Tok Pisin Texts: From the Beginning to the Present (Varieties of English Around the World Text Series, 9)

Tok Pisin Texts Varieties of English Around the World General Editor Edgar W. Schneider Department of English & Amer...

Author: Peter Muhlhausler | Thomas Edward Dutton | Suzanne Romaine

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Tok Pisin Texts

Varieties of English Around the World

General Editor Edgar W. Schneider Department of English & American Studies University of Regensburg Universitätsstraße 31 D-93053 REGENSBURG Germany [email protected] Editorial Assistants Alexander Kautzsch, Magnus Huber (Regensburg) Editorial Board Laurie Bauer (Wellington); Manfred Görlach (Cologne); Rajend Mesthrie (Cape Town); Peter Trudgill (Fribourg); Walt Wolfram (Raleigh, NC)

Text Series Volume T9 Tok Pisin Texts: From the beginning to the present Edited by Peter Mühlhäusler, Thomas E. Dutton and Suzanne Romaine

Tok Pisin Texts From the beginning to the present

Edited by

Peter Mühlhäusler University of Adelaide

Thomas E. Dutton The Australian National University

Suzanne Romaine University of Oxford

John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia

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TM

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences – Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-1984.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Tok Pisin texts : from the beginning to the present / edited by Peter Mühlhäusler, Thomas E. Dutton, Suzanne Romaine. p. cm. (Varieties of English Around the World, issn 0172–7362 ; v. T9) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Tok Pisin language--Texts. I. Mühlhäuser, Peter. II. Dutton, Thomas Edward, 1935- III. Romaine, Suzanne, 1951- IV. Varieties of English around the world. Text series ; v. 9. PM7891.Z9N4684 2003 427’.9953-dc22 isbn 90 272 4718 8 (Eur.) / 1 58811 456 2 (US) (Hb; alk. paper)

2003055683

© 2003 – John Benjamins B.V. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. John Benjamins Publishing Co. · P.O. Box 36224 · 1020 me Amsterdam · The Netherlands John Benjamins North America · P.O. Box 27519 · Philadelphia pa 19118-0519 · usa

Table of contents

Sociohistorical and grammatical aspects of Tok Pisin Peter Mühlhäusler

1

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction1 Name and area of distribution2 External history of Tok Pisin5 Internal history of Tok Pisin8 The phonology of Tok Pisin13 Inflectional morphology14 Syntax16 7.1 General remarks16 7.2 Word classes16 7.3 Pronouns17 7.4 The noun phrase19 7.5 The verb phrase20 7.6 Simple sentences20 7.7 Expansion of simple sentences21 7.8 Conjoined (co-ordinated) sentences22 7.9 Embedding of sentences22 8. The lexicon of Tok Pisin25 9. Conclusions33 10. Appendix: Some brief remarks on the texts33 I.

From early contacts and Gut Taim Bilong Siaman (the Good Old Days of the German Administration)

Text 1: The earliest evidence for Pidgin English in the New Guinea area, 1840s35 Text 2: Statements by New Irelanders recruited to the sugar plantations of Queensland, 1880s36 Text 3: Reminiscences of a missionary, 1880s37

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Text 4: Recruitment of labour, New Britain 1880s39 Text 5: A list of Pidgin English expressions, 188340 Text 6: Early spread of Tok Pisin42 Text 7: German New Guinea, early 1900s44 Text 8: Early phonogram recording, 190445 Text 9: First scholarly account of Tok Pisin, 191147 Text 10: Ethno-psychological study, 191349 Text 11: Letters, 191350 Text 12: Evidence given in a murder trial, c.191251 Text 13: Translation of the Geneva Convention, c.191452 Text 14: Proclamation, 191454 Text 15: Examples of Tok Pisin used by the police force, c.192155 II. Indigenous voices 1920–1945

57

Text 16: Earliest recorded song, 192257 Text 17: Margaret Mead’s observations, 193158 Text 18: German-influenced Tok Pisin (PM)59 Text 19: Story by a Native policeman, 194359 Text 20: Letter, 1939 (PM)61 Text 21: Dispute about a pig, 193062 III. The use of Tok Pisin by missions and government

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Text 22: Extracts from a grammar and dictionary, 192465 Text 23: Native labour ordinance, 192466 Text 24: The Lord’s Prayer68 Text 25: ‘Guidance for learning the Tok Boi’, a language lesson, 193070 Text 26: First serial in Tok Pisin, 193571 Text 27: A hymnal, 193873 Text 28: Second World War propaganda leaflet76 IV. Indigenous voices 1950–1970 Text 29: Ginger planting, 1950s79 Text 30: Highlands Tok Pisin, 1960s: A story about a snake81

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V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present

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Text 31: Two narratives, 1973 (PM)87 Text 32: Tok Baksait and Tok Bokis, 194990 Text 33: Tok piksa, talking in metaphors, 1976 (PM)91 Text 34: Playful insults, 1976 (PM)93 Text 35: A conversation around a snooker table, 1976 (PM)93 Text 36: The story of the loaves and fishes (1) (SR)95 Text 37: Extract from a council meeting, East Sepik District, 197297 Text 38: Baby and caretaker talk102 Text 39: Interview about war experiences (TD)103 Text 40: Interview with a field manager (TD)109 Text 41: Traditional story (TD)115 Text 42: Interview118 Text 43: A Masalai story (TD)125 Text 44: A hunting story (TD)127 Text 45: A traditional story (TD)128 Text 46: Interview (TD)130 Text 47: The development of Tok Pisin on Manus Island (PM)133 Text 48: How Tok Pisin came to Tumam (PM)140 Text 49: Comments on some differences between varieties of Tok Pisin (SR)143 Text 50: Story of first hearing Tok Pisin (SR)147 Text 51: The story of the origin of Tok Pisin (SR)148 VI. Translations of foreign voices Text 52: Tok Masta in a newspaper article, 1933151 Text 53: Translation of an English bawdy ballad, 1959153 Text 54: Translation of ‘Max and Moritz’155 Text 55: Translation of Macbeth, 1977158 Text 56: Translation of the highway code, 1969159 Text 57: Example of literary Tok Masta161 Text 58: Japanese propaganda leaflet, c.1942163 Text 59: Translation of Australian Customs reqirements, 1986165 Text 60: A recipe, 1987168 Text 61: Translation of the Constitution of Papua New Guinea, 1975170 Text 62: How to take care of pigs174 Text 63: The story of the loaves and fishes (2)177

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VII.

Urban Tok Pisin and the influence of English

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Text 64: Code mixing and code switching (PM)181 Text 65: Chain letters182 Text 66: A conversation, 1975184 Text 67: An account of an accident (SR)191 Text 68: Interview194 Text 69: Narrative (SR)207 Text 70: Billy Goats Gruff (SR)209 VIII.

New written genres

Text 71: Newspaper articles, 1951213 Text 72: A letter to the Editor, 1971216 Text 73: An official letter (SR)218 Text 74: An official letter (SR)219 Text 75: Letter from the wife of a schoolteacher in the Kabwum District (SR)221 Text 76: Letter from a houseboy in Lae (SR)223 Text 77: A letter to the Editor, 1980s224 Text 78: Sports report from Wantok Niuspepa226 Text 79: Report of the week from Wantok Niuspepa228 Text 80: Traim Paspas, a stage play in Tok Pisin230 Text 81: A cartoon from Grass Roots (1)240 Text 82: Cartoon from Grass Roots (2)241 Text 83: Cartoon from Grass Roots (3)243 Text 84: Cartoon from Grass Roots (4)244 Text 85: Cartoon from Grass Roots (5)245 Text 86: Cartoon from Grass Roots (6)246 Text 87: Greeting card (from Grass Roots Comic Company)247 Text 88: Advertisement for Sunflower tinned fish250 Text 89: Advertisement for ‘Mozzie Zapper’250 Text 90: Political broadside252 Text 91: Minutes of a council meeting (PM)257 Text 92: Advertisement261 Text 93: Unpublished letter to Wantok newspaper264

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IX. Creolized varieties of Tok Pisin

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Text 94: The story of Little Red Riding Hood (SR)267 Text 95: The story of the pig in the pot (1) (SR)271 Text 96: The story of the pig in the pot (2) (SR)272 Text 97: The story of the sick boy (SR)273 Text 98: A puppet show (SR)274 Text 99: Narrative: tumbuna story (SR)276 Text 100: Two girls talking about the languages they know (SR)277 Bibliography

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Sociohistorical and grammatical aspects of Tok Pisin* Peter Mühlhäusler

1.

Introduction

Tok Pisin is one of the most important languages of Melanesia and is used in a wide range of public and private functions in Papua New Guinea. The language has featured prominently in Pidgin and Creole linguistics and has featured in a number of debates in theoretical linguistics. Tok Pisin, however, was not always regarded as a respectable language to speak or study. A list compiled by the missionary Hoeltker (1945: 53) gives the following opinions of Tok Pisin to be found in the German literature on the subject: ‘a strange universal language’, ‘a screamingly funny way of speaking’, ‘a comical’, ‘amusing’, ‘ingenious’, ‘terrible’, ‘arbitrarily pruned language’, ‘a wondrous mishmash’, ‘a hotchpotch’, ‘ugly jargon’, ‘the most difficult language to learn in the world’, ‘a dreadful parody of the Anglo-Saxon language’, ‘ghastly mutilated English’, ‘very apt caricature of English’, ‘a peculiar, crossbred physiognomy’, ‘incredibly primitive with amazing simplicity’, ‘of cannibalistic primitiveness’, ‘the most dreadful language of all’, etc. (authors’ translation)

Numerous similar descriptions have since been added, and it is not so very long ago that a well-respected journal published an article lampooning this language (Siebeck 1982). It is nevertheless impossible to escape the fact that opinion on Tok Pisin has recently taken a positive turn: the politicians of independent Papua New Guinea have recognized the advantages of a universal lingua franca

* We would like to acknowledge the help of Paul Monaghan in preparing the final draft of this document. We are grateful to the publishers of the Grass Roots Comic Company for allowing us to use their cartoons. We also would like to acknowledge the help of the many colleagues who over the years have given us texts — wherever possible we have acknowledged them.

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in their multilingual country (over 700 languages for about 4,000,000 inhabitants), and, also, modern linguistics has accepted the special test-case role of Tok Pisin to an increasing extent. The enhanced status of Tok Pisin in linguistics is demonstrated by the fact that serious literature on this language has grown enormously: the 700 page Handbook of Tok Pisin (Wurm & Mühlhäusler 1985) and Verhaar’s 1990 collection being prime examples here. Although linguists from the outside have not visited Papua New Guinea much in the last decade, information about Tok Pisin as currently used is readily available on the internet. For tourists, a crash course (Mühlhäusler & Monaghan 1999) has been prepared.

2. Name and area of distribution The name ‘Tok Pisin’ (‘talk pidgin’), the official name of the language since 1981, has only become familiar since independence; older accounts use terms such as ‘Neomelanesian’, ‘Melanesian Pidgin’, ‘New Guinea Pidgin’, ‘Tok Vaitman’, ‘Tok Boi’, and several others. The continual renaming of the language is more than just a series of coincidences: it reflects the fact that in the past expatriates1 played a leading part as model speakers, to be followed by Black plantation workers (boi2) and then finally by the entire population. A name such as ‘New Guinea Pidgin’ is therefore particularly suitable as a neutral term for the various developmental stages of the language, while ‘Tok Pisin’ is best used only as the name of the present-day language.3 Tok Pisin is spoken in all parts of Papua New Guinea (cf. Map 1), but mainly in those provinces which once belonged to German New Guinea. It is the second language for more than 50% of the population and the first or main language for a constantly growing number of town-dwellers. In the formerly Australian sector of Papua, Tok Pisin has in many cases replaced the native Pidgin Motu (Hiri Motu). Some authorities regard Tok Pisin as a regional

1.This was the label most commonly given to White administrators and settlers from Australia, Europe and America. 2.The word boi etymologically combines Hindustani bhoi (‘carrier, bearer’) and English ‘boy’ (‘immature adult male’). The word travelled from Portuguese India to Macau to Hong Kong and subsequently became common throughout the British colonies. In Tok Pisin it meant ‘indigenous male in European employment’. The word was outlawed in the last years of Australian administration. 3.The justification for this is that contemporary Tok Pisin is structurally and lexically very different from that which was spoken before the Second World War.

Sociohistorical and grammatical aspects of Tok Pisin

Map 1.Papua New Guinea.

dialect of Melanesian Pidgin English, other varieties of which are Solomon Islands Pidgin English, Bislama of Vanuatu, the almost extinct Pidgin English of New Caledonia, Kanaka English of Queensland, and a few other marginal pidgin languages. However, the historical relationships between these languages are considerably more complicated than the term ‘dialect’ would suggest, and it should therefore only be used with caution. Lexical differences within Papua New Guinea are due less to geographical than to social factors. A rough geographical classification (which is widely used in popular metalinguistics) differentiates between the Tok Pisin of the Bismarck Archipelago, of the coastal region, and of the highlands. This three-way division reflects three phases in the colonization of the country: the opening up of the islands from 1870 onwards, of the coastal region of the main island (so-called Kaiser-Wilhelmsland) from about 1900, and of the highlands from 1945. Since the inhabitants had a very high degree of geographical mobility, especially before the country became independent in 1975, and Tok Pisin was typically learnt while absent from home and working on the coastal plantations, this type of regional classification is unsatisfactory. In most recent times, the internal mobility of the population has decreased due to the increasing autonomy of the

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individual provinces, and the possible development of more markedly regional dialects cannot be ruled out. A more important subdivision of Tok Pisin is into the four main sociolects of the language: the bush pidgin of the remote regions (Tok Bus ‘talk of the remote areas’or Tok Kanaka ‘talk of the people of remote areas’), the traditional rural Tok Pisin (Tok Bilong Asples ‘language of the villages’), the urban version (Tok Skul ‘talk of the schools’ or Tok Bilong Taun ‘talk of the towns’) and lastly Tok Masta (‘language of the White colonizers’). The sociolectic division of the language is mainly the result of differences in contact with the English language and Western culture: until shortly before the independence of the country only a small number of native inhabitants, mostly the town-dwellers, had easy access to English. Since then the English language has increasingly penetrated into the interior through the school system, and consequently the differences between the native sociolects seem to be getting smaller, as found by Dutton in his 1985 field research in New Guinea. Tok Masta had become just a relic from the colonial era and is mainly preserved as a literary form (e.g., Rushton 1988). Tok Masta is the Foreigner Talk English of the Whites who did not make the effort to learn the Tok Pisin spoken by the various peoples. It is more a variety of English than of Tok Pisin, and the extent to which Tok Masta speakers and Tok Pisin speakers can understand each other is minimal. It is reported by Wurm that some Tok Masta speakers are not even capable of identifying Tok Pisin texts as ‘Pidgin English’ (Stephen Wurm, personal communication). The important point here is that all the varieties mentioned so far are pidgin languages, i.e., second languages mainly learnt at the adult stage and reduced both in their linguistic structure and in their functional range. In addition to these, however, there are also creolized4 varieties of Tok Pisin. They have developed since the end of the Second World War in towns and larger settlements such as mission stations or non-traditional villages. One example of such a village is Malabang on the island of Manus, where plantations workers from various parts of New Guinea bought a plot of land, married women from differing linguistic groups on Manus, and founded a new community. In that village there is now a third generation of native speakers of Tok Pisin. It can thus be seen that a broad spectrum of differing language varieties is covered by the name ‘Tok Pisin’. What is particularly important is that it is still

4.Creolization involves children extending the parental input and adopting Tok Pisin as their first language. The innovations of children survive only once creole speakers become a critical mass and can impose their norms on second language speakers.


possible to recapitulate the linguistic and social development of the language by taking speech samples, progressing from the rudimentary varieties of the most remote parts of the interior to the more and more developed forms along the main routes of communication and along the coast. Tok Pisin is therefore an ideal test area for the uniformitarians among the historical linguists.

3. External history of Tok Pisin The development of Tok Pisin from its origins to the present-day covers somewhat more than 100 years. In that time, however, the language has changed so much that we can now identify three, perhaps four, developmental stages which can be only mutually understood with difficulty. Tok Pisin is a typical example of the fact that pidgin and creole languages have a faster rate of development than ‘normal languages’. And, incidentally, they cast doubt on methods of language dating such as glottochronology (cf. Hall 1959). The origins of the language began with the greatly reduced English jargons which were brought to the eastern Bismarck Archipelago from about 1850 onwards by whale hunters and traders. These forerunners rarely, if ever, survived the short-term contacts which contributed to their emergence and therefore have to be set apart from the actual (continuous) development of the language of Tok Pisin. A more important factor was the recruitment of thousands of Bismarck Islanders to the German plantations of Samoa, which began in approximately 1878. There may have already existed a plantation pidgin language there, spoken by workers from Kiribati (Gilbert Islands) who made up the majority of the plantation population between 1865 and 1880. This pidgin was extended and modified by the people from New Guinea (blakbois), and taken back to New Guinea by them after their three to five year work term had expired. When the first plantations were established in the Bismarck Archipelago, the employers turned to former ‘Samoans’. There is thus good reason to assume that the Samoan Plantation Pidgin remained the most important model for the developing Tok Pisin up to about 1900. The main function of the plantations in this development was in stabilizing the unstable jargon English varieties known to the different recruits to form a standardized lingua franca. In the case of Tok Pisin it was important that the plantation owners and colonial masters were Germans, which meant that the English language was not available as a model. The consequence was that Tok Pisin developed its own internal mechanisms of enlarging its vocabulary at an early stage.

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Tok Pisin was spread back to the villages from the plantations. From approximately 1900 onwards most villages under the control of the government had an interpreter who could speak pidgin, and knowledge of the language was generally accepted as the means of achieving material prosperity (tobacco, European tools, clothing etc.) and power. Apart from the ‘academy’ of the plantations, there was also a governmental institution in which Pidgin English was taught: the prisons. The painter Emil Nolde (1965: 65) recounts his impressions during a stay in New Guinea at the beginning of last century: [There] …we often met some of the wild men who arrived on the ship with us. The purpose of their enforced stay in Rabaul was the gradual acquisition of some means of communication, either in gestures, in the usual Pidgin English, or in German concepts and words. When they had achieved this to some small extent, after many months, they were taken back home again …When they returned home they had to act as interpreters when the agents of the planters were trying to recruit men to work on the plantations. (authors’ translation)

The spread of Tok Pisin over increasingly extensive parts of New Guinea continued without much change under Australian administration after the end of the German rule in 1914: the language was learned at work, at a governmental station, or on a plantation. However, Tok Pisin was now increasingly also used outside this context at home to discuss non-traditional topics and for communication across the numerous language barriers of the country. The Pax Germanica and Australis had created favourable conditions for this. With the gradual change in the use of Tok Pisin from vertical (between Europeans or plantation foremen and workers) to horizontal communciation (between equals within or outside the plantation) there was a reduction in the influence of English as a model: while the Native peoples regarded Tok Pisin as the language of the Europeans until about 1930, from then onwards there begins to be signs that it was the language of the Native peoples, Tok Boi, and no longer Tok Vaitman. There was also a realisation that Europeans often speak it badly. The development of Tok Pisin into a stable lingua franca was brought to a premature end by the Japanese invasion in the Second World War. The war had far-reaching consequences for Tok Pisin: a. The destruction of almost all the plantations and missionary stations eliminated the most important social context for learning and developing the language at a stroke. An entire generation of young people acquired only inadequate knowledge of Tok Pisin. b. Speakers of Tok Pisin were brought into contact with speakers of the far


more anglicized Papuan Pidgin English and the broken Foreigner Talk of the Australian and American soldiers. c. The German missionaries’ work of codifying and standardizing was interrupted. In spite of the extensive elimination of social and linguistic standards, the war also had some positive consequences. Tok Pisin was the language in which the Allies communicated (over radio and in millions of leaflets): its status changed from that of a language of workers and servants to a medium of liberation and self-assertion. This trend was reinforced after the resumption of the Australian administration. From 1945 onwards, Tok Pisin was used in numerous newspapers published by the government. At the same time it became the language of local government and of the beginnings of political emancipation. This trend was not even suppressed by the intervention of the United Nations (UN) in 1953, which urged that Tok Pisin should be abolished. The main reason for the negative position of the UN with regard to Tok Pisin was that this language was regarded as one of colonial repression. A detailed discussion of the UN documents relating to this can be found in the study by Hall (1955). Some important trends in the years up to the independence of the country were: a. b. c. d.

the geographic and demographic spread of the language; its use in new media such as radio and cartoons; increasing standardization, especially at the instigation of the church; the development of new sociolects and registers as a result of the new social mobility in the country and the functional expansion of the language; e. an increasingly positive attitude among both Native peoples and expatriates; f. the development of a literature (cf. Kloss 1978); g. gradual reduction in the age at which Tok Pisin is learned and diversification of the learning context. These trends were largely continued after the independence of New Guinea in 1975. However, changes created by independence also brought about some new conditions. For example, decentralization and increasing power of the provinces has contributed towards the fact that Tok Pisin is in some cases being pushed back by native languages. At the same time, the influence of English has become considerably more pronounced, and even in the more remote regions the difference between the rural and urban varieties of the language is therefore on the decline. The influence of the conservative mission stations, which were predominantly in German hands until the end of the Second World War, has waned. The German element in the vocabulary of the language has severely

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dwindled as a result. Since the development of Tok Pisin is largely dependent on the political events in Papua New Guinea, it is difficult to give a prognosis on the future of this language. On the one hand, its continued existence is ensured by the increasing number of native speakers, on the other, its role as a second language or national lingua franca seems to be in decline. Under the threat of English and the provincial languages, the functional range of Tok Pisin will probably shrink, and Laycock (1985a) regards it as not out of the question that the language might disappear in the course of two generations. To some extent this is happening in the urban areas: the rate of increase in English proficiency is much greater than the rate of increase in Tok Pisin proficiency. The figures are discussed in Mühlhäusler (1993: 57ff). Other possibilities are also conceivable, such as the splitting off of Bougainville and other outlying islands or a political merger with the Solomons and Vanuatu. In the latter event there would be an extremely important role for a linguistically standardized Melanesian Pidgin in an association of states of that kind. Finally, Tok Pisin might also again be increasingly regarded as an expression of national identity if, for example, there were some external threat from neighbouring states. In spite of verbal expressions of support for Tok Pisin and its use as the language of parliament, the government of the country has contributed little towards it stabilization and institutionalization. There is no standard policy on language, and the status of Tok Pisin as compared with other official languages (and languages of instruction) remains unclarified. The Melanesian ‘laissez faire’ attitude has many positive sides and has, above all, reduced strain between the many linguistic groups in the country. The absence of a really efficient system of language planning, however, also has many economic disadvantages, a luxury which a poor country like Papua New Guinea cannot really afford.

4. Internal history of Tok Pisin It is not possible to present all aspects of the linguistic history of Tok Pisin here. Those interested are referred to the more lengthy history of the Tok Pisin language in Wurm & Mühlhäusler (1985) and to individual papers such as Woolford (1979) on complementizers, Sankoff and Brown (1976) on relative clauses, and Mühlhäusler (1981) on the category of number. Generally speaking, the pidgin languages differ from other languages firstly in that they develop from less complex to more complex systems, and secondly


in that they are in contact with a number of substrate, superstrate and adstrate5 languages which influences their linguistic development in differing ways. The development of a pidgin can be represented as follows: developmental dimension jargon stable pidgin expanded pidgin creole

post-pidgin superstrate language post-creole

restructuring dimension

Along the developmental dimension we find language forms of increasing linguistic complexity (grammaticalized forms). Along the restructuring dimension the language increasingly becomes an approximation of the superstrate language: of English in the case of Tok Pisin. Let us illustrate the different forms found along these two dimensions with a partially putative example. English: On this island there are plenty of roads which allow people to go into the interior and produce goods which help to develop our country.

This text would be approximately as follows in the different stages of development of Tok Pisin: (1) Plenty little road along island. You fellows can go inside. You fellows work. Many small roads on island. You fellows can go inside. You fellows work. All right. Him plenty good. All right. That’s very good. (2) Planti liklik rot i stap long ailan hia. Yumi ken go long ailan. Many little roads exist on island here. We inc can go into the island. Sapos you wokim, orait yu ken mekim kirap kantri bilong yumi If you work, well you can make go ahead this country belonging to us. (3) I gat planti liklik rot long despela ailan long go insait long en. Yumi ken wokim There are plenty of little roads on this island to go inside into it. We inc can work.

5.These would be for instance local languages encountered by plantation workers, or Latin in the context of mission terminological work.

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samting i kirapim kantri bilong yumi. Something pr develop country belonging to us inc. (4) Lo tesela ailan I gat planti ol liklik rot lo go insait lo en na woki ol samti we On this island there are many pl small roads to go into it, and work pl things which krapi kantri bolo yumi. develops country belonging to us inc.

The following should be noted here in relation to these samples: 1. Jargon The putative speaker of this text is a White man using a mixture of Foreigner Talk English and various lexical conventions for Pacific Pidgin English. Complex trains of thought can only be expressed with great difficulty using this language form. The individual points to note here are: a. There is influence of English in the lexis, morphology (e.g., fellows) and syntax. b. The sentence length is very restricted. Co-ordination and embedding are absent. c. There is widespread grammatical multifunctionality, e.g., in the case of plenty (adjective and adverb), unlike in English, where it is only used adjectivally. d. The copula (equivalent of ‘to be’) is absent. 2. Stabilized Tok Pisin, as found from about 1890 onwards The putative speaker of this text is a Native. It is immediately noticeable that this linguistic form is not a variety of English, but a language in its own right. Somewhat more complex situations can now be written down in the language. The following points are particularly to be noted: a. For most words there is a standard pronunciation which usually now differs from English. Natural processes have simplified consonant groups, as in ailan ‘island’. b. The form liklik ‘small’ possibly arose from the encounter between the English ‘little bit’ and the Tolai ikilik ‘small’. c. The pronoun yumi ‘inclusive we’, as compared with yupela ‘exclusive we’, illustrates how local languages influence the structure of Tok Pisin. d. Coordination and subordination are possible, using the conjunction sapos ‘if ’, for example. e. The causative is constructed by means of a syntactic paraphrase, mekim


kirap ‘make go ahead’. 3. Expanded Tok Pisin, as found since approximately 1930 in regions close to the coast This is generally accepted as the ‘classical’ Tok Pisin. The main characteristics are its lexical and grammatical autonomy in relation to English. Some important points are: a. The phonology of the language becomes more complicated without the influence of English being responsible. For example, the word length of kirapim ‘make, go ahead, develop’ and the increasing number of consonant groups. b. Further conjunctions appear, e.g., long ‘in order to’, which has developed from the preposition long ‘in, at, on, etc.’ c. The internal development of a word formation component in the language can be seen in the example of kirapim ‘make, go ahead, develop’. d. Sentences become longer and more complex. The word order is freer, since a number of transformations are possible. An example of this is i gat planti rot ‘there are many roads’. 4. Creolized Tok Pisin The transition from second to first language is characterized by a rapid and extensive restructuring of a pidgin, especially in the case of young speakers; with increasing age, creole speakers of Tok Pisin adapt to the norms of the non-native Tok Pisin. A number of the innovations in the creole text above are, however, also now found in non-creolized varieties. Special features of the text are: a. The operation of numerous phonological processes, mainly those which reduce semantically ‘empty’ grammatical words. Note lo instead of long (preposition), bolo instead of bilong (possessive marker) and the transitive verbal ending -i (in woki etc.) instead of -im. b. The plural marker ol, which is optional in the second-language varieties (especially in the case of inanimate nouns, see Mühlhäusler 1981), is obligatory here. c. Relative clauses are introduced by the newly created relative pronoun we ‘which’, which has developed from the interrogative pronoun we ‘where’. d. Here we have a single sentence structure with multiple embedding. e. (It is not obvious from the written example but) the speech tempo has increased considerably as compared with the other varieties. The end result is, as can already be seen from this brief example, a language

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whose English origins are now only detectable with great difficulty. This applies even more to spoken varieties than to written ones. The highly complex grammar of the creole variant is also apparent here. After illustrating the vertical development of Tok Pisin, we shall now turn briefly to the horizontal development in relation to English: that is, to postpidgin and post-creole Tok Pisin. Our sample sentence would now look something like this: (5) I got plenti liklik rod on disfella ailan long go insaid. Wi ken workim samting. There are many small roads on this island to go in. We can work something. I getapim kantri bilong as. pr develop country belonging to us.

