks Cole. Corey, M., & Corey, G. (2006). Groups: Process and practice (7th ed.). Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole. Ford-Martin, P. A. (2001). Group Psychotherapy. In D. Blanchfields & J. Longes (Eds.), Encyclopedia of Medicine 2. Gale Research Company. Yalom, I., & Leszcz, M. (2005). Theory and practice of group psychotherapy (5th ed.). New York: Basic Books.
Group-Oriented Cultures ▶Collectivist Cultures
Growth ▶Maturation
715
G
716
G
Growth Faltering
Growth Faltering ▶Failure to Thrive Syndrome
Guaranine ▶Caffeine
Guardianship ▶Joint Legal Custody
Guffaw ▶Laughter
Guilt TEMI BIDJERANO Furman University, Greenville, SC, USA
Definition Guilt is an adaptive self-conscious emotion, typically evoked in situations of failing to achieve a goal or standard and when failure is attributed to internal transitional states, inappropriate actions, or non-stable internal characteristics such as lack of effort.
Description Guilt is experienced when an individual fails to meet personal standards or goals even after exerting a great deal of effort to achieve a successful outcome and the end product has personal implications. Individuals experience guilt when they have committed a wrongdoing directly or haphazardly and feel personal responsibility for the consequences [1]. The emotion of guilt includes the self as a frame of reference and involves a certain degree of self-evaluation. Guilt is regarded also as a moral emotion, as it involves some degree of dilemma
and conflict; it is based on relationships within a social context and results in the individual’s intent to repair the unfortunate situation. The emotion of guilt has specific adaptive purposes. It could prevent transgression as well as encourage reparative behaviors in situations of wrongdoing. Guilt is experienced in situations of failure attributed to internal factor and when the wrongdoing is perceived as controllable or avoidable [4]. Beliefs about controllability are exemplified by an implicit desire to repair the situation or avoid the wrongdoing in the future, rationalize the misdeed, or confess. In interpreting the wrongful act, the person feels remorseful and regretful. He/she focuses on the behavior that led to the transgression, rather than on making judgments about global imperfections of the self. Guilt co-occurs with other emotional states such as sadness, tension, worry, anxiety and restlessness and is believed to have some genetic underpinning [7]. Gender differences in the experience of guilt are also present. Parent-child transactions in early childhood have been acknowledged to play a substantial role in the socialization of guilt.
Relevance to Childhood Development Guilt does not typically emerge before the age of 2½ and 3 year and it has both cognitive and social antecedents. One of the prerequisites is the sense of conscience and self-representation, which typically develop between 18 months and 2 years of age. During this age period, the child begins to react with distress when he/she violates a rule or a standard for behavior [3, 7]. The experience of anxiety and discomfort following a wrongful act is considered a precursor of guilt [3]. During the second half of the third year of life, another important cognitive milestone is achieved: the child becomes able to acquire and retain standards and rules for appropriate behavior [4]. Adaptive forms of guilt develop out of parental use of socialization techniques such as reasoning and induction, which consist of clearly defining expectations for appropriate behavior and providing explanation for the nature of consequences of the child’s behavioral transgression on others. Induction and reasoning facilitate to a great extent the process of internalization [2, 5]. Evaluative feedback, frequently communicated by parents, enhances the growing child’s understanding of the social meaning and significance of his/her behavior and leads subsequently to the internalization of adults’ imposed standards for and expectations of acceptable behavior. The growing child acquire the ability to evaluate his behavior in conjunction with those standards, recognizes inconsistencies between the standard and behavior, and experiences discomfort,
Gurgle
anxiety and guilt when they are violated or a transgression is committed [3, 7]. Although young children do experience rudimentary forms of guilt, they do not possess a complete understanding of the emotion; neither can they reason about the factors that trigger it. In younger children’s accounts, guilt is often associated with having done something naughty, feelings of regret, and a desire to repair the situation out of fear of being punished. A full understanding of the emotion and its elicitors is achieved later in life when the child acquires the ability to make explicit causal attributions. Before the age of six or seven, children learn to associate guilt with failure. It is not until the elementary school years, however, when they become capable of linking failure to lack of effort or other internal factors perceived in one’s control. Thus, older children become more likely to report feeling guilty when failure occurs in the context of avoidable, controllable and preventable factors. In this respect, older children’s and adults’ understanding of guilt becomes increasingly similar [1, 2, 5]. In addition to normal developmental changes, individual variations in guilt experiences are also present. Girls tend to be more self-conscious and experience guilt more frequently. It has been suggested also that individual differences in temperament could contribute to differential socialization of guilt. That is, a child who is temperamentally predisposed to experience emotions with high intensity, is likely to experience also high levels of distress and discomfort following a misconduct; in turn, the transgression is likely to be attributed to internal to the self characteristics acting as an inhibitor for similar transgressions in the future [3, 7]. Inhibited and fearful toddlers were found to be more prone to internalized conscience at later ages, and therefore, more amenable to socialization and moral internalization [3]. In addition, some children tend to develop maladaptive forms of guilt, the so called “guiltprone” style, as a result of a repeated exposure to guilt provoking experiences. The proneness to guilt is characterized by rumination over mishaps and misdeeds, blameworthiness, excessively taking responsibilities for negative events, and a sense of unworthiness [7]. It has been
G
717
suggested that the parental use of socialization techniques such as power assertion and love withdrawal in early childhood is one of the sources of development of maladaptive guilt. Power assertion and love withdrawal are construed as fostering an external moral orientation in the child, which is manifested by lack of concerns about consequences for others and desire to avoid infringement of personal interests. Excessive guilt has been associated also with symptoms of depression [6].
References 1.
2.
3. 4.
5.
6.
7.
Ferguson, T. J., & Stegge, H. (1995). Emotional states and traits in children: The case of guilt and shame. In J. P. Tangney & K. W. Fischer (Eds.), Self-conscious emotions: The psychology of shame, guilt, embarrassment, and pride. New York: The Guilford Press. Griffin, S. (1995). A cognitive-developmental analysis of pride, shame, and embarrassment in middle childhood. In J. P. Tangney & K. W. Fischer (Eds.), Self-conscious emotions: The psychology of shame, guilt, embarrassment, and pride. New York: The Guilford Press. Kochanska, G. (1991). Socialization and temperament in the development of guilt and conscience. Child Development, 62, 1379–1392. Lewis, M. (2000). Self-conscious emotions: Embarrassment, pride, shame and guilt. In M. Lewis & J. M. Haviland-Jones (Eds.), Handbook of emotions (2nd ed., pp. 623–636). New York: The Guilford Press. Stipek, D. (1995). The Development of pride and shame in toddlers. In J. P. Tangney & K. W. Fischer (Eds.), Self-conscious emotions: The psychology of shame, guilt, embarrassment, and pride (pp. 234–252). New York: Guilford Press. Tangney, J. P., Burggraf, S. A., & Wagner, P. E. (1995). Shameproneness, guilt-proneness, and psychological symptoms. In J. P. Tangney & K. W. Fischer (Eds.), Self-conscious emotions: The psychology of shame, guilt, embarrassment, and pride (pp. 343–367). New York: Guilford Press. Zhan-Waxler, C., & Robinson, J. (1995). Empathy and guilt: Early origins of feelings of responsibility. In J. P. Tangney & K. W. Fischer (Eds.), Self-conscious emotions: The psychology of shame, guilt, embarrassment, and pride (pp. 174–197). New York: Guilford Press.
Gurgle ▶Cooing
G
H Habit ▶Conditioning ▶Tics
Habit Reversal JESSE M. CROSBY, MICHAEL P. TWOHIG Utah State University, Logan, UT, USA
Synonyms Behavioral intervention for repetitive behavior disorders; Complete habit reversal; Original habit reversal; Simplified habit reversal
Definition Habit Reversal is a behavioral intervention for repetitive behavior problems. The original treatment consists of approximately 12 procedures organized in four phases: (1) awareness training, (2) competing response practice, (3) habit control motivation, and (4) generalization training [1]. Subsequent research has resulted in a simplified variation of the treatment. Simplified Habit Reversal (SHR) training consists of four procedures organized in three phases: (1) awareness training, (2) competing response training, and (3) social support training. SHR can be completed in one to two sessions, and it is reinforced through application outside of the session and additional booster sessions. SHR has been found to be effective in treating a wide variety of repetitive behavior problems found in children including motor and vocal tics and Tourette’s disorder, thumb/finger sucking, nail biting, trichotillomania, skin picking, and stuttering [7].
Description Habit Reversal The original Habit Reversal treatment consists of several procedures organized in four phases: (1) awareness training, (2) competing response practice, (3) habit control
motivation, and (4) generalization training [1]. The purpose of awareness training is to make the client aware of the habit through four procedures: (1) response description – the client is required to describe the details of the habit to the therapist while reenacting a typical instance; (2) response detection – the client is taught to detect each instance of the habit alerting them when it has occurred; (3) early warning – the client practices detecting the earliest sign of the habit; and (4) situation awareness – the client identifies situations, persons, and places associated with the occurrence of the habit. In the competing response phase, the client is taught a specific response pattern that would be incompatible with the habit, thus preventing the habit from occurring. This incompatible response should involve the muscles opposite to those involved in the habit, be capable of being maintained for several minutes, produce heightened awareness of the muscles involved in the habit, be socially inconspicuous and compatible with normal activities, and strengthen the muscles antagonistic to the habit movement. The client is asked to perform the competitive response for 3 min after a premonitory urge to perform the habit or the actual occurrence of the habit. Examples of competitive behaviors include contraction of the neck muscles instead of head jerking and clenching the fists instead of nail biting. The purpose of the habit control motivation phase is to increase motivation to engage in the treatment consistently. This is done by reviewing the inconveniences, embarrassment, and suffering associated with the habit and implementing a social support system that includes positive reinforcement for success and noting the occurrence of habits and reminding the client to continue practicing the treatment. For children with little or no motivation, parents/caregivers are instructed to physically guide the child through the exercises. Generalization training is performed to ensure that the client is able to control the habit in everyday situations. The client is asked to practice the exercise through a symbolic rehearsal procedure in which they imagine common habiteliciting situations, the detection of a habit, and practice performing the competing behavior. Additional practice can be given by engaging the client in casual conversation
Sam Goldstein & Jack A. Naglieri (eds.), Encyclopedia of Child Behavior and Development, DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-79061-9, # Springer Science+Business Media LLC 2011
720
H
Habit Reversal
and identifying the occurrence of habits and then practicing the competing behavior.
Simplified Habit Reversal The SHR treatment can be given in four sessions. The first 1 h session includes an interview, standardized assessments, and the establishment of a system for data collection. The SHR is implemented during the second 1 h session, and the last two sessions are 30 min booster sessions to monitor progress, review treatment implementation, and address any further problems [10]. The information gathered during the initial interview includes identifying the habit, the possible functions of the habit, and the sensory experiences surrounding the habit. The purpose of data collection is to monitor the effectiveness of the treatment and to identify any needed modifications to the treatment. Arrangements should be made to collect data at home in situations where the habit is most likely to occur using video monitoring, parent monitoring, or self-monitoring. Standardized assessments are given to detect the presence of any common comorbid conditions (e.g., depression, anxiety, ADHD). Clients are also asked to bring a person to the next session to help them with the treatment outside of the session (usually a parent/caregiver). The implementation of SHR in the second session consists of awareness training, competing response training, and social support training. Awareness training contains two procedures: (1) response description, and (2) response detection; the purpose of which is to help the client recognize the habit and the associated warning signs. After giving the rationale for the treatment, the client is asked to describe both the habit and the warning signs in detail. The purpose of response detection is to help the client recognize and acknowledge the actual occurrences of the habit as well as the warning signs. The client is asked to identify both simulated and actual occurrences of the habit and the warning signs. Competing response training teaches the client to engage in a behavior that is incompatible with the habit or the warning signs. This includes choosing a competing response, demonstrating the proper use of the competing response, teaching them to use the competing response, and having the client demonstrate the use of the competing response. The competing response could be anything that makes it difficult to engage in the behavior, and it should be socially acceptable as well as acceptable to the client. Some examples of competing responses include diaphragmatic breathing for vocal tics, depressed shoulders for shoulder jerking, pressing the lips together for jaw stretching, and making a fist with both hands
for nail biting thumb/finger sucking, trichotillomania, and skin picking. Social support training is provided to ensure treatment compliance. The primary responsibility for the social support is to help the client remember to use the competing response. The social support person is usually asked to praise the client when he or she is seen using the competing response correctly, and remind the client to use the competing response when seen engaging in the habit. Small rewards or tokens for larger rewards are often used to help children participate in SHR outside of the therapy sessions. The social support person is invited to participate in the session after the initial SHR training has occurred, and the process is demonstrated so that they understand the goals and procedures of the treatment. The booster sessions are used to review the data, address any difficulties with the treatment, and to review the procedures.
Research Because the original Habit Reversal treatment is a package made up of several components, it was unclear which components were actually necessary for treatment effectiveness [4]. The original treatment package is also time consuming and labor intensive, so subsequent research has sought to identify the necessary components for treatment effectiveness and to simplify the procedure. Awareness training and competing response training when used together have been found to be as effective as the original Habit Reversal treatment in the treatment of motor tics [3]. This has been supported in additional research with tics and nervous habits [4]. Social support was also found to be an important component when working with children [9], but the evidence on the inclusion of this component is mixed depending on the population of interest as later research with a college age population indicated that the social support component was unnecessary for the intervention to be effective [2]. Competing response training is thought to be central to treatment effectiveness [8]. In the original Habit Reversal procedure, it was believed that the competing response lead to a decrease in the habit behavior because it was physically incompatible with the habit behavior [1]. Thus, competing behaviors would have to include opposite muscle groups to those used in the habit behavior. However, subsequent research has demonstrated that both similar and dissimilar muscle groups are equally effective in reducing tics and habit behaviors [5, 9]. The necessary duration of the competing response has also been a subject of investigation [6]. In a study with
Habituation
adult nail biting, it was found that both 1 and 3 min competing response durations lead to both short-term and long-term treatment effectiveness. Five second competing response durations lead to short-term improvements, but the effects were not maintained long-term.
Clinical Applications In a child population the original Habit Reversal procedure has been shown to effectively treat motor tics including head/shoulder jerking, elbow flapping, eye blinking, grimacing, and head shaking. Simplified variations have been equally as effective in treating similar motor tics in children. The original and simplified versions have also had limited success in treating the motor and vocal tics and Tourette’s disorder in children. Both the original procedure and the simplified variations have been used to effectively treat numerous nervous habits in children including finger sucking, thumb sucking, nail biting, hair pulling, and scratching. Both treatments have also proven effective in treating stuttering in children [7]. The application with adult populations is similar as both the original and simplified procedures have effectively treated repetitive behaviors. Even though Habit Reversal has strong empirical support, there are still participants who do not respond to the treatment, and clinically, it has been found that additional procedures are often required. Current applications of the treatment typically augment SHR with cognitive restructuring procedures or the acceptance and mindfulness procedures of Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT) and Dialectical Behavior Therapy (DBT).
References 1. Azrin, N. H., & Nunn, R. G. (1973). Habit-reversal: A method of eliminating nervous habits and tics. Behavior Research and Therapy, 11, 619–628. 2. Flessner, C. A., Miltenberger, R. G., Egemo, K., Kelso, P., Jostad, C., Johnson, B., et al. (2005). An evaluation of the social support component of simplified habit reversal. Behavior Therapy, 36, 35–42. 3. Miltenberger, R. G., Fuqua, R. W., & McKinley, T. (1985). Habit reversal with muscle tics: Replication and component analysis. Behavior Therapy, 16, 39–50. 4. Miltenberger, R. G., Fuqua, R. W., & Woods, D. W. (1998). Applying behavior analysis to clinical problems: Review and analysis of habit reversal. Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, 31, 447–469. 5. Sharenow, E. L., Fuqua, R. W., & Miltenberger, R. G. (1989). The treatment of muscle tics with dissimilar competing response practice. Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, 22, 35–42. 6. Twohig, M. P., & Woods, D. W. (2001). Evaluating the necessary duration of the competing response in habit reversal: A parametric analysis. Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, 34, 517–520. 7. Woods, D. W., & Miltenberger, R. G. (1996). A review of habit reversal with childhood habit disorders. Education & Treatment of Children, 19, 197–214.
H
721
8. Woods, D. W., Miltenberger, R. G., & Lumley, V. A. (1996). Sequential application of major habit reversal components to treat motor tics in children. Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, 29, 483–493. 9. Woods, D. W., Murray, L. K., Fuqua, R. W., Seif, T. A., Boyer, L. J., & Siah, A. (1999). Comparing the effectiveness of similar and dissimilar competing responses in evaluating the habit reversal treatment for oral-digital habits in children. Journal of Behavior Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry, 30, 289–300. 10. Woods, D. W., & Twohig, M. P. (2001). Habit reversal treatment manual for oral-digital habits. In D. W. Woods & R. G. Miltenberger (Eds.), Tic disorders, trichotillomania, and other repetitive behavior disorders: Behavioral approaches to analysis and treatment (pp. 241–267). Boston: Kluwer. Suggested Readings Azrin, N., & Nunn, G. (1978). Habit control in a day. New York: Simon & Shuster. Woods, D. W., & Miltenberger, R. G. (2001). Tic disorders, trichotillomania, and other repetitive behavior disorders: Behavioral approaches to analysis and treatment. Norwell, MA: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Habituation BRADY I. PHELPS South Dakota State University, Brookings, SD, USA
Definition An innate, unlearned reflex that is elicited in response (unconditioned response) to a biologically-significant stimulus (unconditioned stimulus) will typically show habituation if the stimulus is repeated. That is, measures of the response will show orderly decreases in magnitude as the stimulus is repeatedly applied. This change in behavior, known as habituation, can be seen in the withdrawal responses of various invertebrates, including protozoa to tactile stimulation, in freezing-defensive responses of rodents to auditory stimuli, and in the orienting responses of human infants to complex auditory and or visual stimuli, and is one of the most fundamental properties of behavior. More simply put, habituation is the process by which a stimulus loses its attentiongrabbing properties, i.e., its “novelty,” and decreases in responsiveness to the stimulus are seen when the stimulus is presented repeatedly or for an extended time period. An organism ceases to engage in attending or other responses to the stimulus; the stimulus comes to be ignored [3, 7]. Habituation is often termed “non-associative learning,” since only one stimulus is involved and no associations are formed; Habituation is considered one of the most basic forms of behavior change from experience and learning [3, 7].
H
722
H
Habituation
For some unlearned, innate reflexes, the repeated presentation of the eliciting stimulus results in an increase in measures of the reflex; this effect is referred to as sensitization and is the opposite effect of habituation [8, 13].
What are Some of the Properties of Habituation? The formal study of habituation goes back nearly a century being described by writers in the early twentieth century, with the basic properties being outlined in the 1930s and again in the 1960s and 1970s. Some nine basic features of habituation were formally outlined and have come to serve as a formal definition of habituation: 1. If a specific stimulus elicits a response, repeated presentations of that stimulus result in decreased response or habituation; the decrease is typically an orderly function of the number of stimulus presentations. 2. If the stimulus is subsequently withheld, the response showing habituation will tend to return or recover with the passage of time, termed spontaneous recovery. 3. If the habituation experience and subsequent opportunity for recovery are repeated in a series, then habituation will progress more rapidly. 4. With all other variables held constant, the higher the frequency of stimulation, the more rapid and pronounced is habituation. 5. With weaker stimulation, habituation will progress more rapidly and be more pronounced. 6. The effects of habituation training may progress below baseline measures of the response. 7. If habituation occurs to a specific stimulus, then habituation to similar stimuli via stimulus generalization also occurs. 8. Presentation of an irrelevant stimulus will result in the recovery of the habituated response, termed dishabituation. 9. With repeated presentation of the dishabituating stimulus of #8, the degree of resultant dishabituation is decreased or shows habituation itself [8, 19]. A modified list of defining features has also been put forth with the following additional defining characteristics: 1. The process of habituation will be disrupted by any unpredictable changes in the eliciting stimulus. 2. Habituation will occur more slowly to stimuli that are presented in a varying manner relative to stimuli presented in a constant, unchanging manner. 3. Spontaneous recovery may occur faster after more rapid rates of stimulus presentation relative to slower rates of stimulus presentation.
4. Spontaneous recovery may be incomplete recovery in that some habituation will persist over a long-time period. 5. Habituation will be observed for most if not all animal species; habituation occurs in response to most stimuli, including events without ingestive consequences such as lights and noises. The rate at which habituation will be observed will differ as a function of the species, the stimuli employed, the responses being measured as well as the individual subject [11]. As defining features, any unlearned behavioral stimulusresponse contingency is said to display habituation if the response decrement shows these properties.
How is Habituation Studied with Infants? In general, studies of human infant habituation will employ variations of some basic protocols and habituation is a means of non-verbal assessment of learning [18]. In measuring the rate of a reflex such as the sucking reflex, researchers will measure the initial baseline rate of sucking to a pacifier equipped with transducers to measure muscle contractions applied to it. Then an auditory stimulus will be presented such as a human voice uttering a speech phoneme such as “ba.” In response to a novel stimulus such as this, the rate of sucking will predictably increase but come to decline to baseline levels as “ba” is repeatedly presented, showing habituation. If the phoneme “pa” were to then be presented, the rate of sucking would again increase, demonstrating that the infant can discriminate between these two stimuli [2]. To measure more complex responses, slightly different procedures are used. When an intense or novel stimulus is presented, an orienting response is elicited and an infant (or any person) turns to look and fix their gaze at the source of a visual stimulus or turns their head towards the source of an auditory stimulus, as well as show changes in heart rate, EEG patterns and other autonomic responses. Initially, infants will show this orienting (or orientation) response to a stimulus but after repeated trials of stimulus presentations, infants will no longer respond to the stimulus, showing habituation of the orienting response [14–16]. Researchers in human development have used measures of the orienting response as assessment tools of complex human development, which will be described in the next section. Habituation procedures have increasingly been employed to assess the covert-behavioral abilities of preverbal infants to study the development of perception, remembering, and what is termed “information processing” as part of basic developmental research [16]. In addition, the measures of habituation obtained with infants have been
Habituation
shown to be a reliable predictor of long-term development. Indices of the speed or efficiency with which infants show habituation have been shown to predict outcomes in behaviors such as language acquisition as well as more general behavioral outcomes such as verbal and nonverbal intelligence. Infants who show difficulty during habituation or habituate at slower than normal rates have been found to be at increased risk for a range of significant developmental delays. Despite its widespread use, some writers have argued that the precise psychometric parameters of habituation need to be established before any definitive and significant dialog on the predictive value of habituation can be conducted [6, 9]. Some such studies have also been criticized for using highly artificial events as stimuli, such as an artificial voice box, instead of a stimulus with higher ecological validity, recordings of actual human utterances as auditory stimuli. In spite of cross-study comparisons being obfuscated by procedural differences as well as in the response being measured and that normally-developing infants show a range of individual variations in habituation, acceptable measures of test–retest reliability have been obtained for some measures of habituation. Unfortunately, few such data exist for populations of high-risk infants, among whom the pertinent data would be of greater interest [4, 6].
Why and How Does Habituation Occur? The observation that habituation is so catholic points to an obvious and basic adaptive significance. Constantly responding to meaningless stimuli would be taxing and wasteful to any organism; learning to not respond to biologically-irrelevant events while still responding to events that are biologically-significant has clear survival value [5, 7]. For some stimulus-response contingencies that show habituation, the physiological mechanisms have been identified and while habituation has 9 (or 14) defining features, only one established physiological process has been elucidated. In studies of simple reflexes of invertebrates, such as a defensive-withdrawal reflex to tactile stimulation, the organism ceases to respond as the repeated stimulation causes a dampening in the synaptic connections between the sensory neuron receptor to an effector motor neuron [7, 17]. The sensory neuron will continue to release its neurotransmitter in response to a different stimulus and the reflex will still occur to a different stimulus but not to the stimulus to which habituation has occurred. That is, the observed change in responsiveness will be stimulus specific but show stimulus generalization to physically similar stimuli [7, 10]. In terms of identifying the biological bases of habituation in vertebrates, less progress has been
H
made but research so far points to similar neural events taking place in distinct lower brain areas depending upon the sensory modality of the stimulus and the nature of the response undergoing habituation. Little if any research has been conducted into the biological basis of habituation in humans but the infrahuman models of habituation are considered more or less applicable [10, 12]. Habituation is a ubiquitous behavioral phenomenon, seen with a wide variety of reflexes of a wide range of organisms in response to repeated stimulation and since it is so universal, it has been argued as having adaptive value [7, 10, 12]. Whether it merely reflects basic behavioral processes such as learning or more complex actions such as attention or memory is debated [1, 7]. Researchers in human development have studied habituation both for purposes of basic research as well as a possible diagnostic mechanism to map and possibly predict developmental delays and or disorders. Habituation will continue to be the subject of human development research for many years to come.
References 1. Balkenius, C. (2000). Attention, habituation and conditioning: Toward a computational model. Retrieved November 11, 2008, from http:// www.lucs.lu.se/Christian.Balkenius/PDF/Balkenius.2000.CSQ.pdf 2. Benaisch, A. A., & Leevers, H. J. (2003). Processing of rapidly presented auditory cues. in infancy: Implications for later language development. In H. Hayne & J. Fagen (Eds.), Progress in infancy research (Vol. 3, pp. 245–288). Mahwah, NJ: LEA. 3. Bouton, M. E. (2007). Learning and behavior: A contemporary synthesis. Sunderland, MA: Sinauer. 4. Brian, J. A., Landry, R., Szatmari, P., Niccols, A., & Byson, S. (2003). Habituation in high-risk infants: Reliability and patterns of responding. Infant and Child Development, 12, 387–394. 5. Eisenstein, E. M., Eisenstein, D., & Smith, J. C. (2001). The evolutionary significance of habituation and sensitization across phylogeny: A behavioral homeostasis model. Integrative Physiological and Behavioral Science, 36(4), 251–265. 6. Fagen, J. W., & Ohr, P. S. (2001). Learning and memory in infancy: Habituation, instrumental conditioning, and expectancy formation. In L. T. Singer & P. S. Zeskind (Eds.), Biobehavioral assessment of the infant (pp. 233–273). New York: Guilford. 7. Gluck, M. A., Mercado, E., & Myers, C. E. (2008). Learning and memory: From brain to behavior. New York: Worth. 8. Groves, P. M., & Thompson, R. F. (1970). Habituation: A dual process theory. Psychological Review, 77, 419–450. 9. Hoben, T., & Gilmore, R. O. (2004). Habituation assessment in infancy. Psychological Methods, 9(1), 70–92. 10. Kandel, E. R., Schwartz, J. H., & Jessell, T. M. (2000). Cellular mechanisms of learning and the biological basis of individuality. In E. R. Kandel, J. H. Schwartz, & T. M. Jessell (Eds.), Principles of neural science (4th ed., pp. 1247–1279). New York: McGraw Hill. 11. McSweeney, F. K., & Swindell, S. (2002). Common processes may contribute to extinction and habituation. Journal of General Psychology, 129(4), 1–37.
723
H
724
H
Haemoglobin
12. National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. (2001). From cells to selves: Biobehavioral development. Washington, DC: Author. 13. Pear, J. J. (2001). The science of learning. New York: Psychology Press. 14. Rose, S. A., Feldman, J. F., & Jankowski, J. J. (2001). Attention and recognition memory in the 1st year of life: A longitudinal study of preterm and full-term infants. Developmental Psychology, 37, 539–549. 15. Rose, S. A., & Orlian, E. K. (2001). Visual information processing. In L. T. Singer & P. S. Zeskind (Eds.), Biobehavioral assessment of the infant (pp. 274–292). New York: Guilford. 16. Rovee-Collier, C., & Barr, R. (2002). Infant cognition. In H. Pashler & J. Wixted (Eds.), Stevens’ handbook of experimental psychology (pp. 693–791). New York: Wiley. 17. Rudy, J. W. (2008). The neurobiology of learning and memory. Sunderland, MA: Sinauer. 18. Terry, W. S. (2009). Learning and memory: Basic principles, processes and procedures. Boston: Pearson. 19. Thompson, R. F., & Spencer, W. A. (1966). Habituation: A model phenomenon for the study of neuronal substrates of behavior. Psychological Review, 73, 16–43.
Haemoglobin ▶Hemoglobin
The recommended starting dose for this medication is 0.125 or 0.25 mg taken once a day at bedtime. Maximum suggested dose is 0.25 mg a day. This medication should only be taken as directed by a doctor and is usually taken only for 7–10 days. This medication may become habit forming. This medication should be taken with or without food. Avoid drinking alcohol and grapefruit juice. It is recommended to be ready for bed, as this mediation acts very quickly. Inform your doctor if you have liver or kidney disease or other medical issues. It is very important that you do not take more of this medication than your doctor prescribed. Some side effects are listed here: drowsiness, dizziness, confusion, memory impairment, headache, amnesia, lightheadedness, upset stomach, and blurred vision. Certain side effects may go away during treatment. Tell your doctor immediately if you notice the following: slow heartbeat, swelling, or trouble breathing. Signs of an overdose of this medication are slurred speech or confusion, severe drowsiness, severe weakness, and staggering. If these should occur, seek medical attention immediately. This medication should be stored out of reach of children and pets and away from light, heat, and moisture.
Relevance to Childhood Development
Hair Pulling ▶Trichotillomania
Halcion® ANISA FORNOFF Drake University, Ankeny, IA, USA
Halcion® is not FDA approved for use in children younger than 18 years old. Women should let their doctor know if they are pregnant or planning to become pregnant. This medication has been shown to cause adverse effects to the fetus. Breastfeeding is not recommended while taking this medication.
References 1.
2.
Synonyms Triazolam
3.
American Management Association (2008). AHFS drug information (24th ed., pp. 2602). Maryland: American Society of Health-System Pharmacists. Lexi-Drugs Online [database online]. Hudson, OH: Lexi-Comp. Accessed August 26, 2008. Medical Economics Staff (2007). Advice for the patient: Drug information in lay language. USP DI Vol II. (27th ed., pp. 237–243). Kentucky: Thompson Micromedex.
Definition A prescription medication FDA approved for the shortterm treatment of insomnia (difficulty sleeping).
Description This medication is a benzodiazepine, a central nervous system depressant, available in tablets.
Hallucinogenic Drugs ▶Hallucinogens
Halstead, Ward C.
Hallucinogens IOANA BOIE University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA
References
Hallucinogenic drugs; Psychedelics; Psychoactive drugs
1.
Definition
2.
Blachford, S., & Knapp, K. (2003). Drugs and controlled substances: information for students. Detroit: Detroit Gale Group. Carson-DeWitt, R. (2001). Encyclopedia of drugs, alcohol and addictive behavior (2nd ed.). New York: Pearson Education.
Halo Effect ▶Pygmalion Effect
Description The most common hallucinogenic substances can be classified as indole-type hallucinogens and the substituted phenethylamines. The first group, the indole-type, have a structure similar to serotonin, a neurotransmitter, which can disrupt or alter neurotransmission in neurons using serotonin. This group includes Lysergic Acid Diethylamide (LSD), Dimethyltryptamine (DMT), Psilocybin, and Psilocin. The second group, the substituted phenethylamines, are made of substances with similar structures as phenethylamine-type neurotransmitters, such as norepinephrine, epinephrine, and dopamine. These hallucinogens include Mescaline; 2,5-dimethoxy4-methylamphetamine (DOM or STP); and 3,4methylenedioxy-amphetamine (MDMA or ecstasy). Because of their structure, these substances also have stimulant properties, aside from the hallucinogenic ones. Other drugs may have psychoactive properties and cause psychotic symptoms. Stimulants, such as amphetamine, methamphetamine or cocaine, as well as marijuana and hashish may cause hallucinations. Hallucinations in this context are part of a more complex behavioral syndrome, characterized by the alterations of the level of consciousness, and distorted perception of the body and of the environment caused by the disruption of the brain’s ability to process the information received through the senses. Hallucinogens affect the autonomic activity in that they can affect the sympathetic and parasympathetic nervous systems, with symptoms such as pupil dilation, exaggerated reflexes, increase in blood pressure, increased body temperature, nausea, and increased heart rate. Other
725
manifestations are acute mental effects such as anxiety, panic attacks, paranoid ideation, confusion and delirium. Some symptoms may persist in clusters and can be diagnosed as hallucinogen-induced mood disorder, hallucinogen persisting perception disorder, and hallucinogen-induced psychotic disorders.
Synonyms
The term defines substances that produce hallucinations. A number of diseases can also play a role in hallucination, such as some infections, acute brain injuries, delirium, or as a result of high fever. Additionally, poisoning or reactions to toxic substances may lead to psychotic symptoms, as can withdrawal from certain substances (e.g., barbiturates).
H
Halstead, Ward C. ANNA MAZUR-MOSIEWICZ, RAYMOND S. DEAN Ball State University, Muncie, IN, USA
Life Dates 1908–1968
Introduction Halstead was an American psychologist [4] best known for his studies of brain-behavior relationships. With his student, Ralph Reitan, Halstead developed a series of psychological tests that laid foundations for the first fixed neuropsychological battery, the Halstead-Reitan Neuropsychological Test Battery (HRNB). Halstead also proposed using neuropsychological measures to describe neurobehavioral aspects of various diseases and impairments, such as chronic brucellosis and essential hypertension. Moreover, he was interested in the neuropsychological changes involved in the process of aging, biological bases of memory, and auditory and visual perception.
Educational Information Halstead received his Ph.D. in physiological and comparative psychology from Northwestern University in 1935. After graduating, Dr. Halstead taught at the Medical School at the University of Chicago. During the 1930s and 1940s,
H
726
H
Halstead-Reitan Battery
he established a working relationship with two neurosurgeons, Percival Bailey and Paul Bucy, and started the first full-time laboratory for the examination and evaluation of brain-behavior relationships in humans [6]. Halstead’s approach to evaluating patients focused on the practical aspects of rehabilitation and adaptive abilities. His observations of patients with cerebral lesions led him to conclude that brain-damaged individuals had wide ranging deficits, of which severity could not be adequately identified or evaluated by any of the existing cognitive tests. Halstead studied brain-damaged persons in their routine and everyday living situations; he noticed that most of them had difficulties with understanding the complex situations and problems, analyzing circumstances, and reaching meaningful conclusions about situations in everyday life. Therefore, many of the assessment procedures developed by Halstead focused not only on the ability to solve a specific problem, but also on the ability to observe and analyze the components of the problem. Working with his patients, Halstead devised and tested an array of tasks that were originally intended to distinguish patients with bran impairments from healthy individuals. These tasks were re-examined by Halstead’s student, Ralph Reitan, and eventually formed the nucleus of the HRNB. Ralph Reitan began working with Halstead in his laboratory in the 1940s and extended the work of Halstead by assembling a battery of tests for the comprehensive evaluation of brain-damaged individuals [6, 9].
that is the most commonly used in the implementation and interpretation of the Halstead-Reitan battery [6].
Contributions Halstead’s major contribution to the area of clinical neuropsychology was the development of a series of tests that evaluated the brain-behavior relationship in individual subjects. Additionally, he added to the overall body of knowledge in neuropsychology through his study of differential dependence of his tests on various areas of the cerebral cortex. Halstead authored and researched the original set of tasks that became a core battery of the HRNB. Currently, the HRNB is one of the most researched and widely used clinical measure of the integrity and functioning of the brain in North America. Halstead’s work and the HRNB laid the groundwork for a rehabilitation program for patients with brain damage.
References 1.
2.
3. 4.
Accomplishments Halstead major accomplishment is his impact on the field on neuropsychology and neuropsychological assessment [7, 8]. He was the first to design and clinically study tasks that evaluated the functioning of the brain and nervous system. His work lead to the development of the HRNB, which is shown to be sensitive to not only the effects of brain damage, but also impairments associated with head trauma, tumors, cerebro-vascular accidents, infections, degenerative diseases, learning disabilities, and specific neurological disorders. As such, the HRNB assists clinicians with the identification of a broad range of neurological variables including location, type, severity, and status of brain lesions [1, 2, 5]. Halstead also authored the biological theory of intelligence, which was first described in his book, Brain and Intelligence: A Quantitative Study of the Frontal Lobes [3]. Halstead’s theory was based on four factors: central integrative field, abstraction, power, and direction. Although the four-factor model of intelligence has not become widely accepted, the theory has been incorporated not only in the HRNB, but also in the model of brain-behavior relations
5. 6.
7.
8.
9.
Davis, A. S., Johnson, J. A., & D’Amato, R. C. (2005). Evaluating and using long-standing school batteries: The Halstead-Reitan and LuriaNebraska neuropsychological batteries. In R. C. D’Amato, E. Fletcher-Janzen, & C. R. Reynolds (Eds.), Handbook of school psychology. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Dean, R. S. (1985). Review of the Halstead-Reitan neuropsychological test battery. In J. V. Mitchell (Ed.), The ninth mental measurements yearbook. Highland Park, HJ: Gryphon Press. Halstead, W. C. (1947). Brain and intelligence. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Halstead, W. C., & Wepman, J. M. (1959). The Halstead-Wepman aphasia screening test. Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, 14, 9–15. Lezak, M. D., Howieson, D. B., & Loring, D. W. (2004). Neuropsychological assessment. New York: Oxford University Press. Reitan, R. M. (1994). Ward Halstead’s contributions to neuropsychology and the Halstead-Reitan neuropsychological test battery. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 50, 47–70. Reitan, R. M., & Wolfson, D. (1993). The Halstead-Reitan neuropsychology test battery: Theory and clinical interpretation (2nd ed.). Tucson, AZ: Neuropsychology Press. Reitan, R. M., & Wolfson, D. (1994). The Halstead-Reitan neuropsychology test battery: Theory and clinical interpretation. Archives of Clinical Neuropsychology, 9(3), 289–290. Reitan, R. M., & Wolfson, D. (2004). The Halstead-Reitan Neuropsychological Test Battery for adults: Theoretical, methodological, and validational bases. In G. Goldstein & S. Beers (Eds.), Comprehensive Handbook of Psychological Assessment. Volume 1. Intellectual and Neuropsychological Assessment. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley and Sons.
Halstead-Reitan Battery ▶Halstead-Reitan Neuropsychological Test Battery
Halstead-Reitan Neuropsychological Test Battery
Halstead-Reitan Neuropsychological Test Battery ANNA MAZUR-MOSIEWICZ, RAYMOND S. DEAN Ball State University, Muncie, IN, USA
Synonyms Halstead-Reitan battery; HRB; HRNB; Neuropsychological assessment
Definition The Halstead-Reitan neuropsychological test battery (HRNB) is a compilation of neuropsychological tests designed to evaluate the functioning of the brain and nervous system in individuals aged 15 years and older. Although the test was designed as a tool to detect brain damage, the HRNB has shown to be effective in identifying impairment associated with head trauma, tumors, cerebro-vascular accidents, infections, degenerative diseases, learning disabilities, and specific neurological disorders. The HRNB assists clinicians in the identification of a broad range of neurological variables including location, type, severity, and status of brain lesions [2, 3, 8, 10]. The Halstead-Reitan tests evaluates a wide range of nervous system and brain functions, including: visual, auditory, and tactual input; verbal communication; spatial and sequential perception; the ability to analyze information; form mental concepts and make judgments; motor output and attention; and concentration. The battery does not include specific tests of memory; rather, memory is evaluated within the context of other tests. Administration time for the complete HRNB takes 4–8 h. Test results are affected by the examinee’s age, education level, intellectual ability, and – to some extent – gender or ethnicity, which should be taken into account. Of additional importance is the fixed nature of the HalsteadReitan, which may lead to unnecessary information being gathered, or other information not assessed within the battery being missed [2, 8]. The core tests of the HRNB were developed by Ward Halstead in the 1940s as the part of a larger series of tests sensitive to brain injury [4]. These tests were later combined into a fixed battery by Ralph Reitan. Since its origins, the Halstead-Reitan instrument has grown by gradual addition and revision of its tests. Currently, the HRNB is one of the most researched and widely used measure of integrity and functioning of the brain [3, 9]. The HRNB laid the groundwork for a rehabilitation program for patients with brain injuries, the REHABIT [9].
H
The REHABIT integrates neuropsychological evaluation with cognitive retraining, using an approach that aims at restoring the individual’s functional ability structure (as contrasted with approaches focusing on highly specific deficits or extremely general, non-specific notions of brain damage). The HRNB core battery includes the following tests: (1) Category Test, (2) Tactual Performance Test, (3) Seashore Rhythm Test, (4) Speech-Sounds Perception Test, and (5) Finger Tapping Test (or Finger Oscillation). These five tests yield seven scores, three of which are derived from the Tactual Performance Test (Total Time, Memory, Location), which are used to calculate the Impairment Index. Additional Tests in the battery include the Reitan-Indiana Aphasia Screening Test, Grip Strength, Sensory-Perceptual Examination, Tactile Form Recognition, and Trail Making Test [5]. The HRNB is typically administered along with a Wechsler Intelligence Scale (i.e., The Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scales or Wechsler Intelligence Scales for Children) and a comprehensive measure of personality (i.e., Behavior Assessment System, or Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory) [11–13].
Historical Background Halstead laid the foundation for the HRNB when he noted that individuals with cerebral lesions displayed a multitude of deficits including motor problems, sensory perceptual problems related to right or left side of the body, and confusion about events and activities. In Halstead’s opinion, none of existing intelligence tests were able to measure and assess these deficits. He addressed this problem by creating a series of 10 tests that were based on his biological theory of intelligence. Halstead’s biological theory of intelligence was based on four factors: (1) central integrative field, (2) abstraction, (3) power, and (4) direction. Although Halstead’s fourfactor model of intelligence has not become widely accepted, the theory has been incorporated not only in the HRNB, but also into part of the model of brainbehavior relations that is most commonly used in interpretation of the Halstead-Reitan battery [9]. To create and select the tests, which later became the core of the HRNB, Halstead experimented with tasks that required his participants not only to solve problems, but also analyze and define the problems. His tests were published in 1947 in his text, Brain and Intelligence: A quantitative Study of the Frontal Lobes. Seven of the original 27 Halstead’s tests have stood the test of time and now form the core of the Halstead-Reitan tests [8]. Reitan was a doctoral student of Halstead’s who started to work with Halstead’s tests during the 1950s.
727
H
728
H
Halstead-Reitan Neuropsychological Test Battery
Using seven selected tests, Reitan successfully differentiated individuals with and without brain injury. As existing intelligence test were not able to identify or assess brain injury, Reitan’s results showed that neurological assessment of cerebral impairment should be based on a comprehensive clinical approach. In the following years, Reitan removed three of Halstead’s tests due to their low ability to differentiate patients with brain injury form non-impaired individuals. He replaced the tests with new measures such as Trail Making A, Trail Making B, Sensory Perceptual Examination, and Reitan-Indiana Aphasia Screening Test [2, 8]. The NHNB has been adopted for use with younger populations and released in two new versions: the Halstead Neuropsychological Test Battery for Older Children (HRNB-C) released in 1974 and the Reitan-Indiana test battery for children (RITB-C) released in 1969. The HRNB-C is designed for examinees age 9–14 years, and the RITB-C is designed for examinees age five to eight. Both children versions use subtests from the HRNB, but contain different instructions and some of the subtests have been added or subtracted from the original battery.
Selected Tests from the HRNB Category test. The Category Test requires the examinee to formulate and test a hypothesis and gives the examinee a positive or negative feedback regarding the hypothesis. Based on the feedback, the examinee can adjust or modify the hypothesis. The Category Test uses a large projection box. Although a computer and book versions of the test exist, the information about their validity and reliability are less available than the information about the original version of the Category Test. The original test requires the examinee to sit in front of a 10-by-8-inch screen on which a series of figures are projected. A total of 208 pictures consisting of geometric figures are presented. For each picture, the examinee is asked to decide whether they are reminded of the number 1, 2, 3, or 4. The examinee must press one of the four keys that corresponds to their number of choice. Each correct answer is rewarded with a pleasantly sounding bell, incorrect answers are punished with a buzzer. The pictures are presented in seven subtests. Correct answers rely on abstract thinking and are derived from color, shape, size, figure, and memory clues. The score is based on a total number of errors made by the examinee. The Category test is the most sensitive of all Halstead-Reitan tests to the effects of brain damage, but does not help determine localization. The test evaluates abstraction ability, or the ability to draw specific conclusions from general information. Related abilities are solving complex and unique problems, and learning from
experience, concept formation, abstractions, memory, reasoning, hypothesis testing, and is a classic measure of executive functioning. Tactual performance test. The Tactual Performance Test is one of the most complex tasks of the HRNB. The examinee is blindfolded before the test begins and seated in a chair. On the table in front of the examinee is a form board containing ten cut-out geometric shapes (cross, circle, square, etc.) and ten wooden blocks matching those shapes. The examinee is first instructed to place the blocks in their appropriate space on the form board using only the dominant hand. The same procedure is repeated using only the non-dominant hand. The third step is to complete the tasks using both hands. After the examinee completes the third task, the form board is placed out of sight and the blindfold is removed. The examinee is then given paper and pencil and asked to draw the form board and the shapes in their proper locations. There is a time limit of 15 min for each trial, or each performance segment. Scoring involves recording the time to complete each of the three blindfolded trials and the total time for all trials combined (time score), the number of shapes recalled (memory score), and the number of shapes drawn in their correct locations (localization score). Generally, the trial for the non-dominant hand should be between 20 to 30 percent faster than the trial for the dominant hand, due to the benefit of practice. If the non-dominant hand is slower than the dominant hand or more than 30 percent faster than the dominant hand, brain damage is possible. Injuries of the arms, shoulders, or hands can also affect performance and should be considered during the test interpretation. Scores should be adjusted depending on education level and may vary depending on age. The Tactile Performance Test allows the clinician to compare left and right hemispheres and estimate the general efficiency of the brain. This test measures sensory ability, particularly; tactual discrimination, nonvisual special awareness, and tactile awareness. It also evaluates motor skills, nonvisual figural memory, ability to learn, and commitment. Seashore rhythm test (rhythm test). The Seashore Rhythm Test requires the examinee to listen to taperecorded pairs of rhythmic sounds and determine whether the sounds are the same or different. The test contains thirty pairs of sounds. For each pair, individuals respond to the tasks by marking “S” or “D” respectively on their answer sheets. The pairs are grouped into three subtests. The Seashore Rhythm Test evaluates auditory attention, concentration and perception as well as and the ability to discriminate between non-verbal sounds. The test helps detect brain damage, but not localization of damage.
Halstead-Reitan Neuropsychological Test Battery
Adequate hearing and visual abilities are necessary to take this test. Scoring is based on number of correct items, with higher scores indicating less impairment. Speech-sounds perception test. The Speech Sounds Perception Test requires the examinee to listen to taperecorded nonsense syllables containing the “ee” sound. After listening to each syllable, the examinee is required to identify the correct spelling of the sound from several options. The test evaluates auditory attention and concentration, the ability to discriminate between verbal sounds, and auditory-visual integration. The Speech Sounds Perception Test may also indicate attention deficits or hearing loss. The research shows that individuals with lefthemispheric lesions tend to perform poorly on this test due to verbal comprehension component. Finger tapping test (finger oscillation). The Finger Tapping Test is a measure of fine motor speed and coordination. The examinee is asked to place one hand palm down, fingers extended, with the index finger resting on a lever that is attached to a counting device. The examinee is instructed to tap the index finger as quickly as possible for 10 s, keeping the hand and arm stationary. The test assesses both dominant and non-dominant hands. The task is repeated up to 10 times till five appropriate samples are obtained. Scoring involves using the five accepted trials to calculate an average number of taps per trial for each hand. The test is sensitive to fine motor problems, brain impairment, and laterality of brain lesions. In general, the dominant hand should perform ten percent better than the non-dominant hand, and decreased performance in one hand generally is indicative of contralateral hemispheric weakness. Reitan-Indiana aphasia screening test. The ReitanIndiana Aphasia Screening Test is a modification of the Halstead-Wepman Aphasia Screening Test. The examinee is required to name objects, understand spoken language, identify different parts of the body, copy simple geometric shapes, identify numbers and letters, produce spoken language, use simple mathematical skills, and discriminate between right and left. These tasks are designed to elicit responses that are indicative of pathognomic signs of brain damage or are useful in making a diagnosis. Excessive difficulty or failure related to any tasks of the ReitanIndiana Aphasia Screening Test are useful in identification of dyscalculia, expressive aphasia, receptive aphasia, auditory dysgnosia, visual dysgnosia, dysnomia, right/left confusion, spelling and construction dyspraxia. Scoring of the test can be executed in two different ways. Some clinicians score each item as passed or failed and calculate the total number of errors. Another approach is to look at each task independently and interpret the failures on specific tasks as indicative of a deficit in these areas.
H
Grip strength. The Grip Strength Test is designed to assess motor skills of the upper extremities. The examinee is asked to stand and with the arms close to his or hers sides while holding a hand dynamometer in one hand. Then, examinee is then instructed asked to squeeze the dynamometer as hard as possible. Alternate trials are repeated for dominant and non-dominant hand. The hand dynamometer can be adjusted to fit different hand sizes; thus, it can be used with children, adolescents, and adults. The Grip Strength Test is sensitive to lateralized impairment in the brain hemisphere contralateral to the weakness observed in either hand. The test also assesses sensorimotor difficulties, and it is used with patients with brain lesions and degenerative diseases that involve motor functions. Sensory-perceptual examination. The SensoryPerceptual Examination is composed of several different tasks that assess the integrity of the examinee’s auditory, tactile, and visual sensory abilities. The test consists of a tactile finger localization task, auditory perception tasks, visual perception task, and it detects how accurately the examinee is able to perceive unilateral and bilateral sensory stimulation. The test assesses the ability to identify shapes without visual stimuli, the ability to identify the location of unilateral and bilateral sensory stimulation, and visual and auditory acuity. The Sensory-Perceptual Examination measures the auditory, kinesthetic, and visual sensory modalities independently of one another. Moreover, this test is sensitive to laterality of brain impairment. Examinees with lateralized lesions can often identify stimulation when it is limited to one side of the body, but may struggle with the recognition of stimuli that are presented simultaneously on both sides of the body. Trail making test. The Trail Making Test is composed of two tasks, Trail Making A and Trail Making B. During the Trail Making A, the examinee is presented with a page with 25 numbered circles randomly arranged. The examinee is then asked to draw lines between the circles in increasing sequential order until they reach the final circle. The Trial Making B is a page with circles containing the letters A through L and 13 numbered circles intermixed and randomly arranged. The task requires the examinee to connect circles alternating from numbers to letters in a correct sequential fashion. If the examinee makes a mistake, the clinician quickly points out the mistake, and the examinee is asked to continue the task from the last correct circle. The score is the number of seconds to complete each part. Any errors made during the tasks increase the total time. The test evaluates global cerebral functioning due to the symbolic recognition, which is a left-hemispheric task, and the visual scanning component, which is considered a right-hemispheric function.
729
H
730
H
Halstead-Reitan Neuropsychological Test Battery
The Trial Making Test also assesses mental flexibility, inhibition, processing speed, integration of visual and motor functions, and visual attention and perception. Tactile form recognition. The Tactile Form Recognition Test requires the subject to identify shapes through the sense of touch. The examinee is asked to identify various objects without visual stimuli and using only the tactile perception. Each hand is evaluated separately. The Tactile Form Recognition Test yields information about astereognosis and the integrity of the contralateral parietal area of the brain.
The HRNB Standardization The HRNB was never standardized on a representative, [1] stratified sample of healthy individuals. Thus, universal standard scores drawn from a large normative sample are not available [2, 3, 8, 10]. As with other assessment tools that lack detailed standardization procedures, there is much variability in how the RBNB results should be obtained and interpreted. Reitan published the first administration and scoring manual for the HRNB in 1979. Yet, the HRNB manual does not include in-depth reliability and validity information, but rather focuses on the reasons why subtests were included into the battery. There has been several different variations of the manual published since then. Additionally, several variations of the test materials and procedures have emerged. For this reasons, the HRNB is often disputed as the fixed battery approach, which requires extremely well specified and detailed instructions and standardized scoring procedures. In addition, the HRNB was developed to be a single integrated test; however, many neuropsychologists today choose not to use the complete battery but incorporate the Halstead-Reitan subtests selectively into their assessments.
Normative Data Collection of normative data and the selected sample is one of the major limitations of the HRNB. Halstead developed the original cutting scores for his tests using group of “normals” consisting of 28 (eight females) subjects. Ten of these subjects suffered minor psychiatric disturbances and one was a military prisoner. Three other subjects were awaiting lobotomies due to behavioral problems, which included homicidal and suicidal tendencies. Two of these subjects contributed each set of scores, before and after their lobotomies. Another criticism against the normative group is the relative youth of the group. The range of ages of the group ranged from 14 to 50 years of age (mean = 28.3). Considering that performance on cognitive and neurocognitive tests tends to decline with age, the
performance of the elderly examinees is likely to fall in the impaired range despite age-appropriate neurocognitive abilities [8]. Currently, there are several independent editions of normative scores for the battery available for the test interpretation. In addition to Halstead original norms published in 1947, other major sources of norms and test administration have been published and include norms by Russel et al. [14], Heaton et al. [6], and Reitan and Wolfson [10]. Also, it is difficult to compare results between individual subtests of the HRNB due to the lack of standard score transformation data. Despite these limitations, the Halstead-Reitan test remains one of the most validated and researched neuropsychological assessment tools in the world.
Summary Scores The impairment index by Halstead [4] is derived from five core subtests of the battery that yield seven scores: the Category Test Score, Total Time Score (Tactile Performance Test), Memory Score (Tactile Performance Test), Localization Score (Tactile Performance Test),Seashore Rhythm Test Score, Speech Sounds Perception Test Score, and Finger Oscillation Test Score. The Impairment Index provides an indicator of overall impairment by looking at the proportion of tests in which the examinee performed in the impaired range. The scores on the index range from 0.0 to 1.0. Scores of 0.0 to 50 indicate the lack of brain impairment, and the scores of 51 and above are indicative of cerebral impairment. Because only seven scores contribute to the Impairment Index, and the index does not reflect the degrees of cerebral impairments, other summary scales have been developed to incorporate the performances of a large number of the Halstead-Reitan subtests. The average impairment index (AIR) by Russel et al. [14] is based on 12 scores each rated on a 6-point scale (from 0 to 5). The seven scores comprising the Impairment Index, Trail Making Part B, Digit Symbol form the original WAIS, Wepman’s Aphasia Screening Test with scoring differences for language and spatial errors, and the number of Perceptual Errors on the Sensory Perceptual Examination. The AIR rates the patients’ performance on a six-point scale, which contrasts the Halstead’s binary diagnostic system. The alternative impairment index and alternative impairment index-revised by Horto [7] are shorter alternatives to the Impairment Index. They are derived from the scores form the Category Test, Seashore Rhythm Test, Speech Sounds Perception Test, bilateral Finger Tapping, and Trail Making A and B. Normal range of performance
Hawthorne Effect
on the indexes is 0.0 to 0.2; the impaired range includes scores from mildly impaired (0.3 to 0.4) to severely impaired (0.8–1.0). The general neuropsychological deficit score (GNDS) by Reitan and Wolfson [10] summarizes 42 Halstead-Reitan measures into four major areas: (1) Level of Performance, which includes 10 variables), (2) Pathognomic Signs, which includes 12 variables, (3) Patterns and Relationships among Tests Results, which includes two variables, and (4) Right-Left Differences, which includes nine variables. Except pathognomic signs, test performances are rated on a 4-point scale (0–3). Scores of 0 to 1 represent normal performance, and scores 2 and 3 represent impaired and severely impaired performances, respectively. The ratings from each item contribute to the GNDS, which determines four different levels of overall performance. As the overall GNDS score ranges from 0 to 168, scores 0–25 signify normal performance, scores 26–40 indicate mild impairment, scores 41–67 refer to moderate impairment, and scores above 68 imply severe impairment.
Levels of Interpretation Reitan proposed a fourfold approach to inferential decision making using the HRNB. The four areas include: (1) Level of Performance, which involves the comparison of the examinee with normative groups of impaired and non-impaired persons; (2) Pattern of Performance, which refers to the examination of intra-test performance and subtest scores; (3) Specific Behavioral Deficits, which looks at the existence of pathognomonic signs of specific disorders; (4) Comparison of two sides to the body (rightleft comparisons), which is looking for discrepancies in test performance which may reveal weakness or lateralized impairment.
References 1. Batchelor, E., Jr., Sowles, G., Dean, R. S., & Fisher, W. (1991). Construct validity of the Halstead-Reitan neuropsychological battery for children with learning disabilities. Journal of Psychoeducational Assessment, 9(1), 16–31. 2. Davis, A. S., Johnson, J. A., & D’Amato, R. C. (2005). Evaluating and using long-standing school batteries: The Halstead-Reitan and LuriaNebraska neuropsychological batteries. In R. C. D’Amato, E. Fletcher-Janzen, & C. R. Reynolds (Eds.), Handbook of school psychology. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. 3. Dean, R. S. (1985). Review of the Halstead-Reitan neuropsychological test battery. In J. V. Mitchell (Ed.), The ninth mental measurements yearbook. Highland Park, HJ: Gryphon Press. 4. Halstead, W. C. (1947). Brain and intelligence. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 5. Halstead, W. C., & Wepman, J. M. (1959). The Halstead-Wepman aphasia screening test. Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, 14, 9–15.
H
6. Heaton, R. K., Grant, I., & Matthews, C. G. (1991). Comprehensive norms for an expanded Halstead-Reitan battery: Demographic corrections, research findings, and clinical implications. Odessa, FL: Psychological Assessment Resources. 7. Horto, A. M., Jr. (1995). Alternative impairment index: A measure of neuropsychological deficit. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 80, 336–338. 8. Lezak, M. D., Howieson, D. B., & Loring, D. W. (2004). Neuropsychological assessment. New York: Oxford University Press. 9. Reitan, R. M. (1994). Ward Halstead’s contributions to neuropsychology and the Halstead-Reitan neuropsychological test battery. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 50, 47–70. 10. Reitan, R. M., & Wolfson, D. (1993). The Halstead-Reitan neuropsychology test battery: Theory and clinical interpretation (2nd ed.). Tucson, AZ: Neuropsychology Press. 11. Reitan, R. M., & Wolfson, D. (1994). The Halstead-Reitan neuropsychology test battery: Theory and clinical interpretation. Archives of Clinical Neuropsychology, 9(3), 289–290. 12. Reitan, R. M., & Wolfson, D. (1996). Theoretical and methodological basis of the Halstead-Reitan neuropsychology test battery. In I. Grant & K. M. Adams (Eds.), Neuropsychological assessment of neuropsychiatric disorders (2nd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. 13. Reitan, R. M., & Wolfson, D. (2002). Using the tactile form recognition test to differentiate persons with brain damage from control subjects. Archives of Clinical Neuropsychology, 17, 117–121. 14. Russel, E. W., Nueringer, C., & Goldstein, G. (1970). Assessment of brain damage: A neuropsychological approach. New York: Wiley.
Handwriting ▶Dysgraphia
Harsh Discipline ▶Corporal (Physical) Punishment ▶Physical Abuse
Hawthorne Effect RENEE L. ALLEN, ANDREW S. DAVIS Ball State University, Muncie, IN, USA
Definition A widely accepted definition of the Hawthorne Effect refers to the effects of subjects’ awareness of their evaluation as participants of a research study [4]. Other definitions include the importance of changes in the work
731
H
732
H
Hb
environment (e.g., lighting, rest breaks) while some focus on the resilience of the change in performance. Common variables that can be found in the Hawthorne effect definitions include participants’ interpretation of workplace changes being implemented for their benefit, reference to the response of subjects to change, and the presence of reduced worker boredom [2]. Researchers who support the phenomenon that is known as the Hawthorne Effect have been criticized for failing to differentiate this concept from subject reactivity to experimental conditions or from the issue of confounding variables in experimental research. Indeed, the original research itself has been deemed methodologically flawed and insufficient to suggest such an effect by some [5].
Description The Hawthorne studies have been called the “single most important investigation of the human dimensions of industrial relations in the early twentieth century” ([1], p. 55). The Hawthorne studies, from which the concept of a Hawthorne effect originated, occurred between 1924 and 1933. The name “Hawthorne” was taken from the site of the original study that began in 1927: the Hawthorne plant of the Western Electric Company in Chicago, Illinois [5]. The seven studies that took place at Hawthorne were conducted by employees at the Industrial Research Division of the plant. These studies were then interpreted by a group of external experts that included Elton Mayo of the Harvard Business School as well as biology and public health professor Clair Turner from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology [1]. The participants of the Hawthorne studies were uneducated, low-income women who worked various jobs at the factory [4]. Reports of the Hawthorne studies are contained in Mayo’s 1933 [3] book The Human Problems of an Industrial Civilization and Roethlisberger and Dickson’s 1939 [6] book Management and the Worker. The three illumination experiments are the most frequently cited experiments from the original research that are used to support the Hawthorne Effect. Conducted between 1924 and 1927, these three experiments involved the manipulation of illumination levels to investigate the relationship between lighting and worker productivity. These experiments were first conducted using workers from three different departments who were engaged in three different kinds of work tasks. Noting the flawed methodology of this experiment, the researchers then used two groups of participants from one department only. The first group of participants worked under the normal illumination conditions of the factory. The second group of participants worked under various intensities of natural and artificial illumination. As the researchers
received results from the second study that did not support their hypotheses, a final experiment essentially recreated the second experiment with the exception of the use of artificial light only. The researchers involved in the illumination experiments expected to find that groups who received progressively more illumination would become more productive. Although this hypothesis was supported by the research, the illumination experiments yielded results that illustrated increased productivity among groups who did not receive increased levels of illumination. These experiments also revealed that increased productivity could occur among groups whose illumination was progressively decreased. Overall, the results from the illumination experiments suggested that the relationship between illumination and productivity must be affected by other variables, including the notion that participation in a research study could increase worker productivity.
References 1. 2.
3. 4. 5.
6.
Brannigan, A., & Zwerman, W. (2001). The real “Hawthorne Effect”. Society, 38, 55–60. Chiesa, M., & Hobbs, S. (2008). Making sense of social research: How useful is the Hawthorne Effect? European Journal of Social Psychology, 38, 67–74. Mayo, E. (1933). The human problems of an industrial civilization. New York: MacMillan. Merrett, F. (2006). Reflections on the Hawthorne effect. Educational Psychology, 26, 143–146. Olson, R., Verley, J., Santos, L., & Salas, C. (2004). What we teach students about the Hawthorne studies: A review of content within a sample of introductory I-O and OB textbooks. The IndustrialOrganizational Psychologist, 41, 23–39. Roethlisberger, F. J., & Dickson, W. J. (1939). Management and the worker. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Further Readings Gillespie, R. (1991). Manufacturing knowledge: A history of the Hawthorne experiments. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Holden, J. D. (2001). Hawthorne effects and research into professional practice. Journal of Evaluation in Clinical Practice, 7, 65–70.
Hb ▶Hemoglobin
Head Injury ▶Brain Damage ▶Traumatic Brain Injury
Head Start
Head Start JUSTIN A. BARTERIAN, ANDY V. PHAM, JOHN S. CARLSON Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA
Synonyms Pre-school programs; Project head start; War on poverty
Definition Head Start is a federally funded program that provides a variety of services (i.e. educational, social, health, nutritional) and stimulating academic environments for economically disadvantaged children with a goal of enhancing school readiness.