Note here that neither the complexity of the grammatical surface structure nor the referential wealth of the language (i.e., its suitability for codifying finer or new differences in meaning) has increased. Instead of this we find that conservative speech forms have been replaced by anglicized ones, as, for example, in: a. The increased similarity to the English pronunciation (got instead of the previous gat, getapim instead of kirapim or krapim). What we can observe here is thus that the language is being etymologized. b. Traditional vocabulary is replaced by neologisms: e.g., long by on. c. Borrowings can destroy partial areas of the grammar which were previously of fixed structure, e.g., the pronoun system. The previous difference between exclusive and inclusive pronouns becomes blurred due to the use of wi ‘we exclusive or inclusive’. It is naturally only possible to illustrate a few aspects of the post-pidgin development using such a short example. However, even this small number of observations should be sufficient to show that the autonomy and consistency of Tok Pisin are threatened by the renewed contact with English. The language is now considerably more difficult to learn than earlier rural varieties and therefore less suitable as a medium of countrywide communication between speakers of many different mother tongues. The case of urban Tok Pisin illustrates how far-reaching the effect of social and pragmatic factors on linguistic structures can be. After this brief passage through the linguistic history of Tok Pisin, we shall now turn to the grammar and lexicon of this language.

5. The phonology of Tok Pisin


The phonology of Tok Pisin is generally considered from two standpoints: firstly with regard to the reduction of the sound range of English, and secondly with regard to the influence of the native substrate languages. It is once again the case here that the phonology of Tok Pisin has changed greatly during the course of its development and that it is very difficult to make comprehensive generalizations. If we look at the first evidence of the language we can detect a number of variations from English: a. The inventory of sounds is greatly reduced: in particular, some ‘difficult’ sounds such as [ð] or [θ], [w] and most of the voiced plosives are absent. Compare: Tok Pisin

English

dispela maus sem sen kuap

this fellow mouth shame chain go up

b. The syllable structure of Tok Pisin is fundamentally restricted: open syllables are preferred and consonant groups are simplified either by the omission of one consonant or by the insertion of a vowel. Examples are: Tok Pisin

English

supia simel sitirong wail

spear smell strong wild

c. In the earliest instances of the language we find a pronounced tendency towards reduplication, e.g.: Tok Pisin

English

toritori aniani rokrok

territory onion frog

In the course of its development, and especially in the urban varieties, the phonology of Tok Pisin has come closer to that of English in a number of different ways. However, differences remain, especially in regard to the phonological rules. It is generally the case that pidgin languages have only very few

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rules which transform phonological deep structures into surface structures. In the majority of cases there is no difference between surface structures and deep structures. The resultant absence of conditioned pronunciation variants facilitates the learning of the language. A disadvantage is that there are no stylistic variants available, and, for example, central elements of a text receive the same stress as subordinate elements. An example of this would be the marker baimbai ‘in future, soon’, which is often longer than the verb it is modifying, e.g., in baimbai mi kam ‘I shall come’. In the course of time there has been a development of shorter forms, which are particularly favoured by creole speakers of Tok Pisin, as will be demonstrated below. The substrate influence in the phonology of Tok Pisin is mainly apparent in the less developed second-language varieties (see Laycock 1985b for a detailed discussion). Familiar examples are: a. the fusion of [l] and [r]; b. the prenasalization of voiced plosives as in tambak ‘tobacco’, rendio ‘radio’, honda ‘order’; c. the confusion of [s] and [t] as in soksok for toktok ‘talk’ or putput for puspus ‘to have sexual intercourse (push)’. Detailed studies such as that of Laycock (1985b) or Bee (1972) have shown that it would be too simple to claim that the phonology of a Tok Pisin statement is that of the native language of its speaker. In the absence of reliable longitudinal studies very little can be stated with certainty in this field.

6. Inflectional morphology Like other pidgin languages, Tok Pisin does not possess a highly developed inflectional morphology. Moreover, as pointed out in Mühlhäusler (1997), most developments are very recent and restricted to fluent second language or first language speakers. Inflectional morphology serves three main purposes: a. it signals word class membership; b. it signals secondary (accidental) semantic information, such as those attached to lexical words (tense, aspect, number, etc.); c. it signals grammatical relations such as case. Only the first two functions are encountered in second language Tok Pisin. The use of inflectional morphology to signal word classes has been widely written


about (e.g., Hall 1955: 73ff). It is argued that the affix -pela is used to signal adjectives (particularly attributive mono-syllabic adjectives) and that -im signals transitive and caustive verbs. The freedom with which Tok Pisin speakers can shift words from one word class to another makes these affixes rather unreliable indicators of word class, however, as can be seen from the following examples: (6) Longpela bilong dispela bris i fifti yat. The length of this bridge is 50 yards. Em i singaut bikpela. He shouts loudly. (7) Yu no ken askim dispela askim. You should not ask this question. (8) Kainkain ples i gat narapela kolim bilong dispela samting. Every other place has a different term for this thing.

The development of tense and aspect markers in Tok Pisin has attracted much scholarly attention. The best known case is the reduction of the time adverbial baimbai ‘future’ to the forms bai and ba and the prefix ba- or be-. A detailed case study is given by Sankoff and Laberge (1973) with some additional remarks being found in Stentzel (1978). Lynch (1979: 7–8) summarises the most recent developments as follows: However, one point which needs mentioning here is that bai itself is undergoing further reduction, and appears to have now reached the stage of a prefix to verb phrases. Among L1 speakers, the most common phonological form of bai is /ba/ (phonetically [ba] or [be]): (16)

/em bakam/

He will come

Em bai i kam

(17)

/bami singaut/

Will I call out?

Bai mi singaut o?

Before vowels, bai may further optionally reduce to /b/ (often phonetically [b˜]): (18)

/bol ikam/

They’ll come

Bai ol i kam

A second example of the attachment of free forms is the cliticization of anaphoric pronouns discussed by Sankoff (1977b). In the course of the history of Tok Pisin both the original third person singular pronoun i and the later third person singular pronoun em became attached to the following verb and subsequently lost their pronominal force.

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7. Syntax 7.1 General remarks This section will give no more than a brief outline of some salient characteristics of Tok Pisin syntax. A more comprehensive reference grammar is given by Mühlhäusler (1997), whilst numerous discussions of its more specialized aspects can be found in readers such as Verhaar (1990) or in linguistic journals. There is considerable variation caused both by developmental factors (syntax ranges from quite rudimentary to very complex depending upon speakers) and speakers’ linguistic background. As there are core conventions, considerable adstratum and superstratum interference as well as individual learner strategies can be reflected in syntax. 7.2 Word classes A number of attempts to extablish word classes in Tok Pisin have been made, the most important being those of Hall (1943 and 1955) and Wurm (1971). Hall states that the classification of words is one of the main aims of linguistic description and that it should precede all syntactic analysis. He also insists that morphological criteria should be at the base of any such classification. A further discussion of the theoretical principles underlying Hall’s work is found in Hall (1962). Wurm (1971), on the other hand, does not aim at a scientific categorization of Tok Pisin words but at providing classes useful in teaching the language. A comprehensive survey of the problem of using conventional word class labels to describe Tok Pisin has been given by Mühlhäusler (1994). The principal word classes of Tok Pisin are nouns and verbs, and the smaller classes of attributive adjectives and adverbials. In most instances, there is no formal distinction between predicative adjectives and intransive verbs. Two important differences from English are: a. The virtual absence of abstract nouns in most conservative second language varieties. b. The use of verb chains instead of verb + adverb strings. The number of true adverbials is very limited. Finally, speakers from different linguistic backgrounds may sign in forms of a surface string to different word classes. For instance, English speakers would interpret ol i haisim ap plak as pronoun, predicate marker, transitive verb,


particle, noun; whereas Melanesian speakers would interpret it as pronoun, predicate marker, transitive verb, intransitive verb, noun. 7.3 Pronouns 7.3.1 Personal pronouns The following table gives the overall pattern of Tok Pisin pronouns as used by rural speakers: 1st

2nd

3rd

sg.

mi I

yu you (one)

em he, she, it

du.

yumitupela we two inc mitupela we two exc

yutupela you two

(em) tupela they two

tr.

yumitripela we three inc mitripela we three exc

yutripela you three

(em) tripela they three

pl.

yumi we (all) inc mipela we (all) exc

yupela you (all)

(em) ol they

The distinction between the inclusive and the exclusive form of the first person plural pronoun is an important feature of Tok Pisin grammar. The distinction of ‘inclusive’ and ‘exclusive’ is a feature also found in Melanesian languages in New Guinea. One must always distinguish in present-day Tok Pisin whether we includes the person or persons spoken to or not. If the addressee is not included, one says mipela; if he is, one says yumi. Failure to observe the distinction can lead to misunderstandings: thus a missionary must say Jisas i- dai long yumi ‘Jesus died for us’, that is, for Europeans and Natives alike; if he said Jisas i- dai long mipela it would mean ‘Jesus died for us (missionaries, and not for the congregation)’ (Laycock 1970a: xviii). In some of the earlier texts the distinction is not fully developed and a confusion of inclusive and exclusive pronouns is often found in speakers for whom this distinction is not made in their first language. In recent years a form yumipela has become more common. For some

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of its users this form corresponds to English ‘we’. Plural pronouns for many speakers are used only when the referents are animates. 7.3.2 Interrogative pronouns These have been dealt with in a number of places, and little can be added to Laycock’s analysis (1970a: xxix). The four basic interrogative words: haumas ‘how much, how many’, husat ‘who’, we ‘where’, and wonem ‘what’, are used just like any other words in pidgin, and no special question intonation is used: (9) Haumas bai yu gipim mi? How much will you give me? (10) Husat i kamap? Who is coming? (11) Wonem i kam? What is coming? (12) Yu lukim wonem? What do you see? (13) Ol bai ol i go we? Where will they go?

All these interrogatives, except we, may be used as adjectives: (14) Haumas pe yu bin gipim longen? How much pay did you give him? (15) Husat man i sanap i stap wantaim yu? Who is the man standing beside you? (16) Wonem samting yu lukim? What is it you see? (17) Wonem meri i kukim kaukau? Which woman cooked the sweet potato? (18) Wonem kain pasin bilong yu? What sort of behaviour is that?

The interrogative does not necessarily come first in the sentence, epecially if it is the object (direct or indirect) of a verb: (19) Yu lukim wonem samting? What is it you see?


(20) Yu gipim sol long haumas man? How many men did you give salt to?

Where the interrogative is the subject of the sentence, the sentence can be broken into two phrases, especially where the item being questioned is a long phrase: (21) Man i kamap, em i husat? The man coming, who is he? (22) Dispela samting me lukim long ples bilong yu, i olosem bikpela anka, em wonem samting? This thing I saw in your house, like a big anchor, what is it?

7.3.3 Reflexive pronouns Reflexive pronouns in Tok Pisin are formed by the addition of yet after the personal pronoun appearing as object, e.g.: (23) Em i hangamapim em yet. He hanged himself. (24) Yu laikim yu yet tasol a? You are fond of yourself, aren’t you?

Reflexivity in Tok Pisin has not yet been well studied. It must be mentioned that not all reflexives in English are translated by a construction containing a reflexive pronoun in Tok Pisin. My data suggest that often the reflexive pronoun does not appear overtly, transitive verbs without overt object often being used to translate reflexive concepts, as in: (25) Man bilong kano tu i bilasim. The crew of the canoe decorated themselves. (26) Yu no ken pulimapim olsem bulmakau. You can’t stuff yourself like a cow.

7.4 The noun phrase The noun phrase in Tok Pisin consists of a head noun preceeded and/or followed by optional modifiers. For most speakers there is a strong tendency to keep the noun phrase simple. They avoid combinations of several attributive adjectives or quantifiers. Examples of Tok Pisin noun phrases are:

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Tok Pisin

English

gutpela meri (ol) longlong man han kais pren bilong mi

a/the good woman (pl) mad men left hand my friend, friend of mine

7.5 The verb phrase The verb phrase consists of one or more main verbs, plus optional preverbal or post-verbal modifiers such as tense and aspect markers. Verb phrases are usually introduced by the predicate marker i. 7.6 Simple sentences For most speakers Tok Pisin is an SV(O) language. With the exception of certain minor sentence types, such as interjections, most sentences in Tok Pisin can be derived from the following small number of basic patterns: a. NP + i + Adj./Vint.

intransitive sentence

(27) Ren i pundaun. The rain is falling. (28) Pik i bikpela. The pig is big.

b. NP + i + Vtr. + NP

transitive sentence

(29) Pik i bagarapim gaten. The pig ruined the garden.

c. NP + i + NP

equative sentence

(30) Em i saveman. He is an expert.

d. NP + i + stap + PP

locational sentence

(31) Ol gol i stap long graun. The gold is in the ground.

e. i gat + NP

existential sentence

(32). I gat moni long poket. There is money in the pocket.


Interrogatives and imperatives take the same form as the basic declarative forms just listed. For instance: (33) Yu kam.

You are coming; are you coming; come!

They are distinguished by intonation and other non-segmental means. 7.7 Expansion of simple sentences 7.7.1 Negation The scope of the negative adverb no in Tok Pisin appears to be the full predicate rather than individual constituents, a phenomenon found in many pidgin languages. The position of no is directly after i, as can be seen from the following examples: (34) Ol i no bin kisim independens yet. They haven’t got independence yet. (35) Ol i no laik wok long biksan. They don’t like to work in the full heat of the sun.

7.7.2 Time, place, and manner adverbials Time adverbials in Tok Pisin tend to appear sentence initially, place adverbials sentence finally, whilst most manner adverbials can occur at both positions. Some examples are: (36) Bipo ol i no mekim dispela pasin. In the old days they didn’t act like this. (37) Mi kisim mani long beng. I obtained money from the bank. (38) Aiting yu laik kam lukim me. Perhaps you would like to see me. (39) Bulmakau i singaut bikpela. A cow made a big noise.

7.7.3 Tense and aspect markers The grammar governing the optional use and tense of aspect markers in Tok Pisin is as complex as it is central to fluent second language and first language speakers. The reader is referred to the detailed account in the Handbook of Tok Pisin (Wurm & Mühlhäusler 1985: 370ff).

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7.8 Conjoined (co-ordinated) sentences Sentences can be conjoined by means of conjunctions such as na ‘and’, o ‘or’, and others. The rules underlying the deletion of parts of conjoined sentences are quite complex and they differ considerably from speaker to speaker. Examples illustrating some of these structural changes are: (40) Man i kam na man i sindaun. becomes Man i kam na em i sindaun. The man came and he sat down. (41) Lapun i lukim pik na lapun i kisim bunara bilongen. becomes Lapun i lukim pik na em i kisim bunara bilongen. The old man saw the pig and he got his bow and arrows. (42) Papa i krosim pikinini na mama i paitim pikinini. becomes Papa i krosim pikinini na mama i paitim em. The father is angry with the child and the mother hit him. (43) Ol man i baim buai na ol i kaikai em. becomes Ol man i baim buai na ol i kaikai em. The men bought betelnuts and chewed them.

7.9 Embedding of sentences 7.9.1 General remarks ‘Embedding’ refers to those cases where one sentence functions as the constituent of another. The subordinate status of a sentence is quite obvious when it functions as the subject or object (complements) of another sentence. For example: Sentence 1 NP VP Ø i tru Sentence 2 NP tupela kain ol bikpela man

VP i gat


which becomes: (44) I tru i gat tupela kain ol bikpela man. It is true that there are two kinds of leaders.

Here S2 functions as the subject of S1. In the following example S2 functions as the object of S1: Sentence 1 NP

VP V laik

mi Sentence 2 NP yu

V givim

NP Ø VP NP mani

NP mi

which becomes the complex sentence: (45) Mi laik yu mas givim mi long mani. I want you to give me money.

Other subordinate sentences are relative sentences which function in a similar way to restrictive nominal modifiers, such as attributive adjectives. In addition to complement and relative sentences there are a number of other embedded types, such as adverbial sentences of time and location and those specifying reason or intent. Embedding, in particular multiple embedding, is still not very common in Tok Pisin. However, among younger speakers a number of subordinating constructions replacing traditional juxtaposition have developed in recent years. As can be expected, there is still considerable variation, as different speakers adopt different solutions to individual problems. Some examples of embedded sentences are given in 7.9.2 to 7.9.5. 7.9.2 Relative sentences (exhibiting a number of different strategies for marking embedded sentences) (46) Mi lukim wanpela pik i sindaun ananit long haus. I saw a pig that sat underneath the house. (47) Man we i kam i pren bilong mi. A man who came is a friend of mine.

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Tok Pisin Texts

(48) Meri ya i holim pikinini ya em susa bilong mi. This woman who was holding the child is my sister.

7.9.3

Subject or object sentences introduced by complementisers

(49) Em i tok se em bai kam. He said that he would come. (50) Mi laik olsem em i mas kam. I would like him to come. (51) As bilong trabol em i laikim tumas long botol. The reason of the problem is that he very much likes his bottle.

7.9.4 Adverbial sentences of time These are found mainly with younger speakers. A recent account of them is found in Dutton & Bourke (1990). Examples are: (52) Taim em i kam lukim me me stap long gaten. When he came to see me, I was in the garden. (53) Taim woa i pinis misin i kisim planti lori bilong ami. When the war was over the missions got many lorries from the army. (54) Taim mi raun long taun me save lukim planti man i no gat wok. When I wander around in the town I see plenty of men who have no work.

7.9.5 Conditional sentences Conditional sentences usually precede the sentence in which they are embedded, the latter often being additionally marked by orait or em nau. The subordinating conjunction is sapos ‘if ’; it can be omitted if the function of the conditional sentence is clear from the context. The variants of Tok Pisin equivalents of English ‘if you’ve got money you can come’ then would be: (55) Sapos yu gat mani orait yu ken i kam. Sapos yu gat mani em nau yu ken i kam. Sapos yu gat mani yu ken i kam. Yu gat mani orait yu ken i kam. Yu gat mani em nau yu ken i kam. Yu gat mani yu ken i kam. Yu ken i kam sapos yu gat mani.

Here are some more examples from Mühlhäusler’s corpus:


(56) Meri em i dai em nau man i ken marit bek. If the wife dies the husband can marry again. (57) Sapos meri i laik orait em nau yu ken kisim em. If the girl agrees you can have her. (58) Mipela i laik kamap olsem ol masta orait mipela i mas marimari long ol meri bilong mipela. If we want to become like Europeans we have to treat our wives well.

The concept expressed in English by ‘because’ + sentence is rendered in Tok Pisin by (bi) long wanem + sentence or bikos + sentence: the latter form, though documented as early as the 1940s, being restricted generally to urban Tok Pisin. The use of (bi) long wanem and bikos can be illustrated with the following examples: (59) Mi askim yu bikos yu tok ol sikman i save dai taim mi givim ol long marasin. I am asking you because you claim that patients die when I give them medicine. (60) Yu no ken rabisim ol tisa bilong wanem ol i halpim ples bilong yumi Niugini. You can’t ‘rubbish’ the teachers because they help our country, New Guinea. (61) Tupela i hatwok tru long wokabout long bikos wanem tupela i no nap baiim trak. The two have a hard time walking because they are not able to pay the truck fare.

8. The lexicon of Tok Pisin The information available on the lexicon of pidgin languages is generally found to claim that: a. b. c. d.

they are largely derived from one single lexifying language; they are considerably simplified as compared with this language; the word formation component is absent or greatly impoverished; many forms are reduplicated.

Let us now check these points using data from Tok Pisin. The natural question here is: which developmental stage these ‘salient proportions’ actually relate to, for a statement which is correct for one stage does not necessarily characterize a later or earlier stage. In the initial stages of the history of Tok Pisin it can be

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Tok Pisin Texts

seen that the vocabulary was very mixed. There are numerous forms which have been borrowed directly from Tolai or related substrate languages, such as: Tok Pisin

English

kakaruk guria garamut kapul tumbuna pukpuk

hen, cockerel earthquake slit gong tree kangaroo ancestor crocodile

In addition, and more interesting for linguistics, there are very many syncretisms, i.e., lexical units which have multiple origins. For words with a form and meaning which can be identified across language boundaries have a particulary good chance of survival6 in pidgin languages. A few examples of this are: Tok Pisin

Origin

Meaning in Tok Pisin

atap, antap

English ‘on top’ Tolai atap ‘thatched roof ’

roof, at the top

bulit, bulut

English: ‘blood’ German: Blut ‘blood’ Tolai: bulit ‘resin’

blood, resin, glue

sanga

English: Shanghai ‘catapult’ German: Zange ‘pliers’ Malayan: tjang ‘forked branch’

fork in a branch, tongs, open jaws of a crocodile, catapult

During its stabilization under German rule, the proportion of non-English vocabulary was enlarged because loan words from German were added to the rudimentary vocabulary of the language. At the beginning of the 1920s approximately one quarter of the vocabulary was already of German origin, and it can be assumed that a pidgin German would have been produced as a result of further adlexification and relexification if the German colonial rule had been more permanent. German expressions can (or could, since only very few have survived) be found mainly in the semantic areas of: church (beten ‘to pray’, buse ‘penance’, grisgot ‘may God be with you’, eremit ‘hermit’, kirke ‘church’, pater ‘priest’, segen ‘blessing’, vairau ‘incense’); carpentry (borim ‘to drill’, hobel

6.For more examples see Mühlhäusler (1997), Chapter 1.


‘plane’, laim ‘glue’, pendal ‘drop line’, sapfen ‘dowel’, sikmel ‘sawdust’, swinge ‘clamp’); cooking (bonen ‘beans’, esik ‘vinegar’, kese ‘cheese’, kartopel ‘potatoes’, kuken ‘cake’, malsait ‘meal time’, spinat ‘spinach’); and last but not least, terms of abuse (donakail ‘my gosh’, dumekerl ‘stupid fool’, haltmunt ‘shut up’, raus ‘get lost’, rinfi ‘dumb ox’, sapkop ‘sheep’s brain’). Details on this phenomenon in the history of the language can be found in Mühlhäusler (1975). It seems, therefore, that the ‘purity’ of a pidgin vocabulary depends on the social context in which the language is spoken and that, under conditions such as those prevailing in New Guinea, it is quite possible for pronouncedly mixed lexica to be retained over quite long periods of time. With regard to the simplification7 of the vocabulary, this is mainly apparent in two areas: firstly in the semantic extension and grammatical multi-functionality, and secondly in the grammaticalization of the lexicon. If a Tok Pisin word is compared with its etymon it is often found to cover a considerably broader semantic range and we find that one Tok Pisin word can express as much as several English or German words. Let us consider a few examples of this here: Tok Pisin

Translation

harim lukim haus rot

to hear, listen, perceive, smell to look, watch, see house, room, shed, building, nest road, path, street

In most cases this semantic conflation is not due to the influence of the substrate languages, but is an independent development in pidginization. An equally independent feature is the use of words in several syntactic functions or lexical categories. An example of this is provided by instrumental verbs and nouns such as: Tok Pisin

Translation

sarip sarip(im) brum brum(im) bor bor(im)

sharp knife to cut with a knife broom to sweep drill to drill

7.Simplification has to be distinguished from impoverishment. Simplification refers to greater regularity, impoverishment reduced referential power (fewer words).

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In comparison, English shows that it has numerous suppletive pairs such as ‘knife/cut’ and ‘broom/sweep’ in addition to multifunctionality such as ‘drill/to drill’. It is interesting to note that this simplification does not appear in the initial stages but relatively late in Tok Pisin. By grammaticalization of the lexicon we mean that in Tok Pisin syntactic constructions are used where English has lexical units, such as verbs containing the semantic components ‘incomplete’ or ‘complete’, e.g., ‘to look for’ and ‘to find’. In English, word pairs which are distinguishable from each other by these components are mostly lexicalized, e.g., ‘look for/find’, ‘sit down/settle’ etc. In Tok Pisin the distinction is made by the use of pinis ‘completed action’ or wok long ‘action begun but not completed’, as in: (62) Em i dai. He pr unconscious. (63) Em i wok long dai. He pr occupied with unconscious. (64) Em i dai pinis. He pr unconscious finished. (65) Em i wok long painim. He pr occupied with looking. (66) Em i painim pinis. He pr looking finished. (67) Wara i boil. Water pr warming up. (68) Wara i boil pinis. Water pr heating up finished.