Description Head Start was initiated as part of the war on poverty in 1965. The program was created in an effort to address the needs of children in economically deprived settings. Head Start was initially started as an 8-week program, but now includes full-day options and services throughout the entire calendar year. Head Start promotes school readiness for children of economically disadvantaged families by providing academic and social-related services to families and children. These services are often based on the information gathered from a needs assessment. Furthermore, the goal of Head Start is to provide a stimulating learning environment in an effort to target several aspects of the child’s educational development including: “language, literacy, mathematics, science, social and emotional functioning, creative arts, physical skills, and approaches to learning” (Head Start Act as Amended). Services are provided through centerbased, home-based, or combined (center and home-based) programs. In addition to these services, Head Start provides assistance for children transitioning into elementary school by providing schools with records on the student as well as connecting the family to appropriate professionals and services within a school. Since the inception of Head Start, 25 million children have received service through the program. In 2007, 908,412 students were enrolled in the Head Start program. Children participating in Head Start come from diverse backgrounds. During fiscal year 2007, 39.7% of the children in the program were white, 30.1% Black/African American, 18.8% unspecified other, 4.9% bi-racial/ multi-racial, 4% American Indian/Alaska Native, 1.7% Asian, and 0.8% Hawaiian/ Pacific Islander. Furthermore, 12.2% of the children enrolled in Head Start are diagnosed with a disability, such as “mental retardation, health
H
impairments, visual handicaps, hearing impairments emotional disturbance, speech and language impairments, orthopedic handicaps, and learning disabilities (Head Start Fact Sheet, 2008).” The government spends approximately $7,326 for each child enrolled in the program. Head Start often collaborates with several community agencies and businesses in providing additional services. There have been several studies that have noted the benefits of participation in Head Start programs, as well as several studies questioning its effectiveness. Based on a comprehensive literature review, Love and colleagues [4] note that there was evidence to support the effectiveness of the program. Results from the Head Start Impact Study indicate significant improvements in school readiness skills of first grade children, including cognitive, social, and emotional skills as well as improvements in parenting practices. In addition, Head Start had a statistically significant effect on children’s pre-reading, pre-writing, vocabulary, and parent reported literacy skills. These results were found for children who entered the program as early as 3-years of age. Head Start was also found to remediate problem behaviors and improve socialemotional functioning for children who entered at an early age. Children who were enrolled in the program at 3- or 4- years old also displayed improvement in their physical health and access to health care. Head Start had an impact on access to health care for children who entered the program at 4 years old. Furthermore, the study found that Head Start had an impact on parenting practices. For children who entered the program at age 3, parents of these children demonstrated an increased use of educational activities within the household and a decreased amount of physical punishment. The study found that Head Start had an impact on the parents of children who entered the program at age 4 demonstrated by an increase of educational activities within the household and a decreased amount of physical punishment. Although there is evidence demonstrating benefits for children who recently completed a Head Start program, there have been fewer positive studies suggesting its long term benefits. Aughinbaugh [1] found no evidence supporting the long-term effectiveness of Head Start related to grade retention and math ability. Head Start is a federally funded program that strives to meet the school readiness needs of children in poverty. Several research studies have examined and continue to examine the effectiveness of the program. There are Head Start centers located within all fifty states and several U.S. territories. Furthermore, Head Start makes special efforts to meet the needs of specific populations who are deemed at risk for educational and social difficulties in school.
733
H
734
H
Head Trauma
References 1. 2. 3. 4.
5.
6.
Auginbaugh, A. (2001). Does head start yield long term benefits. The Journal of Human Resources, 36, 641–665. Head Start Act as Amended (42 USC 9801 et seq.) Retrieved from http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/ohs/legislation/HS_act.html#657B History of Project Head Start. Retrieved from http://www.ilheadstart. org/hgv.html Love, J. M., Louisa, B. T., Helen, R., & Rachel C.-C. (2005). Head start: what do we know about its effectiveness? What do we need to know?. In: McCartney, Kathleen, & Deborah, P. (eds). Blackwell handbook of early childhood development. Blackwell. Blackwell Reference Online. 19 September 2008 http://www.blackwellreference.com/ subscriber/ tocnode?id=g9781405120739_chunk_g978140512073929 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Administration for Children and Families. (2008) Head start fact sheet. Retrieved from http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/ohs/about/fy2008.html U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families. (May 2005). Head start impact study: First year findings. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
Head Trauma ▶Traumatic Brain Injury
Health ▶Nutrition
Health Psychology MARIA KYRIAKAKI, GEORGE GEORGIOU, CECILIA A. ESSAU Roehampton University, London, UK
Synonyms Child health psychology; Clinical health psychology; Critical health psychology; Occupational health psychology; Public health psychology
Definition Health Psychology is a dynamic theoretical and applied psychological discipline founded almost 30 years ago, and emerged as the science of the psychological foundations of health, illness and health care [3]. The diversity that characterizes this rapidly expanding field of psychology is reflected by the
"
educational, scientific, and professional contributions of the discipline of psychology to the promotion and maintenance of health, the prevention and treatment of illness, the identification of etiologic and diagnostic correlates of health, illness, and related dysfunction, and the improvement of the health care system and health policy formation [5].
Description Health psychology applies psychological theories and methodology to identify the psychosocial and developmental factors underlying physical illness and enactment of healthrelated behaviors. Health psychology has made substantial contributions to the understanding of health maintenance and illness prevention and a kaleidoscope of other healthrelated issues, such as coping with chronic illness, adherence to medication, effective doctor–patient communication, health education and promotion via the development and application of effective interventions [8, 9].
Relevance to Childhood Development Child health psychology emerged as an interdisciplinary area, where health-related and developmental perspectives are jointly considered for the improvement of child health care. According to Drotar et al. [2] child health psychology focuses on the “behavioral aspects of children’s health and illness,” hence the integration of developmental issues within the spectrum of health-related research. Accident-relevant behaviors, child physical abuse, substance abuse in the family, chronic pediatric pain and illness, child stress, and children’s reactions to medical procedures are only few of the key areas of interest in child health psychology [2, 4]. Childhood is considered to be a crucial developmental stage where illness prevention and health promotion may be particularly fruitful especially at the level of attitude formation [10, 11]. A developmental perspective to health promotion may increase the relevance and effectiveness of health education targeting children and their caregivers. Usually, child health promotion primarily targets the child caregiver (e.g., parents) on health-related issues concerning child wellbeing (e.g., [7]), and to a lesser extent it targets children themselves. The latter typically involves the use of effective, creative, and innovative methods (e.g., theater play; see [6]) to attract children’s attention by taking into account their age, physical condition (e.g., obesity, medical condition), and the setting where promotion takes place (e.g., schools). The child health professional can foster health promotion in children and families by using effective teaching strategies in various settings where learning occurs and is
Hebb, Donald O.
encouraged (e.g., at schools; in health clinics etc.). The health educator’s skills and techniques used for this purpose are as critical as the consideration of socio-cultural factors and their role in health communication and persuasion. Hence, “culturally effective” or “communityrelevant” health promotion would be essential. The role of child health professionals is not limited to a sterile “lecture-type” health education. On the contrary, it involves interaction with children and their caregivers/ family and discussion on issues that are relevant to health maintenance and prevention of illness [1]. These are important prerequisites for the development of effective health interventions inspired by working with children and families in applied and clinical settings.
References 1. Bernstein, H. H. (2005). Pediatrics in practice: A health promotion curriculum for child health professionals. New York: Springer. 2. Drotar, D., Bennett Johnson, S., Iannotti, R., Krasnegor, N., Mathews, K. A., Melamed, B. G., et al. (1989). Child health psychology. Health Psychology, 8(6), 781–784. 3. Friedman, H. S., & Adler, N. E. (2007). The history and background of health psychology. In H. S. Friedman & R. C. Silver (Eds.), Foundations of health psychology (pp. 3–18). New York: Oxford University Press. 4. Maddux, J. E., Roberts, M. C., Siedden, E. A., & Wright, L. (1986). Developmental issues in child health psychology. American Psychologist, 41(1), 25–34. 5. Matarazzo, J. D. (1980). Behavioral health and behavioral medicine: Frontiers for a new health psychology. American Psychologist, 35, 807–817. 6. Ribeiro, I. C., Viensci, G., Maistrovicz, T., & Pratt, M. (2006). Health promotion and nutritional education for children and adolescents enrolled in two public schools in southern Brazil. Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise, 38(Suppl. 5), S471. 7. Roberts, M. C., Elkins, P. D., & Royal, G. P. (1984). Psychological applications to the prevention of accidents and illness. In M. C. Roberts & L. Peterson (Eds.), Prevention of problems in childhood: Psychological research and applications (pp. 173–199). New York: Wiley Interscience. 8. Smith, T. W., & Suls, J. (2004). Introduction to the special section on the future of health psychology. Health Psychology, 23(2), 115–118. 9. Taylor, S. (1990). Health psychology: The science and the field. American Psychologist, 45(1), 40–50. 10. Tercyak, K. P. (2008). Editorial: Prevention in child health psychology and the Journal of Pediatric Psychology. Journal of Pediatric Psychology, 33(1), 31–34. 11. Wurtele, S. K. (1995). Health promotion. In M. C. Roberts (Ed.), Handbook of pediatric psychology (2nd ed., pp. 200–216). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Heart Disease ▶Cardiac Disorders
H
735
Heave ▶Purging
Hebb, Donald O. AUDREY MCKINLAY University of Canterbury, Christchurch, Canterbury, New Zealand
Life Dates July 1904–August 1985
Introduction Hebb is an internationally renowned neurophysiologist most who developed the concept of the Hebbian synapse and the Hebbian learning rule [1]. His contributions to the understanding of human learning and memory continue to have an impact on most areas of psychological thought and practice.
Educational Information The eldest son of four children Donald Olding Hebb was a born in Chester, Nova Scotia in Canada [1]. Hebb initially pursued a career as a novelist and studied in the Faculty of Arts at Dalhousie University in Halifax where he majored in English. However, this ambition did not meet with success [1]. Hebb then motivated by the works of Sigmund Freud and went on to study as a graduate student in psychology at McGill University. In 1931 he wrote his M.A. thesis entitled Conditioned and Unconditioned Reflexes and Inhibition which argued that skeletal reflexes were due to cellular learning. This thesis later formed the basis for his work on the Hebb synapse [1]. Hebb became interested in physiological aspects of psychology and went on to study for a Ph.D. in this area with Lashley at the University of Chicago. Hebb’s Ph.D. thesis topic was “The problem of spatial orientation and place learning”. However, prior to completing the Ph.D. Lashley accepted a position at Harvard University and Hebb also transferred to Harvard University to continue his work with Lashley. However, he had to change his thesis topic to the study of vision in rats reared in darkness. He was awarded his Ph.D in 1936 [1]. In 1937 Hebb began his post doctoral work with Wilder Penfield at Montreal Neurological Institute [1]. At this
H
736
H
HELLP Pregnancy Syndrome
point Hebb began to assemble test batteries based on his observation that lesions in different areas of the brain led to different disabilities. Therefore, different aspects of strengths and weakness should be assessed rather than overall intellectual change [1]. During this process he developed two new tests 1) the verbal Adult Comprehension Test, 2) The non verbal Picture Anomaly Test [1].
Accomplishments Hebb has been a leading neuroscientist his work has influenced most aspects of psychological thought [2]. He took a professorship of McGill University in 1947 and went on to become Chancellor from 1970–1974 and a Professor Emeritus in 1978 [1]. Under his guidance McGill University became a leading research center for physiological research [1]. Hebb became president of the Canadian Psychological Association (CPA) in 1952 and the American Psychological Association (APA) in 1961 [1]. During his life his contributions to psychology were recognized by numerous awards including: a distinguished scientific contributions award from the APA in 1961, an award from the Association for Research in Nervous Mental Disorders 1962. Nominated for the Nobel Prize in 1965, awarded the gold medal from the APA in 1974, awarded Distinguished Scientific Contribution Award from the Society for Research in Child Development in 1979 and the CPA Distinguished Scientific Contribution Award in 1980 [1]. Hebb was posthumously inducted into the Canadian Medical Hall of Fame in October 2003 [1].
Contributions Hebb is most well known for his work on memory and learning [2]. The Hebbian synapse and the Hebbian learning rule form the bases of multiple memory systems and synaptic plasticity [1, 2]. Hebb was also involved with identified that intelligence is not exclusively innate and that early environmental influence during a child’s development is crucial in determining adult intelligence [1]. Modern computer models of the brain are based on Hebbs ideas of synapse and cell assembly [2].
References 1.
2.
Brown, R. E., & Milner, P. M. (2003). The legacy of Donald O Hebb: mare than the Hebb synapse. Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 4, 1013–1019. Cooper, S. J. (2004). Donald O Hebb’s synapse and learning rule: a history and commentary. Neuroscience and Biobehavioural Reviews, 28, 851–874.
HELLP Pregnancy Syndrome ▶HELLP Syndrome
HELLP Syndrome MARIA STYLIANOU, XENIA ANASTASSIOU-HADJICHARALAMBOUS University of Nicosia, Nicosia, Cyprus
Synonyms HELLP pregnancy syndrome
Definition HELLP syndrome is a life-threatening obstetric complication usually considered to be a variant of pre-eclampsia involving a combination of liver and blood disorders. Specifically, HELLP is an abbreviation of the main symptoms of this syndrome: H stands for Hemolytic anemia (Hemolytic anemia is the breaking down of red blood cells.), EL stands for Elevated Liver enzymes (indicating liver damage) and LP stands for Low Platelet count (leading to a bleeding tendency).
Description Epidemiology The incidence of HELLP syndrome is reported as 0.17–0.85% of all pregnancies and develops in 4–12% of women with pre-eclampsia or eclampsia [8, 13, 14]. When pre-eclampsia is not present, diagnosis of the syndrome is often delayed. The syndrome presents antepartum in 69% of patients and postpartum in 31% of patients [4]. With postpartum presentation, the onset is typically within the first 48 h after delivery; however, signs and symptoms may not become apparent until as long as 7 days after delivery. HELLP syndrome usually begins on average between 32 and 34 weeks but rare cases have been reported as early as 23 weeks gestation [8]. Although up to 3% of HELLP cases result in maternal mortality and stillbirths occur in up to 20% of cases, the outcome for mothers with HELLP syndrome is generally good [6].
Etiology The exact cause of HELLP syndrome is unknown, but general activation of the coagulation cascade
HELLP Syndrome
(Coagulation cascade is the sequence of biochemical activities, involving clotting factors that stop bleeding by forming a clot.) is considered the main underlying problem [7]. Fibrin (Fibrin is an insoluble protein that is essential to clotting of blood, formed from fibrinogen by action of thrombin.) forms cross linked networks in the small blood vessels. This leads to a microangiopathic hemolytic anemia (Microangiopathic hemolytic anemia is a disorder in which narrowing or obstruction of small blood vessels results in distortion and fragmentation of cells.): the mesh causes destruction of red blood cells as if they were being forced through a strainer [7]. As the liver appears to be the main site of this process, downstream liver cells suffer ischemia (Periportal necrosis is the necrosis of liver cells localized around the portal vein. It is usually associated with ingested toxins.), leading to periportal necrosis (Disseminated intravascular coagulation is a serious medical condition that develops when the normal balance between bleeding and clotting is disturbed). Other organs can be similarly affected. HELLP syndrome leads to a variant form of disseminated intravascular coagulation (Thrombotic thrombocytopenic purpura is a disease of unknown origin, characterized by abnormally low levels of platelets in the blood, the formation of blood clots in the arterioles and capillaries of many organs, and neurological damage.), leading to paradoxical bleeding, which can make emergency surgery a serious challenge. Some conditions may increase the risk of developing HELLP syndrome, including preeclampsia during pregnancy and previous pregnancy with HELLP syndrome.
Features Symptoms of HELLP syndrome are progressive nausea and vomiting, upper abdominal pain, severe headaches, visual disturbance, easy bruising, swollen hands and feet. Tenderness in the upper right abdomen just below the ribs results from enlargement and inflammation of the liver [1, 3]. Edema may also occur but its absence does not exclude HELLP syndrome. Arterial hypertension is also a diagnostic requirement, but it may be mild. Rupture of the liver capsule and a resultant hematoma may also occur. Disseminated intravascular coagulation is also seen in about 20% of all women with HELLP syndrome [10], and in 84% when HELLP syndrome is complicated by acute renal failure [9]. Due to the fact that HELLP syndrome may resemble other medical conditions, such as thrombotic thrombocytopenic purpura (Acute exacerbation of systemic lupus erythematosus is a chronic generalized connective tissue disorder marked by skin eruptions, arthralgia, arthritis, leukopenia, anemia, visceral lesions, neurologic manifestations, lymphadenopathy, fever, and other constitutional symptoms.), acute exacerbation of systemic lupus
H
737
erythematosus (Acute exacerbation of systemic lupus erythematosus is a chronic generalized connective tissue disorder marked by skin eruptions, arthralgia, arthritis, leukopenia, anemia, visceral lesions, neurologic manifestations, lymphadenopathy, fever, and other constitutional symptoms.) and pregnancy-induced hypertension, patients who present with symptoms of HELLP syndrome can be misdiagnosed in the early stages increasing the risk of liver failure and morbidity [11].
Treatment Early diagnosis is critical because the morbidity and mortality rates associated with the syndrome have been reported to be as high as 25% [5]. The mortality rate among babies born to mothers with HELLP syndrome varies and depends mainly on gestation and birth weight. In the past the only treatment advocated was to deliver the baby immediately [2]. This is due to the fact that as the liver deteriorates rapidly, hemorrhaging into the liver and from the site of the placenta can threaten the life of mother and baby. Permanent liver damage may result if delivery of the baby is delayed. Fortunately, the majority of babies born to HELLP syndrome mothers do very well, especially if weighing over 2 lbs at birth. Babies less than 2 lbs in weight, face serious problems and complications due to prematurity. Depending on the estimated gestational age and the condition of the mother and fetus a more conservative treatment could be administered [2]. Blood transfusions may be conducted for severe anemia and low platelets, magnesium sulfate may be administered to prevent seizures [3], antihypertensive medications may be given to reduce blood pressure, corticosteroids may be prescribed to help mature the lungs of the fetus [12] and then if HELLP syndrome worsens and endangers the well-being of the mother or fetus, then an early delivery may be necessary. Patients with HELLP syndrome may be eligible for conservative management if hypertension is controlled at less than 160/110 mmHg, oliguria responds to fluid management and elevated liver function values are not associated with right upper quadrant or epigastric pain [5]. One study found that pregnancy was prolonged by an average of 15 days when conservative management (i.e., bed rest, fluids and close observation) was used in patients who were at less than 32 weeks of gestation. Maternal morbidity was not increased. For infants, the prolongation of pregnancy translated into less time in the neonatal intensive care unit, a decreased incidence of necrotizing enterocolitis and a decreased incidence of respiratory distress syndrome. Following HELLP syndrome, future pregnancies are at an increased risk and so most mothers will be advised to avoid pregnancy again.
H
738
H
Helping Behavior
References 1. Beucher, G., Simonet, T., & Dreyfus, M. (2008). Prise en charge du HELLP syndrome. Gyne´cologie, Obste´trique et Fertilite´, 36(12), 1175–1190. 2. Callinot, P., & Jourdain, M. (2007). Le HELLP syndrome. Re´animation, 16(5), 386–392. 3. Clarke, S. D., & Nelson-Piercy, C. (2008). Preclampsia and HELLP syndrome. Anaesthesia and Intensive Care Medicine, 9(3), 110–114. 4. Gleeson, R., Farrell, J., Doyle, M., & Walshe, J. J. (1996). HELLP syndrome: A condition of varied presentation. Irish Journal of Medical Sciences, 165, 265–267. 5. Padden, M. O. (1999). HELLP syndrome: Recognition and perinatal management. American Family Physician, 60(3), 829–839. 6. Parnas, M., Sheiner, E., Shoham-Vardi, I., Burstein, E., Yermiahu, T., Levi, I., et al. (2006). Moderate to severe thrombocytopenia during pregnancy. European Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology and Reproductive Biology, 128(1–2), 163–168. 7. Paternoster, D. M., Stella, A., Simioni, P., Mussap, M., & Plebani, M. (1995). Coagulation and plasma fibronectin parameters in HELLP syndrome. International Journal of Gynaecology and Obstetrics, 50(3), 263–268. 8. Rath, W., Faridi, A., & Dudenhausen, J. W. (2000). HELLP syndrome. Journal of Perinatal Medicine, 28(4), 249–260. 9. Sibai, B. M. (1993). Acute renal failure in pregnancies complicated by HELLP. American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, 168, 1682–1690. 10. Sibai, B. M. (1993). Maternal morbidity and mortality in 442 pregnancies with HELLP syndrome. American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, 169, 1000–1006. 11. Sibai, B. M. (2007). Imitators of severe preeclampsia. Obstetrics and Gynaecology, 109(4), 956–966. 12. Tita, A. T. N., & Ramse, P. S. (2006). Corticosteroids and HELLP. American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, 195(6), e7. 13. Vigil-De Garcia, P. (2009). Maternal deaths due to eclampsia and HELLP syndrome. International Journal of Gynaecology and Obstetrics, 104(2), 90–94. 14. Wolf, J. L. (1996). Liver disease in pregnancy. Medical Clinics of North America, 80, 1167–1187.
Hemispherectomy BRADY I. PHELPS South Dakota State University, Brookings, SD, USA
Synonyms Hemidecortication
Definition A hemispherectomy is a surgical procedure to remove one of the two hemispheres of the cerebrum, which together make up the majority of the ▶brain’s tissue [1]. The surgery takes one of two forms: Anatomical hemispherectomies involve the complete removal of a cerebral hemisphere while functional hemispherectomies involve the selective removal of parts of a cerebral hemisphere and severing the corpus callosum such that the afflicted hemisphere in more or less left intact but is functionally disconnected from the rest of the brain [1]. Hemispherectomies are typically performed to treat intractable epilepsy [3]. While the majority of hemispherectomies are performed in the adolescent years, some are performed in the first year of life, before the acquisition of speech [2]. The outcome following a hemispherectomy in early infancy depends on which hemisphere is involved, supporting the conclusion that the cerebral hemispheres have considerable degree of specialization of function, even early in life [2]. The specific outcomes following a hemispherectomy, to the extent that such results can be summarized briefly, are summarized in Table 1. To elaborate on some of the data presented above, left hemispherectomies, in contrast to right
Helping Behavior ▶Prosocial Behavior
Hematinoglobulin ▶Hemoglobin
Hemispherectomy. Table 1 Post-Hemispherectomy Outcomes Behavioral measures
Left hemisphere removal
Right hemisphere removal
Measures of intelligence
Low but normal
Low but normal
Measures of language Simple
Normal
Normal
Complex
Poor
Normal
Measures of visuospatial abilities
Hemidecortication ▶Hemispherectomy
Simple
Normal
Normal
Complex
Normal
Poor
Adapted from [2]
Hemispheres of the Brain
hemispherectomies, result in deficits in comprehending spoken language when the meaning in the utterance is a function of complex syntax of the utterance, especially if the spoken sentence contains an error (as in “The tall guard wasn’t shot by the armed robber”). Similarly, a left hemidecortication produces deficits in understanding the implied meaning of a spoken sentence, in using the information in a sentence to identify a missing pronoun, and in judging how the words in a sentence are inter-related [2]. Both hemispheres can function to enable a person to comprehend word meanings and both will allow a person to produces lists of words to name things. In tasks involving a search for words through the use of different cues, the left hemisphere provides a person with some advantages. While either hemispheres can arrive at a word to name an object based on its picture or from its description, only the left hemisphere can identify a word based on a prompt such as “It rhymes with. . .”; the right hemisphere alone does not function to allow a person to respond correctly to such a prompt. Both hemispheres enable a person to engage in higher-order reading comprehension but, the left hemisphere gives a person superior ability in spelling and reading words that are novel to the person and to engage in more fluent reading [2]. The left hemisphere also enables a person to read passages of prose with greater accuracy and fluency and with fewer violations or errors of the semantic content and syntax of the sentences; the superior ability given with an intact left hemisphere was summarized as the ability to use and understand the implicit and explicit rules of the use of language. The right hemisphere, however, enables a person to have better performance of a task involving learning an association between symbols and nonsense syllables [2]. In terms of visuospatial ability, individuals who had undergone right hemispherectomies had normal abilities on simple measures such as drawing an object, these individuals exhibited significant deficits on more complex measures such as reading a map or solving a maze task [2]. In summary, each cerebral hemisphere can take on some of the opposite hemisphere’s abilities and functions if the opposite hemisphere is removed, but neither hemisphere can totally fulfill all of the absent hemisphere’s roles [2]. With very few exceptions, individuals who have undergone a hemidecortication evidence below-average or in best case outcomes, average intellectual ability and the individual’s competence on assessments of the missing hemisphere’s typical functions is below normal [4].
References 1.
Choi, C. Q. (2008). Do you need only half your brain? Scientific American, 298(3), 104.
2. 3.
4.
H
739
Kolb, B., & Whishaw, I. Q. (2009). Fundamentals of human neuropsychology (6th ed.). New York: Worth. Kossoff, E. H., Vining, E. P. G., Pillas, D. J., Pyzik, P. L., Avellino, A. M., Carson, B. S., et al. (2003). Hemispherectomy for intractable unihemispheric epilepsy. Neurology, 61, 887–890. Pulsifer, M. B., Brandt, J., Salario, C. F., Vining, E. P. G., Carson, B. S., & Freeman, J. M. (2004). The cognitive outcome of hemispherectomy in 71 children. Epilepsia, 45(3), 243–254.
Hemispheres of the Brain CHAD A. NOGGLE1, ANDREA R. MOREAU2 1 SIU School of Medicine, Springfield, IL, USA 2 Indiana Neuroscience Institute/St. Vincent’s Hospital, Indianapolis, IN, USA
Synonyms Brain hemispheres; Cerebral hemispheres
Definition The hemispheres of the brain refer to the two relatively symmetrical halves of the forebrain that lie on the right and left.
Description The hemispheres of the brain refer to the two relatively symmetrical halves of the Forebrain that are topographically divided by the Longitudinal Fissure [1, 3]. While they appear divided on the surface, the hemispheres are connected by both the Corpus Callosum and the Anterior Commissure so to allow for proper neuronal communication between the hemispheres [2]. It is these connections that provide the foundation of the brain’s mirrorimage structure. Specifically, these noted interhemispheric connections join contralateral points that are similar in functionality [2]. For example, those points relating to the movement of the right arm will present with connections to those points, similar in hemispheric locality, that relate to the movement of the left arm. However, in terms of functional regulation, the hemispheres of the Forebrain demonstrate contralateral control such that motor and sensory functioning of the right side of the body is modulated by the left hemisphere and vice versa, the motor and sensory functioning of the left side of the body is modulated by the right hemisphere. The subtle asymmetry of the hemispheres of the brain is largely related to their differences in morphology and physiology [4]. While the right hemisphere in most people presents as both larger and heavier, the left
H
740
H
Hemispheres of the Brain, Lateralization of
hemisphere tends to be more dense [4]. The greater density of the left likely corresponds with a more intricate association circuitry of this hemisphere compared to the right secondary to the lateralization of various higher-order functions to this hemisphere. In terms of lateralization, this refers to a functional dominance of one hemisphere over the other, in which one is more responsible or entirely responsible for control of a function in comparison to the other. For example, the left hemisphere is generally dominant as language and various aspects of verbal processing are usually lateralized to this side, which are higher-order processes. As a result, there is likely a great reliance on more intricate neuronal networking and thus the left hemisphere presents with greater density [4]. For more information on the lateralization of the hemispheres, please see Hemispheres of the Brain, Lateralization of.
References 1. 2. 3. 4.
Elias, L. J., & Saucier, D. M. (2006). Neuropsychology: Clinical and experimental foundations. Boston, MA: Pearson Allyn & Bacon. Kolb, B., & Whishaw, I. Q. (2003). Fundamentals of human neuropsychology (5th ed.). New York: Worth Publishers. Loring, D. W. (1999). INS dictionary of neuropsychology. New York: Oxford University Press. Zillmer, E. A., & Spiers, M. V. (2001). Principles of neuropsychology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning.
Hemispheres of the Brain, Lateralization of CHAD A. NOGGLE1, JOHN JOSHUA HALL2 1 SIU School of Medicine, Springfield, IL, USA 2 The University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences, Little Rock, AR, USA
Synonyms Cerebral dominance; Cerebral lateralization; Hemispheric dominance; Hemispheric lateralization
Definition Lateralization of the brain hemispheres refers to a functional dominance of one hemisphere over the other, in which one is more responsible or entirely responsible for control of a function in comparison to the other.
Description In addition to a multitude of other defining features, the brain Cerebrum is divided into two relatively symmetrical
halves referred to as the hemispheres of the brain. Although they are relatively similar in appearance, each hemisphere is entrusted with the modulation of different functions. It is this functional asymmetry that is the hallmark of lateralization. Specifically, lateralization of the brain hemispheres refers to a functional dominance of one hemisphere over the other, in which one is more responsible or entirely responsible for control of a function in comparison to the other. This can be depicted in two general ways. First, in regards to sensory and motor functioning the hemispheres of the brain present with a contralateral pattern of control in which the left hemisphere is involved in the functioning of the right and the right hemisphere is involved in the functioning of the left [17]. Beyond this more basic aspect of lateralization, empirical evidence has demonstrated further lateralization of hemispheric functioning along the lines of higher-order cognitive functions. A general way of conceptualizing this is in regarding the left hemisphere as more prominently involved in language and other verbal processes and the right hemisphere as more involve in visual-spatial processing and other non-verbal abilities [18]. This breakdown represents the basis for the idea of left hemisphere dominance. In regards to this latter idea, dominance is determined by which hemisphere houses language. While, as suggested above, left hemisphere dominance holds true for the vast majority of individuals, there are some who present with cross-dominance as well as those who present with reverse-dominance. Beyond the more simplistic differentiation of verbal versus non-verbal/ visual in regards to lateralization of the hemispheres, prior research has demonstrated greater specifics along these lines. Dean and Anderson [8] provided a summary table of the various lateralized functions as determined by empirical evidence that was revised by Davis and Dean [6] and then Noggle, Davis, and Barisa [23]. Based on these empirical summaries, functions that have been demonstrated as largely lateralized to the right hemisphere include: Simultaneous Processing [31]; Holistic Processing [9, 31]; Visual/nonverbal Processing [27, 31]; Imagery [28]; Spatial reasoning [25, 31]; Depth perception [4]; Melodic perception [29]; Tactile perception [3, 5]; Nonverbal sound recognition [21]; Motor integration [16], Visual constructive performance [24]; Pattern recognition [10]; Language Pragmatics [1]; Nonverbal memory [33]; and Face recognition [14, 22]. In comparison, functions that have been demonstrated as largely lateralized to the left hemisphere include: Sequential Processing [32]; Temporal Processing [20]; Analytic Processing [10]; Speech [2]; General language/ Verbal Skills [11, 12, 30]; Calculation/Arithmetic [10, 26]; Abstract verbal thought [12]; Writing (composition)
Hemispheric Dominance
[15, 31]; Complex motor functions [9]; Body orientation [13]; Vigilance [9]; Verbal paired associates [9]; Shortterm verbal recall [16]; Abstract and concrete words [19, 28]; Verbal mediation/rehearsal [7, 28]; and Learning complex motor function [9].