(Note: wok long is preferred particularly when the subject is a person and the verb is an action carried out voluntarily. For this reason, wok long is not found in the last example and is the less popular variant in the first.) Another example of grammaticalization of the lexicon is provided by the paraphrases which are used for some less familiar concepts such as: Tok Pisin

Gloss

Translation

brata bilong blakbokis brata bilong tamiok kalabus bilong susu

‘the brother of the flying dog’ ‘the brother of the axe’ ‘the prison of the breasts’

umbrella saw brassiere


We would finally like to mention one more construction which is also widely found in other pidgin languages — the use of the negator to obtain antonymous adjectives, as in: Tok Pisin

Translation

Tok Pisin

Translation

strong gut les kamap

strong good lazy present

nostrong nogut noles nokamap

weak bad hardworking absent

As already found to be the case for other constructions, these three illustrated here are not represented in all the stages of the development of Tok Pisin. The last two are mainly documented in the initial stages, but the use of aspect markers is a considerably later development. This is to say, simplification of different parts of the lexicon occurred at different times. It is not easy to demonstrate whether or not the lexicon of Tok Pisin was at any time simpler (as opposed to impoverished in possible means of expression) overall. Examples such as nostrong ‘weak’ would indicate that syntactical paraphrases can be the basis of word formation. There is much to suggest that the entire morphology arose by reanalysis from syntactic structures, and that substrate or superstrate influences in this area of the grammar were relatively unimportant. Unlike most of the previously documented creole languages (e.g., Kriol [Jones 1971] or Sranan in Surinam [Sebba 1981]), Tok Pisin has developed a very extensive morphology component, and only a few constructions can be presented here. An exhaustive description can be found in Mühlhäusler (1979). a. Compound adjectives The lack of adjectives in the early developmental stages of Tok Pisin was initially remedied by paraphrasing, for example: Tok Pisin

Gloss

Translation

ai bilong me pas bel bilong me kaskas

‘my eye is blocked’ ‘my stomach has the itch’

blind annoyed

Over the course of the years shorter adjectives developed from these paraphrases and idioms:

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Tok Pisin

Gloss

Translation

belgut aipas skrulus aislip nekdrai wetgras

‘belly good’ ‘eye blocked’ ‘joint loose’ ‘eye sleeply’ ‘throat dry’ ‘white hair’

satisfied blind lame drowsy thirsty senile

b. Cumulative compound nouns A development which has no parallels in either English or Tolai, but does have parallels in child language, is that of the so-called cumulatives, in which the meaning of the compound is roughly the sum of its components. Examples from Tok Pisin are: Tok Pisin

Gloss

Translation

papamama manmeri meriman kambangdaka

‘father and mother’ ‘men and women’ ‘women and men’ ‘lime and pepper’

susok

‘shoes and socks’

parents people people accompaniments for chewing betel nuts footwear

c. Agent nouns Another development peculiar to Tok Pisin, but accelerated by similar constructions in German and English, is that of compound nouns consisting of a first part which is a verb and a second part which is man ‘man, person’. Examples of this are (the order in the following list corresponds approximately to the diachronic development): Tok Pisin

Gloss

Translation

sutman wasman stilman saveman sinman paitman haitman

‘shoot man’ ‘look out man’ ‘steal man’ ‘know man’ ‘sin man’ ‘fight man’ ‘hide man’

policeman, hunter guard thief scholar sinner warrior, fighter mystery monger


A total of over fifty such ‘programs’ for word formation have been identified (Mühlhäusler 1979), and additional ones are developing in the present-day colloquial language. This internal morphology enabled Tok Pisin to adapt to the constantly increasing demands of communication during its expansion phase, without the influence of external languages. Finally, we would like to deal briefly with the assertion that pidgin languages make more use of reduplication than others: if we consider Tok Pisin, it is clear that this is only correct to a limited extent. We should first make a distinction between lexicalized reduplications and those which are the result of a productive word-forming system. The first group owes its existence to a number of different processes, such as: a. Borrowings from native languages Tok Pisin

Source

Translation

pekpek pukpuk purpur

Tolai pekapeke Tolai pukpuk Tolai purpur

excrement crocodile grass skirt

b. Onomatopoeia Tok Pisin

Translation

rokrok samsam

frog drag one’s feet

c. Simplification of the English model8 Tok Pisin

Translation

niknik aniani tete

mechanic onion today

d. Avoidance of homophony Tok Pisin

Translation

sip sipsip pis pispis

ship sheep piece, beads, peace piss, urine, bladder

8.Vowel and consonant harmony is also found in early child language development, such as when children refer to the name ‘Bertha’ as ‘Tata’ or ‘Edith’ and ‘Dieter’ as ‘Didi’.

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The reduplication used as a means of morphology or inflexion in Tok Pisin is, as, incidentally, in most pidgin languages, relatively rare and is also a fairly recent development. Even in cases where there is a model, reduplication is not popular, as we shall see. In Tolai, the difference between transitive and intransitive verbs is expressed by reduplication of the former, e.g., in iuiu ‘bathe’, iu ‘wash something’. A number of such cases were ‘copied’ (calqued) in Tok Pisin in the 1920s: Tok Pisin

Translation

Tok Pisin

Translation

waswas singsing puspus lukluk lotulotu

bathe, swim dance, celebrate copulate look, stare hold a service

was (im) sing (im) pus (im) luk (im) lotu (im)

wash something sing have sex with someone see or look at something worship God

These few examples were the only instances. Reduplication did not develop into a productive mechanism. However, in most recent times, there is a more pronounced occurrence of reduplication, mainly in the informal registers of the language. For example, it is possible to intensify the meaning of a verb by doubling the first syllable, as in: Tok Pisin

Translation

Tok Pisin

Translation

subim lukim sekim rabim wesim

push look at shake rub waste

subsubim luklukim seksekim rabrabim weswesim

push with all your might stare at give a good shaking rub through, massage waste immensely

Overall, however, reduplication only plays a marginal role in Tok Pisin; it is used to mark stylistic differences but not to extend the core grammar or core vocabulary. It is hoped that these few examples have served to show that familiar generalizations about pidgin languages prove not to be well founded on closer inspection. Only the study of actual data, and this must mean longitudinal data, can reveal the true nature of a language such as Tok Pisin.


9. Conclusions Our sketchy remarks on Tok Pisin grammar show that one is dealing with a language that has over the years become very different from British and Australian English. The order of magnitude of change in Tok Pisin over the last 100 years is no less than that which separates Anglo-Saxon from Modern English. The language as it is spoken today is largely a creation of its Papuan and its Melanesian speakers. However, it may well be that English will be an important factor in the development of Tok Pisin. The number of Tok PisinEnglish bilinguals has been steadily growing (from 6.88 percent to 12.22 percent of the population between 1966 and 19719) and both lexical and grammatical influence from English is in evidence in Tok Pisin spoken by the younger generation. Whether the outcome will be a distinct, separate, urban pidgin, a lectal continuum, or lectal shift, remains to be seen. Lynch (1990) deplores the lack of official policies that would make an end to the present laisez faire attitude that has resulted in increasing sociolectal diversification, and he proposes steps that would guarantee the continued usefulness of Tok Pisin as an intergroup language of Papua New Guinea.

10. Appendix: Some brief remarks on the texts The following texts were collected by Tom Dutton (TD), Peter Mühlhäusler (PM) and Suzanne Romaine (SR) over a period of many years. We have tried to cover the full range of variation found in Tok Pisin, both along its historical and its social and stylistic axes. The texts we have chosen are only a small percentage of the ones our own linguistic analyses are derived from. We make no claims as to the statistical representativeness of our selections and we would strongly advise those who want to study aspects of the development of Tok Pisin to supplement the materials given in this book with additional evidence.We are confident that even in its present limited form, this collection of texts will provide an inspiration both to linguists taking an interest in Tok Pisin and to the speakers of this language. Glosses and translations are provided for most texts except for some very early ones. Those who recorded these texts were under the impression that they

9.As Laycock (1985a) points out, later census data are not entirely reliable and comparison between surveys is difficult.

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were dealing with a substandard form of English that did not need a translation and they adapted their spelling and sometimes grammar to the requirements of European readers. Due to increasing linguistic convergence, later texts tend to require fewer glosses than many of the earlier ones.

Abbreviations comp cont emph exc foc fut hab inc interr

completive continuous action emphasiser exclamation focus future habitual first person plural inclusive interrogative

neg past pl poss pr prep prog tag

negator past plural possessive predicate marker preposition progressive question tag

I.

From early contacts and Gut Taim Bilong Siaman (the Good Old Days of the German Administration)

Text 1: The earliest evidence for Pidgin English in the New Guinea area, 1840s Extracts from Thomas Jefferson Jacobs (1844: 77–80). This is the earliest example of Pidgin English spoken in the area of present-day Papua New Guinea. The Witu group of islands is situated in the West New Britain Province and appears to have been contacted by Europeans as early as the second half of the 18th century. The presence of Pidgin English here suggests regular visits from passing vessels and the practice of taking Islanders away for prolonged periods of time, as with the speaker Darco in this text. The fairly developed Pidgin English in the Witu Islands is not necessarily a direct predecessor of Tok Pisin, which developed later around the Duke of York Islands and the Gazelle Peninsula of New Britain. Presently the consultation ended, and the savages stood along the beach in battle array, while a noble-looking red warrior advanced to the water’s edge, and, shaking his spear at us, cried out at the top of his voice, ‘You make [1] lie to kill us! You killed and eat Darco many moons ago! We [2] know you, Pongo, very bad. Can’t kill us on land! We kill you! You afraid of magic stone!’ With this the savages uttered the war-yell and brandished their war implements, while the tum-tums were beaten with increased fury. Darco again hailed them: ‘Me no speak lie! Me real Darco. Pongo good man; no eat me! Me hab been [3] to America! Me come ashore alone, and show you! ‘You speak lie plenty!’ shouted the red warrior. ‘Te-lum-by-by Darco not white like you!’ ‘Me not white!’ shouted Darco, as he stripped off his duck shirt and trousers, and

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hung them on the jib-stay, upon which he seized, and stood up in a commanding attitude, exposing his bare body full to the view of the savages, while he stretched out his muscular arm and pointed at them with his hand, and shouted, ‘You [4] see me. I am Prince Darco!’

Constructions of particular linguistic interest in this text include: [1] Note the use of make followed by a noun to make up for the lack of verbs; this is a common mechanism in pidgin languages. [2] No distinction is made, as in later Tok Pisin, between inclusive and exclusive first person plural pronouns. [3] Hab been is not found in later texts. [4] No distinction is made between second person singular and plural pronouns. This confirms the general impression of this text, i.e., that one is dealing with a jargon or simplified form of English rather than an established pidgin.

Text 2: Statements by New Irelanders recruited to the sugar plantations of Queensland, 1880s Contacts between Europeans and Indigenes of the New Guinea area intensified when labour recruiters turned to the Bismarck Archipelago in the 1880s. Recruitment to Queensland in 1883 and 1884 was soon discontinued because of the high mortality rate of the recruits and the opposition from the Imperial German Government, who declared north east New Guinea and surrounding islands a German Protectorate in 1884. The following two passages by New Irelanders were taken down as court evidence and appear to be a relatively close record of their speech. Altogether around 1,500 Islanders from New Britain, New Ireland and adjacent islands went to Queensland, though many of them did not return, and a number of others returned before they had a chance to acquire a full knowledge of Queensland Kanaka English. The descendants of these workers, even on Tabar and Lihir Islands where a very large proportion of the male population had been to Queensland, appear to have given up their Queensland-influenced Pidgin English and to have shifted to Tok Pisin. Le Ang, New Ireland Islander, states as follows: Knew Lang Aroso, he my brother, I see him along [1] hospital at M. Sick, he been sick one week, he sick along belly, he die along hospital, I stop along

I. From early contacts and Gut Taim Bilong Siaman

hospital when he die, he not eat, too much sick, master been give him medicine, he die along belly; I see him put along ground. No one beat him [2] that fellow, no one touch him, before, Lang Aroso been sick along Island. (Queensland State Archives, Folio Jus/N174: 8 January 1885).

Warabut, Polynesian labourer states: I [3] am a native of New Ireland. I work long Mister Scott. Me [3] know Umba. He make him hand long a neck. Me think him sick. He no go work yesterday. He stop [4] long a house. When bell ring me come home and find Umba sitting up. He dead. Me say: Umba Umba. He [5] no move, him [5] dead. (Queensland State Archives, Folio Jus/N118: 29 March 1885)

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] A general preposition long or along has replaced a variety of prepositions of English. Long remains the most general preposition in present-day Tok Pisin. [2] An early example of the transitive verb affix -im. [3] The first person pronoun forms I and me are used variably with no apparent grammatical or pragmatic conditioning. Present-day Tok Pisin has mi but I is preserved in a fossilized form in aiting (from ‘I think’) perhaps. [4] Stop is used as a locative or existential as in present-day Tok Pisin. [5] The third person singular pronoun again is expressed by two interchangeable forms he and him.

Text 3: Reminiscences of a missionary, 1880s A further intensification of contacts between outsiders and Indigenes occurred with the establishment of mission and trading posts in the Duke of York Islands and nearby Gazelle Peninsula in the early 1880s. The Duke of York Islands were also used as transit depots for thousands of New Guinean labourers who went to the German-controlled plantations of Western Samoa. The first texts appeared in the reminiscences of Brown (1908), the first missionary in the area. The chief who accompanied us round the island noticed this and said: ‘Missionary no come Matupit, ah! Topulu he [1] no come. Missionary [1] come, oh! Topulu he come. He go house belong Matupit’. (p. 93).

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Tok Pisin Texts

Here I was interrupted several times by them saying: ‘Oh, Duke of York man he talk gammon belong [2] (i.e. to) you, plenty gammon [3], plenty too much gammon. What for make fight? No make fight. Pate, pate, pate (No, no, no). No make fight’. (p. 122) ‘Oh man belong salt water [4] he fight man belong bush. He kaikai (eat) him. He catch him bone he go belong spear. All same this fellow place’, which last sentence means, such is the custom here. (p. 125) About three o’clock I went on shore again, and went up the village to Tom’s house, where I found that he had prepared a large present of taro, pumpkins, cocoanuts, bananas, and a large pig. He said: ‘This is yours. Duke of York man he tell you that I [5] would fight you. Is this fighting? Will the taro fight you? Will the bananas fight you? Will the pig fight you? No, no, me [5] no fight you, me plenty like you’, etc., etc. I made him a few presents in return, and then we went to another chief ’s house, where we got another present minus the pig; and so again from a third chief, for all which I made a suitable return. Tom came on board in the evening to say good-bye, and said several times to me: ‘Missionary, suppose [6] you hungry you come here to this place belong me. Plenty taro, he stop here, full, full, me give him you. Boat belong you, he go down, sink with taro, bananas, and yams. Suppose you hungry come here; me very good fellow, yes, me good fellow’. (p. 141). It was quite strange to-day as we passed by some of the villages to hear Tuki tell me, in the most unconcerned manner possible, of events that had taken place there: ‘That fellow place he kaikai (eat) three fellow-man belong me; another day me kaikai four men belong him. Four fellow-man me kaikai’ (eat), he said again, laughing quite pleasantly, and in a most self-satisfied manner as he held up his four fingers. Blood feuds appeared to be easily made up if the one party agrees to pay. A few fathoms of shell money were quite sufficient to pay for a murder. (p. 147)

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The resumptive third person pronoun is used variably in this text. Over the years it developed into the predicate marker i of present-day Tok Pisin, possibly helped by substratum influence. [2] Belong in this text functions as the generic preposition. It translates as ‘to, of, for, etc.’ Later texts usually distinguish between bilong ‘possession’ and long ‘locative’. [3] Gammon ‘to lie, to be mistaken’ is giaman in more recent texts. Its most likely source is colloquial Australian English ‘gammon’ though we may be


dealing with a multiple etymology, i.e., a combination of gammon ‘deceit’, German ‘the agents of deceit’, and sermon ‘the medium of deceit’. Such lexical encounters are frequent in pidgin languages. [4] Salt water ‘sea’ has become solwara or solowara in modern Tok Pisin. This latter form is sometimes given the fanciful etymology ‘soda water’. [5] Note the variable forms of the first person singular pronoun. [6] Suppose ‘if ’ is one of the earliest formal devices for signalling subordinate constructions. Present-day Tok Pisin has sapos.

Text 4: Recruitment of labour, New Britain 1880s One of the first traders in the Duke of York area was Captain Thomas Farrell, the defacto husband of Emma Eliza Coe (Queen Emma), the famous AmericanSamoan woman. Together, the two built a trading and plantation empire where Tok Pisin stabilized. Farrell was involved both in labour trade with Samoa and with the first plantation set up in New Britain, which employed a significant number of ex-plantation workers from Samoa. In the following passage Parkinson (1887: 29) describes an episode involving the recruiting of New Britain labour for the Samoan plantations. The speaker is a White recruiter. Little or none of his speech is understood by the natives. The recruiter asks them in classical South Seas English: ‘You like go Samoa.’ Confused talk among the people around him. He continues: ‘Kanakas [1]; you give me plenty boys. One boy, me give you one musket, plenty powder, ball, cap, tomahawk, tobacco, beads…’ Here he interrupts the flow of his speech, for an aged man, the chief of the village, approaches with a black fellow, whom he wants to give away in order to obtain the desired articles. However, he is still hesitating; he wants to know at first the destination and duration of the journey. ‘Three Yam’ [2] says the recruiter, displaying three fingers of his hand. ‘You go, three Yam! Plenty kaikai (food)! By and by [3] you come back.’ The dignified chief does not understand much of this, but it does not matter for the shining ‘gifts’ have enough power of conviction, and soon the transaction is completed.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Kanaka ‘indigenous person, usually not in European employment and therefore “unsophisticated”’ is a form of Polynesian origin. It is widespread in the pidgins of the region and has even found its way into Cameroonian Pidgin English. In present-day Tok Pisin it is used mainly as a term of

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abuse, but in Queensland Kanaka English and in New Caledonia it has become a positive label signalling Melanesian identity. [2] Yam ‘year’: early recruiters often tried to get across the concept of year by referring to the growth period of the yam. This was a very unreliable method, particularly when combined with displaying three fingers, a sign which in many parts of Melanesia means ‘two’. [3] Sentence-initial by-and-by is used as a future or irrealis marker. In later varieties of the language it got shortened to bambai and bai and now frequently appears closer to the verb phrase.

Text 5: A list of Pidgin English expressions, 1883 By the time the first recruits from the New Guinea area arrived in Samoa, a relatively stable plantation pidgin, spoken by Gilbertese and Polynesian labourers, was already in use on the Samoan plantations. As the New Guinea recruits became numerically dominant they changed and extended this language into a more Melanesian Pidgin English. This language was passed on to the next generation of plantation workers back home and soon spread over the entire Bismarck Archipelago. In 1883 the German consular employee Mr. Huebel supplied a list of Pidgin English expressions to the Austrian linguist Hugo Schuchardt of Graz University. Here follows an extract from this list with English translations by Markey (1979: 8–9): Kaikai he [1] finish? Is dinner ready? He finish. Yes. You make him some water he boil. Make some water hot. He finish hot. It is already hot. Some egg he stop? Are there any eggs? He no stop. There are none.


You make horse belong me. Saddle my horse. You save this man where he stop? Do you know where this man stays? You go house belong A., you speak him, he sabe where pulumakau [2] he stap. You go to A’s house and ask him if he knows where I can get beef. Place belong me he no make all same. In my island they do differently. He black fellow boy belong German consul. The black boy of the German consul. Bring fellow [3] belong make open bottle. Bring me a corkscrew. Make open that fellow beer. Open this beer bottle. Kaikai finish, me like to go ‘bout. I want to walk about after dinner. What kaikai me make him? What shall I make for dinner? Suppose you come soon Monday, very good; suppose you no come soon, me so stop. If you come early on Monday, it will suit, if you are late, I shall not be present. Me no like go place belong me. I don’t want to go home. He [4] small fellow hot. It is moderately hot. He too much hot. It is too hot. This fellow fowl he belong one shilling, that fellow he belong half dollar. This fowl costs a shilling, that one half a dollar. You no save that fellow white man cocoanut [5] belong him no grass? [6] Don’t you know that baldheaded white man? Me want him gun belong you, me like go bush shoot him pidgeon. Give me your fowling piece, I will go in the bush and shoot pigeons.

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Tok Pisin Texts

Master belong me he no good, he too much fight me. My master is not good, he beats me too much. Me no like go work, me stop house, cocoanut belong me too much sore. I can’t go to work, I want to stay at home, because my head is aching.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The resumptive pronoun he is used variably to introduce predicates. [2] Present-day bulmakau ‘beef, cattle, cow’ is widely used in the pidgins of Melanesia and Australia and is derived from English ‘bull and cow’. [3] In this and other early texts fellow is used as a noun or nominal classifier. In later texts it became reanalysed as an adjective ending as can be seen in modern Tok Pisin gutpela kaikai ‘good food’ or tripela pik ‘three pigs’. [4] As in modern Tok Pisin he ‘it’ not only functions as a true pronoun but also as a dummy. [5] Cocoanut ‘head’ probably originates in a European joke. Present-day Tok Pisin employs het. [6] This lexical item reflects a widespread semantic areal feature, i.e., the use of a single lexical item to refer to hair, feathers, fur, mould and (sometimes) grass.

Text 6: Early spread of Tok Pisin As German control spread from New Britain to outlying areas of the Bismarck Archipelago and the New Guinea mainland, so did Tok Pisin. The following are a couple of texts recorded by the Swedish anthropologist Morner in the Wuvulu Islands west of Manus (Morner MS). The first text describes the punishment given to a foreign worker employed on Wuvulu for the theft of a rooster. The second text describes a conversation of how best to point out a flying fox hanging in a coconut tree. (i) Faiu asked my fourteen year old Manus boy Boggio to interpret. What did the accused have to say in his defence? Long silence. Then, via Boggio: ‘That’s all, him he [1] like ketch [2] him grass nothing’ (he claimed that he had merely intended to take a few feathers). Now Faiu: ‘All right, now me pay him two fella belong ass nothing [3] too. You now savvy fashion belong whity man. You no can pull him grass belong kokaroo [4]. Patu ketch him, put him ass belong him he come top’.


A large basket is rolled out and placed upside down. The sinner hitches up his shorts and lies down across the basket. Two men grasp his wrists and ankles. Patu stands beside him expressionless, and switches his rattan testingly through the air. ‘One!’ A blow snaps forcefully across the sinner’s bottom. The strong young body twitches but there is no sound of complaint. ‘Are you finished?’ No answer. ‘Two!’ The rattan lashes out again. ‘Are you finished?’ ‘Finished!’ ‘Well. Suppose one time more you like pull him grass belong kokaruk. I give you five fella more. You hear him? ‘Yes.’ ‘All right. Finished! No you fella boy who savvy talk him he savvy now.’ (ii) My Manu boy Boggio, who has eyes like a sea-eagle, wanted to point out to me a flying dog which was hanging in a coconut palm. Impossible. Then Faiu came, and I heard the following conversation: Where as he stop belong cocoanut? ‘He stop strait belong wie [5].’ ‘He stop side belong sodawater? [6]’ ‘No he stop side belong bush.’ Where? ‘He stop hat belong him piece of wood.’ Bang! The flying dog fell. Faiu regarded me, as if he wanted to say ‘Where are your eyes Arafi?’

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The appearance of he after the third person pronoun him clearly constitutes an example of this form having become a predicate marker. [2] The more common form for ‘catch’ is kitchim or kisim. [3] Nothing or nating following verbs or nouns is used as a frustrative marker meaning ‘in vain, of no importance or value’ and similar contextually determined aspects of meaning, a category presumably transferred from Melanesian languages. In this particular case ass nothing (as nating) means ‘bare bottom’. [4] Kokaroo is a variant of kakaruk ‘rooster’, a word of Tolai origin. [5] This is possibly the name of a tree. [6] This is an example of solowara reinterpreted by Europeans as ‘soda water’.

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Tok Pisin Texts

Text 7: German New Guinea, early 1900s Otto Dempwolff, doctor and linguist, is one of the principal sources of information about the linguistic situation in German New Guinea. Unfortunately, Dempwolff never published an account of Tok Pisin and failed to date the texts he had collected in this language. The following story would seem to relate to the New Guinea mainland around Madang shortly after the turn of the 20th century. There are a number of inconsistencies in Dempwolff’s transcriptions but these have been left unchanged. I am grateful to Dr. Mosel of Cologne University for making these materials available to me. Long time bipo (before) all kanaka belong-Madang he like kill-him whitemen belong Madang. Ars [1] belong talk: kiap [2] he skant-him [3] kanaka he come he work-him road belong kiap. Kanaka he no like, all he come together along night, he makehim big fellow talk talk. One fellow kanaka belong Graged, name belong him Malbog he save too much make-him singsing belong betelnut. Boy belong him he policeman along Madang. All kanaka he come along Malbog he singout-him, he make-him singsing belong betelnut. Malbog he speak: mi no like. Boy belong me he stop Madang suppose you make-him fight along whiteman, byamby you, kill-him boy belong me. Belly belong me he turn around [4], me no like you kill-him boy belong me. One fellow other fellow kanaka he make-him singsing belong betelnut he no save make-him good. Night he finish, all kanaka he take-him spear, he take-him banara [5] he go shore, he pull-him canoe along saltwater, he come Madang. All whiteman belong Madang he no save, he stop nothing [6]. Doktor he stop Beliao, he limlimbur nothing [6]. One fellow kanaka belong Beliao name belong him Nalong, him he before boy belong doktor, he run he come along house belong doktor, he sing out: ‘Doktor you come quik, you look-him all kanaka along canoe, he come he like kill-him whiteman?’ Some fellow he work along store, some fellow he stop house, kiap he make him paper along house paper, police-master he eksait (exercise) police. Doktor he speak, ‘Nalong me think you gamon.’ ‘Doktor, me no gamon, he true you come, you look-him canoe first time.’ Doktor he look-him canoe plenty to much, he look him kanaka along canoe, he no look-him, mary [7] along canoe, he run he run along shore he kis (catch) him boat belong him, he two fellow [8] Nalong he pull he pull he come along sure (shore) he two fellow run along house paper.


Doktor he singout: ‘Kiap you look him kanaka he like fight’. Policemaster he hear him doctor, policemaster Bayer he singout ‘All policemen antreten’ [9]. Kiap he speak ‘What name you to fellow you like-him?’ Policeman he take-him musket he shoot-him kanaka along canoe kiap he sing out ‘Me no like all whiteman he shoot him all kanaka, mi no hear-him good. Mi think Nalong hi gamon. Suppose me hear-him true talk, allright, policeman he shoot-him all kanaka.’ Maski [10], kanaka he alright, he turn-him canoe belong him, he pull, he pull he run away finish.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] [2] [3] [4]

[5] [6]

[7]

[8] [9] [10]

A variant spelling of ass or as ‘posterior’. Kiap ‘patrol officer, white administrator’ probably a contamination of English ‘captain’. Variant spelling of singautim ‘to call, shout at’. Belly belong me he turn around is one of numerous body-part expressions of Tok Pisin referring to human emotions. In this case, the apparent meaning is ‘I changed my mind’. Banara or bunara is derived from English ‘bow and arrow’. Further examples of the frustrative marker nothing. In this context stop nothing translates as ‘remained unsuspecting’ and limlimbur nothing as ‘strolled about unarmed or unsuspecting’. Mary (present-day meri) ‘woman’ may be another example of a lexical item with multiple etymology combining English ‘Mary’ and ‘married’ with Tolai mare ‘beautiful’. He two fellow Nalong: the two of them, he and Nalong. Antreten ‘fall in’ is one of the many items of German origin in ‘classical’ Tok Pisin. It reflects the use of German in the police force. Maski ‘nevermind’ is a word widely found in the pidgins and creoles of the world. It is alleged to be of Portuguese origin, but German macht nichts ‘nevermind’ may have reinforced its use in Tok Pisin.