References 1. Berman, S. M., Mandelkern, M. A., Phan, H., & Zaidel, E. (2003). Complementary hemispheric specialization for word and accent detection. Neuroimage, 19, 319–331. 2. Blank, S. C., Scott, S. K., Murphy, K., Warburton, W., & Wise, R. J. S. (2002). Speech production: Wernicke, Broca and beyond. Brain, 125, 1829–1838. 3. Boll, T. J. (1974). Behavioral correlates of cerebral damage in children age 9–14. In R. M. Reitan & L. A. Davison (Eds.), Clinical neuropsychology: Current status and application (pp. 91–120). Washington, DC: Hemisphere Pub Corp. 4. Carmon, A., & Bechtoldt, H. (1969). Dominance of the right cerebral hemisphere for stereopsis. Neuropsychologia, 7, 29–39. 5. Coghill, R. C., Gilron, I., & Iadarola, J. (2001). Hemispheric lateralization of somatosensory processing. Journal of Neurophysiology, 85, 2602–2612. 6. Davis, A. S., & Dean, R. S. (2005). Lateralization of cerebral functions and hemispheric specialization: Linking behavior, structure, and neuroimaging. In R. C. D’Amato, E. Fletcher-Janzen, & C. R. Reynolds (Eds.), Handbook of school neuropsychology (pp. 120–141). New York: Guildford Press. 7. Dean, R. S. (1983, February). Dual processing of prose and cerebral laterality. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Neuropsychological Society, Mexico City. 8. Dean, R. S., & Anderson, J. L. (1997). Lateralization of cerebral functions. In A. M. Horton, D. Wedding, & J. Webster (Eds.), The neuropsychology handbook (2nd ed., pp. 139–170). New York: Springer. 9. Dimond, S., & Beaumont, J. (1974). Hemispheric function in the human brain. New York: Wiley. 10. Eccles, J. C. (1973). The understanding of the brain. New York: McGraw-Hill. 11. Friedman, L., Kenny, J. T., Wise, A. L., Wu, D., Stuve, T. A., Miller, D. A., et al. (1998). Brain activation during silent word generation evaluated with functional MRI. Brain and Language, 38, 278–287. 12. Gazzaniga, M. S. (1970). The bisected brain. New York: AppletonCentury-Crofts. 13. Gerstmann, J. (1957). Some notes on the Gerstmann syndrome. Neurology, 7, 866–869. 14. Hecaen, H., & Angelergues, R. (1962). Agnosia for faces (prosopagnosia). Archives of Neurology, 7, 24–32. 15. Hecaen, H., & Marcie, P. (1974). Disorders of written language following right hemisphere lesions: Spatial dysgraphia. In S. J. Dimond & J. G. Beaumont (Eds.), Hemisphere function in the human brain (pp. 345–366). New York: Wiley. 16. Kimura, D. (1961). Cerebral dominance and the perception of visual stimuli. Canadian Journal of Psychology, 15, 166–171. 17. Kolb, B., & Whishaw, I. Q. (2003). Fundamentals of human neuropsychology (5th ed.). New York: Worth Publishers. 18. Loring, D. W. (1999). INS dictionary of neuropsychology. New York: Oxford University Press. 19. McFarland, K., McFarland, M. L., Bain, J. D., & Ashton, R. (1978). Ear differences of abstract and concrete word recognition. Neuropsychologia, 16, 555–561.
H
20. Mills, L. (1977). Left hemispheric specialization in normal subjects for judgments of successive order and duration of nonverbal stimuli. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Western Ontario, ON, Canada. 21. Milner, B. (1962). Laterality effects in audition. In V. B. Mountcastle (Ed.), Interhemispheric relations and cerebral dominance (pp. 177–195). Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. 22. Milner, B. (1967). Brain mechanisms suggested by studies of the temporal lobes. In C. H. Millikan & F. L. Darley (Eds.), Brain mechanisms underlying speech and language (pp. 381–414). New York: Grune & Stratton. 23. Noggle, C. A., Davis, A. S., & Barisa, M. (2008). Neuropsychology and neuroimaging: Integrating and understanding structure and function in clinical practice. In L. Hartlage & R. C. D’Amato (Eds.), Essentials of neuropsychological assessment: Treatment planning for rehabilitation (2nd ed., pp. 79–102). New York: Springer. 24. Parsons, O. A., Vega, A., & Burn, J. (1969). Different psychological effects of lateralized brain damage. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 33, 551–557. 25. Poizner, H., Bellugi, U., & Klima, E. S. (1990). Biological foundations of language: Clues from sign language. Annual Review of Neuroscience, 13, 283–307. 26. Reitan, R. M. (1955). An investigation of the validity of Halstead’s measure of biological intelligence. Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry, 73, 28–35. 27. Savage, C. R., & Thomas, D. G. (1993). Information processing and interhemispheric transfer in left- and right-handed adults. International Journal of Neuroscience, 71, 201–219. 28. Seamon, J. G., & Gazzaniga, M. D. (1973). Coding strategies and cerebral laterality effects. Cognitive Psychology, 5, 249–256. 29. Shankweiler, D. (1996). Effects of temporal-lobe damage on perception of dichototically presented melodies. Journal of Comparative Psychology, 62, 115–119. 30. Smith, A. (1974). Dominant and nondominant hemispherectomy. In M. Kisnsborne & W. L. Smith (Eds.), Hemispheric deconnection and cerebral function (pp. 5–33). Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas. 31. Sperry, R. W. (1974). Lateral specialization in the surgically separated hemispheres. In F. O. Schmitt & F. G. Worden (Eds.), The neurosciences: Third study program (pp. 5–20). New York: Wiley. 32. Sperry, R. W., Gazzaniga, M. S., & Bogen, J. H. (1969). Interhemispheric relationships: The neocortical commissures: Syndromes of hemispheric disconnection. In P. Vinken & G. W. Bruyn (Eds.), Handbook of clinical neurology (Vol. 4, pp. 273–290). New York: Wiley. 33. Stark, R. (1961). An investigation of unilateral cerebral pathology with equated verbal and visual-spatial tasks. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 62, 282–287.
Hemispheric Differences ▶Split Brain
Hemispheric Dominance ▶Hemispheres of the Brain, Lateralization of
741
H
742
H
Hemispheric Lateralization
Hemispheric Lateralization ▶Hemispheres of the Brain, Lateralization of
Hemoglobin MARIE C. MCGRATH Immaculata University, Immaculata, PA, USA
hemoglobinopathies are genetic in origin; this category includes diseases such as sickle cell anemia, in which structural abnormalities in globin chains are present, and the thalassemias, in which rate of globin synthesis is affected. Other forms of hemoglobinopathy are acquired, rather than genetic. One such hemoglobinopathy is carbon monoxide (CO) poisoning. CO molecules bind over 200 times more strongly to hemoglobin than do oxygen molecules; therefore, exposure to even relatively low concentrations of CO can result in CO molecules binding to hemoglobin for transport throughout the body at much higher rates than oxygen molecules, leading to significant (and potentially fatal) oxygen deprivation.
Synonyms Deoxyhemoglobin; Haemoglobin; Hb; Hematinoglobulin; Hemoprotein; Metalloprotein; Oxyhemoglobin
References
Definition
2.
1.
An iron-containing protein in red blood cells that transports oxygen from the lungs through the bloodstream for use by the body in energy-generating metabolic processes. 3.
Description Hemoglobin molecules are found in erythrocytes, or red blood cells. Hemoglobin molecules contain four subunits, each comprising an iron-containing heme group folded within protein chains known as globin. The reddish color of the heme gives blood its characteristic color; globin peptide chains are colorless. Since each heme group can bind one oxygen molecule for transport, each hemoglobin molecule can transport four oxygen molecules into the peripheral tissues of the body, where they are used in aerobic metabolic processes. When in oxygen-rich environments, the hemoglobin molecules change their structures, “unfolding” slightly to facilitate binding between the heme and oxygen molecules. Once the oxygen molecules have been released into tissue, the hemoglobin molecules again reconfigure, making the heme groups less accessible so that they will not rebind to the released oxygen molecules. The hemoglobin molecules then transport carbon dioxide molecules from peripheral tissue back to the lungs to be released via exhalation. Hemoglobin molecules that are actively involved in transporting oxygen in the bloodstream are known as oxyhemoglobin molecules; non-oxygen-carrying hemoglobin molecules are sometimes referred to as deoxyhemoglobin. In addition to their role in oxygen transport, hemoglobin molecules serve a buffering function within red blood cells, helping to maintain a pH level of approximately 7.4 in the bloodstream. Disorders that affect hemoglobin production, structure, or function are known as hemoglobinopathies. Most
4.
Ahmed, N., Dawson, M., Smith, C., & Wood, E. (2007). Biology of disease. New York: Taylor & Francis. Benz, E. J. (2008). Disorders of hemoglobin. In A. S. Fauci, E. Braunwald, D. L. Kasper, S. L. Hauser, D. L. Longo, J. L. Jameson, & J. Loscalzo (Eds.), Harrison’s principles of internal medicine (17th ed.). Retrieved December 1, 2008, from http://www.accessmedicine. com/content.aspx?aID=2868933 Kennelly, P. J., & Rodwell, V. W. (2006). Proteins: Myoglobin and hemoglobin. In R. K. Murray, D. K. Granner, & V. W. Rodwell (Eds.), Harper’s illustrated biochemistry (27th ed.). Retrieved November 29, 2008, from http://www.accessmedicine.com/content.aspx? aID=2330875 Weatherall, D. J. (2006). Disorders of globin synthesis: The thalassemias. In M. A. Lichtman, E. Beutler, T. J. Kipps, U. Seligsohn, K. Kaushansky, & J. T. Prchal (Eds.), Williams hematology (7th ed.). Retrieved December 1, 2008, from http://www.accessmedicine.com/ content.aspx?aID=2142582
Hemophilia Synonyms Blood-clotting disorder; Christmas disease; Factor IX deficiency; Factor VIII deficiency
Definition A rare hereditary disorder of the blood-clotting system, where your blood does not clot normally.
Description There are several types of blood-clotting diseases, and they are all lifelong medical conditions. With hemophilia small cuts bleed longer than usual; however, are not as great a concern as deeper cuts and internal bleeding that are more life threatening. Fortunately, with appropriate treatment
Heritability
and good self-care many individuals with hemophilia can live active and healthy lives. Hemophilia is predominantly found in males (with rare exceptions), and severity varies depending on the amount of clot-forming proteins, in the body, called clotting factors. There are several types of clotting factors that work in conjunction with platelets (small blood fragments that form bone marrow). Clotting factors help platelets stick together to plug cuts at the site of injury to stop bleeding. There are two main types of hemophilia, hemophilia A and hemophilia B. Individuals with hemophilia A are missing or have low levels of clotting factor VIII. This is the more common form of hemophilia, affecting 9 out of 10 people. Also, about 7 out of 10 people who have hemophilia A have a severe presentation of the disorder. On the other hand, hemophilia B individuals lack or have low levels of clotting factor IX. Although hemophilia is a predominantly hereditary disorder, in rare cases it can be acquired due to the formation of antibodies to clotting factors. The main treatment for hemophilia is injecting missing clotting factors into the bloodstream.
References 1. 2.
Medline Plus. Health Topics: Hemophilia: http://www.nlm.nih.gov/ medlineplus/hemophilia.html U.S. Department of Health & Human Services. National Heart Lung and Blood Institute, Diseases and Conditions Index: Hemophilia. http://www.nhlbi.nih.gov/health/dci/Diseases/hemophilia/hemophilia_ what.html
Hemoprotein ▶Hemoglobin
Hereditary Dystopic Lipidosis ▶Fabry Syndrome
H
Heritability IOANA BOIE University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA
Synonyms Heredity
Definition Heritability is the proportion of phenotypic variance that can be accounted for by genetic differences among individuals [5]. There are several variations in the definitions of heritability, depending on the field it is used in and depending on the author’s stance. For example, certain authors emphasize that heritability and heredity are not the same, although they have been used interchangeably in certain texts [1].
Description The term has been used since the 19th century, with the meaning we attribute today described by Jay Lush in 1936. Lush was an Iowa State College professor of animal breeding, and focused on breeding animals with certain traits. He described heritability as the proportion of phenotypic variance (i.e., physical traits) that can be accounted for by genes. Initially, the concept was used to help plant and animal breeders predict their selection. Lush also described two types of heritability: broad heritability and narrow heritability. Broad heritability entails the entire genotype, including genes that interact non-additively. Narrow heritability includes only additive genetic effects, which are of interest to plant and animal breeders. Lush also established that a heritability estimate would be useful, which provides a numeric index of how much of the observed variation in physical characteristics is due to genetic factors. In behavioral genetics, heritability calculations are done by doubling the reared-together identical-fraternal correlation differences, where there is an assumption that genetic makeup and environment do not interact, although it is known this isn’t true. The statistical calculations of heritability estimates are thought to be biased and methodologically inaccurate.
Heritability and Psychiatric Disorders
Heredity ▶Heritability
743
Past research on heritability has focused largely on IQ and psychiatric disorders. For example, major twin studies revealed that heritability of schizophrenia is somewhere between 0.6 and 0.9, where the heritability can range from
H
744
H
Hermaphrodite
no genetic factors playing a role in developing the disease (0.0) to where genes carry the sole responsibility for a disease (1.0) [3]. Other psychiatric disorders, such as autism, bipolar affective disorder, and ADHD are thought to be highly influenced by genetics, with heritabilities between 60 and 90% (Lerner, 2006), while antisocial behaviors have between 41 and 50% heritability, and Alzheimer’s disease has 40–80%.
References 1. 2. 3.
4. 5.
Hirsch, J. (1970). Behavior-genetic analysis and its biosocial consequence. Seminars in Psychiatry, 2, 89–105. Joseph, J. (2004). The gene illusion: genetic research in psychiatry and psychology under the microscope. New York: Algora. Kendler, K., & Diehl, S. R. (1995). Schizophrenia: genetics. In H. Kaplan & B. Sadock (Eds.), Comprehensive textbook of psychiatry (6th ed., Vol. 1, pp. 942–957). Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins. Lerner, R. M. (2002). Concepts and theories of human development. Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Plomin, R., DeFries, J. C., McClearn, G. E., & Rutter, M. (1997). Behavioral genetics (3rd ed.). New York: W. H. Freeman.
Hermaphrodite ▶Androgyny
Hermaphroditic ▶Androgyny
Heteronomous ▶Piaget’s Theory of Moral Development
Heterosexism ▶Homophobia ▶Sexual Prejudice
Heterosexual Identity ▶Sexual Identity
Hierarchical Linear Modeling SCOTT GRAVES Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, OH, USA
Synonyms Mixed models; Multilevel modeling; Random coefficient models
Definition Hierarchical Linear Modeling (HLM) is a statistical technique that allows used for analyzing data in a clustered or “nested” structure, in which lower-level units of analysis are nested within higher-level units of analysis. For example, students are nested within classrooms, which are nested within schools.
Description Hierarchical, or nested, data structures are common in many areas of child development research. Specifically, students exist within a hierarchical social structure that can include family, peer group, classroom, grade level, school, school district, state, and country. Hierarchical, or nested, data present several problems for analysis. In particular, individuals from the same classroom or school tend to share certain characteristics (i.e., socioeconomic status, demographics, background) and observations based on these individuals are not fully independent. These individuals tend to be more similar than people randomly sampled from the entire population and thus are not fully independent. However, most analytic techniques require independence of observations as a primary assumption for the analysis. When data is organized in this manner the fundamental assumption of regression analysis that implies that observations should be independent is violated. Since this assumption is violated in the presence of hierarchical data, ordinary least squares regression (OLS) produces standard errors that are too small. When some form of multilevel modeling is not used this fact is ignored and may severely inhibit the validity of a study’s results. In order to accomplish the use of taking into account individual scores
Hippocampus
adjusted for group differences as well as prediction of group scores adjusted for individual differences within groups, HLM allows intercepts (means) and slopes (independent variable-dependent variable relationship) to vary between higher level units. For example, the relationship between a student’s personal competency (independent variable) and reading achievement (dependent variable) is allowed to vary between classrooms. This variability is modeled by treating group intercepts and slopes as dependent variables in the next level of analysis. By doing this it decreases the Type I error rate and facilitates a more accurate representation of outcomes. Conducting a study that utilizes HLM techniques generally requires the use of specialized software. Commercially available software for this procedure includes: HLM, SAS Proc Mixed, MLwiN, and Mplus.
H
Hippocampus IOANA BOIE University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA
Definition The hippocampus is an anatomical brain structure that is part of the hippocampal formation, which also includes the dentate gyrus and subiculum. The hippocampus is located in the subcortical medial and ventral areas of the temporal lobe, and appears to play a role in socioemotional behavior, attention, and memory and learning, as well as locomotor activity.
Description Relevance to Childhood Development The study of child development is inherently a multilevel field. The term multilevel refers to a nested membership relation among units in a system. In the field of child development, students are nested in teacher classrooms, classrooms nested within schools, and schools grouped within neighborhoods. In as much as researchers are concerned with improving the outcomes of children, the study of these subjects cannot be done appropriately without taking into account their school, neighborhood, and family environments concurrently. Specifically, the development of appropriate interventions, home-school collaborations, and gathering appropriate assessment data must recognize and acknowledge the nested nature of the target child’s circumstance. To account for the clustering of children within their environments, researchers can use HLM procedures to appropriately account for nesting hierarchies.
References 1. 2.
3.
O’Connell, A., & McCoach, B. (Eds.). (2008). Multilevel modeling of educational data. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing. Raudenbush, S., & Bryk, A. (2002). Hierarchical linear models: Applications and data analysis methods (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Snijder, T., & Bosker, R. (1999). Multilevel analysis: An introduction to basic and advanced multilevel modeling. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Hindbrain ▶Brain Stem
745
The hippocampus, along with other structures such as the primary sensory and motor cortex, tends to be one of the most active areas of the brain in newborns. The hippocampus is one of the structures containing the highest concentrations of N-methyl-D-aspartate (NMDA) receptors in the brain, making it more vulnerable to dysfunctions, neural damage due to anoxia and ischemia, as well as dysfunctions associated with psychiatric disorders. For example, it is believed to play a major role in neurodevelopmental disorders involving dysregulation of dopaminergic systems, such as schizophrenia. Hippocampal lesions can induce hyperactivity and distractibility, possibly contributing to attention deficit hyperactivity disorder in children. These lesions can also create perseveration – with the result that the child repeats the same response over and over, even when the response is not instrumental in achieving a goal. Lesions to the hippocampal formation also may interfere with learning and habituation, resulting in longer time to realize that repetitive stimuli are familiar. With regard to memory, lesions lead to amnesia, and also affect stimuli from all modalities, thus resulting in a deficit in the consolidation of explicitly recalled memory. Lesions to the left hippocampal formation lead to problems with verbal memory while right side lesions are associated with spatial memory deficits. Some studies also show a significant shrinkage of the hippocampus in adults diagnosed with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, however this has not been noted in children with the same diagnosis.
References 1.
Berninger, V. W., & Richards, T. L. (2002). Brain literacy for educators and psychologists (Practical resources for the mental health professional). Amsterdam: Boston Elsevier.
H
746
H 2.
3. 4.
Histories
Gozal, D., & Molfese, D. L. (2005). Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder: from genes to patients (Contemporary clinical neuroscience). Totowa: Humana. Krishnan, K., & Ranga, R. (1997). Brain imaging in clinical psychiatry. New York: Marcel Dekker. Zillmer, E., Spiers, M., & Culbertson, W. (2008). Principles of neuropsychology (3rd ed.). Belmont: Thomson.
Histories ▶Personal Narratives
Hold Fast to Another’s View ▶Identity Foreclosure
use their holophrases to a achieve variety of goals, regardless of the language being learned. Examples of holophrases and their uses are outlined below: ● Request or indicate the existence of object (e.g., by naming them with a requestive or neutral intonation) ● Request or describe the reoccurrence of objects or events (e.g., More, Again, Another) ● Request or describe dynamic events involving objects (e.g., as described by Up, Down, On, Off, In, Out, Open, Close) ● Request or describe the action of people (e.g., Eat, Kick, Ride, Draw) ● Comment on the location of objects and people (e.g., Here, Outside) ● Ask some basic questions (What’s-that? or Where-go?) ● Attribute a property to an object (e.g., Pretty, or Wet) ● Use performatives to mark specific social events and situations (e.g., Hi, Bye, Thank you, and No)
Relevance to Childhood Development
Holistic Health ▶Humanistic Therapy
Holophrases GYASI BRAMOS HANTMAN Nova Southeastern University, Davie, FL, USA
Synonyms Single word utterance
Definition Term used in the study of language acquisition to refer to the use of a single word to express a complex idea.
Description Derived from a usage based theory of linguistic acquisition, holophrases are single word utterances used by children to convey an intention similar to that of the adult expression it derives. The majority of holophrases are conventional and stable and children learning to speak
Holophrases form the foundation of a child’s early vocabulary and typically develop around the age of 12 months. Children do not attempt to learn isolated words but rather singular constructs that correspond to full sentences used by adults. These individual lexical items appear to have a wide range of communicative intention when accompanied by symbolic gesturing. Depending on the specific language children are learning and the kinds of discourse in which they participate with adults, children will choose different holophrases to learn to communicate their thoughts and desires. In English, most beginning language learners acquire a number of so called relational words such as more, gone, up, down, on, and off, presumably because adults use these words in salient ways to talk about salient events.
References 1. 2.
3.
Dore, J. (1975). Holophrases, speech acts and language universals. Journal of Child Language, 2(1), 21–40. Tomasello, M. (2003). Constructing a language: A usage-based theory of language acquisition (pp. 37–38). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Tomassello, M. (2008). Acquiring linguistic constructions. In W. Damon & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Child and adolescent development (pp. 263–297). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Homeless Families
Holtzman Ink Blot Test (HIT) Definition A projective personality test created by Wayne Holtzman to correct many of the controversial limitations in the Rorschach Inkblot Test.
Description The test is made up of two alternate forms of forty-five inkblots; the scoring is based on twenty-two personalityrelated characteristics. The administration usually takes 50-80 minutes to administer, and scoring can be timeconsuming if not scored by a computer. The Holtzman Ink Blot Test is most often used to assess schizophrenia, depression, and head trauma. Note that Holtzman Ink Blot Test should only be administered and interpreted by mental health practitioners who are trained to use this assessment tool.
References 1.
Holtzman, W. H., Thorpe, J. S., Swartz. J. D., & Herron, E. W. (1961). Inkblot perception and personality. Austin; University of Texas Press.
Home Situations Questionnaire ▶Barkley Home Situations Questionnaire
Homeless Families JESSICA MACKELPRANG Nova Southeastern University, Davie, FL, USA
H
Description Homelessness is a serious public health problem in the United States. According to 2004 estimates, approximately 2.5–3.5 million Americans will experience homelessness in a given year; of these, approximately 1.35 million are children [8]. Currently, homeless families are among the most rapidly growing sectors of the homeless population. According to a 2007 report, homeless families accounted for approximately half of all homeless persons residing in rural and suburban areas in the United States [14]. Homeless families also tend to remain in sheltered situations for longer periods of time than do single homeless persons, and the adult member of the family is a single woman in 84% of cases [14]. Additionally, the majority of these families have two or more children, with at least one being younger than 6 years of age [14].
Risk Factors for Homelessness Families who become homeless often do so following a series of traumatic events, including domestic violence, eviction due to inadequate finances, or loss of employment. These families are also more likely than single or unaccompanied adults to seek solace in an emergency shelter immediately following residential living, suggesting that a more abrupt transition to homelessness may occur among families than single adults. In fact, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development reported that 20% of homeless families spent the night immediately preceding the onset of their homeless episode in a residence that they rented or owned [14]. The threat of becoming homeless is a reality for many low-income families, particularly during times of economic hardship. Between 2006 and 2007, requests for housing assistance increased 86% [6]. Unaffordable housing plays a key role in the prevalence of homelessness [10, 11]. Other risk factors for homelessness include being a part of an ethnic minority group, particularly being African American, having low educational attainment, and having minimal work experience [10].
Relevance to Childhood Development Synonyms Destitute family; Homeless household; Indigent family
Definition A homeless family is a family that lacks a consistent, stable residence and is comprised of at least one adult parent or guardian and one or more children under the age of 18 years.
747
Since the 1980s, the disadvantage experienced by homeless children has become progressively similar to that of lowincome housed youth. Significant discrepancies are still noted, however, across multiple domains (e.g., health, cognitive and academic functioning) when these children are compared to the general population [10]. Some of the narrowing of this gap has been attributed to programs that were enacted as a result of the McKinney-Vento Act (▶McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act
H
748
H
Homeless Families
(PL100-77)) which increased the availability of services to homeless individuals and families [7]. As a direct result of the McKinney-Vento Act, programs supporting education, healthcare, and job training, along with emergency, transitional, and permanent housing have been established. As such, homeless children are likely to exhibit difficulties that are akin to those experienced by age-matched, housed peers who experience a similar level of impoverishment [10]. Owing to the pervasive threats that homeless individuals are exposed to, and the emotionally devastating process of becoming homeless, homelessness has been considered a form of severe and chronic stress [3]. Violence is one of the most prevalent and devastating aspects of homelessness, and it is a common antecedent to homelessness. These families are at increased risk of experiencing direct (e.g., being victimized) and indirect forms of violence (e.g., witnessing violent acts) [1]. For instance, rates of domestic violence are high and aggressive modes of interacting may become customary, while nurturing behaviors are reduced [12]. Not only does violence disrupt interfamily relationships, but it also disturbs a family’s social interactions which lead to increased isolation [12]. The combination of these environmental factors prompts fearfulness and anxiety among homeless children. Homeless children have a greater risk of emotional and physical challenges than their housed peers Exposure to violence and trauma among homeless families has also been linked to an increased incidence of behavioral problems among children [1]. The greater the duration of homelessness, the greater the likelihood that additional trauma may be incurred [16]. The combination of economic hardship and violence plays a role in the level of aggression that is exhibited by homeless children and, correspondingly, the quality of peer interactions these children experience. Homeless children exhibit disruptive behavior at a rate of four times that of their housed peers [15]. Although externalizing behaviors may be adaptive in the lives of homeless youth, these children’s relationships are often compromised by peer rejection and, subsequently, social avoidance in the school environment [1]. These children are twice as likely as other youth to go hungry and fall ill, and there is a greater likelihood that they will receive inconsistent healthcare [2, 5]. Furthermore, roughly half of homeless youth experience anxiety and/or depression [2]. The academic performance among homeless children is also hindered. Homeless youth are twice as likely as housed children to repeat a grade and to be diagnosed with a learning disability [2, 9]. One study revealed that approximately 50% of formerly homeless children in
New York City had been retained at least one grade. Homeless students also experience more school mobility and higher rates of absenteeism than housed youth which may result in learning gaps and poorer academic performance [9]. These factors contribute to diminished ability to accrue credits and increased likelihood that attendance-related disciplinary action will be imposed [13]. Consequently, homeless youth are at greater risk of having poor school experiences and impoverished peer relationships, thus increasing their risk of dropping out of school in the future. Many homeless youth also demonstrate lower verbal ability than domiciled children [15]. Research has revealed that the functioning of homeless children seems to stratify into two main subgroups which are primarily differentiated by performance on behavioral, adaptive, and achievement measures. In the higher functioning group, emotional and behavioral health, adaptive functioning, and academic achievement, including intelligence, are retained while the lowerfunctioning portion significant deficits are observed [4]. Thus, the resources and interventions that are appropriate for some homeless families may have limited applicability for others. Homelessness is also associated with increased family separation, particularly among families that experience chronic homelessness. Maintaining family intactness is further complicated by the fact that many shelters which allow children do not allow adult males (i.e., fathers). Although few studies have addressed the long-term ramifications of homelessness on formerly homeless children, the current body of research indicates that the short-term effects of homelessness are most dramatic and attenuate over time following stability in residence [10].
References 1. Anooshian, L. J. (2005). Violence and aggression in the lives of homeless children. Journal of Family Violence, 20(6), 373–387. 2. Bassuk, E. L., Friedman, S. M., Batia, K., Holland, J., Kelly, A. H., Olson, L., et al. (2005). Facts on trauma and homeless children. Retrieved August 7, 2008, from http://www.nctsnet.org/nccts/nav. do?pid=ctr_top_sp 3. Goodman, L., Saxe, L., & Harvey, M. (1991). Homelessness as psychological trauma. American Psychologist, 46(11), 1219–1225. 4. Huntington, N., Buckner, J. C., & Bassuk, E. L. (2008). Adaptation in homeless children: An empirical examination using cluster analysis. American Behavioral Scientist, 51, 737–755. 5. Nabors, L. A., Weist, M. D., Shugarman, R., Woeste, M. J., Mullet, E., & Rosner, L. (2004). Assessment, prevention, and intervention activities in a school-based program for children experiencing homelessness. Behavior Modification, 28(4), 565–578. 6. National Coalition for the Homeless. (2007). NCH fact sheet #2: How many people experience homelessness? Retrieved August 8, 2008, from www.nationalhomelessness.org
Homework 7. National Coalition for the Homeless. (2008). NCH fact sheet #18: McKinney-Vento act. Retrieved October 28, 2008, from www. nationalhomelessness.org 8. National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty. (2004). Homelessness in the United States and the right to housing. Retrieved October 28, 2008, from http://www.nlchp.org/content/pubs/ HomelessnessintheUSandRightstoHousing.pdf 9. Rafferty, Y., Shinn, M., & Weitzman, B. C. (2004). Academic achievement among formerly homeless adolescents and their continuously housed peers. Journal of School Psychology, 42, 179–199. 10. Rog, D. J., & Buckner, J. C. (2007). Homeless families and children. In Paper presented at the 2007 National symposium on homeless research, Washington, DC. 11. Shinn, M. B., Rog, D. R., & Culhane, D. P. (2005). Family homelessness: Background research findings and policy options. Washington, DC: The US Interagency Council on Homelessness. Retrieved November 1, 2008, from http://repository.upenn.edu/spp_papers/83/ 12. Swick, K. J. (2008). The dynamics of violence and homelessness among young families. Early Childhood Education Journal, 36, 81–85. 13. U.S. Department of Education. (2006). Report to the president and congress on the implementation of the education for homeless children and youth program under the McKinney-Vento homeless assistance act. Retrieved November 25, 2008, from http://www.ich.gov/ library/reportonmckinney-ventoimplementation2006.pdf 14. U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. (2007). The annual homeless assessment report to congress. Retrieved October 15, 2009, from http://www.huduser.org/index.html 15. Yu, M., North, C. S., LaVesser, P. D., Osborne, V. A., & Spitznagel, E. L. (2008). A comparison study of psychiatric and behavior disorders and cognitive ability among homeless and housed children. Community Mental Health Journal, 44(1), 1–10. 16. Zlotnick, C., Tam, T., & Bradley, K. (2007). Impact of adulthood trauma on homeless mothers. Community Mental Health Journal, 43(1), 13–32.
Homeless Household ▶Homeless Families
Homework LORI UNRUH Western Carolina University, Cullowhee, NC, USA
Definition Homework consists of those tasks that are assigned to students by teachers with the intention that the tasks be completed during non-school hours. The purpose of homework has generally been identified as providing
H
749
practice, preparation, and elaboration in relation to what is being taught in the classroom. Homework practices vary considerably across a variety of factors including amount assigned, academic and nonacademic purposes, skill areas covered, amount of student choice, deadline for completion, degree of individualization, and social context for completion of task.