Text 8: Early phonogram recording, 1904 The administration and police force in German New Guinea was one of the principal instruments for the spread of Tok Pisin. The following text is by the police soldier Kakau from New Hanover. It was recorded in Monumbo on the New Guinea mainland in 1904 by Dr. R. Poech, a German doctor, on phonogram.

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Belong place belong me me shoot him plenty kumul. Pass me come ‘long place ‘long white man, place he no strait. Plenty mountain. Pass ground he sitrait, me shoot him plenty. Me look him, he run away finish. Pass he top good, me shoot him. He karapaim long diway, me no look him. Pass me mark him long time, he run away, he go an other fellow diway. (Recording no. 381 Phonogrammarchiv der Oesterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften: Poech (1904): Pidgin English).

In present-day Tok Pisin the document would about look as follows: Sapos [1] mi stap long ples bilong mi, nau mi sutim planti kumul. Nau me kam long ples bilong waitman, ples hia [2] i no stret [3], planti [4] maunten, nating [5] yu no lukautim [6] kumul yu no sutim [7]. Sapos olo graun(?) [8] graun [9] i stret, mi sutim planti. Na graun i no stret. Sapos graun i gutpela(?) [10] mi sutim planti. Mi harim i krai, mi laik i go long em, mi harim mul(?) [11] i ranawe [12] i karamapim [13] antap long diwai [14]. Sapos i sindaun [15] daunbilo [16] mi sutim planti. I no sindaun daunbilo. I sindaun antap long diwai. I no stap gut long diwai. Sapos mi makim, i ranawe pinis. Sapos i stap gut long diwai mi sutim, planti.

Translation: If I were in my own area, I would be able to shoot many birds of paradise. Now I have come to the White man’s area, this place is not flat, many mountains; I think one will not be able to find birds of paradise and shoot them. If the ground (?) is flat, I shoot many. But the ground is not flat. If the ground were good (?) I would shoot plenty. I hear them call out, but when I go towards them, I hear them (?) fly up high in the trees. If they stayed down low I would shoot many; but they do not stay down low, they stay up high in the trees. And they do not stay still in the trees; if I take aim at them, they fly away. If they stayed still in the trees I would shoot many.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6]

Sapos is pronounced throughout as [spos]. Hia is pronounced [ia]. Stret is pronounced throughout as [siÁtret] when [Á] indicates stress before the syllable stressed. Planti is pronounced throughout as [p’lanti] or [pu’landi]. Nating may be ating, the more usual form in present-day Tok Pisin with the initial [n] a carry-over from the final [n] of maunten. Lukautim is used differently here from how it would be used in presentday Tok Pisin. Today one would use lukim ‘see’ or painim pinis ‘find’. Lukautim in present-day Tok Pisin means ‘look after, take care of ’.


[7] [8] [9] [10] [11]

[12] [13] [14] [15] [16]

Sutim is pronounced something like [’ts uts im]. Olo graun: this expression is unclear. It could alternatively be olosem which would also make sense here. Graun is pronounced throughout as [graun] or [gi’raun]. Gutpela: this expression is unclear. It could alternatively be stret. Mul: this expression is unclear. It sounds fairly definitely thus but it may be a conflation of em ol, although the [u] heard would seem, on the basis of other [o]s in the text, to be too high unless the [l] is causing raising. The only other possible explanation is that mul is an unexplained shortened form of kumul used earlier in the text. Ranawe is pronounced variously as [‘ranawe] or [‘ronowe]. Karamapim ‘to hide itself ’ is an early example of the use of the transitive marker -im to signal reflexive. Diwai is pronounced throughout as [d’wai]. Sindaun is pronounced throughout as [sit’taun]. Daunbilo is pronounced throughout as [tambu’lo] or [tamb’ro]. Otherwise note that the pidgin used in this text is virtually identical with that used in present-day Tok Pisin in all respects except that the particle -i is sometimes stressed in this text.

Text 9: First scholarly account of Tok Pisin, 1911 Georg Friederici was a leader of the Hanseatic Geographic Expedition which visited German New Guinea shortly after the turn of the 20th century. His article of 1911 is the first scholarly account of Tok Pisin and as well as valuable socio-historical information it also gives numerous examples of the language. Further comments on this text are given by McDonald (1977): One fellow tamiok he come! Bring me an axe! One fellow ten belong arsch! [1] Ten strokes on the bottom! This fellow fashion me no like! [2] I don’t like this way! Umbene he good fellow? Is the net good?

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Tok Pisin Texts

No good, he short fellow! No, it is too short! Kitch him bonara he come! [3] Bring me the bow! Kitch him kundu he go! [3] Take the drum away! You like him kapiak? Do you like this breadfruit? No, he no mau yet. No, it is not yet ripe. Where stop canoe? Where is the canoe? Mambu where he stop? Where is the raft? Answer: eme (am). Here. Pull him boat he go! Pull the boat into the water! Raus [4] him dog! Make him save! Chase away the dog! Teach him a lesson! Where stop place? He close to? Where is the village? Is it near? No! Long way liklik! (or: long way; long way too much!) No! It is a fairly long way! (or: far off; very far off!) Liklik peganini (piccaninny). A small child. You look him plenty kumul? Did you see many birds of paradise? No kumul; plenty curria; plenty too much balus! [5] No, no birds of paradise; but many goura pigeons; and plenty of birds!


Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Note the German spelling of as ‘posterior’ which suggests that we are dealing with a lexical encounter leading to etymological merger. [2] The word order here is OSV. The deviation from the expected SVO order may serve a stylistic purpose. However, in early texts such as these there is considerable fluctuation in word order. [3] Movement away from speaker is signalled in Tok Pisin by i go and movement towards speaker by i kam following the main verb. This is an early example of verb chaining (serialization). [4] The origin of this very frequent item is German raus ‘get out, get lost’. This item and similar ones derived from German commands reflect the authoritarian context in which the language developed. [5] One of the numerous words of local (mainly) Tolai origin in this text. Many nouns referring to the fauna and flora of the country are of local origin. As a general rule, basic category items (fish, bird, tree) in most pidgins are of European origin, whilst subordinate level names (e.g., garfish, sparrow, oak) are of indigenous origin. The fact that Tok Pisin derives many basic items from Tolai and related languages is indicative of a particularly strong influence of these languages during German days.

Text 10: Ethno-psychological study, 1913 The German Anthropologist Richard Thurnwald, in 1913, published the results of his ethno-psychological studies on Bougainville. One of his techniques was to show picture postcards to his informants and he asked them ‘what you look here?’. Here follow some of the responses he elicitated: Informant

Postcard

Response

Molebai

woman from Brenner area

good fellow belong me

Molebai

woman in traditional Tyrolian ah! he abamas [1] long him he dress plenty coloss good fellow, clean fellow coloss [2]

Molebai

Murville: old woman with boy old fellow man young fellow he sleep and dog old fellow man he look long laus [3]

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Tok Pisin Texts

Molebai

two sailing boats

ej good fellow too much two fellow boat

Molebai

a young man chases a blond girl

oh, uh, puh, old fellow man, young fellow man he catch him

Molebai

a chick that has just hatched

fowl, picanini, four fellow, small fellow, good fellow too much

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Abamas is a non-nasalized variant of amamas ‘to be happy’. [2] Coloss is a non-standard spelling for klos ‘clothes’. [3] Look long laus means ‘to hunt head lice’.

Text 11: Letters, 1913 Whilst Tok Pisin remained a restricted medium for oral communication throughout the German colonial period (i.e., up to 1916), and whilst no standard orthography was developed by the Germans, there are occasional signs that Tok Pisin was used by New Guineans for writing letters. The following letter in its original form as well as in anglicized etymological spelling appeared in the Koloniale Rundschau of 1913. The writer probably came from the Bismarck Archipelago, but specific details are not provided. Masta Vaitman, Tividele mi ispikiu log mani bolog mi log tain bolog mi pipo. I finish (25) tupala ten mun na paip. Mi laik pabai [1] iu givemi log en, papai mi kam bek. Mi vok mani bolog paim samtig bolog mi, samtig bolog mi istip log papa pipo mi kissim. I pinis tasol. Tasol me tokimiu log gem i pinis. Pos you no laik, iu givimi tupaou bolog paim samtig. Mi nogot samtig bolog go peles, papai mi givim kandereman [2] bolog mi log peles. Mi tokiu olosem mi laik save tok bolog iu. Namem iu no kan givim mi olosem. I pinis. Gutbai mi go. Siara mi go log gem. Master Whiteman, Tividele me speak you belong money belong me long time belong me before. I finish [25] two fellow ten moon now five. Me like by and bye you give him me belong him, by and bye me come back. Me work money belong pay something belong me something belong me he stop belong paper before, me catch him. Ifinish, this is all. That is all me talk him you belong him I finish. Suppose you no like you give him me 2 pound belong pay him something. Me no got something belong go place, by and bye


me give him countrymen belong me belong place. Me talk you all the same, me like save talk belong you. Nevermind you no can give him me, all the same. I finish. Good bye me go. Siara me go belong him.

Translation: Master White man, I, Tividele, told you of the money of mine some time ago. Twenty five months have gone by. I would like you to give it (the money) to me and I shall return. I worked for money in order to pay for my things. The things that were written down on paper, I received them. That is finished now. So I would just like to tell you that that is finished. If you are not agreeable, just give me two pounds to pay for things. I have nothing coming to me so that I could distribute it among my fellow villagers. I am telling you this, I want to inform you. Nevermind, if you do not give it to me it makes no difference. It is finished now. Good bye, I am off. I am going to Siara.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Pabai (baimbai), the future marker, is used as a complementizer here. The entire text is characterized by a considerable amount of embedding and grammatical complexity. [2] Kandare or kandareman ‘friend, uncle, fellow countryman’ reflects the roots of this language in the Pacific labour trade.

Text 12: Evidence given in a murder trial, c.1912 Tok Pisin was used increasingly in the administration of German New Guinea, though the linguistic resources of the language remained limited. Here follows an example of its use in the law courts as evidence given at Kokopo in a murder case. We are grateful to Dr Steward Firth of Macquarie University for bringing this document to our attention. Me shoot him finish Whiteman, now me make me die, me like you die past time, by and by other fellow boy he ketch him you. Bell belong mi hot [1] [2] me like fight all the same place belong me, me shoot him finish [3] one fellow master, now me like [3] die behind. Me like shoot past time you, by and by me die, you ketch him other fellow man. Me no look him good that [4] fellow master, me shoot him bell belong him, he big fellow. I think me shoot him master Kolbe. Eye belong me too dark me no look him good. Me now die. (Reichskolonialamt records vol. 29, c.1912).

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Tok Pisin Texts

Translation: I have shot dead the White man, now I make myself die, I want you to die first, then another ‘boy’ can get you. My stomach was aroused, I wanted to fight like back in my village, I have shot dead one European, now I want to (or shall) die afterwards. (If) want to shoot you first, then I shall die, you apprehend another man. I did not see this European very well, I shot him in his stomach, he was a big European. I think (or: perhaps) I shot master Kolbe. My eyes were darkened, I did not see him well. Now I shall die.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] In this text the speaker experiences considerable difficulties with his pronouns, particularly in their exophoric function. Note also the use of body part images (‘my stomach was aroused’, ‘my eyes were darkened’) which signal the reduced responsibility of the speaker for his actions, though he is prepared to die for his actions. [2] This would be bel bilong mi hat or mi belhat ‘I am angry’ in present-day Tok Pisin. Gradually such expressions were replaced by loans from English, such as kros ‘cross, angry’; cf. Text 69 below. [3] In this text many verbs are accompanied by aspect markers such as finish ‘completed action’ or laik ‘inception’. [4] Probably an error. Tok Pisin only has one spatial deictic adjective: dispela ‘this’ or ‘that’.

Text 13: Translation of the Geneva Convention, c.1914 German colonial power in New Guinea came to an end in 1914 when British and Australian forces invaded the capital Rabaul. The new situation that was created by a war between powerful outsiders was a source of great confusion for the Indigenous population, and a number of attempts were made to explain the changes through the use of government proclamations in Tok Pisin. The first example is an extremely capable translation by Dempwolff of the Geneva Convention: Suppose white men [1] he make him big fellow fight, all time he shoot him only that fellow men, he got musket; he no shoot him missis, he no shoot him mary, he no shoot him piccanini. All the same all white men [1] he no kill him men, supposed he sick, he no kill him men, supposed he got sore belong fight, he no kill him men, he look out him sick [2]


fellow men. All white men he make him tabu belong fight all house sick; he make him tabu belong fight all place, he got sick fellow men. He make him one fellow mark belong this fellow tabu belong fight: one fellow flagg all the same: Vorzeigen der Rotenkreuzflagge [at this point show the Red Cross flag] Name true belong this fellow tabu, name true belong this fellow mark, name true belong this fellow flagg ‘red cross’. Supposed some fellow Englishmen belong manofwar he come ashore, he look him ‘red cross’, he no shoot him house belong ‘red cross’, no fight him place belong ‘red cross’. All the same, supposed me you [3] fellow policemen me you look him this fellow mark belong place belong Englishmen, me save finish, him here place belong sick fellow men, me no can shoot him that fellow place, me no can kill him sick fellow men. All place, he got ‘red cross’, he tabu belong fight. (Australian Archives, ACT CRS A 370, item 14)

Translation: If the White men make a big fight, they always only shoot those men who have guns; they do not shoot White women, they do not shoot Indigenous women, they do not shoot children. Similarly, the White men do not hit (or kill) men if they are ill, they do not kill men who are wounded and they do not kill men who look after the wounded. The White men made a taboo against fighting in hospitals; they made a taboo against fighting in places where there are sick people. They make a sign to signal this prohibition to fight, a flag like this: ‘show the red cross flag at this point’ The real name of this taboo, the real name of this sign, the real name of this flag is ‘red cross’. If some Englishmen from a man-of-war come ashore and see the red cross, they don’t shoot at the buildings with a red cross and they don’t fight (near) a place with a red cross. Similarly, if we policemen see this sign near an English camp, we know, this is a place for sick people, we cannot shoot at this place, we cannot kill sick people. Places that have a red cross sign are taboo to fighting.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The English plural form ‘men’ is not expected here. However, it may be a regional pronunciation variant of the more widely attested man. [2] The use of the adjective marker fellow after sick is not usually permitted in Tok Pisin as sick in this language is an intransitive verb. The expected translation would have been men he sick. [3] Me you is used instead of the more common yumi (you me).

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Tok Pisin Texts

Text 14: Proclamation, 1914 A much less sophisticated translation proclaiming the change of ownership of the territory was read to the local population at Rabaul on September 12th, 1914. Though it exhibits some typical features of Tok Pisin (e.g., the words gammon ‘lie’, kaikai, ‘food, eat’ and mary ‘woman’), it is mainly a European fabrication and one can only guess at the amount of it which was understood by the audience: All boys belongina [1] one place, you savvy big master he come how, he new feller master, he strong feller too much, you look him all ship stop place; he small feller ship belongina him. Plenty more big feller he stop place belongina him, now he come here he take all place. He look out good you feller. Now he like you feller look out good alonga him. Suppose other feller master, he been speak you, ‘You no work alonga new feller master’ he gammon. Suppose you work good with [2] this new feller master he look out good alonga you, he look out you get plenty good feller kai-kai; he no fighting [3] black boy alonga nothing. You look him new feller flag, you savvy him? He belonga British (English); he more better than [4] other feller; suppose you been making paper before this new feller master come, you finish time belonga him first, finish time belonga him, you like make him new fellow paper [5] longa man belonga new feller master, he look out good alonga with you; he give good fellow kai-kai. Suppose you no look out good alonga him, he cross too much. British (English) new feller master he like him black feller man too much. He like him all same you piccanin alonga him. You get black feller master belongina you, he all same Police master. You look out place alonga with him he look out place alonga with you. You no fight other feller black man other feller place you no kai-kai man. You no steal Mary belongina other feller black man. He finish talk alonga with you soon. Bye-and-bye ship belongina new feller master he come and look out place belongina you. You look out him now belongina place belongina you, you speak him all the same. Me been talk with you now, now you give three good feller cheers belongina new feller master. NO MORE ‘UM [6] KAISER. GOD SAVE ‘UM KING. (New Guinea Gazette, 1st Nov. 1914: 7)

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Tok Pisin bilong has been expanded to an unexpected (because of the large number of syllables) form belongina which is not documented anywhere else. [2] This preposition does not belong in a Tok Pisin text. The expected form would be long.


[3] One of the many examples in texts written by English speakers of equating English ‘-ing’ with the Tok Pisin transitivity marker -im. [4] Comparative constructions of this type are very rarely found in Tok Pisin and long is usually used instead of ‘than’. [5] ‘Make (him) paper’ is a widespread expression (in Pacific Pidgin English) meaning ‘to sign a contract of indenture’. [6] The use of the comic opera um as a copula is a unique feature of this text.

Text 15: Examples of Tok Pisin used by the police force, c.1921 Whilst Rabaul was firmly in the hands of Australia and Britain, the war continued in some outlying areas of the New Guinea mainland. Captain Detzner continued the war for four years in the remote bush before surrendering. In his book (Detzner 1921) numerous passages of Tok Pisin as used by the police force are quoted. Note the ad hoc spelling of these: P. 58: Master, me dy long kaikai! Master, I am dying for food! P. 75: House copper, master Hauman, house copper! A corrugated iron house, master captain, a corrugated iron house! You be [1] english? Are you English? Me no get place b’long sleep, no house b’long set-down for you, I have no place for sleeping, no house to live in for you, kaikai no got, suppose you be english. I have no food, if you are English. Me-fellow like you and [2] altogether German too much, We like you and all the Germans very much, Me-fellow work finish some-fellow chrismas b’long Rabaul, I have worked for several years in Rabaul, b’long work b’long policeman. prep work of policeman. Now me like to [3] make work b’long you, maski me go loose [4] Now I would like to work for you, nevermind I shall give up my

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Tok Pisin Texts

work b’long missionary. work for the mission. P. 222: Master, saucepan belong you, me loose-em finish! Master, your saucepan, I lost it! P. 226: Master, boy belong me hear-em finished belong missionary; Master, one of my boys heard from a missionary that many German men-of-war stop long sodawater and brook finished; German men-of-war got destroyed in the sea; plenty steamer belong English. there are many English steamers. Em true, master! It is true, master! Kanaka belong sodawater look-em finish too; The saltwater Natives have also seen it; me think German by-and-by [5] come and raus-em alltogether English! perhaps the Germans will come and chase the English away!

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The use of the copula be and several other non-standard features suggest that we are dealing with a somewhat suspect literary form of Tok Pisin. This comes as somewhat of a surprise as the author of this book claims to have lived among Tok Pisin speakers in the bush for several years. [2] Instead of and the expected form would be nau or na. [3] No complementizer to is documented elsewhere; this is probably a fabrication. [4] The use of a transitive verb without the ending im (him) was still found around 1915. This form may well reflect actual use. [5] This is a very early example of preverbal baimbai, suggesting that the shift from clause-initial to preverbal position might have occured before phonological contraction to bai.

II.

Indigenous voices 1920–1945

Text 16: Earliest recorded song, 1922 With the establishment of plantations in the New Guinea area, a new culture, described in detail by Mead (1931), grew up. Its members were young men from all parts of the country who were looking for employment and excitement in the coastal plantations. Their language was Tok Boi, as Tok Pisin was called at the time. On the plantations Tok Pisin developed into an instrument of horizontal communication and was employed in numerous new functions. One of them was for play and recreation. It is manifested in the appearance of numerous songs in the language. The earliest recorded song appears in Jacques (1922: 96ff): Master bilong mi…i…i Come back quick Mi like him taro Mi like him pinap My master Come back quickly I like taro I like pineapple I long time long Sigismun I long time long Sigisan Put him down Roland I no go down long Rabaul All cabin hi no savee notting Kee fast him Roland Kee fast him Sigismun Kee fast him Sigisa A long time for the Sigismund A long time for the Seestern

58

Tok Pisin Texts

The Roland stays put And is not going to Rabaul The cabinboys don’t know a thing Lock up Roland Lock up Sigismund Lock up Seestern

Another song which is alluded to but not printed in writings in the 1910s was popular among plantation workers for a long time. I elicited the following version in 1973: Olo boi i limlibur tumas Puspus olo meri Kaikai misineri Olo boi i limlibur tumas The boys take a lot of time off They fuck the women They eat the missionaries The boys take a lot of time off

Text 17: Margaret Mead’s observations, 1931 By the late 1920s Tok Pisin had established itself firmly in most areas of New Guinea and surrounding islands and had become the lingua franca of acculturated Indigenes. The rapid functional expansion of the language was not entirely matched by its structural expansion, however, and the stylistic resources of the language in particular remained restricted. As Mead (1931: 149) points out: To the unaccustomed ear, pidgin has a terrific monotony because of the constant repetition of three words, belong, along and fellow. ‘Belong’ has been substituted for all the complex native possessives; it does duty for mine, thine, his, hers, theirs, its, indifferently. ‘Along’ does similar yeoman duty for to, toward, at, with, beside and the like, sometimes qualified by another word, as ‘one time along em (with him), close up along em (beside him)’. ‘Fellow is used habitually in front of any noun, to denote the substantive. So we get ‘two fellow man he go along one fellow house. He like catch-em one fellow knife he stop along this fellow house.’ The natives have refused to distiguish between the sexes in pronouns; he, she and it are all ‘he’; him, her and it, objective, are all ‘em’. Every transitive verb carries ‘em’ afterward to denote that it takes an object. ‘Me killem one fellow man.’ (I struck a man.) ‘Fight-em fight-em fight-em this fellow

II. Indigenous voices 1920–1945

blanket.’ (Beat this blanket.) The object is then used appositively with this objective pronoun. And the natives have been equally insistent upon their notions of the negative and affirmative; for, in Oceania, ‘Yes, we have no bananas’ is not a joke but good Oceanic. The boy who is asked, ‘You no got Mary?’ will answer, ‘Yes, me no got Mary.’ The monotony of pidgin is further exaggerated by the trick of interpolating the phrase ‘all right’ at the end of almost every sentence when the speaker is puzzled, abashed or ‘stalling’. So a boy will give directions to a traveler: ‘You like go along big fellow mountain, eh? All right. Now you go-go-go, by and by you come along one big fellow diwai (tree). All right. Now lose-em diwai you come up along one fellow road. All right. He no good fellow road. He road nothing. All right. Now you come up along big fellow mountain. You no can cut-em. All right. You must round-em.’ Here cut is to go through or over in a short cut; round to go around.

Text 18: German-influenced Tok Pisin (PM) Whilst the administration after 1919 was in the hands of English speakers, influence of German remained strong on the mission stations and in outlying areas. Tok Pisin texts containing a high proportion of lexical items of German origin could be recorded among old speakers until recently. The following is an example recorded by Mühlhäusler on Ali Island (West Sepik Province). Bipo mi stap long ‘snaidajunge’. Mi stap long Siaman long Sek long In the old days I was an apprentice tailor. I stayed with the Germans in Sek in Alexishafen. Orait, mi wok long ‘snaider’ wantaim wantok ya. Alexishafen. Well, I worked at the tailor’s with this friend.

Mi ‘schule’ I went to school

long Alexishafen long tri ‘yar’. in Alexishafen for three years.

(German items in quotation marks.)

Text 19: Story by a Native policeman, 1943 The first serious scientific analysis is that of Hall (1943). Appended to his grammar and dictionary are a number of texts, most of them by European informants, but some also by Indigenes. The following transcription (developed by Hall) and translation were taken from Hall (1943: 40):

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Tok Pisin Texts

Nau bipo longtaim mi polisboi, mi stap Ambunti. Now previously by-a-long-time I police-boy, I was-continually (at) Ambunti. Orait, mi stap gutpela. Mi no gat trabol. Olo kanaka bilong bus Very well, I was-continually good. I not have trouble. All native of bush olsem i no stap. Oltaim oltaim [1] ol i pait. Orait. Baimbai [2] thus pr not be-continually. Continually all pr fight. Very well. Soon nambawan i harim kiap. Nambawan kiap i harim number-one pr hear-it government-official. Number-one official pr hear-it pinis, i salim pas long Stesin. Nambatu kiap kisim pas finis, comp, pr send letter to post. Number-two official get letter comp, bihain em i tokim mipela. Em i tok, mipela olgeta go long bus bilong afterward he pr speak-to us. He pr say, we all go to bush in-order-to lainim [3] olgeta kanaka. Orait. Bihain, tupela de mipela go nau. Mipela teach all native. Very well. Afterwards, two day we go now. We go go go long kanu, tudak. Tudak, orait, mipela slip nau. Slip keep going in canoe, until-dark. Dark, very well, we sleep now. Sleep finis, long moningtaim mipela kirap. comp, in morning-time we get-up.

Free Translation: Now long ago I was a police-boy (Native policeman), and I was at Ambunti. I was always good and did not make trouble; but (all) the backwoods Natives were not always thus. They were (all) continually fighting. Finally the government official in charge got word of it. When he had heard about it, he sent a letter to the post. When the subordinate official received the letter, he spoke to us. He told us all that we were to go to the backwoods in order to teach (or line up in allegiance) (all) the Natives. Then we went for two days. We kept going until night. When night came, we slept; and when we had slept, we got up in the morning.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] In spite of frequent claims to the contrary, reduplication and repetition are relatively rare in Tok Pisin. Here, repetition of an adverb is used to signal intensity and repetition.


[2] Baimbai whilst often referred to as a ‘future’ marker actually signals ‘event following another event’. It is an aspect rather than a tense marker. [3] This verb conflates two English verbs: ‘to line up’ and ‘to learn’ (used transitively to mean ‘to teach’). Its meaning is more in the nature of ‘to make behave’ than ‘to impart knowledge’.

Text 20: Letter, 1939 (PM) This is another early example of Tok Pisin written by a New Guinean. It is an unpublished letter written by a houseboy to the little daughter of his employer. The spelling in the original letter deviates very considerably from present-day standard spelling, which is given in brackets. The letter is dated 14th August 1939: Agus 14, 1939 [Ogas 14, 1939] Buk i ko log Smit tete [1] mi kam apa lo i u log gut Pel orait log [Buk i go long Smith tude em i kamap ya long yu long gutpela orait long] got Papa iu mi ol tu gat peles nao was Matiu tede iu orait No Piko i [Got Papa yumi ol tu gat ples na was. Matthew tude yu orait o Piko i] orait iu tel im Sion Nao milaik tok iu log kamap Lomi tupel log [orait yu telim John na mi laik tok yu long kamap Lomi tupela long] Kewinag. [2] Mata i karim bipalasik [3] orait mitupala kamap log peles Tabar [Kewinag. Masta i karim bikpela sik, orait, mitupela kamap long ples Tabar] Orait i orait bek. Nao i laik orait likalik tede orait Nao mi laik [Orait, i orait bek. Nau i laik orait liklik, tude orait. Nau mi laik] Lapalap. Bipo Misis Ju bin sitap Medeg i givim mata wan pel silipas [laplap. Bipo misis yu bin stap Madang i givim masta wanpela slipis] baraon bilong kolos. Wan mi laikiu tu mi bikbrata mi laik iu salim [braun bilong klos. Wan mi laik yu tu mi bikbrata mi laik yu salim] tu log mi Laka. Wuan tu pelet bilog musik uan pala i olosem teti surere [tu long mi, laka? Wan tu plet bilong musik wanpela i olsem tude Sarere] misi log wai. Wuan pela i olosem aleluia abanam. Likalik tok. [misis longwe. Wanpela i olsem aleluja Abraham. Liklik tok.] Miko log solowara wan arpela Maliau i kaikai ol pika bilomi orait [Mi go long solwara wanpela maleo i kaikai pinga bilong mi, orait,]

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Tok Pisin Texts

i pinis. Kubai, kubai swit. [i pinis. Gutbai, gutbai swit.]