Description Homework is an educational practice that is solidly entrenched in public and private school systems everywhere. It is often taken for granted by both teachers and parents in that it is assumed that homework is necessary in order for children to make adequate academic progress. In the popular literature discussions about homework are usually centered around issues related to how much and how often homework should be assigned, how long children at different ages should spend on homework, and what parents and children need to do to get through the homework requirements. What is often not addressed is what learning actually occurs during the homework process. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, public opinions, policies, and practices regarding homework have wavered between support and opposition. Initially, homework was supported as an important means of disciplining children’s minds with an emphasis on memorization skills. Later when student initiative and learning was valued more than the ability to memorize facts, homework became less important. As the United States became more concerned about global competitiveness, homework was once again seen as a way for increasing knowledge acquisition. However, that led to concerns regarding the mental health of school children in the United States as homework was seen as placing too much pressure on children. Finally, the recent push for more rigorous statemandated academic standards has led to another push for the increased use of homework. Proponents of homework focus on the potential for student improvements in academic skills as well as nonacademic skills. Improvements in academic skills are usually measured through student performance on unit exams and standardized tests. Improvements in non-academic skills are more difficult to measure and include factors such as improved attitude toward school, better study habits, improved organization and time-management skills, greater self-discipline, and improved problem-solving skills. Opponents of homework focus on several areas of concern with the assumption being that any academic and/or nonacademic benefits gained through homework are outweighed by the costs associated. These concerns
H
750
H
Homework
and therefore costs include the burden homework places on parents, the stress it causes children, the family conflict it creates, the time it takes away from other activities, and the decrease in interest in learning that it creates. Those researchers who have analyzed the data available regarding the impact of homework on the learning process have consistently indicated that the studies involved have many methodological flaws and that conclusions are difficult to make [1–4]. Some studies have shown that there are positive effects of homework on achievement but the effect sizes have tended to be very small. Other studies have shown no effect or complex effects in which the positive impact is only for students at certain grade levels or under certain conditions. And, in a few cases, a negative impact has even been shown. These inconsistent results are due to a variety of limitations associated with research in this area. First, much of this research has been correlational and therefore, shows, at best, only an association between homework and achievement and not a causal relationship. Second, most of this research has been done with a small number of subjects and a true experimental design with random assignment to homework and nonhomework groups has generally not been possible. Therefore, the results cannot be generalized across a variety of settings. Third, there are a large number of factors related to homework that cannot be controlled through the research process. This includes factors such as knowing how much homework children actually do complete, knowing whether different homework assignments are comparable, and knowing the importance of other home and family factors. Finally, learning in relation to homework has primarily been measured through grades and test scores and long-term effects have rarely been considered. In general, the research has not been able to answer one very important question: If more homework is associated with better grades, can we assume that better grades are a good predictor of a student’s ability to retain this knowledge and use it later in life?
Relevance to Childhood Development The conclusions drawn from reviewing the literature on homework have led researchers to a variety of different recommendations regarding the use of homework as an educational practice to assist children in the learning process. Cooper [2] concluded that doing homework can lead to improved academic achievement but the improvement may be limited especially for younger students and for older students if too much is given. Based on his review of the literature, specific recommendations for how to make homework more effective were identified including considerations regarding the length or frequency of
assignments; whether homework assignments should focus on content from that day’s lessons or include content from previous lessons or content to prepare for future lessons; whether homework should include both easy and hard material; whether homework should be compulsory or voluntary; whether students should be given choices regarding assignment content; whether teachers should individualize assignments; whether groups of students should be allowed to work on assignments; whether computers should be used; whether study aids should be provided; and how important comments, grading, and rewards are to homework. Marzano et al. [4] also concluded that homework is a strategy that increases student achievement and made similar recommendations for making homework effective. His suggestions included factors related to how much homework should be assigned at different grade levels; how much parents should be involved; how explicit the purpose of homework should be; and whether it should be commented on by the teacher. Both Cooper [2] and Marzano et al. [4] made recommendations regarding homework policies at the classroom and district level. Buell [1] and Kohn [3] drew different conclusions regarding the research that has been done in the area of homework. They feel that the research does not support the conclusion that current homework practices lead to increases in academic skills. However, they do not recommend completely getting rid of homework without making other changes in educational practices first. They recommend that the practice of homework be re-thought and reform efforts implemented. Buell [1] asserted that since there is little research to support the academic benefits related to homework, the large amounts of homework being assigned are not primarily for the purpose of improving academic skills but instead of instilling character, which is also not supported by the research. He recommends that the amount of homework be reduced in order to provide children with more opportunities to manage and be responsible for their own free time. In addition, he recommends that instead of continuing to assign large amounts of homework, teachers should focus on changes needed in curriculum and instructional practices. He asserts that homework would not be necessary if well-trained teachers were efficient in the use of the school day and if older students were provided with more opportunities for independent work during the school day. Kohn [3] asserted that the problem with current homework practices is that they are often based on basic misconceptions about learning itself. These misconceptions include the ideas that more time automatically leads to better learning; that practice automatically leads
Homophobia
to better understanding; and that just getting a child to complete an activity is enough to ensure learning. Instead, he advocates for focusing more on the quality of the homework rather than the quantity; how well the child understands the activity rather than just if they completed it; and a consideration of the child’s needs, goals and attitudes related to that activity. He recommends that teachers and parents question the basic assumption that homework is important and necessary. He would like to see a drop in the number but an increase in the quality of homework assignments. He would also like to see an increase in the amount of choice offered to students in homework assignments.
References 1.
2.
3. 4.
Buell, J. (2004). Closing the book on homework: Enhancing public education and freeing family time. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Cooper, H. (2007). The battle over homework: Common ground for administrators, teachers, and parents (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press. Kohn, A. (2006). The homework myth: Why our kids get too much of a bad thing. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Long Life. Marzano, R. J., Pickering, D., & Pollock, J. E. (2001). Classroom instruction that works: Research-based strategies for increasing student achievement. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development.
Homogeneity of Variance ▶Homoscedasticity
Homonegativity ▶Sexual Prejudice
Homophobia JAMES E. VAUGHN III Oklahoma State University, OH, USA
Synonyms Heterosexism; Sexual prejudice
H
751
Definition Homophobia, from the Greek words homos (same) and phobos (fear), is a term used to describe the irrational fear of homosexuals or the irrational fear of one’s own homosexuality. Homophobia is also used to describe an aversion to homosexuals as well as prejudice toward homosexuals [1].
Description The term homophobia has undergone an evolution in meaning since George Weinberg first coined the term in the late 1960s. Originally used to describe an irrational fear of homosexuals either in an external fashion by heterosexuals or in a more internalized form among homosexuals, the term is used more commonly today to describe prejudice against homosexuals. Psychologist Gregory Herek (2000) has opted to replace the term homophobia with the term sexual prejudice as a better way of defining the negative attitudes leveled not only against homosexuals but bisexuals persons as well. Sexual prejudice can also be used to refer to negative feelings and attitudes toward any sexual orientation whether it is homosexual, bisexual, or heterosexual. Homophobia suggests that the source of the negative attitudes towards homosexuals is psychopathological in nature. What is most likely is that these attitudes are the result of multiple factors including the violations of cultural and or religious norms and beliefs. The term sexual prejudice conveys the negative attitudes toward homosexual or bisexual behavior, people with a homosexual or bisexual orientation, and communities of homosexual and bisexual persons [2, 3]. The term heterosexism has also been used to describe the negative attitudes toward homosexual persons by individuals and institutions. Heterosexism is defined as a belief that any form of sexual expression other than heterosexuality is inferior and unacceptable. Both the terms sexual prejudice and heterosexism do more to illustrate the ubiquitous nature of negative feelings toward homosexuals by emphasizing the cultural and institutionalized nature of the attitudes rather than reducing them to the level of the individual as does the term homophobia.
Relevance to Childhood Development The relevance of homophobia to childhood development is somewhat complicated. It is early in social development that children become aware of religious beliefs and societal norms and this is when the negative attitudes toward homosexuals most likely begin. The issue is complex in that the negative feelings expressed as homophobia, sexual prejudice, and heterosexism often are a part of the religious values or
H
752
H
Homoscedasticity
societal norms of the cultural in which the child belongs. Many if not most societies and religions hold negative attitudes toward homosexual persons and in some countries homosexual acts are punishable by imprisonment or even death. Educating children in views that are contrary to religious beliefs and societal norms about homosexuality may be difficult if not impossible in some situations [3]. Another issue relevant to development would be when the development of sexual identity begins in adolescence. Adolescents who may begin to identify with a homosexual orientation may be at risk for discrimination and harassment not only from peers but from parents and educators as well. Many homosexual adolescents have the added disadvantage of not having any support systems or positive role models during this period of development [4, 5].
References 1. 2. 3.
4.
5.
Berzon, B. (Ed.). (2001). Positively gay: New approaches to gay and lesbian life. Berkeley, CA: Celestial Arts. Herek, G. M. (2000). The psychology of sexual prejudice. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 9(1), 19–22. Herek, G. M. (2004). Beyond homophobia: Thinking about sexual prejudice and stigma in the twenty-first century. Sexuality Research & Social Policy, 1(2), 6–24. Morrow, D. F., & Messinger, L. (Eds.). (2006). Sexual orientation and gender expression in social work practice: Working with gay, lesbian, and transgendered people. New York: Columbia University Press. Sears, J. T., & Williams, W. L. (Eds.). (1997). Overcoming heterosexism and homophobia: Strategies that work. New York: Columbia University Press.
Homoscedasticity MARIE-ANNE ISSA, KEVIN L. NADAL John Jay College of Criminal Justice, New York, NY, USA
whereby they are looking at 10 year-olds’ weight and their stress level (as measured on a scale of 1–10). The data is said to be homoscedastic if the variance in the stress scores is somewhat the same across the children who weigh 70, 85 and 90 pounds. In regression analysis, the assumption of homoscedasticity occurs when at each level of the predictor variable, the residuals have similar variances [1, 2]. One way to test this assumption in regression analysis is through requesting a residuals scatterplot. The predicted scores lie on the first axis of this scatterplot, while the residuals (prediction errors) lie on the second axis. If the assumption of homoscedasticity is met, the shape of the data will be rectangular, with a high concentration of scores along the center. The further the scores lie from the center and/or the rectangular shape, the more the data becomes heteroscedastic [3]. In correlation studies, a bivariate scatterplot can be requested. If the assumption of homoscedasticity is met, the shape of the data distribution will be oval. Similarly, the more the data moves away from an oval shape, the more it is considered heteroscedastic. Meeting the assumption of homoscedasticity, like meeting other assumptions that underlie most multivariate procedures, is important since it renders statistical inferences more robust. The more the variables are skewed, the less likely the data would be homoscedastic. In such cases, transformation of the skewed variables is generally recommended [3].
References 1. 2. 3.
Field, A. (2005). Discovering statistics using SPSS (2nd ed.). London: Sage Publications. Grimm, L. G., & Yarnold, P. R. (1995). Reading and understanding multivariate statistics. Washington, DC: APA. Tabachnick, B. G., & Fidell, L. S. (2001). Using multivariate statistics (4th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Synonyms Assumption of normality; Homogeneity of variance
Antonyms ▶Heteroscedasticity
Definition
Homosexual ▶Homosexuality
In statistics, homoscedasticity occurs when the variance in scores on one variable is somewhat similar at all the values of the other variable.
Description To illustrate homoscedasticity, assume a group of researchers are collecting continuous data (i.e., correlation design),
Homosexual Identity ▶Sexual Identity
Homosexuality
Homosexuality RONALD R. HOLDER Our Lady of the Lake University, San Antonio, TX, USA
Synonyms Bisexual; Gay; GLBTQ; Homosexual; Lesbian; Queer; Transgender
Definition Broadly defined, homosexuality refers to the sexual and/or romantic attraction to one’s own gender. Men who are attracted to men are generally referred to as “gay men.” Women who are attracted to women are commonly referred to as “lesbians.” There has been some opposition and global controversy regarding the word “lesbian.” Specifically, Lesbian, with a capital L, refers to an inhabitant of the Isle of Lesbos. The islanders of Lesbos once sued a gay rights organization over their use of the word “lesbian,” stating that the impact of the word violates the civil rights of the islanders and their freedom of self-identification [2]. To disunite this unintentional lingual connection, it has become more common to use “gay woman” instead of lesbian.
Description Definitions are deceptively simple modalities to describe words and create meaning. Homosexuality is a word that changes in meaning depending upon the context and the venue in which it is being discussed. The debates about homosexuality are generally twofold and center simultaneously on etiology and morality. The proposed solution to one of those questions often influences the answer to the other question. In 2001, Robert Spitzer, MD, presented a study that contained accounts of homosexuals who converted to heterosexuality, suggesting that homosexuality is a choice instead of a biological imperative. The media discovered the story and before checking facts or interviewing the researcher, posted headlines that proclaimed homosexuality had been scientifically proven to be a choice. Later, Spitzer admitted that the results of his study were not generalizable because the ex-gay participants were solicited from Laura Schlesinger’s radio talk show, which had a definite notion of that subject [6]. Before Spitzer’s study, the psychological community removed homosexuality from the DSM in 1973. Unfortunately, that controversial decision did not serve to modify the view of mainstream society that homosexuality is abnormal or that it is the result of stunted psychosexual
H
development. Some psychologists maintained a blatantly antagonistic attitude towards gay men and women who came in for therapy. There are reports of some Psychologists using ECT (electro convulsive therapy) on clients who self-identified as gay. Psychologists also developed theories regarding the etiology of homosexuality, all of which implied abnormality. The theories were usually erroneously connected with quantitative studies that began with a definition of what constituted the different categories of sexuality while largely ignoring the qualitative experience of the subjects [7]. This attitude has been embraced by organizations that seek to “cure” homosexuals, which is defined as embracing a heterosexual lifestyle. Heterosexuality is not only considered normal but also the only moral and Christian choice by ex-gay organizations that usually have affiliations with local churches. The names of some of these organizations are: Exodus International, Desert Stream Ministries, People Can Change, Evergreen International, and Regeneration, Inc. The 1999 movie But I’m a Cheerleader takes a humorous look at an ex-gay camp. In the movie, a young girl’s friends and parents suspect that she is gay and they all agree to check her into a camp with other individuals who are in need of “the cure.” The legal system is also involved in this style of heterocentrism in that the consensual sexual activity associated with gay men and women is deemed illegal in many states. Additionally, in the 2008 election, California, Arizona, and Florida voted to amend their state constitutions to define marriage as a union between a man and a woman. There are now 29 states that have amended their constitution to ban same-sex marriage. In stark contrast to the United States’ apparent attitude regarding gay women and men, same-sex marriage is recognized as equal to heterosexual marriage throughout Canada, Belgium, Spain, the Netherlands and Norway.
Relevance to Childhood Development Drescher [5] wrote that psychological professionals are now more commonly conceptualizing homosexuality as “a normal variant of human sexuality” (p. 443). With that in mind, the therapeutic search for an etiology to try and explain a client’s sexuality is unnecessary and, in most cases, irresponsible. Although he could not prove it at the time, Freud believed that there was a biological basis for homosexuality and believed that homosexuals could be productive and well-adjusted members of society (Green, 2003). If a gay woman or a gay man comes in for psychotherapeutic treatment, it is far more likely that their struggle will be in constructing a cohesive narrative in their lives that includes homosexuality. Gay men will
753
H
754
H
Homosexuality
frequently report to their therapist that when they were children and adolescents, their male caregivers attempted to force them into activities that are generally considered more masculine in nature (e.g., playing sports) and condemned any display of what would be considered feminine activities (e.g., playing with dolls). Isay stated that a parent who punishes their child for engaging in behaviors that do not fit with the dominant construct of their gender might prevent the child from developing a healthy attitude about their emerging sexuality [1]. There are many theories of development that are used to categorize human behavior. It is important to remember that not every client will fit within the narrow molds cast by those models. The same is true with the models that have been developed with regard to homosexual development. The client should be encouraged to define what being a gay man or a gay woman means within the framework of their dominant culture and familial interactions. Coleman [3] developed a five-stage model for the process of coming out, which is the moment when a gay individual reveals to their family, friends, and society at large that they are gay. STAGE I: Pre coming out – the child will learn about the family and society’s feelings about homosexuality. If negative attitudes are displayed about those feelings, the child may become depressed and conflicted and act out behaviorally. STAGE II: Coming out – the individual acknowledges their sexuality. The key task after that acknowledgement is telling someone about it. The reaction of this confidant will shape the individual’s self-image and their level of comfort about opening up to other people. The median age for this stage is 13–18. STAGE III: Exploration – the task at this stage is to learn how to interact with other homosexuals and develop a sense of self as a homosexual person. This stage may also include seeking a sexual partner and trying to achieve a sense of self-esteem. One of the pitfalls of this stage would be using drugs or alcohol to self-medicate and soothe a wounded ego or battered self-image. STAGE IV: First relationships – after a period of social and perhaps sexual exploration, an individual will develop a need for a stable, committed relationship. The task at this stage is learning how to exist as a gay couple in a predominantly heterosexual society. The attitudes of others play an important role in the longevity of first relationships. STAGE V: Integration – this is an open-ended stage of development that will persist across the remainder of the lifespan. Long-term relationships that approximate heterosexual relationships in terms of commitment and
familial obligations are not uncommon. This stage usually begins 10–13 years after Stage II. This model is similar to other developmental models in that there are tasks that occur at each stage that must be completed before the moving on to the next stage. While no model will fit every single person that presents for therapeutic intervention, Coleman’s model would be an empowering way to allow the young client an opportunity to see hope and acceptance rather than pathology and a lifetime of living a secret life. The American Psychological Association has adopted standards for the ethical treatment of homosexuals and there is a wealth of literature about designing a gay affirmative practice for adults. Precious little has been written about the special challenges that gay youth face and developing practices that will affirm and assist them through their development. Crisp and McCave [4] wrote about this topic and offer suggestions about the attitudes psychological professionals should adopt to meet the needs of this unique and ubiquitous population. Beyond any textbook or scientific study, homosexual youth and adult populations deserve respect and support from the professionals from whom they seek services. There are steps that society is making to embrace homosexuality in a way that did not exist a short 10 years ago. For example, there are television channels that now carry gay programming, movies with gay affirmative messages, television shows with central characters who are gay, and websites that gay youth can access that will connect them with services and groups in their area of the world. Some of those resources are listed below and fortunately it is not a complete list.
References 1.
2.
3. 4.
5.
6. 7.
Basile, R., Botnick, D., & Isay, R. A. (2001). Scientific meeting of the American institute for psychoanalysis. Gender in homosexual boys: Some developmental and clinical considerations, presented by Richard Isay. The American Journal of Psychoanalysis, 61(4), 409–410. Brabant, M. (2008). Lesbos islanders dispute gay name. BBC News. Retrieved May 1, 2008, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/ 7376919.stm Coleman, E. (1982). Developmental stages of the coming out process. American Behavioral Scientist, 25(4), 469–482. Crisp, C., & McCave, E. L. (2007). Gay affirmative practice: A model for social work practice with gay, lesbian, and bisexual youth. Child Adolescent Social Work Journal, 24, 403–421. Dresher, J. (2008). A history of homosexuality and organized psychoanalysis. Journal of the American Academy of Psychoanalysis and Dynamic Psychiatry, 36(3), 443–460. Lund, S., & Renna, C. (2003). An analysis of the media response to the Spitzer study. Journal of Gay and Lesbian Psychotherapy, 7(3), 55–67. Robboy, C. A. (2002). Lost in translation? The hazards of applying social constructionism to quantitative research on sexual orientation development. Journal of Homosexuality, 42(3), 89–102.
Hospice Suggested Resources http://www.pinkpractice.co.uk/gayaffirm.htm http://www.gayaffirmativetherapy.com http://www.logoonline.com http://www.gaywired.com http://www.tvgayguide.com http://pridenation.com http://www.heretv.com http://www.inthelife.org
Homozygous MYSTI S. FRAZIER University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA
Definition Homozygous, meaning similar, is a specific genotype which exists when a child has either two recessive or two dominant genes from the parents.
Description When the DNA from a sperm and egg combine they form the unique characteristics of the offspring through the expression of dominant and recessive traits. If the chromosomes in a homologous pair of genes have similar alleles they are considered to by homozygous [1]. An example of this would be if a child receives the dominant gene trait of blue eyes from the mother and blue eyes from the father, then the child is homozygous to receive blue eyes and will in fact have blue eyes.
References 1.
H
Peptide hormones are created by cellular DNA in the same fashion other proteins are made. A peptide hormone binds with metabotropic receptors on the cells membrane to create a second messenger, this second messenger affects the target cell’s physiology and influences the cell’s functioning. Some common peptide hormones are growth proteins and insulin. Steroid hormones are created by synthesizing cholesterol and are lipid soluble. The steroids diffuse from their gland sites and cross through cell membranes to influence the cell’s DNA to increase or decrease protein production. Steroids are found in a number of gland sites including the adrenal cortex, thyroid, and gonads. There are three different categories of hormones that affect human behavior, also note that hormones may fall in more than one category, they are as follows: 1. Hormones that help maintain homeostasis in the body 2. Gonadal (sex) hormones that control the functioning of reproductive organs (e.g., Testosterone, estrogen, progesterone, prolactin, and oxytocin) 3. Hormones and stress hormones that help prepare human bodies for physiologically or psychologically challenging events or emergencies (e.g., Glucocorticoids including cortisol and corticosterone) Further, hormones can be used to prevent or treat diseases, for replacement therapy if glands are removed or are malfunctioning, to counteract aging affects, and to gain physical advantages in sports.
References 1.
Kolb, B., & Whishaw, I. Q. (2009). The Influence of Drugs and Hormones on Behavior. In B. Kolb & I.Q. Whishaw (Eds.), Fundamentals of Human Neuropsychology Sixth Edition (pp. 163–196). New York, NY: Worth Publishers.
Martini, F., & Nath, J. L. (2009). Anatomy and Physiology (Vol. II). San Francisco, CA: Pearson Custom Publishing.
Hospice Hormones Synonyms Estrogen
Definition A chemical that is released by the endocrine glands into the bloodstream to affect different body targets.
Description The human body contains around 100 hormones that can be classified into two different types; peptide or steroid.
Hospice is a type of care focusing on the palliation of a terminally ill patient’s physical or emotional symptoms. The hospice concept has been evolving since the eleventh century. Hospices have been places of hospitality for the ill, wounded or dying and in previous centuries for travelers and pilgrims. The modern concept of hospice includes palliative care for the incurably ill typically in their own homes. Hospice care emerged in the 17th century but many of the foundational principles by which modern hospice services operate were pioneered in the 1950’s by Dame Cicely Saunders. Hospice care has rapidly expanded through developed countries.
755
H
756
H
Hospital Admissions for Young Children
Hospital Admissions for Young Children ▶Hospitalization of Preschoolers
Hospitalization of Preschoolers MARGAUX BARNES, AVI MADAN-SWAIN University of Alabama at Birmingham, Birmingham, AL, USA
Synonyms Inpatient care for preschool children; Hospital admissions for young children
Definition The period of hospitalization in a health care facility that begins with a child’s admission and ends with discharge.
Description In 2000, approximately 18% of the 36 million United States hospital admissions were for pediatric patients between birth and 18 years of age. Preschool-age children, (i.e., children between 3 and 5 years of age) accounted for approximately 3.6% of these pediatric hospitalizations [1]. The primary reasons for hospitalization of preschoolers include asthma, pneumonia, fluid and electrolyte disorders, epilepsy and convulsions, infections, gastroenteritis, chemotherapy, and radiotherapy. Medical procedures most likely to occur during these hospitalizations include diagnostic spinal tap, appendectomy, respiratory intubation and mechanical ventilation, respiratory therapy, vascular catheterization, blood transfusion, cancer chemotherapy, and antibiotic therapy. The average length of stay for pediatric illnesses is 3.9 days [1].
Relevance to Childhood Development Hospitalization of a preschool-aged child can be extremely stressful and frightening for both the child and their family. The ability of a preschool-aged child to understand the process of hospitalization is limited by their level of cognitive development [4]. According to Piaget’s theory of cognitive development, preschoolers are in the preoperational phase of development during which they begin using symbolic play and are able to use language
to discuss objects that are not present. Speech at this stage is still egocentric. Magical thinking is common along with increased use of pretend play. In addition to cognitive development, preschoolers are also developing their social and emotional skills. According to Erickson [2], preschool aged children are faced with two tasks: (1) developing autonomy versus shame, and (2) learning initiative versus guilt. These tasks are necessary for young children to develop a sense of independence and self-control as well as to begin to form healthy interpersonal relationships. Given preschooler’s level of cognitive and emotional/ behavioral development it is not surprising that hospitalization can be an extremely overwhelming and distressing experience. Some common difficulties experienced by preschool-aged children include problems understanding and adjusting to their new hospital environment, the necessity of constant monitoring (e.g., nurses and various other medical staff coming in and out of their room), and medical procedures. Some negative reactions to hospitalization noted in the literature include withdrawal or aggressive behaviors, increased separation anxiety, unrealistic fears, and behavioral regression (e.g., a child who has been toilet trained may start having accidents). Common pediatric fears include body mutilation, fear of the unknown, the supernatural, and separation from loved ones. More specific hospital-related concerns involve fears of intrusive procedures and pain. Fear of needles and shots is the most frequently reported hospital-related fear. The preschooler’s behaviors in the hospital may also vary as a function of disease chronicity and severity. For example, research indicates that children with acute illnesses demonstrate more internalizing behavior in the hospital relative to children diagnosed and treated for chronic illnesses [3]. Further, children whose disease was considered life-threatening demonstrated more internalizing and externalizing behavior during hospitalization relative to those with non-life-threatening illnesses. While research addressing the long-term impact of hospitalization on preschool-aged children and their families is limited, clinical interventions have been developed to promote adaptive coping during hospitalization [5]. Parents and medical team members should assess symptoms of distress including heightened somatic complaints, withdrawal, anxiety, and aggression. It is important that medical information, particularly procedures, be explained in simple and direct words. Using pictures is often helpful. Additionally, any questions asked by the preschooler should be answered directly and briefly; too much detail is counter-productive and will only serve to heighten their anxiety. Modeling appropriate coping and teaching preschooler’s strategies (e.g., teaching deep breathing through use of party blower) is helpful. There
Hostile Aggression
may be occasions when simply using distraction is necessary to help the preschooler through the procedure. During hospitalization it is helpful to let the child select familiar items from home to bring to the hospital. While in the hospital parents and medical team members should help the preschooler maintain a sense of control by giving them simple choices (e.g., you can take the medicine now or in 5 min) and whenever possible encourage them to participate in self-care. Preschoolers need structure and consistency. Keeping the hospital routine as close to the child’s normal daily routine will help both with adjustment to the hospital and the transition home after discharge. If specific concerns are noted, most tertiary children’s hospitals have medical team members who specialize in helping children adapt to their medical situations. Child-life specialists use medical and therapeutic play to help the child gain a sense of mastery over their medical situation. If more serious distress is noted, psychologists may help the child to cope with and adjust to the situation using empirically-validated clinical interventions. It is important to remember that not all children will experience adjustment difficulties during hospitalization. Children are generally resilient and will easily adapt to the hospital environment. However because early medical experiences will have long-term impact on future health care issues it is important to address fears and concerns as soon as they are noticed.
References 1.
2. 3.
4. 5.
Care of Children and Adolescents in U.S. Hospitals. HCUP Fact Book No. 4. AHRQ Publication No. 04-0004, October 2003. Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, Rockville, MD. http://www.ahrq. gov/data/hcup/factbk4/ Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and Crisis. New York: Norton. Mahat, G., Scoloveno, M. A., & Cannella, B. L. (2004). Comparison of children’s fears of medical experiences across two cultures. Journal of Pediatric Health Care, 18(6), 302–307. Piaget, J. (1990). The child’s conception of the world. New York: Littlefield Adams. Vicky, R. B., & Cindy, S. G. (2008). Pediatric nursing procedures (2nd ed.). Philadelphia: Lippincott Williams & Wilkins.
Hostile Aggression MICAH S. BROSBE Nova Southeastern University, Ft. Lauderdale, FL, USA
Synonyms Affective aggression; Impulsive aggression; Reactive aggression
H
757
Definition Hostile aggression is a type of aggression that is committed in response to a perceived threat or insult. It is unplanned, reactionary, impulsive, and fueled by intense emotion as opposed to desire to achieve a goal. Aggressors typically have a sense of a loss of control during outbursts, and characteristically experience physiological hyperarousal.
Description ▶Aggression in children and adolescents can take many forms. It can include ▶bullying, fighting, teasing, or rumor spreading. Definitions of aggression have varied; some define it by intention of causing harm while others define it by the action of causing harm itself [1]. Aggression in general has been classified on various different dimensions. Most notably, it has been classified by the type of aggressive acts committed and by the state of mind or intention of the aggressor. Aggression is frequently classified as hostile versus proactive/▶instrumental aggression [1]. Reactive/hostile aggression is also known as impulsive or affective aggression. It is unplanned, emotional, and characterized by a loss of control. Individuals exhibiting this type of aggression attribute more hostile intent to ambiguous events. They characteristically have increased physiological hyperarousal. Whereas hostile aggression is fueled by impulsive emotion, instrumental aggression is planned and purposeful, done as a means to an end. Individuals who commit acts of instrumental aggression do not feel a sense of loss of control, and they even experience physiological hypoarousal. The two types of aggression are correlated with each other, but still represent distinct classifications [1]. It has been claimed that the instrumental vs. hostile aggression dichotomy is no longer useful [2]. According to this assertion, it is too simplified and does not explain aggressive acts that are planned and calculated but motivated by hot-blooded anger (e.g., Columbine). Nevertheless, it is still a widely used and accepted conceptualization of human aggression. Social information processing theory also seeks to explain aggressive behavior in individuals. According to this theory, one’s perception of social events and decisions on how to react include a five step process [3]. The first step is that social cues are encoded by the person, with aggressive children selectively attending to hostile or threatening cues in the environment more than nonaggressive children. Next, as these cues are encoded, the individual interprets the cues often using past experiences as references for interpretation. Aggressive children are more likely to interpret ambiguous cues as hostile, which is known as hostile attribution bias. The next step is response search,
H
758
H
Hostility
in which the person generates a list of possible reactions. Aggressive children generate more aggressive responses and fewer nonaggressive responses. In the fourth step, these different responses are evaluated and the person chooses one. The final step involves enacting the chosen response. Recent research has also shown that both bullies and victims have shown similar patterns of social information processing [4]. This theory has undergone tremendous research investigation since its original formulation, but it is still commonly applied to how people act in social situations and to hostile aggression. Those with hostile aggression scored high on measures of anger and impulsivity [1]. As such, certain psychological disorders are associated with higher rates of aggression, such as attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), oppositional defiant disorder (ODD), and ▶conduct disorder (CD). In a study of hostile aggression in children with one or more of these diagnoses, children responded aggressively when in a high provocation situation [5]. Children with comorbid disruptive behavior disorders (i.e., ADHD, ODD, CD) responded more aggressively than children with only one or no diagnosis to low provocation situations as well. They also were more physiologically hyperaroused and continued to act aggressively for a longer period of time.
academic difficulties. As the child ages and moves into adolescence, the parents become less involved and able to influence the child’s behavior, thus the adolescent develops associations with delinquent peers, which is a strong predictor of violent, aggressive, and antisocial behavior. Since this study indicates a chain of risk factors, intervention can be aimed at disrupting the development of aggressive characteristics at any (or every) point in the process [8].
References 1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Relevance to Childhood Development Much work has been done on examining various biological, social, and psychological variables that represent risk factors for the development of aggression. Certain biological predispositions (e.g., genetics, prenatal exposure to toxins, traumatic brain injury) can influence ability to regulate emotion or social cognitive functioning. These biological factors can interact with the environment to produce aggressive behavior [6]. Parental rejection and neglect have also been related to aggression in children. Harsh discipline and high family conflict have also been associated. Aggressive behavior in childhood leads to rejection by peers, which leads to delinquent peer associations and future aggressive and antisocial behavior [6], as well as increased risk for substance abuse in high school [7]. In a recent comprehensive study which considered several predictors of hostile aggression, a pathway of cumulative risk factors was identified [8]. Children born into environments which include low socio-economic status and parental depression were found to be at greater risk for later aggression and antisocial behavior. Harsh and inconsistent discipline is more likely in these adverse contexts and may lead to aggression. Due to this family environment, the child demonstrates cognitive and/or social deficits when entering school, and this leads to peer rejection and
7.
8.
9.