Translation: This letter that went to Smith arrived today from you, (saying that) you are fine, that your father was fine, the two of us also have a place and we are waiting. Matthew, are you fine today? And Piko are you fine? Tell John and I want to tell you that (I and) Lomi, the two of us, arrived in Kevieng. The Master had a big illness, well, we came to the island of Tabar, well, it is all right again. Now it is improving a little bit, today it is all right. Now I want a loincloth. Earlier on Missis, you stayed in Madang you gave the Master a pair of slippers (made of) brown cloth. (Such a) pair I too would like you to send to your big brother, to me, get it? One or two records, one (goes like) like today Saturday, the Missis is far away. The other one goes like Halelujah Abraham. A little message: (When) I went to the sea, an eel bit my fingers, well, that is it. Good-bye, good-bye sweetie.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The spelling in this letter deviates considerably from the usual etymological and quasi-etymological spellings of official and mission documents. [2] A misspelling of Kevieng, the main town on New Ireland. [3] Note the absence of a word boundary and the avoidance of consonant clusters in this form.

Text 21: Dispute about a pig, 1930 A dispute about a pig, recorded by Margaret Mead, illustrating ‘how the circumlocutions of Pidgin play havoc with the comprehension of a moderately complicated line of thought’ (Reinecke 1937: 748): A dispute will be taken to the district officer’s about a pig for which one man claims he has never received compensation. This said pig, which A paid to B as part of a marriage exchange, has since changed hands some thirty times … for until a pig is eaten he is virtually currency. The defendent B tries to explain that he is waiting for the value of the pig to be returned to him along this chain of thirty creditors, all of whom have had transitory possession of the pig. ‘Now me sell ‘em along one fellow man, he man belong one fellow sister belong me fellow. All right. This fellow man he sell him along one fellow man, he belong Patusi, he like marry him one fellow pickaninny mary belong ‘em. He no pickaninny true belong ‘em that’s all he help ‘em papa belong this fellow mary. All right. Now this fellow pig he go along this fellow man.


This fellow man he no kaikai pig, he sell ‘em along one fellow man, he sister belong mary belong ‘em. All right. This fellow man he got one fellow brother, liklik brother belong ‘em, he work along one fellow station belong Malay. Close up now he like finish ‘em time belong ‘em. Suppose he finish ‘em time now he catch ‘em plenty fellow money, [3] fellow pound, he bring ‘em along this big fellow brother belong ‘em, one time along plenty fellow altogether something. Now this fellow sister belong mary belong man belong pickaninny mary belong sister belong mary belong me no.’ At this point many a harassed district officer is likely to break in with, ‘Maskie, brother belong mary belong brother belong mary, this fellow pig he belong whose that?’ (Mead 1930: 304–306)

Translation: ‘Now I gave the pig to a man, a man who is my sister’s husband. This man gave the pig to a man in Patusi who was planning to marry a daughter of his. She was not his own daughter, but he had inherited her father’s position. This pig was accordingly given to this man. This man did not eat the pig but gave him to the brother of his wife.’ (‘Sister’ in pidgin means ‘sibling of the opposite sex’; ‘brother’, sibling of the same sex. This distinction which we do not make is felt by the Native as essential and he has distorted our kinship terminology to preserve it.) ‘Now this man has a brother, a younger brother, who is working on a plantation which belongs to a Malay. Soon he will finish his time of indenture. When he finishes his time, he will receive a lot of money, he will receive three pounds, together with many other things. Nevermind this brother of the wife of the fiance of the daughter of the brother of my wife, whose pig is it?’

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III. The use of Tok Pisin by missions and government

Text 22: Extracts from a grammar and dictionary, 1924 Brenninkmeyer’s Einfuehrung ins Pidgin-Englisch of 1924 was the first attempt to provide a comprehensive grammar and dictionary of Tok Pisin. The author worked as a missionary among the Baining of New Britain, and the variety featured in his course thus represents a conservative bush Tok Pisin. Unfortunately Brenninkmeyer gives us decontextualised sentences of the language only, and no running texts. You got knife? Yes, me got knife. Me no got knife. Me no got sick, me got Have you got a knife? Yes, I got a knife. I have no knife. I have no sickness, I got a ‘kuss’, that’s all. Me no got ‘tabak’ yet. cough, that’s all. I have not yet received tobacco. Em he got big fellow soar. He got plenty kakaruk long place. He pr got a big sore. There are plenty of chickens in the village. Long three day he got ‘missa’ [1]. You got ‘marry’? [2] No, me no got marry. In three days there will be mass. Have you got a wife? No, I have no wife. Em he got two fellow pigginini. (S)he pr got two children. One fellow big fellow fish he die finish. One big fish pr is dead comp. Me fellow find him big fellow water. We found/are looking for a big river.

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One fellow good fellow coconut he fall down finish. One good coconut pr fell down comp. New fellow cloth he look nice. The new clothes pr look nice. Small fellow boat he no good long big-sea [3]. A small boat is no good in a storm. You fellow put him white fellow cloth. You are wearing white clothes. Me find him one fellow red fellow glass. I found a red (piece of) glass. Long fellow Pater he write long short fellow stick long The tall Father is writing with a short stick (pencil?) near the black fellow water. black river.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] When Tok Pisin came to be used as a mission language from around 1920, a large number of doctrinal and religious terms were introduced. A number of them were adapted from Latin, including missa, virgo, pater and benediksio. [2] Brenninkmeyer’s spelling suggests that his favoured etymology for meri was English ‘marry’ rather than one of the other possibilities discussed above (Text 7, note 7). [3] Around 1920 Tok Pisin was beginning to develop language-internal devices of word formation. Biksi ‘storm’ is an early example of a compound created in this way.

Text 23: Native labour ordinance, 1924 After the imposition of an Australian administration in the League of Nations Trust Territory of New Guinea, new laws and new rules of conduct were devised. Of these, the Native Labour Ordinance is a particularly important document, as the economy of the country crucially depended on contract labour.


Around 1924 the most important sections were translated into Tok Pisin for use by Australian patrol officers (kiaps). Here follow some passages from this document (from Report by Colonel J. Ainsworth, Commonwealth Parliamentary Paper no. 109, 1924): P. 83: Boy [1] he no can steal im mary belong nother fella boy. Suppose one Male Indigene pr not can steal woman of other man. If one fella boy he married finish he no can go long nother fella mary. All same, spose one man pr married comp pr not can go to other woman. Similary, if a fella mary he married finish he no can go long nother fella man. woman pr married comp pr not can go to other man. P. 93: Spose kiap he talk long luluai now tul-tul [2] he must send im If patrol officer pr talk to village headman or interpreter pr must send boy long house sick, he must send him quick too much. Spose he no send im man to hospital, he must send him quick very. If he not send him kiap he can calaboose [3] im. patrol officer pr can imprison him. P. 104: Spose one fella boy he like bring im pig all same fowl long nother fella place he If a man pr likes to take pig or fowl to another place he must put im long basket first time. He no can fas’im leg bilong pig all same fowl must put it in basket first of all. He not can tie legs of pig or fowl long one fella dee why [4] all same fashion bilong before. to a (piece of) wood like fashion of past. P. 115: Altogether kanaka [5] spose im come up long place belong white man All bush dwellers if pr arrive at settlement of White man all same Rabaul, Kavieng, Madang, Kieta, must put him lap-lap. Lik-lik like Rabaul, Kavieng, Madang, Kieta, must put on loincloth. Little

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picanniny das all can walk about nothing. children only can walk around naked. P. 138: Spose some fella boy he gammon he policeboy all same luluai all same If a man pr pretend he policeboy or headman or tul-tul kiap can calaboose im. interpreter patrol officer can imprison him. Regulations applying to Rabaul only: P. 84: Altogether boy must stop good long house belong him long 9 o’clock long night. All men must stay put in house of them at 9 o’clock at night. He no can stop long nother fella house. Sing sing he must finish long 9 o’clock. He not can stay in other house. Dancing pr must finish at 9 o’clock. Boy he no can make im noise behind. Man pr not can make noise later.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The word boy refers to adult Indigenous males in European employment (see footnote 2 for further details). [2] A word of Tolai origin adopted as an official title by the German administration. [3] Calaboose: this word of Spanish origin is widely found in pidgins. In modern Tok Pisin haus simen ‘concrete house’ is sometimes used instead. [4] A common spelling of Tok Pisin diwai ‘tree’ by Australians who identify it with the Australian place-name ‘Dee Why’, with which it has nothing to do. [5] Kanaka refers to Indigenes not in European employment. In present-day Tok Pisin it has come to mean ‘bush dweller, uncivilized person’ or can be used to signal Melanesian identity.

Text 24: The Lord’s Prayer The use of Tok Pisin by various missions intensified during the 1920s and 1930s and attempts were made by several mission bodies to translate parts of the


scriptures and other religious materials into the language. Most of the missions remained predominantly in German hands, though English-speaking missionaries from Australia and America were increasingly in evidence. At this stage no attempts were made to co-ordinate the different efforts to standardize and write down Tok Pisin. Here is the Lord’s Prayer as rendered by the Alexishafen Catholic Mission, the Vunapope Catholic Mission and the Rabaul Methodist Mission: Alexishafen. Fader bilong mifelo, yu stop long heven. Ol i santuim [1] nem bilong yu. Kingdom bilong yu i kam. Ol i hirim tok bilong yu long graund olsem long heven. Tude givim mifelo kaikai bilong de. Forgivim rong bilong mifelo; olsem mifelo forgivim rong ol i mekim long mifelo. Yu no bringim mifelo long traiim tekewe samting no gud long mifelo. Amen.

Vunapope. Papa bolong mipela i stap antap, naim bolong ju i tambu, lotu bolong ju i kam, mipela daun olosem ol antap i harim tok bolong ju, ju bringim kaikai tede bolong mipela, ju larim mipela i olosem mipela i larim ol, ol i mekim nogut mipela — ju no bringim mipela klostu long rot i nogut, ju lusim ol samting nogut i raus long mipela. Amen.

Rabaul. Papa bilog mi fela, iu stop an top alog [2] peles bilog iu, i qud mi fela sigsig out tru alog nem bilog iu; i moa beta ol a fasin bilog iu i stop oltuqeta peles. I qud mi fela mekim tru ol a lo bilog iu, ol a sem oltuqeta man i savi mekim alog peles bilog iu. I qud iu givim mi fela kaikai inafim [3] mi fela alog tude. I qud iu no mekim koros alog mi fela alog ol a fasin no qud mi fela mekim, ol a sem mi fela no qat koros alog ol a man i savi korosim mi fela. Iu no bringim mi fela alog ol a samtig no qud; i moa beta iu luk outim mi fela so mi fela no ken mekim ol a fasin no qud. Bikos ol a lo, na oltuqeta strog, na oltuqeta samtig i qud i bilog iu, na i no ken finis. Amen.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The Alexishafen text is characterized by a tendency towards etymological spelling and the use of Latin loans such as santuim ‘to worship, pronounce holy’. [2] The Rabaul Methodist spelling is based on that developed for Fijian, a widely used practice at the time. One of the characteristics of this spelling is the use of single voiced consonants to signal prenazalized consonants. Note that the translation is very wordy and rather unwieldy when compared

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with that prepared by the Vunapope Catholic Mission, situated only a few miles away. [3] Inafim ‘to meet our needs’ is a good illustration of how language-independent word formation expands the basic stock of English words.

Text 25: ‘Guidance for learning the Tok Boi’, a language lesson, 1930 As Tok Pisin was adopted as a mission lingua franca throughout the Territory of New Guinea, new descriptions, dictionaries and courses of the language appeared and language standardization became a topic. An important document is Borchardt’s Guidance for learning the Tok Boi translated from the German original in 1930. Borchardt was a Catholic missionary on Manus Island and his language is clearly influenced by the Rabaul tradition. Regrettably, Borchardt does not give ‘natural’ conversations but structures his course around decontextualized sentences. Exercise to Lesson 7. 1) Vataem baembai [1] Ju go Karavia? (Nb. not long Karavia. The small word ‘to’ remains untranslated). 2) Baembae jumi girap long biknaet. 3) Ju kisim masket, baembai mi kisim ruksak (bek) 4) Ju no lusim sitik. 5) Baembai jutupela i go vei tumora? Mitupela i go Ravaira na baembai mitupela i sutim pisin. 6) Vataem baembai jutupela i kam bek? 7) Tumora sande, baembai [1] mitupela i harim misa. 8) I gut, jutupela i kam long monitaem tru. 9) Tumora jutupela i no ken vok. 10) Haptumora jumitripela i katim divai. 11) Ju tokim manki [2], em i no singsing bikpela. 12) Jupela i no mek nais. 13) Sopos mi tok: ‘jupela i sanap’ jupela ologeta i sanap vantaem. 14) Jupela i sindaon long giraon na jupela i rait. 15) Tripela de baembai i pinis.

Translation: 1) When are you going to Quarantine? 2) We shall get up in the middle of the night. 3) You get your gun, then I shall get my rucksack. 4) Don’t let go of the stick. 5) Where are the two of you going tomorrow? We two are going to Ravaira and then we two shall shoot a bird. 6) When are you going to come back? 7) Tomorrow is Sunday and the two of us shall go to mass. 8) You better come very early in the morning. 9) Tomorrow you two cannot work. 10) The three of us shall fell a tree the day after tomorrow. 11) Tell the boy not to shout. 12) You two must not make a noise/must not move. 13) If I say: ‘stand up’, then you must all stand up at the same time. 14) Sit down on the ground and write. 15) Three days will have passed.


Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The future/irrealis marker variably appears closer to the verb phrase. [2] Manki means ‘male child’ or ‘unmarried young Indigenous man’, boi means ‘Indigenous man in European employment’, whilst the word for monkey is monki.

Text 26: First serial in Tok Pisin, 1935 In the year 1935 the first serial in Tok Pisin, Frend bilong mi, was published by the Catholic Mission. Its content was mainly of a religious kind, though some attempt was also made to include other educational and entertaining materials. Here is a passage from the September 1938 edition: Bismark i salim wanfelo tok. Bismark pr sends a message. Supos yu kam long maunten Bismark, yu ken hirim [1] ol kanaka i If you come to the mountain Bismarck, you can hear pl Native pr singaut, ‘Pater!’ Nau yu lukluk, yu laik faindim [1] pater. No gat! shout ‘Father!’. Then you look, you want find father. neg exist! Wanfelo liklik manki, ol i kolim ‘Pater’. Taim ol misinare i kamap One little boy, they pr call ‘Father’. When pl missionary pr arrive long Bismark, ol kanaka i no lukim waitman yet, nau ol i kolim ol at Bismarck, pl Native pr not see White man yet, then they pr call pl pikinini, ‘Pater’. children, ‘Father’. Tasol, natink wanfelo pikinini, ol i kolim ‘Pater’, baimbai i pater tru? But, perhaps one child, they pr call ‘Father’, fut pr father really? Natink baimbai i prist tru? Perhaps fut pr priest really? Long skul mi askim ol liklik manki long disfelo samting. Nau ol i tinktink At school I ask pl little boys about this matter. Then they pr think

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plenti pastaim, bihaind Yohanes i tok, ‘no gat! Ol blakskin [2] i no plenty at first, afterwards Johannes pr say ‘no way! pl Black people pr neg ken prist. Em i samting bilong ol waitman. Mifelo i no inaf long can be priest. It is something of pl White people. We exc pr not able to be prist. Prist i bigfelo samting tumas’. priest. Priest pr big matter very’. Nau mi tok, ‘yes! Prist i bigfelo samting. Prist i kichim ordo [3] Then I say, ‘yes! Priest is big matter. Priest pr get ordainment sakrament [3]. Prist i helpim Yesus. Em i mekim ofer bilong santu misa [3], sacrament. Priest pr help Jesus. He pr make service of holy mass, em i lusim ol pekato [3] bilong ol man. Tok bilong em long haus lotu, i he pr forgive pl sin of pl man. Talk of him in house church, pr tok bilong Yesus. Hart bilong prist i hart bilong Yesus. Man i no inaf long talk of Jesus. Heart of priest pr heart of Jesus. Man pr not able for disfelo bigfelo samting. Waitman tu i no inaf, tasol God Spiritu Santu i this big matter. White man also pr not able, but God Spirit Holy pr mekim man i prist. Olsem prist i ken holdim Yesus long hand bilong em. make man pr priest. Thus priest pr can hold Jesus in hand of him. God i no lukluk long skin bilong man, i waitfelo no blakfelo. God pr not look at skin of man, pr White or Black. God i laikim man i no laikim pekato fashin. Em i laikim man i save beten’. God pr like man pr not like sinful ways. He pr like man pr hab pray’.

Free translation: If you come to the Bismarck mountain, you can hear the Natives shout ‘Father’. When you look, you expect to find a Father, but none exists.They call one little boy ‘Father’. When the missionaries arrived at Bismarck, the Natives had not yet seen Whitemen, and they called children ‘Father’. But, perhaps the one little boy whom they call ‘Father’ will really become a Father? Perhaps he will really become a priest? At school I ask the little boys about this matter. They think about it a lot, then


Johannes says ‘no way, Black people cannot be priests. It is something only for White people. We are not able to be priests. Priests are very important’. Then I said, ‘yes, priests are very important. Priests are ordained. Priests help Jesus. Priests hold mass and forgive men’s sins. They preach in church and speak the word of Jesus. The heart of a priest is the heart of Jesus. (Mere) men are not fit for this important duty. Whitemen also are not fit, but God’s Holy Spirit makes men priests. Therefore priests can act for Jesus. God does not look at (the colour of) a man’s skin, White or Black. God likes man, but does not like his sinful ways. He likes man to pray constantly’.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Again, examples of the etymological spelling favoured by the Alexishafen missionaries. [2] Around 1930 the first exocentric compounds make their appearance, blakskin ‘Black person’ being an early example. [3] This text contains a number of religious terms borrowed from Latin.

Text 27: A hymnal, 1938 In most areas of New Guinea the Lutheran Church adopted local vernaculars such as Kâte or Jabêm as mission lingue franche. A major change to Tok Pisin occurred only in the 1960s. However, in some linguistically highly diversified areas, Lutheran missionaries employed Tok Pisin much earlier. A hymnal was printed by the Madang Lutheran Mission in 1938 containing songs translated from German and local mission languages. Here follow a couple of examples (Singsing Buk, Madang: Amron College Press 1938): Example (i) 1. Ol brata ju kam nau, pl brother you come now, harem tok belong Got, hear talk of God, nau singaut long jumi. and sing to us. 2. Ol boi kingdom belong Got, pl ‘boy’ kingdom of God,

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jumi ken bilifem [1]; we can believe in; Jesus lusem sin belong mi. Jesus forgive sin of me. 3. Ol boi, Jesus nau singaut, pl ‘boy’ Jesus now shout, jumi go klostu; we go near; Jesus marimari [2] long jumi. Jesus have pity on us. 4. Jumi no sindaun nating. We not sit around idly. jumi no limlimbur [3]; we not take time off; Jesus em tu olsem. Jesus he also thus. 5. Ol de ting long jumi, All day think about us, jumi tu ting long em; we also think about him; jumi man belong Jesus. we man of Jesus.

Example (ii) 1. O Got, ju olsem lait, O God you like light, ju ken lait long bel [4] belong mi; you can light on soul of me; mi ken tingting long tok belong ju, I can think of talk of you, mi olsem Josef bifoa: I like Joseph previously: no mekem pen bel belong papa, not make painful soul of father, Jakob i laikem tumas Josef, Jacob pr liked a lot Joseph,


laikem Got, bihainem tok. liked God followed talk (obey). 2. Ting long Got, bihainem tok, Think about God, obey, ju wok stret long wok belong ju. you work properly at work of yours. Josef em wok long Potifar, Joseph he work at Potifar, han belong em i nais tumas. hand of his pr nice a lot. Em nogat stil [5], no haitem tok. He not have deception, not hide talk. I bihainem [1] tok long het belong em: pr obey talk in head of him: laikem Got, bihainem tok. like God, obey talk. 3. No mekem tok no gut, Not make talk bad, pos ju stap long taim no gut, if you are in time bad, bel i no gut ju krai tumas; soul is sad you cry a lot; ju ken singaut long Got belong ju. you can shout to God of you. Em i ken harem maus belong ju, He pr can hear voice of you, olsem Josef i liftapem ju; like Joseph pr lift up you; no mekem tok no gut. not make talk bad.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] In these texts the transitivity marker -im is spelled -em. [2] The word marimari ‘to take pity on’ was borrowed from the New Ireland language Molot where it means ‘to love, to have pity’. All connotations of sexual love have disappeared in its missionary use.

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[3] Limlimbur ‘to take a walk, stroll’ was borrowed from Tolai limlibur with the same meaning. [4] In most local cultures the stomach is regarded as the seat of emotions. Missionary translators often use bel to refer to ‘heart’ or ‘soul’. In this hymn they heed a further widespread convention, i.e., that bel is inalienably possessed and therefore has to be followed by bilong mi ‘my’ or a similar possessive. [5] This is an early example of an abstract noun derived from a verb by a productive language-internal word formation mechanism.

Text 28: Second World War propaganda leaflet The Second World War not only promoted the study of Tok Pisin but lead to its use in modern mass media (radio broadcasts, leaflet drops) by both the Japanese and Allied forces. A large collection of Tok Pisin war propaganda is found in the Australian War Memorial in Canberra. The following pamphlets were prepared by the Australian army and dropped over the interior of Papua New Guinea: (i) Mifelo sitrong tumas long [1] Japan. Long Nukini Japan bakarap olgeder pinis. Mifelo ontaim Amerika kilim pinis ol long Salamaua, Lae, Markam, Finshafen, Raikos, nau Madang. Kiap i sindaun long ol. Soldia long yumi kosua [2] long Bun Bun, Aitape, nau Holland. Sumfelo [3] Japan ronwei nabaut nabaut long bik bus, end nambis. Yufelo no ken stap klostu long Japan. Supos sumfelo biket [4] i stap bom kilim ontaim Japan. Hambag long Japan pinis tru. Guv i tok.

Official Translation: Our strength has outgrown the enemy to such an enormous degree that he is now no match for us. Throughout the whole of New Guinea, Japan has been beaten and demoralised. Australian and American forces have killed and driven the Japanese from all Morobe area, Salamaua, Lae and Markham valley, from Finschhafen, the Rai coast and also Madang. Your old District Officers are now in their offices in all these centres. We have made landings at Hansa Bay, Aitape and Hollandia. Many fugitive Japanese are roaming through the bush and beaches attempting to escape. Do not stay near these Japs for we are straffing and bombing them and you would be killed also. The Japanese adventure in New Guinea is truly closing. The Government says this.


(ii) Ol Luluai Na Tultul Na Boi Bilog Guvman Mipela kisim pinis Salamaua na Lae na Finshapen, na kilim ol Japan [5]. Kiap bilog yupel i stap wontaim soldia bilog yumi. Guvman i singaut im yu nau, yu mas kam painim Kiap na Polismasta. Sipos Japan i pulim yu pela bipo, yu no kan pret. I nogat taravol [6] long dis pela somtig. Guvman i tok.

Official Translation: All Luluais, Tultuls and Government Boys We have recaptured Salamaua, Lae and Finschhafen and killed all the Japs who were there. Your District Officers are with our troops. The Government calls for you to report now and you must get into touch with your District Officers and their Patrol Leaders. If (while the Japs held your area) you were forced to work for him, you need have no fear. This will not be held against you. The Government says this.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] As already mentioned, comparative constructions of the English type do not exist in ‘classical’ Tok Pisin. This is an attempt to create a translation equivalent of English ‘stronger than’. [2] English ‘go ashore’ has become a single root kosua in Tok Pisin; similar examples include the already mentioned bunara ‘bow and arrow’ and katuana ‘guard of honour’. [3] In this text, like in most of the documents written by government agencies, we encounter a mixture between English spelling conventions and others developed by missions and individuals. The first standard spelling used nationwide was developed in 1954. [4] A non-standard spelling of bikhet ‘bigheaded person’, another exocentric compound. [5] In Tok Pisin the same form of a noun is used to refer to a place and the inhabitants of a place. Examples are Siapan ‘Japan, a Japanese’ and Ostrelia ‘Australia, an Australian’. [6] A non-standard spelling of trabol ‘trouble, strife’. Most epenthetic vowels are predictable and thus not found in present-day standard spelling.

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IV. Indigenous voices 1950–1970

Text 29: Ginger planting, 1950s An important factor in the development of Tok Pisin after the Second World War was the opening up of the New Guinea Highlands. In the years to follow an ever increasing number of speakers of Papuan (rather than Melanesian) languages used Tok Pisin. The pattern of transmission to Highlanders recapitulated that to Coastal dwellers and Islanders in the early parts of the 20th century: young males were recruited for the coastal plantations where they acquired Tok Pisin and carried it back to their villages after two to three years of indenture. In subsequent years (after a time lag of ten to fifteen years), Tok Pisin began to be used as a language for intercommunication between speakers of different Highlands languages. This is now its most important function in this part of Papua New Guinea. The following materials were recorded at Wabag (Western Highlands Province) in the early 1950s by the late Dr. Smythe. His orthography is influenced by the Rabaul tradition. An interesting feature of his texts is the incorporation of grammatical markers with lexical words as in isavedaunim instead of standard orthography i save daunim used for ‘to swallow’. Ginger planting Orait na ol man blog [1] Wapak olisavego log bus. Milaikstori log All right, pl man of Wabag pl pr hab go to bush. I want to tell story about tesela [2]. Ologeta jagpala man ibug, na ologeta maritman inosavego log this. All young men gathered, and all married men did not go to bus. Ologeta jagpala man tasol inosavemarit, ologeta isavesigaut log the bush. All young men only pr not hab married, all sing out for

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ologeta bilas blog kanaka kina, na sampala sitontamiok blog ol tu, na decorations of Indigene shell, and some stone axes of them also, and sampala rop, na bilum, na ologeta gras pisin. Wel tu olilaikputim some rope, and stringbag, and all bird feathers. Oil too they like to put on log skin [3] blog ol. their skin. Orait, na ologeta maritman olinosavego wantaim log bus. All right, and the married men pl pr not hab go along to the bush. Orait, na ologeta jagpala man ibug, na olisavegolukim All right, and all the young men gathered and pl pr hab went looking for wanpela kain kawar olisaveplantim log bus. Olilaiklukim tesela, one kind of ginger pl pr hab plant in bush. They pr like to look at this, na olistap log ples kanaka. Olisavelukluk nabaut and they pr stayed in the village of the Indigenes. They pr hab look around ologeta samtig, na hai blogen isaverere logen. Orait, na at everything, and eyes of them pr hab prepared for it. All right, and olilaikgolukim tesela kawar log bus na olisavewasim gut hai they pr like to look for this ginger in the bush, and they pr hab wash good eyes blog ol log klinpala wara, na sampala stigpala [4] kawar tu olikisim na of them in clean water, and some rotten ginger also they pr took, and wasim pes blog ol, hai blog ol. washed face of them, eye of them. Wasim gut na oliorait, na olisawego log bus, Washed it well, and they pr all right, and they pr hab go to bush, Na olilaiklukim tesela kawar. And they pr like to look for this ginger. Orait, na ologeta jagpala man ol jet olikamautim kawar. All right, and all young men pl emph dig up ginger.


Olinolaik ol meri iholim kawar [5], na ol jet ikamautim sampala They pr not like women pr hold ginger, and they emph pr dig up some kawar na sampala suga tu olosem brukim. ginger and some sugar too thus break.

Translation: All right. I want to tell you a story about when the Wabag men go into the bush. All the young men gather but all the married men do not go into the bush. Only the young unmarried men go. They call out for their decorations, shells, stone axes, rope, stringbags and feathers. They put oil on their skin. Well, the married men do not accompany them to the bush. Well, all the young men gather and they go looking for ginger they planted in the bush. They like to look at this ginger when they stay in their village. They take a good look around and keep their eyes open. Well, when they want to look for ginger they first wash their eyes with clean water, they take some rotten ginger with them, they wash their face (or forehead), they wash their eyes. They wash well and then go into the bush. Well, and then the young men dig up the ginger. They do not want the women to touch the ginger and they dig up some ginger and some sugarcane at the same time.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Smythe uses the already encountered convention of representing prenasalized voiced consonants by the single letter for the consonantal stop. Present-day standard spelling is bilong. [2] A quasi-phonetic spelling for dispela ‘this, that’. [3] Whilst the translation ‘skin’ fits the context, in most instances skin refers to the whole human body. [4] Sting in most varieties of Tok Pisin is a verb ‘to be rotten’. The adjective stingpela is very rare. [5] Among Papua New Guineans ginger is regarded as an aphrodisiac.

Text 30: Highlands Tok Pisin, 1960s: A story about a snake Further early examples of Highlands Tok Pisin were recorded by Wurm in the Enga District in the early 1960s. Its grammar, which differs in a number of interesting respects from Lowlands Tok Pisin, is described in Wurm (1971). The following text is also taken from this source (p. 165–6). The speaker is a medical orderly (doktaboi).

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Orait na, narapela taim tu, tispela wanpela kanaka i tokim mi tu long And another time as well, this (one) Native pr told me also about tispela taim, long tispela bikpela snek i kam na mipela save this time, about this big snake pr come and which we (i.e., they) often kilim, bikpela tumas. Orait na wanpela taim mi tokim i tok: killed, a very big one. And once I said pr said: ‘i possible [1] kilim tispela snek? Orait, mi yet lukim, orait, ‘pr possible to kill this snake? Well I myself will see it (to ascertain) (if) yupela kilim, nogut yupela giaman’. Mi tokim olosem na wanpela taim, taim you pl killed it, no you pl lie’. I said thus and one time, time as bilong mun na mi kam, mi kisim ologeta maresin beginning of the month, and I came, I took all the medicines na ologeta kaikai tu mi laik kisim long Wabag na mi kirap and also all the food which I was about to take to Wabag and I started long prainde [2] mi kam ologeta long Wabag. Orait na, wanpela meri on Friday (and) came all the way to Wabag. Well one woman em i go pulimapim wara, orait na, em i lukim wanpela traipela [2] snek she pr went to draw water, well and she pr saw one big snake long tispela ples. Mi kam pinis long Wabag na em i lukim. Mi kam pinis at that place. I come comp to Wabag and she pr saw (it). I arrive comp long Wabag na tispela meri i go pulimapim wara na em i lukim at Wabag and this woman pr went to draw water and she pr saw one wanpela traipela snek i slip long rot. Na em i wokabaut i go big snake pr lying on the road. And she pr was walking pr cont yet i longwe liklik, na tel bilongen i kam longwe yet na emph pr long way quick, and its tail pr coming from a distance emph and het bilongen i go pinis long narapela hap long bus. Orait na its head pr go comp the other way into the bush. Well and


namel bilongen em i painim long rot. Orait na em i go tokim tispela its middle she pr found on the track. Well and she pr went told this long olo man long ples. Orait na em i go tokim planti man, to all men in village. Well and she pr went and told many men, olosem tenpela man i samting em i go singaut na ol i kam, something like ten men or so she pr went to call and they pr came, ol i sapim wanpela traipela diwai, na karim tispela traipela (and) they pr sharpened a thick stick, and carried this thick diwai tu em i katim em olo karim. Olo karim i kam, stick too which they pr had cut, and they carried it. They carried it and pr came na tispela bikpela diwai ol i sapim longen i kam planim and this was the thick stick which they pr had sharpened pr came to stand it klostu long snek i stap longen. up close to (the place) where the snake pr was. Planim klostu na em olo man i was long traipela diwai na Stood it up close (to it) and all men pr were watching this thick stick and het bilong akis na olo the axe head (apparently one had been put on the ground as a marker) and they laik i brukim het bilongen. Orait na olo karim sampela rop tu. wanted pr to break its head. And they had taken some rope there as well. Orait na olo was i stap na tispela snek em i [3] go yet And they were all watching and the snake pr was going along emph i go yet na ol i was long tel bilongen. Orait na olo and going along emph and all pr watched for its tail. They all painim tel bilongen. I kam klostu long tispela ston nau kisim tel bilongen looked for its tail. pr came close to this stone now took its tail na tanim kwiktaim long tispela diwai ol i planim longen. and turned it quickly towards that stick which they pr had stood up there.

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Ol i pasim wantaim sampela rop tu. Olo pasim strong. Orait na tispela They pr tied it with some rope too. They tied it strongly. And this het bilongen i go longwe pinis na em i kam gen, em i lukluk head of it pr go a long way comp and it pr came (back) again, it pr looked i pilim tispela tel bilongen i pas long wanpela samting. Orait na pr it felt that this tail of it pr was tied on to something. (And) hap het bilongen i tanim [4] i kam na i kam klostu long tispela diwai, its head portion pr turned pr came and pr came close to this stick, orait na ologeta kanaka i was i stap na i brukim and all the Natives pr were pr watching cont and pr broke het bilongen. Orait na olo kanaka i brukim het bilongen na ol i its head. (And) all the Natives pr broke its head and they pr kilim tispela traipela snek. Orait na ol i kilim na planti man olo killed this big snake. (And) they pr killed it and many men they karim tispela snek i go, na wanpela bun meri i dai na ol carried this snake away, and one emaciated woman pr had died and they i krai i stap longen na ol i mekim kaikai pr were crying pr cont over her and they pr were preparing food long tispela bun meri, i dai lain. for (i.e. in honour of) this emaciated woman who had died (and) pr was the clan of the deceased. Orait na, taim mi kisim siger [5] pinis long Wabag na mi go long (And) when I had received my ration issue in Wabag and (I) went to liklik [6] bilong mi na ol i soim tispela longpela bun samting long mi, my little station, they all pr showed this long bone-thing to me, traipela i planti bun ‘na traipela snek olo tu mipela i kilim thick pr many bones. (They said) ‘and this big snake we all pr killed


na kaikai pinis. Mipela was long yu long prainde i kam and we ate it up. We were looking out for you on Friday and pr came lukim na yu no kamap prainde na mipela planti man mipela to look (for you) and you did not come on Friday and we, many men, we laik mumuim tispela snek, na mipela kaikai aste, were going to cook in the earth oven this snake, and we ate it yesterday, satede.’ Ol i tokim mi olosem na mi go long mande long on Saturday.’ They pr told me thus and I went on Monday to stesin bilong mi, long pipti [7], wan naintinpipti, tispela taim. my station, in fifty, nineteen fifty, at that time.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Highlands Tok Pisin in its early years was often learnt from European missionaries and patrol officers (kiap). It is somewhat surprising, however, to find that the English loan possible is used instead of the well-established coastal construction i nap kilim dispela snek (nap derived from ‘enough’). [2] In contrast to Smythe (Text 29), Wurm uses a writing system which more closely reflects the actual pronunciation of Highlands speakers of Tok Pisin. Thus, non-standard prenasalization and variant pronunciation of stops are reproduced. Neither Wurm nor Smythe appear to have a consistent treatment of epenthetic vowels, however. [3] After the reduction of the original resumptive pronoun he to the predicate marker i, the new third person pronoun em is again used resumptively. A longitudinal account of this process is given by Sankoff (1977a). [4] This sentence is an interesting example of reanalysis. Tanim can either be understood as a reflexive verb ‘turned around’ or else as a simple transitive verb in a sentence with the non-standard word order O (deleted) SV. [5] Siger ‘ration’ derives from English ‘scale’. The verb skelim means ‘to deal out’. [6] The meaning of liklik ‘little’ often varies with context and can mean a range of things, including ‘little station’ or ‘younger brother’. [7] Whereas the traditional numbers are used elsewhere in this text (tenpela ‘ten’) higher numbers are directly taken over from English.

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V.

Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present

Text 31: Two narratives, 1973 (PM) Traditional Tok Pisin as spoken in pre-war times continues to be used in the interior of Papua New Guinea where education in and use of Standard English has remained minimal until the most recent past. The following two stories were recorded among middle-aged men from the lower Keram River (East Sepik Province) in 1973. The topic of the second story, the origins of Tok Pisin, is one that older speakers often talk about. The introduction of a language which enabled them to talk with other males from all over the country constituted a major episode in their lives: (i) Nem, nem bilong mi Olmare bilong Yaul. Orait, em nau mi laik Name, name of me, Olmare from Yaul. All right, emph now I want to kirap long stori, stori bilong pait. Mipela i laik i go begin my story, the story of fighting. (When) we pr want to pr go we, orait [1], putim bilas samting, olgeta samting, kaikai somewhere, well, (we) put ornaments and such things, food samting mipela putim long haus boi. Orait, mipelai and such things, we put it in the longhouse. All right, (afterwards) we save pait olosem. Em dispela samting, orait, mipela putim pinis, pr hab fight like this. emph these things, all right, we put them comp, olgeta i laik go we, i go putim long wanem ples, orait, everyone pr likes to go somewhere, pr go put it in whatever place, all right,

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mipela kaikai wantaim pinis, orait, palang [2] na supia, long we eat together comp, all right, shields and spears, in apinun rediim pinis, olgeta kaikai wantaim the afternoon (early evening) prepare (them) comp, everyone eats together, orait, kaikai wantaim pinis, orait, mipela kirap brukim kokonat [3], all right, eat together comp, all right, we get up break coconuts, kokonat i [laik i go stret], orait, ol i kirap na ol i kaikai pinis, coconut pr [like pr go straight], all right, they pr get up and they pr ate comp, ol i bung, kirap i go pinis, haplait i go pinis, orait, pait nau, pait they pr gather, get up pr go comp, dusk pr go comp, all right, fight now, fight pinis nau, ol birua i kamap, ol i kilim birua pinis, karim i kam long comp now, pl enemy pr arrive, they pr kill enemy comp, carry pr come to ples, orait, no gat purpur, purpur nau, purpur tumbuna nau, village, all right, not exist grass skirts, grass skirts now, grass skirts ancestral now, orait, lukim dispela ples, ol i katim, ol i kaikai, em pasin bilong all right, see this village, they pr cut, they pr eat, this fashion of tumbuna bipo, orait, ol i kirap long singsing, orait, mipela ancestor previously, all right, they pr get up to dance, all right, we kilim birua nau, paitim nabaut karkarim em. exc kill enemy now, hit him, drag him.

Translation: I am Olmare from Yaul. Well, I would like to begin a story about fighting. When we wanted to go somewhere (to fight) we put on ornaments, we took food and we deposited it in the longhouse. Afterwards we fought as follows. When we had finished with our preparations and when all the warriors had put their things in the longhouse we had a meal. In the afternoon we prepared our shields and spears and then we ate together. Then we broke a coconut tree. When we were ready we assembled and when it got darker we began our fight. The enemy arrived, and when we had killed our enemies we carried them back to our village. These days there are no grass skirts; they were worn in ancestral times. When we were in view of the village we cut them up, we had our meal, that was the custom


of our ancestors, then they started to dance. We killed our enemies, hit them and dragged them.

(ii) Orait, nem bilong mi Yakanami, mi bilong Yaul, na mi laik bungim tok All right, name of me Yakanami, I from Yaul, and I like join talk bilong kandare bilong mi na mi tokim yu long taim nupela yet wetman of uncle of mine and I tell you about time new emph Whiteman i no kamap na ol nambawan lain ol i no kisim gut pisin ol i stap pr not arrive and pl first group pl pr not catch well pidgin, they pr stay longlong yet long toktok mipela i gat hia, orait, kirap ignorant emph in matters language we exc pr got here, all right, (time) goes by nau, sampela long ol i go long kampani, wanpela wanpela now, some of them pr go to company, one at a time (a few scattered ones) ol i go long kampani [4] ol i wok ol i kisim pisin i kam they pr go to company, they pr work they pr acquire pidgin pr come back long ples, orait, bihain ol man long ples i go i go i go [5], to village, all right, afterwards pl man in village pr go and go and go, orait, ol man long ples i save, save nau long tok pisin, em all right, pl man in village pr know, know now about Tok Pisin, this (is it) nau, mipela nupela man i kirap nau, mipela kirap wantaim ol now, we new generation pr grow up now, we exc grow up with pl pisin [6] nau, mipela nupela mipela klia, mipela gat klia, na pidgin now, we new (ones) we informed, we got information, and mipela i ken bihainim ol na mekim. Em pinis tok we pr can follow them [the rules] and produce it. emph finish talk bilong mi. of mine.

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Translation: Well, my name is Yakanami from Yaul and I want to continue my uncle’s story and tell you about more recent times. The Whiteman had not arrived yet and the first generation of people did not have a good grasp of Tok Pisin, they remained ignorant in matters of language. Well, we know this language now. Time goes by. Some of them went to work for a big company, just a few went to work for a company, they worked and they returned home with the Tok Pisin they had learnt. Afterwards the men in the village went year after year and then they knew Tok Pisin. Now, us new generation grew up and we grew up with Tok Pisin. We are informed, we know the rules of the language and we follow them. That is it. My story is finished.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] In this and other longer texts orait (from English ‘all right’) is used as a discourse structuring element. Note the frequent backtracking and repetition which is characteristic of Tok Pisin narratives. [2] Less developed varieties of Tok Pisin are characterized by the frequent use of epenthetic vowels. Consonant clusters and closed syllables tend to be disfavoured. [3] Kokonat (or kokonas) refers to the coconut tree and not its fruit. Because of the special importance of the coconut Tok Pisin has a highly developed terminology. Examples include kulau ‘green drinking nut’ and drai ‘dry nut used in copra production’. [4] This expression refers to the big trading or plantation companies in the coastal areas of the New Guinea mainland or in the islands of the Bismarck Archipelago. [5] The original locative and spatial expression is used to signal the passing of time. This is a good example of concrete expressions being extended to cover increasingly abstract concepts. [6] The use of the plural marker in ol pisin is somewhat puzzling.

Text 32: Tok Baksait and Tok Bokis, 1949 With increasing literacy we can observe increasing metalinguistic awareness and deliberate play with Tok Pisin. Particularly interesting forms of the language are Tok Baksait (backslang) and Tok Bokis (hidden languages) which are used either for taboo reasons (e.g., by saying im kial sipsip for mi laik pispis ‘I want to urinate’)


or as a secret code. For this latter function, the following example of Tok Bokis was taken from Aufinger (1949: 118): Mi stap long bush, nau mi laik kaikai bilinat [1]. Mi lukautim wanfelo, mi faindim, mi faitim, faitim, faitim, mi kaikaim tasol i no swit long mi, na spet [2] belong mi i no red [2]. Mi lukautim kambang wantaim daka. Mi kaikai wantaim bilinat, na bilinat i swit long mi, na spet i red ollgeder, i kamdaun plenti tumas.

Literal English translation: While I was in the bush, I wanted to chew a betelnut. I searched for one and found it. I kept beating it (in the betel-mortar); finally I started to chew it, but it was not sweet to my taste and my saliva did not turn red. I then searched for lime and betel-pepper. When I chewed all those together it became very sweet to me and red saliva was flowing down abundantly.

Intended secret meaning: I wanted to have a fight with a certain man in the bush. I found him there and we had a long fight between the two of us, but it was not to my satisfaction. So I called for two of my friends and when they joined in the brawl my enemy was beaten to my satisfaction and he lost a lot of blood.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Bilinat ‘betel nut’ is used mainly by older speakers. Younger speakers use buai, an item borrowed from Tolai. This demonstrates that a purely synchronic analysis of Tok Pisin can say little about the nature of substratum influence. It is yet another example of such influence making itself felt late in the development of the language rather than in the days of early contact. [2] Note the etymological writing conventions adopted by Aufinger. In Tok Pisin both spet ‘spittle’ and red ‘red’ are pronounced with a voiceless final consonant

Text 33: Tok piksa, talking in metaphors, 1976 (PM) ’Tok piksa’ is the metalinguistic label for talking in metaphors. The prolonged use of metaphor throughout a text (tok pilai) is a favourite form of verbal play among urban dwellers. The following passage was recorded by Mühlhäusler on the campus of the University of Papua New Guinea in 1976. The tok pilai is triggered off by a girl wearing a T-shirt with the letters

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‘PDF’, and her remark mi bagarap ‘I’m buggered’. In the ensuing conversation one can observe the attempt by one of the male students to build up a tok pilai around the workshop motif (M1) and the attempt by another (M3) to do the same with the medicine/hospital motif. Eventually the workshop motif takes over: (M1, M2, M3 = male students, G = girl student) M1:

Dispela meri i toktok, lukim em i lap. This girl is talking, see how she is laughing.

M2:

Pi Di Ef, Pi Di Ef! PDF, PDF!

G:

A, mi bagarap. I’m buggered.

M1:

A, dispela kain bai fiksim [1] long woksap. This sort of thing can be fixed in the workshop.

M2:

Bagarap long wanem ya? How come buggered?

M3:

Ating marasin i stap. Perhaps there is medicine for it.

M1:

Gutpela long wokim long woksap. It’s OK to do it in the workshop.

M2:

PDF woksap i gutpela. The PDF workshop is fine.

M1:

PDF woksap, ya man! The PDF workshop, yeah man!

M2:

Ol i fiksim gut. They fix it properly.

M1:

Ol i laik grisim [2] gut. They can grease it up well.

M2:

Ol i save holim gut. They can get a grip on it.

M3:

Wanem? What?

M1:

Samting [3] ya. You know what.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] A morpheme by morpheme translation of this sentence (this kind fut fix


[transitivity marker] at/by workshop) provides a good example of how a passive might develop in Tok Pisin through re-analysis. [2] Note the double meaning of grisim ‘to apply grease’ and ‘to flatter’. [3] Another double meaning: samting ‘something’ or ‘genitals’.

Text 34: Playful insults, 1976 (PM) Playful insults are another feature of creolized urban Tok Pisin. The following scene of two friends meeting one another was recorded by Mühlhäusler at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1976: A: Antoni yu bikbol. Kok bilong yu i olsem skin dok. Pens bilong yu i gat grile. Yupela ol Manam i save slek. Gutbai, gutnait. B: Yu hul yu!

Translation: A: Anthony, you bandy bastard. Your cock is hairy like a dog. Your pants are infested with ringworm. You Manam blokes are impotent. Good bye, good night. B: You cunt!

Text 35: A conversation around a snooker table, 1976 (PM) Few examples of ‘natural’ conversations have been recorded in Tok Pisin until very recently. The following example was recorded by Mühlhäusler in Port Moresby in 1976. It is a relaxed conversation around a snooker table by a couple of young men, which is briefly interrupted as a group of attractive girls walks past. M1:

Mipela i spak [1], em dispela taim yu lusim ki bilong yu ya. Em We were drinking, it was when you lost your key. That dispela taim tasol. Mipela i spak i go, i go i go, ol boi paitim dram was the time. We drank and drank, the boys beat the drum na singsing: and sang:

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‘Yu ya yu ya, sak meri ya’ ‘You, you, shark woman’ Singsing bilong ol Madang yu. That’s a song from Madang. M2:

Yupela i spak wantaim ol manki Sepik? Did you drink with the Sepik boys?

M1:

Nogat. Mi, mi … mi … mi … na John S., Louis, William na No. I, I … I … I … and John S., Louis, William and husat gen ya? Dispela boi ya, S. Dispela boi Morobe ya. Mipela i who else? This bloke, S. This bloke from Morobe. We spak i go i go nau. Mipela i go long blekmaket baim dring gen kept drinking. We went to the blackmarket and bought more drink i kam na dring gen. and brought it back and drank again.

M2:

(Whistles as a girl passes by and shouts) Salawe, he tusot. My God, your skirt is too short. (The girl attempts to pull down her skirt.)

M1:

Ais! You are as sweet as icecream! (Girl laughs.)

M2:

O-a-o (short for kok-kan-kok) [2] Cock-cunt-cock

M1:

Abus bilong tumbuna kandare! [3] What a dish for my old uncle (penis)!

M2:

Goan yu pinisim stori nau. Come on, finish your story now.


M1:

Mipela i spak i go i go nau na mi lukim samting nogut. We kept on drinking and I saw something bad.

M2:

Samting i gat huk tu? Something that had a hook?

M1:

Magnet ya, magnet. Samting i gat huk ya, i save hukim ol man. A magnet it was, a magnet. Something which had a hook, to hook men. I save go slip nabaut long set ya. She was in the habit of sleeping around with this set.

M2:

Sore! How shocking!

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Spak derives from English ‘spark’. Its etymological meaning survives only in spakplak ‘spark plug’. [2] As pointed out by Dr Piet Lincoln (personal communication) the use of o-a-o is a counter-example to the principle that vowels are more redundant than consonants and thus more easily omitted. [3] One reason given by the speakers of this text for the use of kandare ‘maternal uncle’ for ‘penis’ was that it contains the syllable kan. Word play among urban dwellers can be multi-dimensional and highly complex.

Text 36: The story of the loaves and fishes (1) (SR) This is an oral version of the loaves and fishes story from the Bible, as told by a young girl in Lae. This story has considerable anglicization, e.g., boi (cf. Tok Pisin manki), preparim (cf. Tok Pisin redim), fud (cf. Tok Pisin kaikai), blesim (cf. Tok Pisin givim tenkyu long God long sampela samting), pipol (cf. Tok Pisin manmeri). Wanpla taim olgeta man lai go lukim Jisas nau. Ol no kisim kaikai One time altogether man want go see Jesus now. They neg get food bilong ol, na ol go nating [1]. Na wanpla mama em preparim of them, and they go nothing. And one mother she prepare [food]

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bilong wanpla liklik boi na em tokim em liklik boi tok olsem, ‘Mi laik go lukim of one little boy and he say he little boy say thus, ‘I want go see Jisas ia,’ nau mama blem preparim fud blem na em tok olsem. Em givim Jesus foc,’ and mother of him prepare food of him and he say thus. She give tupla fish [2] na faivpla bret na em givim em, em karim go nau. Jesus askim two fish and five bread and she give him, he carry go now. Jesus ask olgeta man ia, ‘yupla gat fud tu’ na olgeta man toksem [3], ‘nogat’. altogether man foc, ‘you pl got food too’ and altogether man say thus, ‘no’. Na liklik boi ia kirap tok olsem ‘Mi gat’. Na em givim disla bred na fish lo And little boy foc get up say thus ‘I got’. And he give this bread and fish to Jisas nau. Jisas blesim nau, em blesim disla tupla fish na faivpla bred na tupla Jesus now. Jesus bless now, he bless this two fish and five bread and two fish ia kamap olsem planti fish na disla faivpla bred ia kamap olsem fish foc come up thus plenty fish and this five bread foc come up thus planti bred na olgeta pipol, faiv tausan ol kaikai. plenty bread and altogether people, five thousand they eat.

Translation: Once upon a time all the people wanted to go see Jesus. They didn’t take their food with them. They went without anything. Now one woman was preparing something for her little boy and the little boy said, ‘I want to go see Jesus’, and his mother prepared his food. She gave him two fish and five loaves of bread and he carried them away. Jesus asked all the people, ‘have you got food?’ And everyone said, ‘no’. And the little boy got up and said, ‘I have’. Then he gave the bread and fish to Jesus. Jesus blessed them, the two fish and five loaves and they became a lot of bread and all the people, five thousand of them, ate.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] This is the frustrative use of nating. “Frustrative” is a grammatical category of Melanesian languages and Tok Pisin marked on some verbs, nouns and adjectives and expressing a negative reaction (‘in vain’, ‘unimportant’, ‘other than desired’, etc.), e.g. man nating ‘an unimportant person’, bigpela nating ‘big (without other positive attributes)’, kaikai nating ‘just chewing’, sindaun nating ‘live somewhere without having work’, or traiim nating ‘try in vain’.


[2] The forms fish, fis are used by many speakers now instead of pis. [3] This is a reduced variant of tok olsem.