Bushman, B. J., & Anderson, C. A. (2001). Is it time to pull the plug on the hostile versus instrumental aggression dichotomy? Psychological Review, 108, 273–279. Camodeca, M., & Goossens, F. A. (2005). Aggression, social cognitions, anger and sadness in bullies and victims. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 46, 186–197. Dahlberg, L. L., & Potter, L. B. (2001). Youth violence: Developmental pathways and prevention challenges. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 20, 3–14. Dodge, K. A. (1991). Emotion and social information processing. In J. Garber & K. A. Dodge (Eds.), The development of emotion regulation and dysregulation (pp. 159–181). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Dodge, K. A., Greenberg, M. T., Malone, P. S., & Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group. (2008). Testing an idealized dynamic cascade model of the development of serious violence in adolescence. Child Development, 79, 1907–1927. Fite, P. J., Colder, C. R., Lochman, J. E., & Well, K. C. (2007). Pathways from proactive and reactive aggression to substance use. Psychology and Addictive Behaviors, 21, 355–364. Ramı´rez, J. M., & Andreu, J. M. (2006). Aggression, and some related psychological constructs (anger, hostility, and impulsivity): Some comments from a research project. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 30, 276–291. Waschbusch, D. A., Pelham, W. E., Jr., Jennings, J. R., Greiner, A. R., Tarter, R. E., & Moss, H. B. (2002). Reactive aggression in boys with disruptive behavior disorders: Behavior, physiology, and affect. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 30, 641–656. American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed., text revision). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association.
Hostility ▶Aggression
House-Tree-Person (H-T-P) ▶Draw-A-Person Test
Human Evolution
HRB ▶Halstead-Reitan Neuropsychological Test Battery
HRNB ▶Halstead-Reitan Neuropsychological Test Battery
HSQ ▶Barkley Home Situations Questionnaire
H
Human Evolution DANIEL PATANELLA New York City Department of Education, New York, NY, USA
Synonyms Paleoanthropology
Definition The study of human evolution is a multidisciplinary effort known as paleoanthropology. The consensus among scientists is that early hominids first appeared in Africa and shared a common ancestor with archaic chimpanzees. After a period of great diversity, hominids spread from Africa to both Europe and Asia and, eventually, the sole surviving species of Homo sapiens emerged.
Description
Huffing ▶Inhalants
Human Cell The word cell comes from the Latin cellula meaning a small room. This term was coined by Robert Hooke in a book he published in 1665 when he compared the cork cells he saw through his microscope to the small rooms monks lived in. The cell is the functional basic unit of all known living organisms. The human cell was discovered by Robert Hooke. It is the smallest unit of life classified as a living thing. It is frequently referred to as the building block of life. Humans are multi-cellular possessing an estimated 100 trillion cells.
Human Development ▶Child Development
759
Evolution can be thought of as the adaptation of living organisms, over time, to their environment. Adaptation occurs constantly, so evolution can never be thought of as being complete. It is best conceptualized as an ongoing process in which living things strive to continue the viability of their species within an ecosystem that is also changing. As human beings are living things, the general principles of evolutionary theory can be used to help understand the behavioral and biological similarities modern humans share with related life forms, as well as to suggest the biological underpinnings of human social systems and psychology. Both Charles Darwin and T. H. Huxley theorized about human evolution in The Descent of Man [3] and Evidence as to Man’s Place in Nature [5], but in the nineteenth century, the human fossil evidence beyond Homo erectus and Homo neanderthalensis was too sparse to allow advanced theory development beyond conjecture. The explosion of fossil discovery throughout the twentieth century led to a much richer and fuller conceptualization of human evolution leading to our own species of Homo sapiens. Scientists studying human evolution primarily rely on cladistics, the same classification tools used by scientists studying other types of evolution. A time-honored technique in which fossils are classified according to structural similarities, cladistics allows scientists to organize Author’s Note This work represents the scholarship of the author and does not imply any official position of the New York City Department of Education.
H
760
H
Human Evolution
taxonomical data into tree diagrams called cladograms according to similarity of physiological data. Wherever possible, DNA evidence is used to supplement and enhance the data obtained by physical remains and fossils. Anthropological evidence based on artifacts is also incorporated whenever the human species in question engaged in toolmaking and use. It is important to remember that the fossil record, almost by definition, is incomplete. It is unknown how many hominid species truly existed, and whether our current taxonomies underestimate or overestimate true hominid diversity. As even Homo sapiens was a preliterate species until fairly recently, there is a complete absence of written records prior to the cave art attributed to the Cro-Magnons and despite the presence of anatomical apparatus required for speech, it is impossible to do more than speculate as to which hominids possessed language and the complexity of such languages. Analogies made to the tribal structure of aboriginal peoples must also be viewed with caution, for even within our species evolution has occurred over the past 200 generations.
Chronology of Human Evolution Between five and six million years ago, an ape-like genus of hominid known as Australopithecus first appeared in Africa. The earliest fossil evidence for these creatures exists in modern-day Chad and Kenya, although Australopiths most likely were widely dispersed throughout the continent. These earliest Australopiths had only recently diverged from a common ancestor they shared with what would eventually evolve into modern chimpanzees; this is based not only on fossil evidence indicating morphological and structural similarities between Australopiths and archaic chimpanzees but also by contemporary DNA evidence indicating that modern humans and modern chimpanzees differ in their nucleotide sequence by only about 1.27% suggesting the two living creatures share a fairly recent ancestor. The Australopiths were shorter than modern humans (typically reaching a height of only 3 ft), and had a generally ape-like appearance. Yet they differed from archaic and modern apes in two key ways. First, they were truly bipedal, with shorter arms and an erect spinal cord. Second, they possessed larger brains than apes of a comparable size. We know little about the behavior of the Australopiths aside from inferences based on their preference for savannahs as their habitat. There were multiple species within the genus of Australopithecus, some of which survived in Africa until roughly one million years ago. Perhaps the best-known species of these hominids, Australopithecus afarensis (nicknamed “Lucy” by the team
of scientists led by Donald C. Johnson, who discovered the fossils of the species), is believed to have been the direct ancestor of the Homo genus which would eventually lead to modern humans. More recent species of Australopiths, including Australopithecus robustus and Australopithecus boisei diverged away from the path that led to Homo and are not believed to be ancestral to modern humans. Approximately two million years ago, several varieties of the Homo genus (such as Homo habilis and Homo erectus) could be found throughout Africa. The earliest of these, represented by Homo habilis, are transitional figures between Australopiths and later, more recognizably human examples of the Homo genus. Given the large gaps in the fossil record, it is unclear how many species of Homo there were, or even how many species coexisted simultaneously. However, it is very clear that Homo erectus was in many ways the most successful of its competitors. Unlike most early humans, Homo erectus survived as a species for over a million years, only becoming extinct once more recognizably modern humans appeared about 500,000 years ago. Homo erectus stood about 5 ft tall, which approximates the lower height limits of modern humans, had the appropriate anatomy and brain structure for speech, and used crude tools to hunt and build. In common with some other late-period humans such as Homo ergaster, Homo erectus lived in small tribes of up to 50 members and presumably had some form of social structure. Homo erectus is also at the crux of a controversy between two competing theories of the dispersion of humans outside of Africa. Traditionally, it was believed that Homo erectus migrated out of Africa and that all its descendants evolved in parallel throughout Asia and Europe, leading independently to Homo sapiens. This theory, known as the Multiregional Origin, is largely based on the evidence of Homo erectus fossils found throughout Asia; both the so-called “Java Man” and “Peking Man” humans discovered in Asia were examples of Homo erectus. Thus, according to the Multiregional Origin theory, the various modern races developed in parallel, and interbred just enough to avoid evolving into distinct species. However, based on additional taxonomical classification of anatomical characteristics and skeletal structure, a competing theory claims that the true ancestor of Homo sapiens is actually Homo ergaster, which left Africa at a later time than did Homo erectus. This competing theory does not deny that Homo erectus migrated out of Africa, but instead maintains that Homo erectus became extinct and was displaced by later waves of Homo sapiens immigration out of Africa. This theory, known as the Out-of-Africa theory, receives strong support from the analysis of
Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV)
mitochondrial DNA in surviving tissue samples (although proponents for the Multiregional theory also claim mitochondrial DNA evidence of their own). Regardless, early humans did leave Africa about one million years ago and migrated throughout Asia and Europe, ultimately evolving into Homo sapiens. The diversity of different human species declines at around the same time that Homo erectus migrated into Asia. The last two species of human are Homo sapiens and Homo neanderthalensis. All humans alive today are classified as Homo sapiens whereas there have been no surviving examples of Homo neanderthalensis for the past 30,000 years. Again, there is considerable controversy in the literature regarding how similar these two species may have been, despite the plethora of available Neanderthal remains and the fact that Neanderthals are the best-understood hominids apart from Homo sapiens. On the one hand, the traditional view of the Neanderthal stereotypes the species as an ogrelike creature of limited intelligence, unable to stand fully erect, and incapable of mastering any but the crudest technologies. A more radical view claims that socially and intellectually, Neanderthals were virtually undistinguishable from Homo sapiens and that the two species were so genetically similar that they interbred. Recent discoveries of the impressive stone craftsmanship Neanderthals were capable of, as well as the burying of their dead in what appears to be a ritualistic manner, have not brought resolution to the controversy. Paleoanthropologists are divided regarding the crediting to Neanderthals as a hominid capable of symbolic thought capabilities that rival the Homo sapiens from the same period. For close to a quarter of a million years, Neanderthals lived across the Near East and Europe. In comparison to Homo sapiens, Neanderthal skulls had pronounced bony brows and an enlarged occipital bun toward the rear of the skull. In terms of overall brain capacity, Neanderthals are usually considered to have larger brains than Homo sapiens, and physiologically Neanderthals were robust hominids possessing greater physical strength than contemporaneous Homo sapiens, usually identified as Cro-Magnons. However, starting around 40,000 years ago, Homo sapiens migrated from Africa into Europe via both Eastern Europe and the Iberian peninsula. Within the space of about 10,000 years, Homo sapiens completely replaced the formerly dominant Homo neanderthalensis throughout Europe. Exactly how this happened is a mystery, given that Neanderthals had a strong advantage due to entrenchment and experience within Europe. It is likely that modern cognition emerged in Homo sapiens at around this time, and provided the necessary abilities to
H
761
compete successfully with Neanderthals. Although mitochondrial DNA studies do not support this hypothesis, a strain of contemporary research suggests that Neanderthals were simply absorbed within Homo sapiens due to cross-breeding even if those genes are no longer found within modern Homo sapiens’ DNA.
References 1.
2. 3. 4.
5. 6. 7. 8.
Calvalli-Sforza, L. L., Piazza, A., Mendozzi, P., & Mountain, J. (1988). Reconstruction of human evolution: Bringing together genetic, archaeological, and linguistic data. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 85(16), 6002–6006. Cann, R. L., Stoneking, M., & Wilson, A. C. (1987). Mitochondrial DNA and human evolution. Nature, 325, 31–36. Darwin, C. (1871). The descent of man, and selection in relation to sex. London: John Murray. Duarte, C., Maurı´cio, J., Pettitt, P. B., Souto, P., Trinkaus, E., van der Plicht, H., et al. (1999). The early Upper Paleolithic human skeleton from the Abrigo do Lagar Velho (Portugal) and modern human emergence in Iberia. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 96, 7604–7609. Huxley, T. H. (1863). Evidence as to man’s place in nature. London: Williams & Norwood. Stringer, C., & Gamble, C. (1993). In search of the Neanderthals: Solving the puzzle of human origins. London: Thames and Hudson. Tattersall, I. (1995). The fossil trail: How we know what we think we know about human evolution. London: Oxford University Press. Tattersall, I. (1995). The last Neanderthal: The rise, success, and mysterious extinction of our closest human relatives. New York: Macmillan.
Human Figure Drawing ▶Draw-A-Person Test
Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) MELISSA R. MIGNOGNA1, LISA LAY2 1 Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA 2 Oklahoma State University Health Sciences Center, Tulsa, OK, USA
Synonyms Acute HIV infection
Definition Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) is a single stranded RNA retrovirus that attaches itself to the proteins
H
762
H
Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV)
on the surface of infection fighting white blood cells in the human immune system (T-cells (T-lymphocyte)). Over time the virus is replicated, many T-cells are destroyed, and the immune system is seriously impaired, sometimes leading to the diagnosis of Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS).
Description HIV is transmitted into the human body via infectious body fluids including blood, semen, vaginal secretions, and breast milk. Modes of transmission include contact with infected blood (e.g., injection drug use, blood transfusion, occupational needle sticks), sexual contact, ingesting infected breast milk, and transmission during child birth [2]. Testing of donated blood began in the US in March of 1985 and currently, transmission of HIV via transfused blood is very rare. Upon entering the body, HIV attaches itself to the proteins (known as CD4, CCR5, and CXCR4 molecules) on the surface of infection-fighting white blood cells that comprise the human immune system. These specialized white blood cells are known as T-cells, and function to detect and attack foreign invaders in the blood. Upon fusing to the CD4 surface molecules, the HIV injects genetic material, or RNA, into the host cell. Next, the RNA is replicated within the T-cell. The T-cell is subsequently killed as the new HIV copies are released into the blood stream and the infection process continues. In turn, the immune system detects the loss of the T-cells, and protects itself by producing new cells [8]. Over time, more T-cells are destroyed, the viral load of HIV increases, and immune system functioning is compromised or impaired [1]. Once infected, the presence of HIV in the blood stream is measured by the means of the CD4+ count and the viral load count. The CD4+ count is the number of helper Tcells present in a milliliter of blood, representing an index of a person’s immune system functioning. Non-infected individuals generally have a CD4+ count ranging from 500 to 1,500 cells, but after the first year of HIV-infection, this count decreases at a rate of approximately 30–90 cells yearly. The viral load count measures the number of HIV particles per milliliter of blood plasma, and is used to measure the rate at which CD4+ cells are being destroyed. Eventually, HIV kills enough cells that an individual’s immune system is unable to eliminate other infections that can make the person sick. These infections are referred to as “opportunistic infections.” AIDS is the later stage of HIV infection, and is diagnosed when either the CD4+ count is less than 200 (or the percentage of cells that are CD4+ in all lymphocytes is less than 14%), or
there is the presence of an AIDS identifying opportunistic infection (e.g., Pneumocystis pneumonia, Kaposi’s sarcoma). Once a diagnosis of AIDS is made, the patient is always considered to have AIDS, despite response to medications, elimination of opportunistic infection, or increases in the number of CD4+ cells [8]. The first cases of AIDS were reported in the US in 1981, with the first pediatric cases being reported in 1982 [1, 8]. Since then, the HIV/AIDS epidemic has continued to grow worldwide. Most recent CDC data indicate that by the end of 2006, more than one million people (approximately 1,106,400) in the US were living with HIV/AIDS, with 21% unaware of being infected with HIV. Ethnic minorities are disproportionately affected with HIV, including adults and children [6]. Outside the US, this epidemic is large in comparison, with approximately 33 million people living with HIV worldwide, including up to 2.3 million children. Without access to prevention methods and treatment, these estimates will surely increase [7]. Despite the growth of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, fewer people die from AIDS-related deaths than ever before with the development of antiretroviral therapy (ART), or highly active anti-retroviral therapy (HAART). According to the CDC, the estimated number of deaths among adults living with AIDS increased steadily through 1995 and since then, this number has significantly declined in the US due to the development of HAART [4]. Furthermore, deaths of children due to HIV are declining, with a reduction from 554 deaths in 1993 to 48 deaths in 2006 [6]. In essence, HAART has transformed HIV from a terminal disease to a manageable, chronic illness by increasing the lifespan and improving immune system functioning of people living with HIV. Usually consisting of a “cocktail” of three or more anti-HIV drugs, HAART is designed to inhibit HIV replication, slow progression of the disease, and delay immune system decline. HAART works by driving down levels of HIV in blood, semen, and vaginal secretions [2, 8]. Over 25 different HAART medications are currently approved for use by the FDA with clinical trials being conducted on several new medications at any given time. Currently, there are five different classes of HAART medications available: nucleoside/nucleotide reverse transcriptase inhibitors, non-nucleoside reverse transcriptase inhibitors, protease inhibitors, fusion inhibitors, and integrase inhibitors. Each class affects replication of the virus in a different way [3]. The goal for using ART is to achieve an “undetectable” viral load in the blood. All viral load tests have a cut-off point below which they cannot reliably detect HIV, which is called the limit of detection
Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV)
and varies from one testing kit to another. Most viral load tests consider undetectable as less than 50 copies per milliliter of blood. Having an undetectable viral load signifies excellent viral suppression and means that transmission of the virus to others is less likely to occur. However, an undetectable viral load in a blood sample does not mean that other infectious body fluids will be undetectable of virus as well [8].
Relevance to Childhood Development The HIV/AIDS epidemic has also impacted children in the US In 2006, approximately 9,522 children under the age of 13 had HIV or AIDS, with the large majority of these cases occurring through vertical transmission [6]. Fortunately, with the development of HAART, rates of pediatric infection occurring via mother-to-child vertical transmission have dramatically decreased. This approach involves both the use of antiretroviral medications to reduce viral load and use of antibiotics to prevent and treat opportunistic infection. The mother is treated throughout the pregnancy and during labor and delivery, and the newborn is also treated for a brief period of time with antiretroviral medications. At birth, many newborns show the presence of maternal HIV antibodies in the blood, but with treatment these antibodies disappear. With the use of ART to both mother and child and preventing HIV-positive mothers from breastfeeding, the chances of the infant contracting HIV is reduced to less than 2%, compared to the 25–30% chance of infection with no pre- and post-natal intervention [5]. Unlike the decreasing rates of pediatric HIV infection, an increase of HIV transmission has been documented in adolescents between the ages of 13 and 24, with approximately 56,500 adolescents living with HIV in 2006. Increasing rates of infection in this age category are largely due to heterosexual and homosexual transmission. A number of risk factors have been identified that make adolescents at persistent risk for infection, including having sexual intercourse at an earlier age, high rates of substance use, lack of awareness (especially in povertystricken areas and among youth who have dropped out of school), and increasing rates of sexually transmitted diseases [6]. Since the beginning of the US HIV/AIDS epidemic, much has been learned about the effects of HIV on childhood physical and psychological development. During the early phases of the epidemic (and currently in undeveloped nations), symptoms of infection in childhood included significant problems such as central nervous system (CNS) encephalopathy (characterized by either a loss of previously acquired development or a failure to
H
progress in development), changes in the frontal cortex and basal ganglia, motor hyper or hypo-tonicity of muscles (i.e., increased or decreased muscle tone), and at times, early death. However, with the advent of HAART medications, these symptoms have been reduced significantly. Overall, early CNS disease and neurocognitive impairment is associated with a poorer prognosis, but implementation of HAART can result in improvement in these areas. If untreated, HIV infection can lead to significant neurocognitive and developmental difficulties, and even children who are asymptomatic may show some neurocognitive impairment. Many children treated with HAART regimens do not show global deficits in cognitive ability, although specific deficits have been identified in areas such as visual-spatial and perceptual organization, social emotional regulation, language development, and attention problems. These specific deficits can negatively impact school performance and can be addressed with special education services. Given the limitations of antiretroviral medications and evolving resistance to classes of drugs, the future of long-term HAART treatment is uncertain, with several experts anticipating that some vertically infected adolescents will eventually experience neurocognitive decline similar to AIDS-related dementia [1]. Research with a pediatric HIV-positive population has also focused on psychosocial issues such as coping with stigma, disclosure of status, etc. Caregivers of HIVpositive children who are also positive have reported feeling socially isolated, experiencing financial difficulties, and dealing with the burden of caring for themselves and infected children. However, research has suggested that psychological distress mainly occurs in the context of stressful life situations indirectly related to HIV, such as poverty, burden, and stigma [1]. Similar results have been found in children infected with HIV. Rates of clinically significant behavioral and emotional problems are higher in children with HIV than the general population, but when these children are compared to groups with similar backgrounds (e.g., ethnicity, socioeconomic status), rates of maladjustment are actually lower. This finding suggests that risk factors such as poverty, lack of insurance, and stressful life experiences have more of an impact on maladjustment than having the diagnosis of HIV. Most studies have found no significant differences in self-reported adjustment of children with HIV compared to children who have not been exposed [1]. Changes in behavior and emotional functioning can be related to the effects of the virus or the side effects of medications. Behavioral changes have been reported in children with CNS encephalopathy, and physical changes such as
763
H
764
H
Human Subjects Review Boards
small stature related to wasting, skin disturbances, ringworm, tube insertion for medication, and descended stomach can be experienced by some children. Physical changes in children’s bodies can have related psychological problems, such as fear about being perceived as “different” from others. Side effects of medications include mood changes such as depression and anxiety, lipodystrophy, lipoatrophy, impaired concentration, appetite changes, nausea and vomiting, diarrhea, and changes in sleep patterns. However, these effects are not experienced by all children with HIV, and can be exacerbated or worsened by frequent hospitalizations, disruptions in normal routine, and medical procedures [1]. Disclosure of HIV status to children is an important issue, as nondisclosure has been associated with an increase of behavioral problems. There is no agreement as to when caregivers should tell a child about his/her HIV status, but the child’s age, maternal depression, social support, stressful life circumstances, and severity of disease have been cited as factors related to caregiver’s decision to disclose. The American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Pediatric AIDS has recommended that a child’s age and psychosocial maturity should be taken into account when considering disclosure of HIV. Once informed about HIV status, many children are told to keep their status a secret due to the negative social stigma associated with HIV. For some children, the burden of keeping HIV status a secret, feelings of shame, and feelings of being different from others can have negative effects on psychological functioning [1]. One of the primary challenges identified for children treated with HAART is medication adherence. HAART regimens can be complicated and time-demanding, and even partial non-adherence is associated with consequences such as increased viral load and resistance to drug combinations. Numerous barriers to adherence have been reported, including scheduling difficulties, food interactions, refusal and behavioral problems, and difficulty swallowing pills. Strategies that promote adherence include written medication schedules, visual aids and rewards, and allowing children to participate in the development and implementation of their treatment regimens. Counseling focused on tailoring specific regimens to the needs of families and cognitive-behavioral pain management strategies have also been demonstrated to be beneficial [1]. Research on HIV/AIDS is prolific and continues to evolve rapidly. The future will yield new developments in prevention and treatment of this virus, for children and adults alike. Since HAART medication has allowed people to live longer, healthier lives, research has begun to focus more on the long term effects of therapy and living with the HIV virus.
References 1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Armstrong, F. D., Willen, E. J., Sorgen, K., & Roberts, M. C. (2003). HIV/AIDS in children and adolescents. In M. C. Roberts (Ed.), Handbook of pediatric psychology (3rd ed., pp. 359–374). New York: Guilford Press. Blalock, A. C., & Campos, P. E. (2003). Human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immune deficiency syndrome. In L. Cohen, D. McChargue, & F. Collins (Eds.), The health psychology handbook (pp. 383–395). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. Body Health Resources Foundation. (2006). HIV medications: When to start and what to take. Retrieved December 22, 2008, from http:// img.thebody.com/hivmed/hivmed.pdf Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (1997). Trends in AIDS incidence, deaths, and prevalence-United States. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 46(08). Retrieved July 9, 2008, from http://www. cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/00046531.htm Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2006). Achievements in public health: Reduction in perinatal transmission of HIV infection, United States, 1985–2005. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 55(21). Retrieved December 9, 2008, from http://www.cdc.gov/ mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/mm5521a3.htm Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2006). HIV/AIDS surveillance report: Cases of HIV infection and AIDS in the United States and dependent areas, 2006 (Vol. 18). Retrieved June 3, 2008, from http://www.cdc.gov/hiv/topics/surveillance/ resources/reports/ 2006report/default.htm Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS [UN AIDS]. (2008). 2008 Report on the global AIDS epidemic. Retrieved December 9, 2008, from http://www.unaids.org/en/KnowledgeCentre/HIVData/ GlobalReport/2008/2008_Global_report.asp Batki, L. S., & Selwyn, P. A.: 37.TIP 37: Substance abuse treatment for persons with HIV/AIDS. SAMHSA/CSAT treatment improvement protocols. DHHS Publication No. (SMA) 3400–3410.
Human Subjects Review Boards ▶Institutional Review Boards
Humanism ▶Humanistic Perspective
Humanistic Perspective CHRIS LEETH University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA
Synonyms Existentialism; Humanism
Humanistic Therapy
H
Definition
Definition
The humanistic perspective posits that people strive to achieve meaning, purpose, or actualization in their lives. Humanistic theorists and practitioners acknowledge the finality of life as well as the role of anxiety and suffering. Humanistic practitioners empathize with people as those people work through difficulties while trying to obtain goals.
A genuine, non-judgmental, and empathic model of therapy that uses open-ended responses, reflective listening and tentative interpretations to promote client selfunderstanding.
Description The humanistic perspective, also known as Existentialism, is a theoretical orientation related to counseling and development. It has had several contributors throughout time, most notably Victor Frankl, Abraham Maslow, and Rollo May. This school of thought does not possess any specific techniques of its own, but rather, draws on the techniques of other counseling theories, namely those of person-centered counseling. The humanistic perspective’s primary stance on human development and behavior is that anxiety and suffering is an inevitable and necessary part of the human condition. Further, this perspective maintains that people inherently want to grow and achieve meaning in their lives. However, obstacles can impede progress towards meaning and that is when people begin to suffer emotionally. Practitioners empathize with their clients and help them to determine life goals, how to achieve them, and how to handle possible obstacles.
References 1. 2.
Corey, G. (2005). Theory and practice of counseling and psychotherapy (7th ed.). Belmont: Brooks/Cole – Thomson Learning. Lambie, G. W. (2006). Burnout prevention: a humanistic perspective and structured group supervision activity. Journal of Humanistic Counseling, Education, and Development, 45, 32–44.
Humanistic Psychology ▶Humanistic Therapy
Humanistic Therapy MICHAEL BLOCK Azusa Pacific University, Azusa, CA, USA
Synonyms Client centered therapy; Depth therapy; Gestalt therapy; Holistic health; Humanistic psychology; Person-centered therapy
765
Description Humanistic Therapy overlaps considerably with other existential approaches and emphasizes the growth and fulfillment of the self (self-actualization) through self-mastery, self-examination and creative expression. It holds a hopeful, constructive view of human beings and the individual’s substantial capacity to be self-determining. By and large, this therapeutic approach works with present (rather than past) occurrences and attitudes with a goal of client growth and fulfillment. Humanistic psychology acknowledges that an individual’s mind is strongly influenced by ongoing determining forces in both their unconscious and in the world around them, specifically the society in which they live. The origin of humanistic therapy came out of the humanistic psychology movement in the 1950s in reaction to both behaviorism and psychoanalysis. It is explicitly concerned with the human dimension of psychology and the human context for the development of psychological theory. Although the influences of the unconscious and society are taken into account, freedom of choice in creating one’s experience is at the core, and is often referred to as “self determination.” The intent of the humanistic approach is to look beyond the medical model of psychology in order to open up a non-pathological view of the individual. This usually implies that the therapist downplays these pathological aspects in favor of healthy aspects. The focus is on the client’s ability to initiate change. Much of humanistic therapy is to help the client approach a stronger and healthier sense of self, also called selfactualization. All this is part of Humanistic psychology’s motivation to be a science of human experience, focusing on the actual lived experience of persons. In the late 1950s, psychologists concerned with advancing a more holistic vision of psychology convened two meetings in Detroit, Michigan. These psychologists, including Abraham Maslow, Carl Rogers, and Clark Moustakas, were interested in founding a professional association dedicated to a psychology that focused on uniquely human issues, such as the self, self-actualization, health, hope, love, creativity, nature, being, becoming, individuality, and meaning – in short, the understanding of “the personal nature of the human experience.” Several humanistic approaches to counseling and therapy emerged out of this movement. The developmental theory
H
766
H
Humor
of Abraham Maslow, emphasized a hierarchy of needs and motivations; the existential psychology of Rollo May acknowledging human choice and the tragic aspects of human existence; and the person-centered or clientcentered therapy of Carl Rogers, which is centered around the clients’ capacity for self-direction and understanding of his/her own development. Critics of humanistic theory contend that it lacks a cumulative empirical base, and that some directions encouraged self-centeredness. While proponents have not presented it as a science, they recognize that rather than being objective, science is the least subjective understanding of the world of which the largest number of people are aware. Humanistic psychology addresses the nature of the human experience, calling into question the nature of objectivity and the role of objective knowledge in the personal experience of life.
Huntington’s Chorea ▶Huntington’s disease
Huntington’s Disease BRADY I. PHELPS South Dakota State University, Brookings, SD, USA
Synonyms Huntington’s chorea
References
Definition
1.
Huntington’s disease was first objectively described in 1872 by an American physician, George Huntington, whose name the condition now bears; Huntington termed the disease an inherited “heirloom” he had observed amongst his patients [6]. Although earlier descriptions had been presented, none had the detail of the observations recorded by Huntington himself along with longitudinal data provided by two prior generations of Huntington’s, who were also medical professionals [8]. This degenerative brain disorder, which is also classified as a subcortical dementia, was first known as Huntington’s chorea, as in “choreography,” with chorea being a Greek word for dance [2, 9]. Huntington’s disease, as a rare progressive subcortical dementia, afflicts about 5–10 in 10,000 people; Huntington’s has a host of symptoms but is known for the prominent disordered-movement symptoms, characterized by the term chorea: Involuntary, twisting, writhing movements of the body and limbs, and grimacing of the face that become progressively more extreme and impairing [9]. The disordered movements result from the loss of neurons in a subcortical (below the cerebral cortex) structure, the caudate nucleus, which itself is a component structure of the basal ganglia. The basal ganglia is a movement-modulation structure and the neurons that are lost utilize the neurotransmitter known as GABA, or Gamma Amino Butyric Acid [1, 3, 9]. As Huntington’s disease advances, more brain structures and regions show signs of the loss of neurons that release different neurotransmitters and the afflicted person shows signs of cognitive decline, psychotic symptoms and extreme emotional variability and disturbances, with depression being the most common disturbance of affect. Huntington’s disease sufferers have a suicide rate that is
2. 3. 4.
5. 6.
7. 8.
9.
Aanstoos, C., Serlin, I., & Greening, T. (2000). History of division 32 (humanistic psychology) of the American psychological association. In D. Dewsbury (Ed.), Unification through division: Histories of the divisions of the American psychological association (Vol. 5). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Bohart, A. C., & Greening, T. (2001). Comment: Humanistic psychology and positive psychology. American Psychologist, 56(1), 81–82. Bugental, J. F. T. (1964). The third force in psychology. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 4(1), 19–25. Clay, R. A. (2002). A renaissance for humanistic psychology. The field explores new niches while building on its past. American Psychological Association Monitor, 33(8). Ernst, S., & Goodison, L. (1981). In our own hands, a book of self help therapy. London: The Women’s Press. Mouladoudis, G. (2001). Dialogical and Person-Centered approach to therapy: Beyond correspondences and contrasts toward a fertile interconnection. The Person-Centered Journal, 8(1). Schneider, K. J. (2008). Existential-integrative Psychotherapy: Guideposts to the core of practice. New York: Routledge. Schneider, K. J., Bugental, J. F. T., Pierson, J. F. (eds.). (2001). The handbook of humanistic psychology: leading edges in theory, research, and practice. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. ISBN 0-76192121-4. Seligman, M. E. P., & Csikszentmihalyi, M. (2000). Positive psychology: An introduction. American Psychologist, 55(1), 5–14.