Text 37: Extract from a council meeting, East Sepik District, 1972 Papua New Guinean participation in administration and government was greatly facilitated by the use of Tok Pisin. As most administrative units above the village level comprised more than one language group, the use of Tok Pisin was almost inevitable. During the years of Australian rule Tok Pisin was also the language of the White patrol officers and administrators who prepared the country for self-government and independence. The following is an extract from a council meeting held in the East Sepik District in February 1972, recorded by Dr. Bryant Allan of the Australian National University: Meeting At Samgum: Joseph Lambori 10 February 1972. Time about 9.00 pm. Few people, mostly women, assembled in the circle at Samgum seated on the ground or under the eaves of the houses. Two folding chairs placed before Misian’s store. Ketehi in one. Joseph still in the boys’ house waiting for enough people to assemble to begin. Finally emerges and sits down. Ketehi opens meeting. Ketehi: Bai yupela harim wanpela toktok i kam long pren bilong yumi. fut you pl hear a message pr come from friend of us inc. Em i laikim lanim yupela long sampela tingting. Em i laik askim He pr wants to instruct you pl in some thoughts. He pr wants to ask save long yupela. Wonem wori long dispela bisnis yu information from you. What (is the) problem with this business you no kirapim. Yupela ken toktok. Em i laik kisim save have not started. You pl can talk. He pr wants to obtain knowledge wonem samting asua yupela no wokim bisnis. Nau what (is the) problem that you pl not do business. Now yupela no laikim long planim rais na mekim bisnis. Yupela mas you pl not want to plant rice and do business. You pl must

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kamautim dispela wori i kam ah. No wanwan man. Meri tu bring out in the open this worry pr come, tag. Not each man. Women too i ken tok sapos yu [1] gat tok, yu ken tok tu. Nau tokim ol, bai em pr can talk if you have opinion, you can talk too. Now say them, then he i ken harim. Em tasol na yupela sindaun na em i haskim yupela nau, pr can listen. That’s all and you pl sit down and he pr ask you pl now, orait, yupela gat wonem tingting, orait bekim i kam long em. all right, you pl got whatever opinion, well answer pr come to him. Joseph: Orait, gutmoning ologeta. [Reply in unison.] Olosem mi gat All right, good morning everybody. Like I have sampela toktok i kam long nambawan bilong yumi long Agriculture. Na bin some talk pr come from boss of us inc in Agriculture. And have kam raun long holim kivung. Mi no bin kam long wok. Mi kam long come round to hold meeting. I not have come to work. I come to holim wanpela kivung tasol long ologeta pipal long hia. Kirapim tingting hold one meeting only for all people around here. To arouse thought bilong ol, pasin bilong kirapim bisnis. Orait, mi tok save [2] long yupela. of theirs, fashion of start business. Well, I inform you. Olosem mi nupela long dispela hap. Yupela i save mi go long That I (am) new in this part (of the world). You pl pr know I go to wok long hap bilong Kombio. Orait nau ol i bin senisim mipela raun work in area of Kombio. Well now they pr have changed us around long wanwan man husat i lukautim eria em i mas senisim [3]. Nau so that every man who pr looks after an area he pr must change. Now bai mi wok insait long Urat Sensis Divisen nau. Oke [4], nau mi ritim fut I work inside the Urat Census Division now. OK, now I read sampela toktok long buk hia, toktok bilong nambawan. Nambawan toktok, em some talk in book emph, talk of first (item). First talk, it


i tok, yupela mas planim plenti rais long dispela yia. Long wonem? Rais mil pr says, you pl must plant lots of rice in this year. Why? Ricemill long Bainyik i stap nating nau. I no gat plenti rais. Orait, nambawan in Bainyik pr stands idle now. pr not exist lots of rice. All right, first i tok, long dispela yia, taim i no pinis yet, i gat wan mun i stap pr talk, in this year, time pr not finished yet, pr exist one month pr exist yet, yupela mas planim rais. Nau sapos husat man em i laik planim emph, you pl must plant rice. Now if whosoever man he pr wants plant rais em i mas kam long didiman opis na kisim rais na planim. Orait, rice he pr must come to agricultural office and fetch rice and plant it. All right, nambatu toktok. Toktok long las yia yupela bin planim plenti rais long second talk. It says that last year you pl have planted lots of rice in hap bilong Sepik. Mipela bin kisim bikpela mani tru long las yia. the area of Sepik. We exc have received lots of money really in last year. Mipela kisim olosem $134,000, long las yia. Em i bikpela mani tru We exc get something like $134,000, in last year. It pr big money truly hia [5]. Orait, dispela bikpela mani em i bin helpim mipela plenti samting. emph All right, this big money it pr has helped us exc lots of things. Em i helpim mipela long kaunsil takis, em i helpim mipela long salim pikinini It pr help us exc with council tax, it pr help us exc to send children long skul. Em i helpim mipela long baim ol bek, sarip, na kopi to school. It pr help us exc to buy pl bag, grassknife, and coffee masin, pruning so [6]. Ol samting long helpim mipela long kirap bikpela. machine, pruning saw. pl thing to help us exc to develop big. Orait, yu save long mani bilong las yia. Yu save em i bikpela mani All right, you know about money of last year. You know it pr big money moa, insait long wanwan ples bilong yumi. Na nambatri toktok em i tok. emph, inside each village of us inc. And third talk it pr says.

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Dispela yia, sapos mipela i no kirapim bisnis nau bai mani i lus long This year, if we exc pr not start business now then money pr lost for yumi. Long wonem? Long las yia yumi kisim bikpela mani i kam insait us. Why? In last year we inc obtain big money pr come inside long ples. Long dispela yia, sapos mipela i les long kirapim bisnis, to village. In this year, if we exc pr reluctant to start business, bai mipela i lus long dispela mani bipo las yia mi gat. Nau tasol, sapos then we exc pr without this money earlier last year I had. Now only, if mipela i les long planim rais bai mipela i [loud cough muffled speech] we exc pr reluctant to plant rice then we exc pr dispela mani agen. Nau em i no stret. Orait em nambatri toktok this money again. Now this pr not right. All right, this third talk long dispela. about this.

Translation: Ketehi: You are about to hear a message from our friend. He would like to share a few thoughts with you. He would like to find out from you what has prevented you from starting this business. You can talk freely. We would like to know why you do not participate in (cash crop) business. At present you are not interested in planting rice and doing business. You must tell him your reasons. Not just the men. The women too can talk if they have something to say. I am telling them and he can hear from them. That’s all, sit down and he will ask you. Whatever you have to say, tell it to him. Joseph: Well, good morning everyone. I have some information from our boss in Agriculture. I have come to hold this meeting. I have not come to work. I have only come to meet with you people in order to make you think about how to go about starting up a business. Well, I would like to inform you that I am new in this area. You know that I used to work in the Kombio area. Now they have changed us around and each man who looks after an area must change. From now on I shall work in the Urat Census Division. OK, I would like to read you some passages from


this book here, starting with the first item. The first item says that you must plant lots of rice this year. Why? The rice mill in Bainyik stands idle. There is not much rice. Well, the first item is that this year, which is not finished yet, there is still a month to go, you must plant rice. If anyone wants to plant rice they must come to the agricultural office and obtain rice and plant it. Well, the second item on the agenda is that last year you planted lots of rice in the Sepik area. We made big money last year. We made $134,000 last year. This is really big money. Well, this money has helped us in a lot of ways. It helped pay our council tax, it helped us send our children to school. It helped us buy bags, grassknives, coffee machines, pruning saws and so on. All sorts of things that help us to develop. Well, you know about last year’s money. You know there was lots of money in each of our villages. The third item is: if we do not start our business this year then our money will be lost. Why? Last year we obtained lots of money for our villages. This year, if we fail to start up our business, we won’t have the money we had last year. If we are too lazy to plant rice then (…) this money again. All right, this is item number three.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The unexpected use of singular yu instead of plural yupela may be due to influence from English or else may have a Freudian explanation: the speaker is thinking of one particular woman. [2] Toksave ‘to inform’ is an instance of a verbal chain that has become lexicalized. [3] This appears to be a clearcut case of the transitive marker -im having come to be used as a reflexive marker. [4] The more common orait has been replaced by English ‘OK’. [5] The locative adverb hia ‘here’ is frequently used as an emphasizer (sometimes spelled ya). [6] Until recently, the language of agriculture was very under-developed and centred around situations where Papua New Guineans were recipients of orders (cf. Scott 1977). When agricultural training was properly instituted shortly before self-government in the early 1970s, numerous English terms were borrowed.

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Text 38: Baby and caretaker talk Baby and caretaker talk is rarely documented for pidgins and creoles. The following text was recorded by Don Kulick of the Australian National University at Gapun in the Sepik area. It illustrates how Tok Pisin has taken over from traditional languages (in this case Taiap) even in the mainly intimate domestic domains. Bonika: (bouncing Amambwira up and down on her lap) Bus mangi bus mangi bus mangi bus bus mush mush bush yu bus mangi bus mangi yu bus mangi mush mush bus mangi mush mush. (Seeing their seven year old sister Yapa emerging from the forest, Bonika slaps Amambwira lightly on the face and points to Yapa:) Yapa ia Yapa ia em ia em ia em ia Yapa tata ia lukim tata Yapa apa apa apa em ia Yapa bapa ba pa pa pa pa. (Bonika suddenly puts Amambwira belly down on the floor and spanks her bottom to the rhythm of:) Yu sindaun sindaun sindaun sindaun. (Bonika lifts Amambwira up and lays her across her lap:) Nau bai yu slip sip sip bebi bebi! sip sip sip bebi! bobi bobi bebu bebu wo wo wo wo wo wo …

V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 103

Translation: Bush kid bush kid bush kid bush bush mush mush bush you bush kid bush kid you bush kid mush mush bush kid mush mush. There’s Yapa there’s Yapa there there there there’s older sibling Yapa look at older sibling Yapa apa apa apa there Yapa Bapa ba pa pa pa pa. You sit down sit down sit down sit down. Now you’re gonna sleep seep seep baby. baby! seep seep seep baby! bobi bobi bebu bebu wo wo wo wo wo wo…

Text 39: Interview about war experiences (TD) In this interview Michael Wurio talks about his Second World War experiences. Michael is 65 years old and comes from Kamanibit Village on the lower Sepik River, Papua New Guinea. He is uneducated. Yes, orait a … dispela stori em … mi, mi … mi nogat [1], mi, mi stap long Yes all right ah … this story it … I, I … I not, I, I be in bikples … bikples long Madang na i go inap long Mosbi dispela hap area … area at Madang and pr go as far as to Moresby this piece

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graun kam, em dispela bikples graun mi stap na ol … ol i stap long land come, it this area land I be and they … they pr be at/in ailen [2] Rabaul na Siapan [3] i kisim ol i kam, planti ol Niugini, island Rabaul and Japanese pr get them pr come, many pl New Guinea, Niugini man, em ol Sepik tasol, na kisim ol i kam, na mipela tu New Guinea man they Sepik only, and get them pr come, and we too mipela karim kago i go, mipela karim kago i go. Mipela lukim Siapan a … we carry cargo pr go, we carry cargo pr go. We see Japanese ah … a … Amerika kirap nau ol i stopim mipela, ol i tok, ‘yu no ken i ah … Americans get up then they pr stop us, they pr say, ‘you not can pr kam kwik. Yupela mas i stap pastaim. Stop … stopim lain pastaim.’ come quickly. You pl must pr stay first. Stop … stop line first.’ Em nau [4] Siapan i kam nau. Ol i kam long sip long ol … a … Then Japanese pr come then. They pr come in ship in they … ah … ol i kam long a … samting ya i save ran insait long wara, a … they pr come in ah … something foc pr hab run inside in water, ah … wanem samting ya? … (Background: sabmarin) sabma … ol i kam long what thing foc? … (Background: submarine) submar … they pr come in sabmarin. Ol i kam long … man! sabmarin ya drip olsem pis, ol i submarine. They pr come in … gee! submarine foc move like fish, they pr kam sua. Na lain bilong mipela, Amerika na Austrelia, i no liklik, ol come ashore. And line of us, American and Australian, pr not small, they i no liklik. Em nau ol i sambai nau, Amerika i sambai nau, man! pr not small. So they pr prepare then, Americans pr prepare then, gee! Na Austrelia, ol i sambai nau. Em nau, Siapan i … i laik go And Australians they pr prepare then. So, Japanese pr … pr want go sua. Sori! Ol i go! Man, salim stret. Amerika, man! Mekim sa:::ve ashore. Alas! They pr go! Gee, send straight Americans gee! Make understand


ol gan i go, mekim save. Nau ol tu gan bilong ol i kirap, mekim pl gun pr fire make understand. Then they too gun of they pr begin, do mekim mekim mekim mekim, pinis, em nau ol i angat [5] nau, ol do do do do, finish, having done that they pr attack then, they i angat. Ol i sanap lain nau, lain bilong Siapan, lain bilong Amerika pr attack. They pr stand line then, line of Japanese, line of Americans Austrelia ol i sanap nau. Em nau, ol i angat nau. Ol Australians they pr stand then. Having done that, they pr attack then. They mekim save angat i go:::, Siapan i dai. Amerika sampela i dai. make understand attack pr cont, Japanese pr die. Americans some pr die. Ol Siapan planti tumas i dai. Em nau, mipela … ol i stopim mipela i no pl Japanese many very pr die. So, we … they pr stop use pr not ken i kam ausait. Olgeta mas i stap. Mipela i stap. Mipela i sta:::p, can pr come outside. Everyone must pr stay. We pr stay. We pr stay, pait i pinis, Siapan i … i slip olsem, wanem samting? … ol dispela fight pr finish, Japanese pr … pr lie down like, what thing? … pl this diwai ol i kolim lok, slip olsem long nambis. Man! Planti mo! tree they pr call log, lie down thus on beach. Gee! Many more! Em nau, mipela lukim bilong mipela, mipela kisim ol i go planim Having done that we check of us we get them pr go bury ol, ol Amerika na Austrelia. Planim ol pinis na yip(?) … bilong them, pl Americans and Australians. Bury them comp and heap(?) … of Siapan tu olsem mipela kisim ol planim ol. Pinis nau, em nau! Mipela Japan too thus we get them bury them. comp then that’s it! We surik bek nau. Orait Amerika i tok, ‘orait yupela go bek nau long kem.’ move back then. Okay Americans pr say, ‘okay you pl go back now to camp.’ Mipela go bek nau long kem. Nau dispela lain Siapan ya i kam bihain We go back then to camp. Then this line Japanese foc pr come behind

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long mipela, o::: man! Ol i kam i dai tasol, i dai tasol, i dai tasol na us, oh gee! They pr come pr die only, pr die only, pr die only and pinis. Em nau pait i slek nau. Nau ol i tokim mipela, ‘yupela no ken finish. And so fight pr slack then. Then they pr tell us, ‘you pl not allow go long Mosibi. Yupela mas kam bek nau!’ Mipela kam bek. Kam go to Port Moresby. You pl must come back now!’ We come back. Come bek i kam stap liklik nau. Em nau, Amerika wantaim Austrelia, man! back pr come stay little then. And then, Americans with Australians, gee! Oush! Balus i kam kapsaitim, i kam kapsaitim, kapsaitim kapsaitim Gosh! Plane pr come disgorge, pr come disgorge, disgorge disgorge kapsaitim man! Lae i pulap. Em nau. Kirap long Lae, raunim Siapan i disgorge gee! Lae pr full up. That’s it. Start in Lae, drive Japanese pr kam kam kam kam kam. Ol i no … Yu go! Nogat, olgeta i kam. come come come come come. They pr not … You go! No they all pr come. I dai long rot tasol. I dai long rot tasol, planti mo mo yet i dai long pr die on road only. pr die on road only, many more more very pr die on rot. A man! Mipela lukim ol ya, man! Sh [6]! I no liklik, kam kam road. Ah gee! We see them foc, gee! Gosh! pr not little come come kam kam [7] ol i tok, ‘ol … olgeta Siapan i ranawe pinis.’ Sh! come come they pr say, ‘all Japanese pr run away comp.’ Gosh! Ol Siapan i stap hia long Niugini a … long Sepik na long hap belong pl Japanese pr be here in New Guinea ah … in Sepik and in area of Aitape, olgeta i sh! I ranawe i go. I pinis nau. Em nau mipela kisim Aitape, all pr gosh! pr run away pr go. pr finish then. And so we get Sepik nau. Go kisim Aitape. Orait ol sampela wan wan tasol i pret i Sepik then. Go get Aitape. Okay they some one one only pr afraid pr ranawe i go stap nabaut nabaut long ol gaden ol i stilim kaikai bilong ol run away pr go stay around around in pl garden they pr steal food of pl


kanaka. Em nau dispela ol lain … lain ya tasol ol i save kisim ol. villager. And so this pl line … line foc only they pr hab get them. Mipela kisim ol kalabusim ol pinis. Orait lusim ol mipela kirap ya i We get them gaol them comp. Okay leave them we get up foc pr go rata(?) Rabaul. I go Rabaul. Mipela mumutim Rabaul gen. Mumutim gen go (?) Rabaul. pr go Rabaul. We clean up Rabaul again. Clean up again Siapan bilong Rabaul. Go:::, pinis. I kam ausait [8], ol i stap nau. Japanese of Rabaul. cont, comp. pr come outside, they pr be then. Em nau, ol kam i dil nau, dilim nau. Ol i tok, ‘husat i … And then, they come pr divide then, divide then. They pr say, ‘whoever pr … husat i kapten … kapten nating, leftenan nating o solodia nating kam whoever pr captain … captain just, lieutenant just or soldier just come long hap.’ Em nau ol dispela ol solodia nating, kapten nating, leftenan o to there.’ After that pl this pl soldier just, captain just, lieutenant or wanem kain man, senerol, generol [9] o meja bilong ol, olgeta i go long whatever kind person, general general or major of them, all pr go to narapela hap. ‘Orait nau, we stap dispela man bilong katim nek? I brukim another area. ‘Okay now, where be this person for cut neck? pr break nek bilong man?’ Ol i tok, ‘em! Dispela lain i stap hia, ol Kembe.’ neck of person?’ They pr say, ‘those! This line pr be here, pl Kembe.’

Free Translation: Yes, okay ah … this story that … I, I … I wasn’t one of them [those Sepik men who were captured by the Japanese in Rabaul]. For my part I was in the area … the area around Madang, between Madang and Port Moresby. I was there and they … they [other Sepik men] were on the island of Rabaul and the Japanese brought them, many New Guineans, New Guinea men, all Sepiks, brought them [to the New Guinea mainland as labourers] and we also carried supplies, we carried supplies. We saw the Japanese ah … the Americans stopped us. They said, ‘don’t come quickly. Stay first. Stop … stop the [cargo] line first.’ And so the Japanese came then. They came in a ship, in a ah … they came in a … that thing that travels under water ah … what is it? [Background: submarine]

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subma … they came in a submarine. They came in a … gee!, submarines move like fish. They came ashore. And our men, Americans and Australians, there was quite a lot of them, quite a lot of them. And so they were ready then. The Americans were ready then, gee!, and Australians. They were ready then. Then the Japanese wanted to come ashore. Alas!, they went. Gee!, they were simply set upon. The Americans … gee! … gave it to them! The guns fired and gave it to them. Then everyone’s guns began firing, firing, firing, firing, firing, firing. After that they attacked [with bayonets], they attacked. They stood up in lines, a Japanese line and lines of Americans and Australians. Then they attacked. They gave it to them with bayonets and that went on until the Japanese were dead. And then we … they stopped us from coming outside [to where the action was]. We all had to stay [where we were]. We stayed and stayed until the battle was over. Japanese were flying about like what is it? … trees called logs. They were lying about like that on the beach. Gee!, large numbers of them. Then we looked for our dead and took them and buried them, Americans and Australians. After that … we also took and buried heaps (?) of Japanese dead too. After that we pulled back. Then the Americans said, ‘okay you chaps go back to camp now.’ So we went back to camp. Then this group of Japanese followed us, oh man! They came on but were simply killed [lit.: just died], and killed and killed until there was none left. The battle was over then. Then they said to us, ‘don’t go to Port Moresby. You have to move back now.’ We moved back and back and then stayed a while. Then the Americans together with the Australians … man! gosh! … aeroplanes came and disgorged them and kept disgorging them until … gee!, Lae was full up. Then starting from Lae we rounded up the Japanese. They didn’t … one couldn’t go! No, [because] they all came. They were simply killed [lit.: died] along the road. They were simply killed along the road, lots and lots of them … gee! gosh! … very many [lit.: not a few]. We continued rounding up [lit.: come, come, come] and they said, ‘the … all the Japanese have run away.’ Gosh! The Japanese who were here in New Guinea ah … in the Sepik and in the Aitape area, all of them … gosh!, ran away. That was the end then. We took over the Sepik and went and captured Aitape. Some, only individuals, were afraid and ran away and lived here and there in gardens and stole villagers’ food. That was how it was. But these groups [of soldiers] … these groups captured them. We took them and interned them. After that they left them and we went off (rata?) to Rabaul. They went to Rabaul. We cleaned up Rabaul likewise, cleaned up the Japanese in Rabaul until there were none left. They came outside and then stayed. Then they divided them up, divided them up. They said, ‘whoever is … whoever’s a captain, just a captain, just a lieutenant or an ordinary soldier come over here.’ And so those ordinary soldiers, captains, lieutenants or whoever, generals, their generals or majors, all went to another area.


‘Okay now, where is this guy who cut off people’s heads, the breaker of men’s necks?’ They said, ‘those! This group here, Kembes.’ And so they stood up in a line. Then they said to them, ‘now you chaps, you take this compound.’ They took this other compound and interned them in it.

Points to note include: [1] Michael’s introduction does not make much sense until he introduces ol which refers to other Sepik men who were captured by the Japanese in Rabaul. [2] For some reason Michael refers to Rabaul as an island even though he claims later on in the text that he went there with the Allies as part of the occupation force. [3] Michael has no difficulty pronouncing English ‘j’ and ‘sh’, particularly in the examples of Siapan, pinis and meja later in the text. [4] Em nau is a common textual feature of Tok Pisin which is difficult to translate directly into English. It indicates that the episode just mentioned is complete and a new one is beginning. Literally it means something like ‘that having occurred’ but is often used to approximate to ‘so, as a result, consequently’. [5] Angat comes from English ‘on guard’ which refers to a movement in bayonet practice where the bayonet is presented to an oncoming enemy. [6] This sound is made by sucking in air through half rounded lips. [7] This is a continuation of the thought introduced several lines back where Michael was talking about rounding up the Japanese. [8] It is unclear what Michael is referring to here. It would seem most likely he is referring to the prison compound where captive Japanese were held. [9] Note that Michael changes his pronunciation of ‘general’ on the second occasion

Text 40: Interview with a field manager (TD) In this interview Hosea John talks about his work as a field manager providing support for fieldworkers of the Australian National University’s (ANU) Research Support Unit in Port Moresby. Hosea is very well-educated and was a school inspector before taking up this position. He is thirty-five years old and comes from Vunakaur Village near Rabaul.

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Yes, a … fiu … fiu wok [1] i save kamap. A … wanpela bikpela wok bilong Yes ah … few … few works pr hab arise. Ah … a main task poss mi em bikos a … einyu em i gatim ol hauses long a … i no long Mosbi me it because ah … ANU it pr has pl house in ah … pr not in Moresby tasol bat long ol [2] narapela provinses tu we mi tekim kwait a lot ov a … only but in pl other provinces too that I take quite a lot of ah … taim bilong mi long mentenens long ol dispela hauses. A … so wanpela bikpela time poss me in maintenance at pl this houses. ah … so a main wok we mi save duim long meik siua that ol dispela hauses bikos ol rent task that I hab do in make sure that pl this houses because pl rent bilong ol i antap liklik so mi … mi mas meik siua that ol dispela hauses of them pr high a little so I … I must make sure that pl this houses em i … ol i welmeinteind, a … ol problems long ol i sot aut … they pr … they pr well maintained, ah … pl problems in them pr sort out … soted aut taim ol … ol tenant bilong ol i kam na ol i komplen sorted out when pl … pl tenant of them pr come and they pr complain na [3] olsem sampela samting i no … i no … wok gut long ol hauses nau, and like some thing pr not … pr not … work well in/at pl houses then, em nau mi … mi a … wok bilong mi nau long goaut na inspektim ol dispela and so I … I ah … task poss me then to go out and inspect pl this hauses, arenjim long ol … long kapentas long kam long fikisimapim ol houses, arrange or them … for carpenters for come for fix up pl kain kain wok insait long ol hauses na jes jenrol meintenens long ol different kinds of job in pl houses and just general maintenance in pl dispela hauses. Wanpela bikpela wok tu we mi save tekim kwait a lot ov taim this houses. A major task too which I hab take quite a lot of time bilong mi long itsh dei em bilong chesimapim ol tenant long ol rent long ol of me in each day it for chase up pl tenant for pl rent in pl


hauses a … em wanpela bikpela wok we mi save duim tu bikos planti ol houses ah … that a major task that I hab do too because many pl tenant tu i save hambak liklik long mi long … long peimap in taim long tenant too pr hab cause trouble a little to me in … in paying in time for ol rent bilong ol na, em nau, na i … fiu taims nau mi kisim sampela pl rent of them and, that’s it, and pr … a few times now I get some i go long kot. Em i tekim longpela taim bilong mi tu long … long … long pr go to court. It pr take long time of me too for … for … for stap long kot na wantaim ol loyas bilong yumi yet long einyu long stay in court and with pl lawyers of our own emph from ANU for tshesimapim ol rent long a … long ol hauses bilong … bilong a … bilong einyu. chase up pl rent in ah … in pl houses of … of ah … of ANU. I wanpela bikpela wok we mi save duim. A … sampela taim sapos i no gat pr one major task that I hab do. Ah … some time if pr not got planti reseses i stap long a … long Mosbi eria, tasol long lain bilong many researchers pr be in ah … in Moresby area, but in group of yumi yet long einyu mi no save bisi tumas. Mi no save bisi tumas. A … us own emph in ANU I not hab busy very. I not hab busy very. Ah … i gat planti kain a … bukwok i … i nidim long mi i duim bat ounli pr has plenty kind ah … book work pr … pr need comp me pr do but only wen ol … ol lain bilong yumi long einyu i kam nau mi bisi long ol … when pl … pl group of us in ANU pr come then I busy with pl … long ol … ol wok bilong ol. Am … wanpela … wanpela wok tu we mi … with pl … pl task of them. Um … a …a task too that I … em i save kisim a … planti taim bilong mi long itsh dei during tha wik em it pr hab take ah … much time of me in each day during the week it long ol … pablisaizim ol buks bilong yumi ol … ol Niu gini rises for pl … publicise pl books of us pl … pl New Guinea Research

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bulitins we mi … mi gatim … em a … ol planti institusens long hia long Bulletins which I … I have … it ah … pl many institutions at here in siti ol i save kam na baim na em wanpela samting we i save tekim city they pr hab come and buy and that one thing which pr hab take planti taim bilong mi long mi … mi salim ol dispela buks. In fak i no long much time of me for I … I sell pl this books. In fact pr not at hia long Mosbi tasol bat long ol provinses tu bikos mi bin a … bin here in Moresby only but in pl provinces too because I past ah … past wokim ol … ol a … a … mi advetaisim ol dispela buks long ol institusens, make pl … pl ah … ah … I advertise pl this books in pl institutions, ol ediukeisonel institiushns long Papua Niugini na planti odas i save … pl educational institutions in Papua New Guinea and many others pr hab … planti i save kam, so em mi save tekim planti taim long mipela long pekimap many pr hab come, so it I hab take much time for us to packup rapimap na bihain a … go salim ol dispela buks go long ol na em wanpela wrap up and later ah … go send pl this book go to them and that one samting we i save kisim taim bilong mipela long a … bilong mi … long … e thing that pr hab take time of us for ah … of me … at … ah … long long wok. A … mipela i gatim tu ol vikols, ol vikols we em tu … at at work. Ah … we pr have too pl vehicles, pl vehicles that it too i ken tekim taim bilong mi … long mi long sortimaut espesoli ol vekols long pr can take time of me … for me to sort out especially pl vehicle in Lae we yumi gatim. Ol man i yusim i go long hailens o i go long Lae Lae that we have. pl person pr use pr go to Highlands or pr go to Lae a … Madang eria em tu i ken tekim … sapos sampela vikols i gatim ah … Madang area that too pr can take … if some vehicles pr have problems em bai i tekim samtaim long mi long diuring tha dei long mi problems that fut pr take some time for me in during the day for me


kontakt [4] wantaim ol long Lae na sortimaut ol problems olsem, em … e contact with them in Lae and sort out pl problems thus, that … eh … i taim konsuming liklik taim mi stap long fon o teleks o wetim … pr time consuming a little when I be on phone or telex or await informesen long we kar i stap. Em i ken tekim taim liklik long wanpela information on where car pr be. It pr can take time a little in a de long mi. Mi sindaun tasol long wetim ol informesen a … kontakt bai i go day for me. I sit only for await pl information ah … contact fut pr go long ol na i pasim ol long wanem samting bai ol i … ol i to them and pr prevent them from whatever thing fut they pr … they pr karimaut long ol kars bilong mi … bilong yumi. So emol sampela wok we mi ken carry out to pl cars of me … of us. So they some task that I can tekimapim a … i ken tekimapim taim bilong mi long diuring tha dei. take up ah … pr can take up time of me in during the day.