Humor ▶Mood
Hunger ▶Malnutrition
Hydrocephalus
greater than other degenerative brain syndromes. The afflicted person typically dies in 15 or 20 years after the onset of symptoms, usually from causes of death seen in a bed-ridden dementia patient. There are no therapies for Huntington’s disease [2, 4, 5, 9]. Huntington’s disease is an inherited and autosomal dominant disorder, meaning only the genetic error needs to be inherited from only one parent and the children of afflicted individuals have a 50% chance of inheriting the disease; Huntington’s is known to be due to a defect in the gene ITI5 on chromosome 4 [9]. Individuals with normal versions of this gene have between 11 and 34 repeats of the codon or trinucleotide CAG. This means the DNA composing this gene has a recurring pattern of three component molecules (cytosine, adenine and guanine for CAG). Between 11 and 34 repetitions of this three molecule code are normal. Having between 35 and 40 repetitions is considered an at risk predisposition for pathology. Individuals with symptoms of Huntington’s have as many as 100 repeats of the CAG trinucleotide, but the greater the number of repeats, the earlier the onset of symptoms and greater severity of symptoms [2, 9]. The onset of symptoms is typically observed between the ages of 30 and 50 but in a small number of cases a juvenile onset occurs that has an accelerated progress [7]; the typical age for onset occurs in midlife, often after marriage and children and the dominant nature of the inherited defect, means that many people at risk have seen their parents go into decline and die from Huntington’s. A genetic test for Huntington’s was developed in 1993 and only those with a family history would need to seek testing; the majority of individuals with a family history of Huntington’s disease have not undergone the genetic test. The ambivalence and uncertainty of not knowing is no doubt difficult but may be preferable to knowing one is faced with a terrible demise [9].
References 1. 2.
3. 4.
5.
6.
Brodal, P. (2004). The central nervous system: Structure and function (3rd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. Campellone, J. V. (2007). Huntington’s disease. Medical Encyclopedia. Retrieved October 18, 2008 from http://www.nlm.nih.gov/ MEDLINEPLUS/ency/article/000770.htm Carlson, N. R. (2007). Physiology of behavior (9th ed.). New York: Pearson. Farer, L. A. (1986). Suicide and attempted suicide in Huntington’s disease: Implications of preclinical testing for person’s at risk. American Journal Medical Genetics, 24, 305–311. Gusella, J. F. (2004). Huntington’s disease. In G. Adelman & B. H. Smith (Eds.), Encyclopedia of neuroscience (3rd ed.). Elsevier, CD-ROM 2004 release. Huntington, G. (1872). On chorea. The Medical and Surgery Reporter, 26, 317–321.
7. 8.
9.
H
767
Kolb, B., & Whishaw, I. Q. (2009). Fundamentals of human neuropsychology (6th ed.). New York: Worth. Neylan, T. C. (2003). Neurodegenerative disorders: George Huntington’s description of hereditary chorea. The Journal of Neuropsychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences, 15, 108. Zillmer, E. A., Spiers, M. V., & Culbertson, W. C. (2008). Principles of neuropsychology (2nd ed.). Belmont, CA: Thomson.
Hurl ▶Purging
H Hydrargyrum ▶Mercury
Hydrocephalus JOHN JOSHUA HALL1, CHAD A. NOGGLE2 1 The University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences, Little Rock, AR, USA 2 SIU School of Medicine, Springfield, IL, USA
Synonyms Communicating hydrocephalus; Non-communicating hydrocephalus; Non-obstructive hydrocephalus; Obstructive hydrocephalus
Definition A condition that results from the ventricles in the brain becoming enlarged due disturbances and/or abnormalities in the flow, production, and/or absorption of cerebrospinal fluid [6, 10].
Description Hydrocephalus results from an excessive accumulation of cerebrospinal fluid in the ventricles. The accumulation of CSF often increases intracranial pressure and the ventricles become enlarged which can result in the disruption of subcortical and cortical functions [10]. Males seem more prone to hydrocephalus with 62% of sufferers of the disease being male [10]. Various types of hydrocephalus have been theorized. Communicating hydrocephalus refers to difficulties with
768
H
Hyperactivity
the production or reabsorption of CSF [4]. Obstructive or noncommunicating hydrocephalus results from a blockage within the ventricular system [10]. Although relatively rare, hydrocephalus can also occur from oversecretion of CSF which is often caused by a tumor on the choroids plexus. Most children with symptoms of hydrocephalus often receive a shunt. A shunt is a medical procedure where excess CSF is drained away from the ventricular system into the stomach [10]. A shunt procedure involves causing a lesion to the brain which typically occurs in the parietal lobe of the right hemisphere.
Relevance to Childhood Development Hydrocephalus can occur at any developmental stage and can be particularly damaging to the developing brain. It is estimated that 27 out of every 100,000 newborns suffer from hydrocephalus and if untreated can result in mental retardation [10]. Premature infants also appear to be at risk for hydrocephalus due to the increased rate of intraventricular hemorrhage which can interfere with CSF reabsorption [4]. Traumatic brain injury can result in hydrocephalus due to interference in the reabsorption of CSF. Similarly, Periventricular leukomalacia, which results in atrophy around the tissue surrounding the ventricles, can lead to excess CSF accumulation [4]. Finally, congenital disorders such as spina bifida, myelomenignecele, an A Chiari malformation, and Dandy Walker Syndrome have all been linked to increased rates of hydrocephalus. The functional effects of hydrocephalus have been reported throughout the literature. Deficits associated with a varying etiologies of hydrocephalus in children have be seen in gross and fine motor functioning [7]; visual-motor and spatial abilities [5]; specific language skills [5]; isolated domains of memory (Yeates et al. [9]; attention and executive functioning [5]; and, behavioral regulation and control [3]. While such deficits are noted, these have been seen inconsistently as they appear largely dependent upon etiology [6]. Regarding actual cognitive sequelae, this also appears to depend on age at the time of insult or injury, severity of the injury, and the presence of other comorbid disorders [4]. For example, children with hydrocephalus secondary to a brain tumor had poor cognitive abilities than children with brain tumors without hydrocephalus; however, children with spina bifida with hydrocephalus performed equally to children with spina bifida without hydrocephalus [2]. In terms of achievement skills, Hoppe-Hirsch et al. [8] found that 60% of children with shunted hydrocephalus were placed in regular classrooms; however, half of these children lagged 1 or 2 years behind their same-aged peers. Barnes and Dennis [1] found that reading abilities of
children with hydrocephalus were often within the normal range; however, arithmetic was a relative weakness. Zillmer and Spiers [10] commented that calculation, spelling, and reading comprehension or tasks that require increased attention and focus of concentration are often most affected.
References 1. Barnes, M. A., & Dennis, M. (1992). Reading in children and adolescents after early onset hydrocephalus and in normally developing age peers: Phonological analysis, word recognition, word comprehension, and passage comprehension skills. Journal of Pediatric Psychology, 17, 445–465. 2. Brookshire, B., Copeland, D. R., Moore, B. D., & Ater, J. (1990). Pretreatment neuropsychological status and factors in children with primary brain tumors. Neurosurgery, 27, 887–891. 3. Donders, J., Rourke, B. P., & Canady, A. I. (1992). Behavioral adjustment of children with hydrocephalus and of their parents. Journal of Child Neurology, 7, 375–380. 4. Erickson, K., Baron, I. S., & Fantie, B. D. (2001). Neuropsychological functioning in early hydrocephalus: Review from a developmental perspective. Child Neuropsychology, 7, 199–229. 5. Fletcher, J. M., Brookshire, B. L., Bohan, T. P., Brandt, M. E., & Davidson, K. C. (1995). Early hydrocephalus. In B. P. Rourke (Ed.), Syndrome of nonverbal learning disabilities: Neurodevelopmental manifestations (pp. 206–238). New York: Guilford Press. 6. Fletcher, J. M., Dennis, M., & Northrup, H. (2000). Hydrocephalus. In K. O. Yeates, M. D. Ris, & H. G. Taylor (Eds.), Pediatric neuropsychology: Research, theory, and practice. New York: Guilford Press. 7. Hetherington, C. R., & Dennis, M. (1999). Motor function profile in children with earl onset hydrocephalus. Developmental Neuropsychology, 15, 25–51. 8. Hoppe-Hirsch, E., Laroussinie, F., Brunet, L., Sainte-Rose, C., Renier, D., Cinalli, G., et al. (1998). Late outcome of the surgical treatments of hydrocephalus. Child’s Nervous System, 14, 97–99. 9. Yeates, K. O., Enrile, B., Loss, N., Blumenstein, E., & Delis, D. C. (1995). Verbal learning and memory in children with myelomeningocele. Journal of Pediatric Psychology, 20, 801–812. 10. Zillmer, E. A., & Spiers, M. V. (2001). Principles of Neuropsychology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning.
Hyperactivity R. MATT ALDERSON, KRISTEN L. HUDEC Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA
Synonyms Fidgety; Hyperkinesias; Restlessness
Hyperkinesis;
Hyperkinetic;
Definition Motor activity that is developmentally inappropriate and significantly excessive relative to same-aged peers.
Hyperactivity
Description Hyperactivity is frequently first identified as a problem in children as they enter preschool or kindergarten, and demands of the classroom environment (e.g., sitting still during lessons) are incompatible with excessive motor activity. Clinical interviews of parents that present with concerns of hyperactivity in their children, however, often reveal a pattern of excessive activity that was present since a much earlier age. For example, retrospective reports from parents recount their children climbing on kitchen cabinets, jumping on furniture, and struggling to sit still while getting dressed. Notably, extant studies suggest that individual differences in activity level are first apparent at the 28th week of gestation, and continue along a curvilinear developmental trajectory [12]. That is, children that exhibit hyperactivity during the school-aged years likely exhibited elevated levels of activity as toddlers, relative to same-aged peers. Collectively, whether or not a child’s behavior is hyperactive depends largely upon the context of environmental demands, social/cultural norms, and appropriate expectations given the child’s age and development. Measurement of hyperactivity is most frequently obtained from parent, teacher, and caregiver (e.g., daycare provider, babysitter) reports on objective ratings scales; clinical interviews with parents and other caregivers; behavioral observations by clinicians; and sometimes the child’s self-report. Selfreports from hyperactive children, particularly those with ADHD, provide minimal diagnostic value since they frequently exhibit limited insight about their behavioral problems. Additional objective measures may include pedometers, stabilimetric cushions, and actigraphs.
Relevance to Childhood Development Attention-deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) occurs in an estimated 3–7% of school-age children and is characterized by difficulties with attention, impulsivity, and of course hyperactivity [3]. Presence of the disorder conveys increased risk for several pejorative outcomes including long-term scholastic underachievement and interpersonal peer problems [4], long-term impairments across more major life activities than most other disorders seen in outpatient mental health clinics [5], and an estimated annual societal cost that ranges between $36 billion and $52.4 billion [9]. The etiology of hyperactivity in ADHD is remarkably varied in extant models of the disorder. For example, Barkley’s [3] behavioral inhibition model suggests that children with ADHD exhibit hyperactivity due to deficient inhibitory processes that limit children’s ability to maintain task goals, avoid the execution of a response when presented with a prepotent stimulus, or stop a response once it has been initiated. A recent meta-analytic review [1] and
H
subsequent experimental examination [2] of the stopsignal task – the primary measure used in clinic- and laboratory-based research to investigate behavioral inhibition in children with ADHD – both found that performance on the stop-signal task may be downstream of higher order cognitive processes such as working memory. The impact of these findings transcends stop-signal research and raises important concerns regarding the central role of behavioral inhibition in extant models of ADHD, and ultimately hyperactivity. A second model suggests that children exhibit hyperactivity in an attempt to minimize the aversive nature of waiting for external-delayed reinforcement [13]. In contrast, the functional working memory model of ADHD suggests that children with ADHD exhibit hyperactivity to increase arousal needed for task demands [11]. A recent study examined 23 boys (11 typically developing children and 12 children with ADHD) between 8 and 12 years of age who completed phonological and visuospatial tasks that placed increasing demands on the working memory system [10]. While all children exhibited significant increases in activity during working memory relative to control conditions, children with ADHD became significantly more active relative to the typically developing children. This is the first experiment to demonstrate a functional relationship between working memory and children’s activity level. Hyperactivity is not pathognomic to ADHD and is frequently observed in other childhood disorders. For example, children diagnosed with early onset bipolar disorder often exhibit excessive activity, pressured speech and impulsivity. The association between increased activity and the presence of manic episodes is reflected in current DSM-IV diagnostic criteria as psychomotor agitation (e.g., restlessness, pacing) and increased goal-directed activity [6]. Restlessness and fidgeting are commonly observed in children diagnosed with anxiety disorders, such as generalized anxiety disorder, obsessive-compulsive disorder, social phobia, panic disorder, and post-traumatic stress disorder [8]. For example, Glod and Teicher [7] found that children diagnosed with PTSD (n = 19) were 10% more active and associated with a greater likelihood of developing problems of hyperactivity, relative to healthy controls (n = 15). Interestingly, increased anxiety-related activity may result from an over-arousal of physiological systems common to those implicated in children with ADHD.
References 1. Alderson, R. M., Rapport, M. D., & Kofler, M. J. (2007). Attentiondeficit/hyperactivity disorder and behavioral inhibition: A metaanalytic review of the stop-signal paradigm. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 35, 745–758.
769
H
770
H
Hyperarousal
2. Alderson, R. M., Rapport, M. D., Sarver, D., & Kofler, M. J. (2008). ADHD and behavioral inhibition: A re-examination of the stopsignal task. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 36, 989–998. 3. Barkley, R. A. (2006). Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder: Handbook for diagnosis and treatment (3rd ed.). New York: The Guilford Press. 4. Barkley, R. A., Fischer, M., Smallish, L., & Fletcher, K. (2006). Young adult outcome of hyperactive children: Adaptive functioning in major life activities. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 45, 192–202. 5. Barkley, R. A., Murphy, K. R., & Fischer, M. (2008). ADHD in adults: What the science says. New York: Guilford Press. 6. Birmaher, B., Axelson, D., Strober, M., Gill, M. K., Yang, M., Ryan, N., et al. (2009). Comparison of manic and depressive symptoms between children and adolescents with bipolar spectrum disorders. Bipolar Disorders, 11, 52–62. 7. Glod, C. A., & Teicher, M. H. (1996). Relationship between early abuse, posttraumatic stress disorder, and activity levels in prepubertal children. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 35(10), 1384–1393. 8. Jarrett, M. A., & Ollendick, T. H. (2008). A conceptual review of the comorbidity of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder and anxiety: Implications for future research and practice. Clinical Psychology Review, 28, 1266–1280. 9. Pelham, W. E., Foster, E. M., & Robb, J. A. (2007). The economic impact of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder in children and adolescents. Journal of Pediatric Psychology, 32(6), 711–727. 10. Rapport, M. D., Bolden, J., Kofler, M. J., Sarver, D. E., Raiker, J. S., Alderson, R. M. (2009). Hyperactivity in boys with attention-deficit/ hyperactivity disorder (ADHD): A ubiquitous core symptom or manifestation of working memory deficits? Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 37, 521–534. 11. Rapport, M. D., Kofler, M. J., Alderson, R. M., & Raiker, J. S. (2008). Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. In M. Hersen & D. Reitman (Eds.), Handbook of psychological assessment, case conceptualization and treatment, Vol. 2: Children and adolescents (pp. 349–404). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. 12. Rapport, M. D., Kofler, M. J., & Himmerich, C. (2006). Activity measurement. In M. Hersen (Ed.), Clinician’s handbook of child behavioral assessment (pp. 125–157). New York: Elsevier Academic Press. 13. Sonuga-Barke, E. J., Taylor, E., Sembi, S., & Smith, J. (1992). Hyperactivity and delay aversion: I. The effect of delay on choice. Journal of Child Psychology Psychiatry and Allied Disciplines, 33, 387–398.
Hyperkinesia Syndromes ▶Dyskinesia
Hyperkinesias ▶Hyperactivity
Hyperkinesis Synonyms Hyperactivity
Description Hyperkinesis is a state of over-active restlessness sometimes referred to as hyperactivity. Hyperkinetic disorders are a group of psychiatric diagnoses listed in the International Classification of Diseases, Volume 10. Hyperkinesis is a recent phenomena in medicine. The roots of the diagnosis and the treatment of this entity are found earlier, however. Hyperkinesis was known in the first half of the twentieth century as minimal brain dysfunction, hyperactive syndrome, hyperkinetic disorder of childhood and several other diagnostic descriptions. Although the symptoms and the presumed etiology vary, in general the behaviors are quite similar and overlap. Typical symptom patterns include extreme and excessive motor activity, restlessness, fidgeting and, for some, mood swings.
Hyperkinetic ▶Hyperactivity
Hyperarousal ▶Anxiety
Hyperkinetic Disorder ▶Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder
Hypercoagulability ▶Thrombophilic Disorders
Hyperkinetic Syndrome ▶Attention Deficit Disorder
Hypnosis
Hyperlexia ROBERT WALRATH Rivier College, Nashua, NH, USA
Synonyms Precocious reading language disorder [1]
Definition The advanced ability to decode and read single words without comprehension, well beyond expectations for chronological age, sometimes accompanied by fascination or preoccupation with numbers and letters. Hyperlexic children tend to have difficulty with oral or verbal communication and social interactions and are often considered to have an autistic-like presentation. There is disagreement at the present time whether Hyperlexia should be considered a form of learning disability or “superability” [2].
References 1. 2.
American Hyperlexia Association. Retrieved January 15, 2010, from http://www.hyperlexia.org/ Grigorenko, E. L., Klin, A., & Volkmar, F. (2003). Annotation: Hyperlexia: disability or superability. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 44(8), 1079–1091.
Hypnogen ▶Ambien (Zolpidem)
Hypnosis BRIAN VANDENBERG University Missouri-St. Louis, St. Louis, MO, USA
Definition Hypnosis is a procedure involving suggestions for imaginative experiences that may entail alterations in memory, perception, emotions, thoughts and behavior. Hypnotic suggestions can be offered by another or by oneself, in self hypnosis. The experience of hypnosis is facilitated by “letting it happen,” rather than “making it happen,” and
H
771
involves a wakeful alertness, focused absorption, attenuated critical rational functions, and diminished peripheral awareness. These are often accompanied by the experience of nonvolition; that behaviors and experiences “happen to me,” rather than “initiated by me” [4, 5].
Description Hypnosis has befuddled investigators for over two centuries, and attempts to explain its unusual phenomena have been instrumental in the development of seminal psychological concepts and practices. Hypnosis sits on the fault line of mind and body; a brief communicative exchange can cure warts, enable major surgery without pain, and improve healing of burns and wounds. Hypnosis also can alter basic psychological experiences that beg explanation; loss of a sense of volition, forgetting compelling events that just happened (amnesia), responding in unusual ways, previously suggested in hypnosis, but without awareness (post hypnotic suggestion). The use of hypnosis by physicians in the nineteenth century to treat physical ailments gave rise to the “talking cure,” or psychotherapy, in the twentieth century, pioneered by Freud. Psychosomatic medicine, originating in the first decades of the twentieth century, was given impetus by earlier medical use of hypnosis. Unconscious processes, the object of speculation in the nineteenth century, were given empirical credibility by hypnotic phenomena, becoming a cornerstone feature in the theories of Freud, Janet and Jung in the early twentieth century, and introduced into experimental psychology by Hilgard in the mid-to-late twentieth century [1]. Although the name, hypnosis, is derived from the Greek word hypno, meaning sleep, and common hypnotic procedures invoke drowsiness, it is not a form of sleep. Wakeful alertness is one of its hallmark characteristics. There is also a long history of suspicion that people are strategically feigning responses; that there is no such thing as hypnosis. This, too, is untrue, as the nonvolutional experience of hypnotized individuals attests. Many fear that hypnosis involves the surrender of will, loss of control, or helpless domination by the hypnotist. In fact, individuals are co-participants who cannot be induced to perform acts that conflict with their values, and can independently choose to end their hypnotic involvement. Another longstanding misconception is that hypnosis can provoke superhuman feats of physical strength, perceptual acuity and memory recall. These, however, cannot be enhanced beyond that which can be achieved through nonhypnotic means, and in the case of memory, hypnosis may facilitate false recollections and memory
H
772
H
Hypoactivity
distortions. Finally, individuals vary considerably in hypnotic responsivity, which is a stable trait not related to any personality factors, including gullibility, conformity, suggestibility, and intelligence, save for a modest relation to absorption in imaginative involvements [1, 2, 4]. Hypnosis is effective for ameliorating acute pain associated with surgery, dental procedures, debridement of burns and wounds, and childbirth, as well as chronic pain accompanying cancer, tension headaches, irritable bowel syndrome and other chronic pain conditions. It is also effective for reducing nausea and vomiting preceding chemotherapy and treatment of some dermatological conditions. Hypnosis is also a useful adjunct procedure to cognitive behavioral treatment of phobias, anxiety disorders and insomnia [3]. Hypnotherapy with children has been particularly helpful in coping with painful medical procedures associated with the treatment of cancer and burns, and managing symptoms associated with chronic pain [5].
Relevance to Childhood Development Hypnotic responsivity has been found to emerge around the age of five, reach a peak in early adolescence and slowly decline in the later adult years. This developmental trajectory has been assessed using adult scales of responsivity. The lack of responsivity found in young children is challenged by some who question the viability of adult-based measured that involve sophisticated cognitive and linguistic abilities that exceed the capabilities of young children, who fail, not because they are unresponsive, but because they don’t understand the requests. Practitioners argue that young children are more easily engaged in play and fantasy, and if the procedures appropriately utilize these abilities, young children are better candidates for hypnosis than adults. Hypnotic procedures developed for young children in clinical settings are less verbally complex and more overtly engaged, closer to play therapy than the sedentary, cognitively complex involvement that is presupposed in the adult-based measures and procedures. Clinical reports suggest that such procedures may effectively address a host of medically related difficulties that confront young children [7].
References 1. 2.
Gauld, A. (1992). A history of hypnosis. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Kihlstrom, J. F. (1998). Hypnosis and the psychological unconscious. In R. Schwarzer, R. C. Silver, D. Spiegel, N. A. Adler, R. D. Parke, C. Peterson, & H. Friedman (Eds.), Encyclopedia of mental health (Vol. 2, pp. 467–477). New York: Academic Press.
3.
4. 5. 6.
7.
Kirsch, I., & Lynn, S. J. (2006). Essentials of clinical hypnosis: An evidenced-based approach. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Nash, M. R. (2001). The truth and the hype of hypnosis (pp. 47–55). July: Scientific American. Olness, K., & Kohen, D. P. (1996). Hypnosis and hypnotherapy with children (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Grune and Stratton. Society of Psychological Hypnosis, Division 30 American Psychological Association (2005). New definition: Hypnosis. Accessed Oct 18, 2008, from http://www.apa.org/divisions/div30/ define_hypnosis.html. Vandenberg, B. (2002). Hypnotic responsivity from a developmental perspective: Insights from young children. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 50(3), 229–247.
Hypoactivity JANA SANDER Texas A&M University Corpus Christi College of Education, Corpus Christi, TX, USA
Synonyms Lethargic; Underactive
Definition Less active than usual.
Description Information regarding hypoactivity, or children being underactive, may be difficult to obtain as an internet search frequently leads to hyperactivity rather than hypoactivity. Hypoactivity may be due to a disease, physical limitation such as blindness or obesity. Lethargy in children may be caused by an illness such as the flu or a chronic condition such as diabetes. If a normally active child becomes hypoactive or lethargic, a physician should be contacted to determine the cause. According to a study conducted by [1, p. 107] children with various medical conditions may perceive certain exercises to be more intense than healthy children of the same age. Children with an abnormality such as a heart murmur may be hyposactive due to the presumption of illness. The reduction of activity may be based upon the perception of the physician’s diagnosis rather than a directive that the child should not be active. Obviously, disease may cause hypoactivity in children and adolescents and this may cause the child to be less physically active. Additional causes of hypoactivity may include: pain, fear of seizure or attack such as asthma, lack of opportunities to be active, or isolation (p. 108).
Hypotonia
While many of the above reasons for hypoactivity may be valid, it is important that all children and adolescents achieve some type of physical activity as their physical conditions permit. As always, checking with the child’s physician and asking for specific physical activities in which the child may engage is imperative.
References 1.
1.
2.
2. 3. 4. 5.
3.
4. 5. 6. 7.
Hypothalamus EDALMARYS SANTOS1, CHAD A. NOGGLE2 1 Middle Tennessee State University, Murfreesboro, TN, USA 2 SIU School of Medicine, Springfield, IL, USA
Definition
Blumenfeld, H. (2002). Neuroanatomy through clinical cases. Sunderland, MA: Sinauer Associates. Filley, C. M. (2001). Neurobehavioral anatomy (2nd ed.). Colorado: University of Colorado Press. Gazzaniga, M., Ivry, R. B., & Mangum, G. R. (2009). Cognitive neuroscience: The biology of the mind (3rd ed.). New York: W.W. Norton & Company. Kolb, B., & Whishaw, I. Q. (2003). Fundamentals of human neuropsychology (5th ed.). New York: Worth Publishers. Loring, D. W. (1999). INS dictionary of neuropsychology. New York: Oxford University Press. Shore, R. (2002). Baby teaching: Nurturing neural networks from birth to age five. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press. Zillmer, E. A., & Spiers, M. V. (2001). Principles of neuropsychology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning.
Hypotonia DAVID RITCHIE, BARRY NIERENBERG Nova Southeastern University, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
The Hypothalamus is one portion of the Diencephalon that plays a vital role in nearly all aspects of motivated behavior, including feeding, sexual behavior, sleeping, temperature regulation, emotional behavior, endocrine function, and movement [4].
Floppy baby syndrome; Floppy infant syndrome; Infantile hypotonia
Description
Definition
The Hypothalamus, in combination with the Thalamus and Epithalamus, make up the Diencephalon. While as a functional hole, the Diencephalon energizes and sustains behavior [4], the hypothalamus is specifically entrusted with the regulation of nearly all aspects of motivated behavior, including feeding, sexual behavior, sleeping, temperature regulation, emotional behavior, endocrine function, and movement [4]. It is also essential to the general arousal of the nervous system [1]. The way in which the hypothalamus achieves these end goals is through its control of the Autonomic Nervous System, with its sympathetic and parasympathetic divisions, and its connections with the Pituitary gland that mediates the neural control of the endocrine system [2, 3]. Anatomically, the hypothalamus is a small, subcortical structure at the base of the brain, composed of
773
subdivisions, or nuclei. Specifically, it is located in front of the midbrain, above the amygdala, and next to the pituitary gland it controls [6]. It forms the floor and part of the lateral wall of the third ventricle [5, 7].
References Bar-Or, O., & Rowland, T. W. (2004). Pediatric exercise medicine: from physiologic principles to health care application. Oxford: Oxford Medical. http://medical-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/hypoactivity http://www.childrenshospital.org/az/Site623/mainpageS623P0.html http://www.webmd.com/search/search_results/default.aspx?source Type=undefined&query=lethargic%20children http://www.mychildhealth.net/causes-of-lethargy-in-children.html
H
Synonyms
Hypotonia is defined as a decrease in muscle tone and usually strength, due to a congenital disorder, trauma or environmental factors.
Description Hypotonia will present differently based upon the etiology and subsequent severity of the muscle flaccidity. Hypotonia is not a specific disorder, but mostly a symptom of a number of other disorders which cause deterioration of the muscle fibers [2, 5, 6, 11]. A child afflicted with hypotonia will present visually like a “rag doll” because their limbs and head appear to “flop” to their sides [3]. The child’s head will hang to the sides or slouch to the chest or back because the muscles of the neck are not strong enough to hold the head erect. Upon picking up a child with hypotonia, the child might slip through the
H
774
H
Hypotonia
grasp because the arm muscles do not keep the arms flexed. An infant suffering from hypotonia will have hyperflexibility in their limbs enabling them to stretch farther than normally possible [9, 10]. While not in every case, a majority of cases of hypotonia diagnosed in childhood at least partially remits, with muscle tone and controllable movement returning over time [9, 10]. The etiology of hypotonia can be difficult to diagnose. Many disorders which affect the central nervous system can be responsible for decreasing muscle tone and causing paresis. Hypotonia is usually a manifestation of a number of other disorders, with Prader-Willi syndrome being the most common cause of hypotonia in children [11]. The most common cause of hypotonia disorders is congenital defects including genetic disorders such as: Prader-Willi syndrome, Cerebral Palsy, Down syndrome, Marfan’s syndrome, Tay-Sachs disease and others [1, 4, 7, 8]. Other causes of hypotonia can occur through acquired disorders, infections, metabolic disorders and trauma. Traumatic brain injuries in children, occurring because of automobile accidents and Shaken Baby syndrome, are common occurrences in children which can lead to hypotonia. Treatment of hypotonia typically centers on finding, diagnosing and treating the underlying disorder which would alleviate the hypotonic symptoms [7, 9]. Unfortunately, accurate diagnosis in some cases can be difficult to impossible; therefore alternative treatments are sometimes necessary. Physical therapy is most prescribed to treat the lack of movement and strengthen what muscle may be left. Occupational therapy is utilized to help the patient live independently and cope with the disorder into adulthood if the hypotonia does not dissipate [9]. In more severe cases, speech therapy is necessitated to help the patient swallow, feed themselves and speak [9].
Relevance to Childhood Development Long-term impairment for the development of the child can be difficult to determine due to the plethora of etiologies of the disorder. The hypotonia itself usually has a good prognosis with early diagnosis and treatment through occupational and physical, only if the underlying pathology does not interfere with recovery [2, 9]. Therapy is mostly concerned
with helping the patient compensate for the loss in neuromuscular strength in order to function independently. Due to the loss of muscle control and coordination at key critical periods in development, the typical hypotonic child will experience delays in reaching developmental milestones [2, 6, 9, 10]. Because of the general paresis, sometimes paralysis of the muscles, the child will have the most difficulty reaching motor milestones such as rolling over, sitting, crawling, standing and walking [9]. The hypotonic child will also have impairments with language due to muscle incoordination; which can lead to, or exacerbate, learning and attention problems. Although hypotonia does not affect intellect, other disorders affecting cognitive abilities may surface due to the disorder. However, hypotonic children are only at a higher risk for learning and attention problems, not all of these children will develop such difficulties [3, 5, 6, 8, 9].
References 1. Birdi, K., Prasad, A., Prasad, C., Chodirker, B., & Chudley, A. (2005). The floppy infant: retrospective analysis of clinical experience (1990–2000) in a tertiary care facility. Journal of Child Neurology, 20, 803–808. 2. Carboni, P., Pisani, F., Crescenzi, A., & Villani, C. (2002). Congenital hypotonia with favorable outcome. Pediatric Neurology, 26, 383–386. 3. Harris, S. (2008). Congenital hypotonia: Clinical and developmental assessment. Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology, 50, 889–892. 4. Moss, R., Subramaniam, S., Kelts, A., Forno, S., & Lewiston, N. (1979). Chronic neuropathy presenting as a floppy infant with respiratory distress. Pediatrics, 64, 459–464. 5. National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke: National Institutes of Health. http://www.ninds.nih.gov/disorders/hypotonia/ hypotonia.htm. 6. National Organization for Rare Disorders. (2007). Nord compendium of rare diseases and disorders. New Rochelle: Mary Ann Leibert. 7. Premasiri, M., & Lee, Y. (2003). The myopathology of floppy and hypotonic infants in Singapore. Pathology, 35, 409–413. 8. Richer, L. P., et al. (2001). Diagnostic profile of neonatal hypotonia: an 11-year study. Pediatric Neurology, 25, 32–37. 9. Roland, L. (Ed.). (2005). Merrit’s neurology: Integrating the physical exam and echocardiography. Baltimore: Lippincott Williams & Wilkins. 10. Shah, S., & Kelly, K. (2003). Principles and practice of emergency neurology: Handbook for emergency physicians. Cambridge U.K.: Cambridge University Press. 11. Trifiro, G., et al. (2003). Neonatal hypotonia: Don’t forget the PraderWilli syndrome. Acta Paediatrica, 92, 1085–89.
I I.Q. Assessment
Id Definition
▶Creativity Assessment
The id is part of Sigmund Freud’s three part psychic apparatus (id, ego, and superego) in his psychoanalytic theory of development. In Freud’s theory, the id represents the mind’s unconscious and unorganized basic drives, and primarily seeks to avoid pain by increasing pleasure.
Iconic Memory
Description
ROBERT WALRATH Rivier College, Nashua, NH, USA
Synonyms Information persistence
persistence;
Sensory
register;
Visual
Upon birth the id is formed and infants are driven by instincts and seek to have their basic needs met. The basic drives that the id controls are food, water, and sex. The id is selfish, moral-less, infantile, illogical, primarily sexual, without sense of time, and is completely ruled by the pleasure-pain principle. As the child develops, the id comes into conflict with the ego (reality principle) and societal constraints.
Definition The short visual sensory trace of a briefly presented visual stimulus, lasting several hundred milliseconds after removal of the stimulus. Often described as a “fading” image, iconic memory is differentiated from short term visual memory by a larger storage capacity and by it’s disruption by an immediate presentation of a contrasting or intense visual stimulus.
References 1.
2.
Keysers, C., Xiao, D.-K., Foldiak, P., & Perrett, D. I. (2005). Out of sight but not out of mind: The neurophysiology of iconic memory in the superior temporal sulcus. Cognitive Neuropsychology, 22, 316– 332. Pashler, H., & Carrier, M. (1996). Structures, processes and the flow of information. In E. L. Bjork & R. A. Bjork (Eds.), Memory. New York: Academic Press.
Identical Twins ▶Monozygotic (MZ) Twins
Identification ▶Projection
Identity KENNETH FOSTER Texas Woman’s University, Denton, TX, USA
Icterus ▶Jaundice
Synonyms Personal identity; Reference group orientation; Sense of self; Social identity
Sam Goldstein & Jack A. Naglieri (eds.), Encyclopedia of Child Behavior and Development, DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-79061-9, # Springer Science+Business Media LLC 2011
776
I
Identity
The term identity is derived from the Latin identitas, which means “the same.” This notion of sameness or similarity, however, falls short of providing comprehensive utility or explanation, given the myriad implications of identity. For example, fictional literature uses emotionladen words or contexts such as loneliness, or alienation, to convey identity. That is, by emphasizing the emotional or affective value of one’s sense of loss or absence of identity, the concept itself is conveyed. As a historian, Gleason [3] provides a “semantic history” which informs us that for a half century after psychology’s debut, identity remained virtually absent from the social science literature. Today, a cursory search of a typical database generates countless references, including those focused on identity in a myriad of contexts such as academics, consumption, dance and the arts, success and failure, survival, and so on, ad infinitum. Many would agree that Erik Erikson’s conceptualization of identity has impacted the social sciences in a way this is akin to the impact that Freud has had on the discipline of psychology. Even his understanding of the term, however, was, in his own words, as “something vague and hard to grasp” [3] and he saw the concept as separate and apart from simply answering the question, “Who am I?” In articulating the complexities of defining identity, he emphasized that identity development is an integrative process. This process is viewed by theorists as premised by notions of roles and the ways in which one makes meaning of their world. As such, one’s overall selfconcept can be viewed as a gestalt, comprised of their unique personality attributes (personal identity) and their repertoire of orientations to various reference groups (social identity). It is this idea of group and role(s) identification that frame a nexus between general identity and social identity. From a developmental perspective, the self-concept evolves first from infancy through pre-adolescence, where the drafting and designing of identity attributes and components begins. As these attributes and components evolve, mature and take hold, the child becomes more self-reflective, which is a powerful, fundamental quality. It is here that the integrated self [2, 7] begins. Setting aside discussion of genetic predisposition, we see that one’s environment provides for and allows the genesis of their being, i.e., interests, preferences, and the like, which over time becomes particularistic. As a person develops the capacity to self-reflect, her/ his sense of individuality as well as their “groupgroundedness” becomes more apparent. Each of many personal identity attributes and each of many social identities become integrated as the person’s composite
“identity.” Issues of psychopathology aside, most people, by late adolescence, experience a phenomenological wholeness, or integrated self. That is, through reflexivity or awareness that one has certain capacities, the individual begins to connect the dots (albeit not necessarily in a linear fashion) that lead to a relatively stable interpretation of self.
The Person and the Situation One of the most challenging issues for conceptualization and assessment of identity is that of situational context. A basic tenet of the sociopsychological approach is, after all, giving primacy to the social context of one’s situation, in order to understand, predict, and potentially alter behavior. Typically the result of symbolic or environmental cues, situational context influences one’s cognitive processes of meaning making which in turn impacts their behaviors and experiences. Among the virtually infinite array of examples for how identity may be situationally contextualized are issues such as political behavior. For instance, one researcher [5] cites examples including “leadership, nationalism, consensus formation, social protest, stereotyping, and so on” (p. 825) and points to the increasingly pertinent implications for voter decision-making and identification with a political party as logical applications to be examined. Situational context embeds other important conceptual issues, including salience and centrality. Identity salience (the extent to which an identity is a relevant aspect of one’s self-concept at a particular moment in time), for example, is systematically examined in a variety of contexts. A particularly robust exemplar is ▶stereotype threat research [11, 12], wherein a person’s racial, gender, or other social identity is made salient and such salience serves to negatively impact performance. Numerous publications highlight this robust approach to exploring how and why, for example, an Asian American woman might perform relatively well on a math test when her ethnic identity is made salient, and more poorly when her gender identity is highlighted [10]. Unlike salience, centrality typically implies a stability less affected by temporal or contextual factors. Using race as an identity case in point, racial identity centrality refers to the degree to which a person perceives themselves with respect to race. With respect to relevance, it is important to note that a basic premise in much of identity research – particularly research on social identity – is that identity is assumed to consist of both situationally determined (salience) and stable (centrality) properties.
Identity
Social Identity Theory Social identity is a robust concept that helps us to predict, explain and possibly alter social behavior. It is a medium through which we can internalize the degree to which our group is similar to or different from other groups. The most cited definition of social identity is “The individual’s knowledge that he belongs to certain social groups together with some emotional and value significance to him of the group membership” ([13], p. 292). Henri Tajfel’s social identity theory [14] is largely about intergroup processes, such as discrimination and cooperation, and Tajfel offered that one’s group or social identity serves to maintain and enhance an individual’s self-esteem. A number of identity researchers also emphasize that at the core of social identity is the notion of the individual’s identity management strategies and how, when, and with whom such strategies are implemented.
Reference Group Theory Like social identity theory, reference group theory (RGT, [6]) is about intergroup relations. The RGT approach to social identity is a phenomenological perspective that makes conceptual room for the target to exercise agency with respect to how they are socially delineated. This approach allows a particular comprehension of the range of identity perspectives one finds in a large sample, a range not limited to the social categories typically assumed, assigned or ascribed by the larger society. So it is that if, for example, a person born in the United States is nominally Black, one of her/his ostensible group or social identities is that of “Black” or “African American.” This is, at least initially, a socially ascribed identity and may or may not be a self-ascribed identity. Such an individual may in fact choose to identify primarily as “American,” or “gay,” or “Christian,” or as “a psychologist,” and the fact that he/she is nominally Black may be a less meaningful or central personal category. There is a rather broad consensus that inherent relationships exist between social identity and group membership, subjective well-being, political affiliation and the like. The process by which one makes meaning of and enacts their singular and multiple social identities, however, tends to be less clear. Factors such as psychohistorical antecedents and temporal motivations, the difficulties of measurement, and the fragility and tenuous nature of identity conspire to make a consensual theoretical framework and assessment strategy elusive. By adolescence, people can provide, through interviews or surveys, fairly reliable and valid insights into
I
the personal identity and ▶reference group orientation or social identity attributes that make up their selfconcept. Erikson’s dominant psychosocial approach to identity was heavily influenced by the work of Freud. Erikson viewed identity as something a young, developing person has “more or less of,” and that they advance across a continuum of identity that must be negotiated via exploration and commitment. The Eriksonian theoretical model, like most process models, represent a stage or process approach to “a general pattern of development from a diffuse stage of psychological immaturity to more advanced and well-formed stages of maturity” ([1], p. 11). James Marcia operationalized Erikson’s identity development theory. Marcia’s [8] Identity Status Interview assesses an individual’s across set of distinct stages (diffusion, foreclosure, moratorium, achievement) that need to be resolved. In terms of social identity measurement, we have known for a long time that because of its complexity and diversity, identity often cannot be assessed simply in a dichotomous fashion, as if one’s political identity is as simple as political party membership, or that their racial identity is no more complicated than being Black or White. For example, although we study Jewish identity, Black identity, and female identity, there are various ways of orchestrating or having a sense of being Jewish or Black or female, as well as being Jewish and Black and female. Examples of some innovative assessments strategies include a scales developed to measure, simultaneously, personal and social identity [9]. These constructs are operationalized in general terms, i.e., focusing more on general centrality and stability, and less on the influence of situational context. Another promising strategy [4] uses a reference group approach as an identity assessment procedure. While not without inherent challenges, such innovative tools have yielded impressive results across multiple studies.
References 1. Denton, S. E. (1985). A methodological refinement and validational analysis of the developmental inventory of Black consciousness (DIB-C). Unpublished dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh. 2. Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. Oxford, England: Norton & Co. 3. Gleason, P. (1983). Identifying identity: A semantic history. The Journal of American History, 69(4), 910–931. 4. Hooper, M. (1976). The structure and measurement of social identity. Public Opinion Quarterly, 40(2), 154–164. 5. Huddy, L. (2002). Crossing the methodological and disciplinary divide: Political stability, political change and research method. In K. Monroe (Ed.), Political psychology (pp. 271–292). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
777
I
778
I
Identity Crisis
6. Hyman, H. (1942). The psychology of status. Archives of Psychology, 38, 269. 7. James, W. (1890). The consciousness of self. In W. James (Ed.), The principles of psychology (Vol. I, pp. 291–401). New York, NY: Henry Holt and Co. 8. Marcia, J. E. (1966). Development and validation of ego identity status. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 3, 551–558. 9. Nario-Redmond, M. R., Scott Eidelman, M. B., & Palenske, D. J. (2004). The social and personal identities scale: A measure of the differential importance ascribed to social and personal self-categorizations. Self and Identity, 3, 143–175. 10. Shih, M., Pittinsky, T. L., & Ambady, N. (1999). Stereotype susceptibility: Identity salience and shifts in quantitative performance. Psychological Science, 10(1), 80–83. 11. Steele, C. (1997). A threat in the air: How stereotypes shape intellectual identity and performance. American Psychologist, 52(6), 613–629. 12. Steele, C. M., & Aronson, J. (1995). Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69(5), 797–811. 13. Tajfel, H. (1972). Experiments in a vacuum. In J. Israel & H. Tajfel (Eds.), The context of social psychology: A critical assessment. Oxford, England: Academic Press. 14. Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behavior. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations. Monterey, CA: Brooks-Cole.
how do fit into the larger worldview.” The identity crisis includes cognitive development, familial relationships and relational cultural issues. Relevance to Childhood Development: This is a time of tumult and exploration that if negotiated deftly can lead to psychological well being, high self-esteem, and flexibility in the world.
References 1. 2.
Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. New York: Norton. Marcia, J. E. (1966). Development and validation of ego identity status. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 3, 551–558.
Identity Diffusion RAY WOOTEN St. Mary’s University, San Antonio, TX, USA
Synonyms Apathetic; Avoidance; Overwhelm
Identity Crisis RAY WOOTEN St. Mary’s University, San Antonio, TX, USA
Definition Phase or status of individual who has not resolved identity issues.
Description Synonyms Internal conflict with one’s views of the world; Struggle with self identity
Definition Developmental status based on an adolescence struggling with them self identity and their self perception of themselves in the world (e.g., occupational, religious, political).
Description This is a term often associated with Erik Erikson and James Marcia when describing an adolescent period of challenging views of themselves and the world they live in. The struggle is in developing a coherent definition of self and grappling with “who I am, where I am going, and
This is a phase or status defined by James Marcia describing the avoidance, apathy and overwhelm often associated with identity development. The adolescent is avoiding or lacks the volition to explore alternatives of self in the world. Example of high school senior experiencing identity diffusion “I haven’t really thought much about what I want to do when I get out high school.”
Relevance to Childhood Development This is part of the identity development process that is characterized as avoiding uncomfortable feelings and exploration in the world. The result retards identity development and psychological adjustment.
References 1. 2.
Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. New York: Norton. Marcia, J. E. (1966). Development and validation of ego identity status. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 3, 551–558.
Identity Formation
Identity Foreclosure RAY WOOTEN St. Mary’s University, San Antonio, TX, USA
Synonyms Characterized by commitment to something without personal exploration; Hold fast to another’s view
Definition State where an individual has accepted their parent’s or authorities’ views and has not thought of other opinions or views.
Description This is a phase or status outlined by James Marcia characterizing an avoidance of identity crisis by adhering to parental or authorities’ views or plans of the future. What is lacking is individual volition in investigating and exploring their own sense of identity and preferences in life. This lack of crisis and exploration leads the individual to commit to identities suggested to them by others. Example of a foreclosed identity: “My parents are physicians and always wanted me to be a physician also. I am enrolled in pre-med in college.”
Relevance to Childhood Development Identity foreclosure is a commitment to something without personal exploration of self. This often results in delays of optimal psychological health and self esteem.
References 1. 2.
Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. New York: Norton. Marcia, J. E. (1966). Development and validation of ego identity status. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 3, 551–558.
Identity Formation WILLIAM E. HERMAN The State University of New York at Potsdam, Potsdam, NY, USA
Definition Identity formation has to do with the complex manner in which human beings establish a unique view of self and is
I
characterized by continuity and inner unity. It is therefore highly related to terms such as the self, self-concept, values, and personality development. The goal of personal identity formation is to establish a coherent view of self through the process of normal human development. Abnormal development could be viewed as the establishment of an incoherent self and characterized by discontinuity or the lack of inner unity. Although the benchmarks of identity formation are most easily observed at the adolescent and adult levels of development, a fledgling identity for a person develops during his/her childhood experiences. At the core of identity formation is the human personality, but psychologists have also employed this term to speak of subcategories such as racial, ethnic, social class, gender role, spiritual, and sexual identity. The term identity formation implies both a process and end-product orientation. In other words, how an identity is established becomes important, as well as what characteristic form the identity takes. The process elements are described by developmental theories. Research studies have attempted to outline what identity formation can actually look like. For example, identity statuses such as identity achieved, foreclosure, moratorium, identity diffusion or confusion, and negative identity have been used by theorists and researchers to denote healthy/unhealthy personality outcomes (see [5]).
Description Erik Erikson (1902–1994) was a psychoanalyst and the most prominent architect of the psychosocial construct of identity formation (see [1, 2]). He accepted many of the ideas proposed by Sigmund Freud, rejected or modified some of Freud’s premises, and explored different areas of personality development as compared to Freud (identity rather than sexuality). For example, Erikson accepted the ideas of a dynamic interaction of the three parts of the personality proposed by Freud (id, ego, and superego) and conscious/unconscious motivation for behaviors. Erikson advanced the study of personality by drawing upon much of Freud’s work and reinventing a personality theory that both draws upon Freud’s model and offers new insights. Readers are cautioned regarding conceptualizing Freud’s psychosexual theory and Erikson’s psychosocial theory as totally distinct and unrelated perspectives, for oftentimes it is what these two great thinkers shared in common that is most crucial in helping us understand identity formation. For example, Erikson is known as an ego psychologist because of his focus upon the “ego” functions (logical/ rational decision making, defense mechanisms, etc.) in Freud’s personality model. Thus Erikson paid somewhat less attention to the “id” and “superego.”
779
I
780
I
Identity Formation
According to psychosocial development and the epigenetic principle, as a human being moves through the lifespan the most salient issues center around the person’s relationships with others, identity formation, and how the self contextually develops in the cultural milieu. In this way, we can see that Erikson’s theory contains elements of biology (genetic endowment), psychology, sociology, and anthropology. There is also a strong interactionist element in Erikson’s psychosocial theory, since each issue of biological heritage, expressions of self, interactions with others, and cultural setting can influence the other issues and the personality of the developing person. The formation of a person’s identity is central during the fifth of eight stages of psychosocial development. All 8 stages extend over the entire lifespan and comprise the centerpiece of Erikson’s theory. Although identity formation is the major task of adolescence, Erikson’s developmental theory implies that the origins of identity lie in critical childhood experiences (earlier stages) and that the re-organization of identity will take place during later stages of psychosocial development and throughout the lifespan. As with the other psychosocial stages, Erikson juxtaposes a relatively mentally healthy ego state (identity achieved) with a less mental healthy state (identity diffusion). Tension is created at different points in the lifespan regarding such healthy versus unhealthy decision points at each stage. Identity achieved involves the experience of a psychosocial crisis (a personal reflective and reorganizational circumstance caused by a challenge in life) with exploration components that result in commitment. The outcome is a life characterized by personally chosen values, the ability to take calculated risks and make good decisions under stress, and the capability to adapt to change without sacrificing individuality, fidelity, and integrity. Erikson saw adolescence as marking the end of childhood. This transitional benchmark implies that a person takes what he or she has learned from childhood in order to chart a course for the future as an adult in society with new obligations and responsibilities. He claimed that “identity formation. . . begins where the usefulness of identification ends” ([2], p. 159). Adolescence changes the playing field in the biological domain (physical/sexual maturity), psychological domain (cognitive/emotional maturity), social domain (interactions with others), and cultural domain (expectations for membership and taboos) and demands new survival tools for the human personality. Children consciously and unconsciously adopt beliefs espoused by parents and significant others through the identification process. Modeling behavior is similar except for the fact that imitation or modeling is a much more
conscious process. Identification offers a healthy learning tool during a period of development whereby children can reduce stress, please others, and survive in a complicated world. For example, children might incorporate behaviors, values, and rituals observed in childhood into personal ways of doing things without being able to think critically about the origins, meanings, or implications of such events. Childhood identifications cannot be somehow summed up and collectively employed by a mentally healthy adult personality. Therefore, such unexamined identifications are of limited usefulness during adolescence and later adulthood. Erikson [1] stated that ego identity “is the accrued experience of the ego’s ability to integrate these identifications with the vicissitudes of the libido, with aptitudes developed out of endowment, and with the opportunities offered in social roles” (p. 228). It is therefore suggested that a mentally healthy adult depends upon the reinvention of his/her self and this ideally starts around adolescence. Conscious ego strength allows a person to explore the legitimacy and value of childhood identifications for possible inclusion in a newly emerging adult personality. Ideally, some of these identifications might be maintained (if deemed personally valuable); others deleted (to the extent this is possible, given that they may be under the grip of unconscious processes); and still others modified (in order to provide personal relevance and ownership as society changes). The human potential for modifying beliefs about the world that were etched in childhood as identifications allows the personality to adapt to changes in society and within the person over the lifespan. In this manner, young people grow into healthy adults who are, in certain ways, like their parents. But they can also individuate themselves in order to become unique individuals. In what appears to be a paradox, they ideally maintain a portion of their parents’ views and historical legacy while at the same time establishing themselves as unique individuals separate from their parents and at odds with certain cultural stereotypes or expectations. This becomes the crux of healthy adolescent identity development. Herman [3] offered a transmission and development of values theory to understand how Erikson’s theory nicely fits with other major theories as an explanation of adolescent development. The foreclosure (unhealthy) ego status where commitment occurs without crisis or exploration reminds us that healthy identity formation is not inevitable or an outcome experienced by all adults. Hoare [4] further suggested that identity achievement should include the ability to work from within a set of personal cultural values while at the same time being able to accept and include others from cultures that hold differing values.
Identity Status
I
Relevance to Childhood Development
Definition
Although identity formation is considered the hallmark of adolescence and not childhood, the childhood period of the lifespan is viewed as absolutely critical in terms of identity formation. Childhood offers the necessary, but not sufficient, foundation for a mentally healthy adolescence and adulthood. Erikson’s theory suggests that a healthy adolescent and adult identity depends upon the further development of values and beliefs transmitted during childhood. Psychosocial development offers a built-in possibility that in later stages of development, the person may be able to overcome, or at least ameliorate, even the negative impact of maltreatment and trauma that may have occurred during childhood. This offers some realistic hope for all who survive childhood, while not denigrating the importance of people’s experiences during childhood and their discovery of the trends and expectations of their society.
A phase or status in which a person is actively exploring alternatives towards solidifying a sense of identity.
References
Relevance to Childhood Development
1.
Identity moratorium is an active identity development stage characterized by exploration or crisis without a commitment to a solid sense of self. Proper guidance can help the individual move towards the next step of identity achievement.
2. 3.
4. 5.
Erikson, E. H. (1950). Childhood and society. New York: W. W. Norton. Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. New York: W.W. Norton. Herman, W. E. (2005). Values acquisition and moral development: An integration of Freudian, Eriksonian, Kohlbergian, and Gilliganian viewpoints. Forum on Public Policy: Child Psychology, 1(4), 391–410. Hoare, C. H. (1991). Psychosocial identity development and cultural others. Journal of Counseling & Development, 70(1), 45–53. Marcia, J. E. (1994). The empirical study of ego identity. In H. A. Bosma, T. L. G. Graafsma, H. D. Grotevant, & D. J. de Levita (Eds.), Identity and development: An interdisciplinary approach sage focus editions (Vol. 172, pp. 67–80). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Identity Formation and Development ▶Bicultural Identity
Description This is a phase or status outlined by James Marcia characterizing exploration and progress towards identity achievement. The individual is currently experiencing an identity crisis and is looking for answers of the questions that have been raised. These questions are usually occupational, relational and cultural and the individuals place within these domains. Example of identity moratorium: “I have been spending lots of time analyzing my occupational interest inventories that I took at school. There are so many opportunities and I have so many questions. One day I want to be an attorney the next day a chef. I guess I will have to continue talking to people and doing research to figure out what I want to do.”
References 1. 2. 3.
Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. New York: Norton. Marcia, J. E. (1966). Development and validation of ego identity status. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 3, 551–558. Meilman, P. W. (1979). Cross sectional age changes in ego identity status during adolescence. Developmental Psychology, 15, 230–232.
Identity Status AMANDA BOZACK University of New Haven, West Haven, CT, USA
Definition
Identity Moratorium RAY WOOTEN St. Mary’s University, San Antonio, TX, USA
Synonyms Active exploration without achieving identity
781
A term originating from the psychosocial theory of development that describes adolescents’ exploration of and commitment to values, beliefs, and roles.
Description Erik H. Erikson’s psychosocial theory proposes that ego development occurs throughout the lifespan in a series of stages (trust vs. mistrust, autonomy vs. shame and doubt, initiative vs. guilt, industry vs. inferiority, identity vs. role
I
782
I
Identity Styles
confusion, intimacy vs. isolation, generativity vs. stagnation, and integrity vs. despair). It suggests that ego identity continuously changes based on our experiences and interactions with others and that specific challenges (or crises) arise at different points in life. During these times of crises old values and choices are re-examined. The outcome of each crisis leads to a commitment to a certain value, belief, or role [1]. James E. Marcia’s contribution to psychosocial theory elaborates on stage resolution and, in particular, the identity versus role confusion (or diffusion) stage that occurs during adolescence. Erikson’s theory proposes that adolescence is marked by a crisis between identity and confusion in life domains such as work, politics, religion, and gender roles. Successfully navigating the conflict will result in an ability to stay true to one’s self, while failure will lead to confusion and low self-esteem. Marcia extended this idea by developing the Identity Status Interview [2]. He proposed four possible stages, or statuses, based on his findings, that mark adolescents’ navigation through the identity versus role confusion stage: identity diffusion, identity foreclosure, identity moratorium, and identity achievement. ● Identity diffusion is characterized by adolescents who have not yet experienced a crisis of identity and have not committed to an identity. These adolescents may eventually plot a course toward moratorium and achievement, resign to a foreclosed identity, or maintain the diffused status over time. ● Identity Foreclosure is characterized by adolescents who are committed to specific beliefs about their identity without going through a crisis. These adolescents have not considered an identity for themselves outside of the identity of their youth or outside the identity desired by others. ● Identity moratorium is characterized by adolescents who are experiencing a crisis. They are in the process of exploring their identity. They have not yet committed to any future path, but are open to, thinking about, and exploring possible options. Adolescents in moratorium are usually on the path to identity achievement. ● Identity achievement is characterized by adolescents who have gone through a crisis and made a commitment. These adolescents have explored identity options and, based on that exploration, have committed to the specific beliefs and values they hold [3]. Marcia is most widely known for his work on identity statuses in the identity versus role confusion stage. However, identity status work has extended into other psychosocial
stages as well. Marcia and colleagues have proposed that within each adult stage people may cycle through moratorium and achievement identity statuses. They suggest that while some parts of our identity that are formed in youth remain throughout our lives, much of our identity changes through the course of life experiences. When experiences are discordant with our beliefs we may shift from an identity achievement status to an identity moratorium status. This exploration and integration of our experiences may lead to a revision of beliefs. This moratorium-achievement-moratorium-achievement cycle is represented by the acronym MAMA [4, 5].
References 1. 2. 3. 4.
5.
Erikson, E. H. (1963). Childhood and society (2nd ed.). New York: Norton. Marcia, J. E. (1966). Development and validation of ego-identity status. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 3(5), 551–558. Marcia, J. E. (1980). Identity in adolescence. In J. Adelson (Ed.), Handbook of adolescent psychology (pp. 159–187). New York: Wiley. Marcia, J. E. (2002). Identity and psychosocial development in adulthood. Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research, 2(1), 7–28. Stephen, J., Fraser, E., & Marcia, J. E. (1992). Lifespan identity development: Variables related to Moratorium-Achievement (MAMA) cycles. Journal of Adolescence, 15, 283–300.
Identity Styles STACY A. S. WILLIAMS State University of New York at Albany, Albany, NY, USA
Definition Identity style is a theoretical construct used to refer to the manner in which individuals construct and manipulate their identities [3].
Description Identity exploration often begins in adolescence. It was Erick Erickson who argued that adolescence is a period of psychosocial moratorium: an opportunity for adolescents to forestall adulthood by exploring different identities in order to select a stable construct by which the self can be defined. For adolescents enrolling in college, matriculation affords a period of exploration that may not be available to those whose next destination is not a college. Erickson’s theory of identity development is based on his psychosocial model of human development. Successful resolution of the adolescent phase is based on successful ego resolutions at the earlier stages of development [4].
Identity Styles
Marcia’s Model Though Erickson is ultimately the father of identity research, it was James Marcia who operationally defined his theoretical construct. Marcia’s research focused on the outcome of the identity process [2], arguing that differences in identities could be accounted for by two processes: commitment and exploration. Marcia defined commitment as personal investment, sacrifice, sustaining interest in values, goals, and ideals [1]. Additionally, exploration was defined as involvement in a period of engagement and searching for acceptable goals, values, and ideals, with the intention of making a commitment. Marcia argued that commitment provided the motivation to adhere to one’s values whereas exploration provided the process by which the construction of one’s identity could be established. Marcia’s concept of identity is often represented as two orthogonal dimensions to denote four identity styles which incorporate varying levels of commitment and exploration: diffused identity, foreclosed, moratorium, and identity achieved [1]. Diffused identity outcome is characterized by low exploration and low commitment. An adolescent who has a diffused identity is said to have not explored any particular social or personal goals and has made no commitment to any values. Diffused identity state is often referred to as an unhealthy identity state and is correlated with conformity to peer influences. A diffused identity is usually found very early during the identity exploration phase [4]. In addition, numerous studies have suggested a relationship between this identity state and psychological states, or mind-sets that prevent or limit a healthy adaptation to fulfilling personal and social goals [1]. Individuals with low exploration and high commitment are said to be foreclosed in their identity style. Adolescents in this state experience no identity crisis. They have yet to explore acceptable goals, values or ideas and often prematurely commit to an occupation or ideology based on the suggestions of others [4]. There are many different types of foreclosed adolescents and these individuals often live quiet and orderly lives [1]. Adolescents who experience high crisis (i.e., exploration) and no commitment are said to be in a moratorium state. These individuals are intensely exploring acceptable goals, values, and ideas but have yet to commit to any of the selected goals or values. Erickson suggests that a moratorium youth is doing exactly what typical youths tend to do: he or she is actively seeking out alternatives, with the goal of finding a compatible value system to integrate in their construction of self [1, 4]. The final identity outcome of Marcia’s model is called identity achievement. An achieved identity is marked by
I
783
high exploration and high commitment. After exploring different social identities, the adolescent commits deeply to a particular ideology and career path. The positive outcome of identity development and the successful resolving of the crisis at this stage of development lends itself to the positive outcome of identity achievement [1, 4].
Berzonsky’s Model While Marcia’s identity development is outcome focused, current theories of identity style focus more on Berzonsky’s cognitive model. Berzonsky argued that identity development should be conceptualized through a socio-cognitive perspective and accordingly developed a process-oriented model that emphasizes the process of exploration. Berzonsky argued that during the exploration phase, individuals are often coping and adapting to the crises that are invoked in creating and constructing an achieved identity. Through these social cognitions, the adolescent perceives and processes reality. In this process-oriented model, Berzonsky identified three process orientations: information, normative, and diffuse/ avoidant [1]. There are strong parallels between Berzonsky’s and Marcia’s models of identity styles. There are similarities between informational and moratorium-achievement, normative and foreclosure, and diffuse-avoidant and diffusion identities [1]. Information-oriented individuals deal with identity issues by actively seeking out and evaluating values, goals, or opportunities before making commitments. When confronted with information that is different from their perceptions of self, informationoriented individuals often revise their self-conceptions [2, 5]. This orientation has been found to be associated with effortful self-exploration, introspection, selfawareness, problem-solving, coping styles, and cognitive complexity. In addition, this orientation is positively related to effective life management skills and mature relationships with others [3]. Adolescents with this process orientation were also found to perceive their parents as authoritative and engaging in open discussions. Additionally, this style was positively predicted by adolescents who perceived their parents as warm, involved and responsive to their needs in times of stress (i.e., parental support). However, the style was also related to adolescents who perceived their parents as controlling often using manipulative and intrusive strategies (i.e., psychological control) [5]. Normative-oriented individuals rely on the social norms and expectations of significant others when confronted with identity crises. These individuals rigidly
I
784
I
Identity Styles
adhere to the existing identity structure, into which they assimilate all identity relevant information. Due to their rigid adherence to the accessible identity structure, the probability of cognitive distortions is increased. This identity style has been associated with intolerance for ambiguity and a need to maintain structure and closure [1]. Furthermore, Berzonsky noted adolescents with this copying style perceived their parents to be authoritarian and found their family lacking in expressiveness. Unexpectedly, this identity style also related positively to authoritative parents and found family relations to be trusting and cohesive [5]. Furthermore, this style was positively predicted by parental support and adolescents’ perception of their parents as providing them with clear expectations for behaviors and monitoring behaviors (i.e., behavioral control) [5]. Diffuse-avoidant individuals are similar to Marcia’s diffused identity state. These individuals avoid personal issues and delay decisions until environmental demands dictate their behavior, which often results in a fragmented identity structure. This fragmented state is also a function of situation specific identification by which individuals define themselves mainly in external terms (i.e., my reputation, my popularity). Diffuse avoiding adolescents have been found to engage in procrastination, embrace an external locus of control, and engage in emotionalfocused coping behaviors [1, 2]. This style was found to relate to authoritarianism and permissive parenting styles. In addition, family environments were often characterized by lack of expressiveness and communication [5]. Additionally, this style is positively predicted by parents who exert psychological control and negatively influenced by maternal behavioral control [5].
Identity Styles and Minorities A discussion of identity styles would be incomplete without paying particular attention to racial identity development, which is one aspect of identity exploration for people of color. William Cross Jr. and Janet E. Helms are often respectively cited in the exploration and examination of Black and White racial identity styles. Furthermore, Cross’ model is often used as the framework in exploring other racial identities. Both Cross’ and Helms’ models are presented as stage-like theories. However, their models are not linear and individuals recycle through the stages at different points in the life cycle. Cross’ model is operationally defined as a five-stage model: pre-encounter, encounter, immersion/emersion, internalization, and internalization/commitment stage. The pre-encounter stage represents the identity that individuals are born with. This stage is highly influenced by