Free translation: Yes, ah … a few tasks come up. Ah, one of the main things I have to do is because ah … the ANU has houses in ah … not only in Port Moresby but in other provinces as well, which take quite a lot of my time to maintain. Ah, so one of my main jobs is to make sure that … because the rent on them is quite high, I … I have to make sure that those houses are well maintained … ah, that the problems that arise in them are sorted out when the tenants come and complain that some things are not … do not work properly in them. And so I … my job is to go out then and inspect them, arrange for carpenters to come and fix the different things in them and just general maintenance. One other main task too, which takes quite a lot of my time each day, is chasing up tenants for rent of the houses … ah, that is quite a task I have to do too because many tenants cause quite a deal of trouble for me with … with paying up their rent in time and so a few times now I have had to take some to court. And that takes a lot of my time too to … to … to go and sit in court together with our own lawyers from the ANU to chase up the rents on ah … on the houses of … of the ANU. It’s a major task I have. Ah, some times if there are not many researchers in ah … in the Port Moresby area, but only those from ANU, I am not usually very busy. I’m not usually very busy. Ah, there is plenty of ah … book work that I have to do, but only when the groups of our researchers from ANU come, then I am busy with … with their

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requirements. Ah, a … a job too that I … that takes ah … much of my time each day during the week is to ah … publicising our books, the New Guinea Research Bulletins, which I … I have … they ah … many institutions here in town come and buy them and that’s one thing that takes much of my time, for me … for me to sell those books. In fact it’s not only here in Port Moresby but in the provinces as well [that I sell them] because I have ah … made ah … I advertised those books in institutions, educational institutions in Papua New Guinea and many orders, many come in. So that takes a lot of our time packing and wrapping them up and then ah … going to send those books away to them [those who ordered them] and that is one task that takes our time to ah … my time at … at work. Ah, we also have vehicles which can also take my time … for me to sort out, especially the vehicles we have in Lae. They are used to go to the Highlands or to go to the Lae ah … Madang area, and that can also take … if some vehicles have problems, that will take some of my time during the day for me to contact them [those who look after the vehicles] in Lae and sort out the problems, and so that ah … is somewhat time consuming when I sit by the phone or telex [machine] or wait for information about where the vehicles are. That can take some time in a day for me. I only sit and wait for information ah … contact to go out to them and hold them to whatever has to be done to my … our vehicles. So they are some of the tasks that can take up ah … can take up my time during the day.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Note how Hosea encorporates English borrowings into his Tok Pisin. Some of these are so common that they could be said to be part of a developing acrolect, e.g., so, bat, bikos, gatim, tekim taim, espesoli, eria, kontakt. Several other phrases are idiosyncratic, as are words like duim (for mekim) and vikols (for kar). Note also that Hosea often uses English plural forms even though the nouns so pluralised are marked in the normal Tok Pisin way with ol. As well, his pronunciation of many traditional Tok Pisin words is anglicized, e.g., wok. [2] Hosea pronounces ol in a way common to many Tok Pisin speakers who come from the islands or coastal regions of the New Guinea mainland, notably olo. [3] The use of na here is obscure. [4] This is a newly observed use of wantaim as transitivity marker. The expected form is kontakim.


Text 41: Traditional story (TD) This story is told by Alfred from the Aradip census division in the mountains inland of Madang. He is in his late twenties and is a speaker of the Papuan language Harway. He is uneducated. Nem bilong mi Halavis. Olsem na nau mi laik wokim wanpela stori bilong Name of me Alfred. Thus and now I about to make a story of tumbuna. Em nau, wanpela man i … i go stap long longwe ples [1]. Orait ancestor. That then, a certain man pr … pr go stay in distant place. Okay wanpela meri i go na lukim dispela man. Em i kambek na i stap long a certain woman pr go and see this man. She pr come back and pr stay at ples bilongen. Na man ya laik givim kaikai long dispela meri na painim village of her. And man foc want give food to this woman and look for kaikai i go i go i go i go kukim … kisim sampela kaikai na food pr cont pr cont pr cont pr cont cook … get some food and karim i go givim i go bek slip wantaim em. Tumora moning i go … i take pr go give pr go back sleep with her. Next morning pr go … pr go long ples bilongen. Em makim de na i go. ‘Tripela … tripela mun pinis go to place of his. He set day and pr go. ‘Three … three month finish foa longen [2], bai mi kam.’ Em tok olsem na i go. Meri ya i wok four after it, fut I come.’ He speak thus and pr go. Woman foc pr busy long wet i go i go i go i go na dispela mun … tripela mun at wait pr cont pr cont pr cont pr cont and this month … three month i pinis foa longen i kamap man ya i no i kam nau em putim sampela pr finish four after it pr arrive man foc pr not pr come then she put some … brukim … katim diwai na brukim putim long lain na em wait. Man ya i … break … cut tree and break put on line and it white. Man foc pr stap long hap na lukim wait nau tok, ‘o sori, meri ya wetim mi na stay at there and see white then say ‘oh dear woman foc await me and

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mekim.’ Em redi i kam. Redi i kam na i go kisim sa … painim do it. He ready pr come. Ready pr come and pr go get some … look for sampela kaikai bilongen. Go kisim nau wanpela pikinini bilong diwai ya na i some food for her. Go get then a young of tree foc and pr stap long antap. Man ya i go, i go daun long dispela diwai i kisim sampela stay at on top. Man foc pr go, pr go down on this tree pr get some pikinini bilong diwai ya. Nogat, hap diwai i bruk na man ya i gondaun fruit of tree foc. But no, part tree pr break and man foc pr fall down na i dai long tambolo. Tambolo i dai na i stap. Orait lain bilongen and pr die at down below. Down below pr die and pr stay. Okay clan of him kam(?) painim em na kisim em i go long putim long haus na i come(?) look for him and get him pr go to put in house and pr singautim em na meri bilongen em i go, wok long krai i go. I go i call her and woman of him she pr go, busy at cry pr cont. pr cont pr go i go i go lukim nau ol … dispela lain kirap na tok, ‘a, yu cont pr cont pr cont see then pl … this clan get up and say, ‘ah, you tasol mekim na dispela man i dai. Orait yu i kam na slip y … ananit long only do it and this man pr die. Okay you pr come and sleep y … under haus.’ Em [3] tok olsem na meri ya tok, ‘o mi no s … mi wok long house.’ They say thus and woman foc say, ‘oh I not kn … I busy wetim [4](?) em man bilong mi em i no kam. Mi no inap slip longen wait for him husband of me he pr not come. I not able sleep with insait long dispela, ananit bodi.’ Em tok olsem na ol … olgeta man em pait. him inside this, under body.’ She say thus and pl … all man they fight. Pait na meri ya kirap tok, ‘yupela mekim bai mi karim man bilong mi Fight and woman foc get up say ‘you pl do it fut I take husband of me bai mi karim go planim long sampela ples.’ Em tok olsem na ol man tok, fut I take go bury in some place.’ She say thus and pl man say


‘maski, lusim na bai yumi planim long hia.’ Em tok olsem na ol man ‘nevermind, leave it and fut we bury at here.’ They say thus and pl man em bung, wok long planim. Pinis, orait meri ya sutim em. Meri ya they meet, busy at bury. Pinish, okay woman foc taunt them. Woman foc i laik i go long haus bilongen tasol ol man i kam banisim rot na pr about to pr go to house of her but pl man pr come block road and meri ya i kam long rot. Ol man bungim em, kilim em na troimwe woman foc pr come along road. pl man meet her, hit her and throw away long wara, karim i go. Olsem na ol i stori na mi harim dispela stori nau in river, take pr go. Thus and they pr tell and I hear this story now nau wok … wokim pinis. Em tasol. I do … do it comp. That only.

Free translation: My name is Alfred. And so I’m going to tell [you] a traditional story.There was this man who … who went to a distant place and stayed there. Then this woman went and saw this man. She came back to her village and stayed there. And this man wanted to give food to this woman and [went] looking for it. He kept looking for it and then cooked it … got some food and took it and gave it to her and then went back and slept with her. The next morning he went … he went to his village. Before going he set a date [saying], ‘I’ll come back in four months time’. He said that and went, and the woman waited and waited and when the fourth month came up and the man had not come, she put some … broke … cut down a tree and broke it and put it in the sun and it turned white. When the man came and saw the white [tree] he said, ‘oh dear, this woman was waiting for me and did that.’ He was preparing to come. He was preparing to come and went and got some … looked for some food for her. He went to get some fruit that was up high. He went, went down along this tree to get some of the fruit. But he was unable to because part of the tree broke and the man fell down and died there. He was dead down there. His clan came looking for him and took him and put him in a house. Then they sent word to his wife, the woman. And she started mourning for him. She kept mourning until she saw him then they … his clan got up and said, ‘Ah, this man died because of what you did. So you come and sleep … under the house.’ They said that and the wife said, ‘oh, I didn’t kno … I’m busy waiting for my husband to come and he hasn’t come. I can’t sleep with it [body] inside this, under the body.’ She said that and they … all the men

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started fighting. They fought and the woman got up and said, ‘If you do that I’ll take my husband and go and bury him somewhere else.’ She said that and the men said, ‘stop [the fighting] and let’s bury him here.’ They spoke thus and the men came together and buried him. When they had buried him the woman taunted them. Then, when she wanted to return to her house, the men came and blocked the road and she came along the road. The men met her and hit her and threw her into the river which carried her away. And that’s what they say and I heard this story, and now I am … have told it. That’s the end.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Note the cryptic style of this story in which much background detail is omitted and the logical and causal connection between events is often not formally marked. [2] Literally: ‘on the fourth one after three have elapsed’. [3] Note the use of em for ol in the rest of this story. [4] This is obscure. It sounds like a blend of wetim, na and em pronounced [wegenim]

Text 42: Interview This is part of an interview with Angapachungwe, who comes from the Menyamya area of the Morobe Province. In the interview Agnapachungwe is talking about how his ancestor came back to life after being dead for eight days. Agnapachungwe is about 42 years old and has had no formal education. He learned his Tok Pisin in Menyamya, on coastal plantations in New Britain in the late 1950s and early 1960s, and when he acted as interpreter on the government station for one or two years. He is a Yagwoia speaker. This text was recorded in 1986 by Dr J. Mimica, Department of Anthropology, ANU, while he was studying Yagwoia speakers. The text was transcribed with Dr Mimica’s help. A: Mi laik stori long taim tumbuna bilong mi i dai long Ulamini [1], we I intend tell about time ancestor of me pr die at Ulamini, which em(?) ples Ulamini o … ol i save givim mi hamamas [2] nem that(?) place Ulamini oh … they pr hab give me endearment name Ulaminiogaye [3] long mi ya, dispela ples. Orait na mi laik stori long Ulaminiogaye to me foc, this place. Okay and I want tell about


tumbuna bilong mi a … Nguyepacoqwa [4]. [Discussion in vernacular] ancestor of me ah … Nguyepacoqwa. Nem bilongen a … Nguyeqilqwaynguye [5]. Na taim em i sik na i Name of him ah … Nguyeqilqwaynguye. And when he pr sick and pr dai na em ol i krai. Krai i stap na em, fopela des, fopela des die and they pr mourn. Mourn pr cont and it, four days, four days na fopela nait. and four night. I:

Ol i wokim aamakase [6]. They pr make mortuary song.

A: Nn, ol i wokim aamakase longen, na i go bungim inap etpela Yes they pr make mortuary song for him, and pr go meet up to eight de, na em olgeta skin bilong em i sting na i solap. Na i sting day, and they all skin of him pr rotten and pr swell up. And pr rotten bruk olgeta skin bilongen i solap na i bruk na wara bilong em i broken all skin of his pr swell up and pr break and fluid of it pr pundaun nabaut, sting [vernacular discussion] ye, ingaalye [7], fall down around about, rotten [vernacular discussion] yes, fluid, sting pinis. Na taim nambawan pikinini bilongen, nem bilongen rotten comp. And when first child of him, name of it Nguyipu [8], taim em i stap long Quainyaalyequlamini na em ol i Nguyipu, when he pr stay at Quainyaalyequlamini and they pl pr salim tok i gondaun long Quainyaalye olsem i tok, ‘o, Nguyipu, papa send word pr go down to Quainyaalye thus pr say, ‘oh, Nguyipu, father bilong yu Nguyepacoqwo em i dai pinis, longtaim. ‘Orait taim em of you Nguyepacoqwo he pr die comp, a long time ago. ‘Okay when he i kam antap, i kam antap long Ulamini na i kam daun na wanpela pr come up, pr come up to Ulamini and pr come down and a

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ples ol i kolim Paqaqwa na taim em klostu long ples Pagawa’ em i village they pr call Paqaqwa and when he near to village Pagawa’ he pr kam kamap long Paqaqwa na em i krai i kam daun nau long come arrive at Paqaqwa and he pr mourn pr come down then to krai long papa bilong em. Na ol i harim. ‘Em husat?’ Na ol i mourn for father of him. And they pr hear. ‘That who?’ And they pr tok, ‘o, Nguyipuya pikinini bilong em.’ Orait na wanpela tumbuna bilong say, ‘oh, Nguyipuya child of him.’ Okay and an ancestor of mi, kayemu [9] bilong mama bilong mi, nem bilongen Nguyeuleqangapache me, uncle of mother of me, name of him Nguyeuleqangapache Wamataqangapache [10], orait tokim mama bilong mi, ‘Hwonya [11],’ a: … Wamataqangapache, okay tell mother of me ‘Hwonya,’ ah … sori, mi kranki! Taim em Nguyipu i krai i kam daun nau orait sorry I mistake! When he Nguyipu pr mourn pr come down then okay lapun tumbuna ya em i kirap na i singaut olsem tok, ‘Hwonya old ancestor foc he pr arise and pr call out thus say ‘Girl Nguyonaqa. Hwonya Nguyonaqa. Ol i mekim wanem bilong mi ya?’ Nguyonaqa. Girl Nguyonaqa. They pr do what for me foc?’ na em mama bilong mi no harim. Mama bilong mi em i taim i and she mother of me not hear. Mother of me she pr when pr yangpela, em i ya:::ngpela meri stret, susu sanap. Orait na em young, she pr you:::ng woman really, breast stand up. Okay and he tumbuna bilong mi kayemu bilong mama bilong mi ya, em i kirap na ancestor of me uncle of mother of me foc, she pr get up and tokim em, tok, ‘Hwonya Nguyonaqa. Hwonya!’ Na mama bilong mi no tell it, say, ‘Girl Nguyonaqa. Girl!’ And mother of me not harim tok na em i kirap na i tok, ‘e, yamaqune [12] yaecetenya! hear word and she pr get up and pr say, ‘hey, forehead you come!


Yu kam! Em tok Pisin yu kolim olsem, tok, ‘Yu stonhet. Yu kam You come! She Tok Pisin you say thus, say, ‘You idiot. You come. Yu no harim tok.’ Orait, em tok olsem. Orait na tok bilong You not hear what is said.’ Okay she say thus. Okay and language of yu kolim olsem [vernacular discussion]. Ye, orait na mama bilong mi em you say thus [vernacular discussion]. Yes, okay and mother of me she i bekim singaut bilong kayemu bilong em. Na em i tok, ‘you go lukluk pr return call of uncle of her. And she pr say, ‘you go look long haus ya.’ Na mama bilong mi kirap na i tokim em, tok, ‘sori, in house foc.’ And mother of me get up and pr tell her say, ‘sorry, namne [13]! Em aamapiye i stap ya mi pret nogut kirap na holim mi.’ uncle! It corpse pr be foc I afraid very get up and hold me.’ Na em i tokim mama olsem tok, kayemu bilong mi i tok, ‘I no inap And he pr tell mother thus say, uncle of me pr say, ‘it’s not able holim yu. Em i singaut ya. Yu go lukim em.’ Na mama bilong mi i hold you. It pr call foc. You go see it.’ and mother of me pr tok, ‘em ilymane singaut, mi no inap i go(?).’Tasol kayemu bilong em i say, ‘it ghost call out, I not able pr go(?).’But uncle of her pr kirap i go lukim. Ol pasim dua long em pinis na pasim get up pr go see. They shut door on him comp and tie lekhan bilongen i stap na fopela lain i go painim wanpela ston legs and hands of it pr cont and four clan pr go look for a stone long Panauwye, ol i painim hyekiye ilymana bilong putim em. at Panauwye, they pr look for stone hole for put it. Orait na sampela lain ol i mumuim kaikai na kaikai pastaim, strong Okay and some clan they pr cook food and eat first, strong na ol i laik go. and they pr want go.

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I:

Strongim bel na ol i laik … Strengthen stromach and they pr want …

A: Ye, strongim bel na ol i laik karim dispela aamapiye i go long Yes, strengthen stomach and they pr want carry this corpse pr go to hul bilong ston. Na kaiemu bilong mama bilong mi go, sanap long hole of stone. And uncle of mother of me go, stand up in dua na lukluk, tok, ‘E aamapiye kirap,’ na em i kir … kirap na em door and watch, say, ‘Hey corpse get up,’ and it pr get … get up and it i hamamasim nem bilong em, tok, ‘Mbela [14] hiwoye [15]. Ol i pr honour name of her say, ‘brother-in-law endearment. They pr mekim wanem samting long mi na mi singaut long pikinini Nguyonaqa nau do what thing to me and I call out to child Nguyonaqa and i no harim tok?’ Na em kamba bilong em i pr not hear what said. And he (corpse’s) brother-in-law of her pr kirap na singautim olgeta meriman [16], tok, ‘e, yupela olgeta lain, yupela get up and call out all people, say, ‘hey, you pl all clan you pl i kam na dispela man i dai ya em i kirap nau. Olsem wanem?’ pr come and this man pr die foc he pr get up now. Like what?’ Orait olgeta meriman em ol i kirap na bekim tok, tok, ‘a, Okay all people they pr get up and reply say ‘ah, Wamaiaqangapace yu giaman ya. I no gat wanpela man i dai Wamaiaqangapace you tell untruth foc. pr not have one person pr die em etpela des i sting pinis na em i kirap.’ Orait, ‘plis mi no tok it eight days pr rotten comp and it pr get up.’ Okay ‘please I not say giaman. Yupela olgeta meriman i kam sait i kam na yupela lukluk. Mi untruth. You pl all people pr come side pr come and you pl look. I opim dua nau.’ Orait em i opim dua i go insait kamba bilong open door now.’ Okay he pr open door pr go inside brother-in-law of


em i kisim yoce, anga yoce, i no … i no gat ne … him pr get knife, real knife, pr not … pr not have name …

Free translation: A: I’m going to tell about when my ancestor died at Ulamini, that place Ulamini where they … they gave me the endearment name Ulaminiogaye [ which is derived from that name] … [it’s] that place. And so I’m going to tell about my ancestor ah … Nguyepacoqwa [discussion in vernacular]. His name was Nguyeilqwaynguye. And when he got sick and died he was mourned. The mourning went on for four days, four days and four nights. I: They sang mortuary songs … A: Yes, they sang mortuary songs for him, and it went on for eight days, and all of his skin was swollen up and rotten. And it was putrid, all of his skin was swollen up and disintegrating, and his body fluids were dripping down everywhere, putrid [vernacular discussion]. Yes, the body fluids were putrid. And when his first child, who was Nguyipu, was in Quainyaalyeulamini, and they sent word down to Quainyaalye, and said, ‘oh, Nguyipu, your father Nguyepacoqwo died, a long time ago.’ So when she came up, came up to Ulamini and then down to a place called Paqaqwa, when she was close to Paqaqwa and came up to it she was mourning … she came down to mourn for her father. And they heard her and said, ‘who’s that?’ And they said, ‘oh, Nguyipuya, the daughter.’ Then one of my relatives, my mother’s uncle, Nguyeuleangapace Wamataqangapace, said to my mother, ‘girl,’ ah … I’m sorry, I’m wrong. When Nguyipu was mourning and coming down this old relative got up and called out, ‘girl Nguyonaqa. Girl Nguyonaqa. What are they doing for me?’ But my mother didn’t hear what was said. It was when my mother was a young, a really young girl with nubile breasts. And so this ancestor of mine, that is, my mother’s uncle, got up and said to her, ‘girl Nguyonaqa. Girl!’ And my mother didn’t hear it and got up and said [in the vernacular], ‘hey, bonehead, you come. You come!’ In Tok Pisin they say, ‘you idiot you come!’ And in your language you say, ‘bonehead you come.’ [Vernacular discussion.] Yes. And so my mother replied to her uncle. She said, ‘you go and look in that house.’ And my mother got up and said, ‘sorry, uncle! That corpse, that corpse is there and I’m really afraid that it will get up and grab me.’ And he said to my mother, my uncle did, ‘it can’t grab you. It’s calling out. You go and see.’ And my mother said, ‘that ghost/spirit of the deceased is calling out, I’m not going.’ But her uncle got up and went and looked. They had shut the door on it [the deceased] and tied his hands and feet, and four clans went to look for a rock at Panauwye crevice or cave in the rock in which to put it [the corpse]. And some clans were cooking food in ground ovens and eating in order to fortify themselves before going [to bury the deceased]. I: They fortified themselves and then intended …

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A: Yes, fortified themselves and then intended to carry the corpse to the rock crevice/cave. And my mother’s uncle went and stood at the door and was watching and said, ‘hey, corpse get up.’ And it got … got up and honoured his name, saying, ‘brother-in-law, Hiwoye, they are doing something for me, I don’t know what, and I called out to my daughter Nguyonaqa but she didn’t hear what I said.’ And the corpse’s brother-in-law got up and called out to everyone, ‘hey, all of you, come. This man who died is getting up. How come?’ And so everyone got up and replied, ‘Ah, Wamataqangapace you’re a liar. There’s nobody who’s dead for eight days and is putrid who can get up.’ And so [he replied], ‘please, I’m not telling lies. You all come and stand around and look. I’m opening the door.’ And so he opened the door and went inside and his brother-in-law got a knife, a real knife, it doesn’t … it hasn’t got a name …

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] [2] [3]

[4] [5] [6]

[7] [8]

[9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14]

Throughout this text Yagwoia proper names and other expressions are spelled in Yagwoia orthography. Angapachungwa actually says hamagas. The length of proper names is an interesting feature of this text. In this case (and in many others) the name is derived from a combination of a place name (e.g. Ulamini) and a plant species as endearment term (e.g., wogaye ‘red cordiline’). This was actually the narrator’s mother’s father. This is more specific name for the narrator’s mother’s father. Aamakase are mortuary songs. The word is also used to refer to the actual performance of mourning through the singing of dirges and the healing rites in which songs are sung, although these latter are not dirges. Inggalye are fluids which emanate from a corpse. This is the deceased man’s daughter introduced as his first-born child. She is the narrator’s mother’s sister reintroduced later in the expression ‘Hwonya Nguyonaqa.’ Kayemu is strictly speaking the narrator’s mother’s brother, that is, mother’s maternal uncle. Narrator’s mother’s brother’s name. Wanja is a species of plant used here as an endearment name for his mother. This is the way the Yagwoia say ‘hard head, idiot’. Namne is ‘(my) mother’s brother’. Mbela or mbele refers to one’s wife’s brother or sister’s husband.


[15] [16]

This is a pandanus taxon used as an endearment name. Note that the elements in this item are reversed compared to those of standard Tok Pisin, viz.: manmeri.

Text 43: A Masalai story (SR) The speaker is a boy from the Kabwum District, who speaks Tok Pisin as a second language. This is a traditional story about spirits called masalai. Wanpla taim ol planti manmeri ol i stap na wanpla masalai man planti One time pl plenty people they pr stop and one spirit man plenty taim em sa kaikai ol man na ol pored long em na ol lusim ples na time he hab eat pl man and they afraid of him and they leave village and ol go apsaid lo disla maunten. they go otherside of this mountain. Na wanpla tumbuna meri em i stap insait lo haus na em i stap na Now one ancestor woman she pr stop inside of house and she pr stop and em go daun lo gaden blongen na em lukim disla kokomba na em kisim i she go down to garden of her and she see this cucumber and she get pr kam, em sapim em na em sapim blongen na em tok, ‘nogut masalai kam come, she slice it and she slice of her and she say, ‘no-good spirit come kaikaim [1] mi,’ na em kisim lip putim na blut blem i go lo lip. Na em eat me,’ and she get leaf put and blood of her pr go in leaf. Now she i stap em lukim nau tupla man tupla kamap i stap na em kisim bosim pr stop she see now two man two come up pr cont and she get boss tupla, tupla kamap bikpla na tupla wokim spel blo tupla na tupla tokim two, two come up big and two work spell of two and two say mama, ‘mitupla go mipla kisim kilim disla devel ia mitupla bai kam.’ mother, ‘we two exc go we exc get kill this devil foc we two exc fut come.’

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Tupla tokim na tupla go putim spia long wantaim na tupla go lo aus blo Two say and two go put spear in together and two go to house of disla devel na tupla kisim bun blongen tupla kukim lo paia nau disla devel ia this devil and two get bone of him two cook in fire and this devil foc em kam. Tupla sutim em na tupla sutim sutim sutim kam long tumbuna he come. Two shoot him and two shoot shoot shoot come to ancestor blol. Tumbuna blo tupla em kamap pisin na em plei antap i stap na of them. Ancestor of two he come up bird and he fly on top pr cont and tupla em lai kaikaim disla pisin ia nogat tupla sutim long lewa blongen disla two they want eat this bird foc neg two shoot in gut of this devel ia em pundaun. Tupla kisim bunara blo tupla na tupla go lo devil foc he fall down. Two get bow and arrow of two and two go to ples blo tupla na tupla tokim ol kukim kaikai blo tupla na ol kaikai. village of two and two tell them to cook food of two and they eat.

Translation: Once upon a time there were many people and a spirit man, who often ate people. They were afraid of him so they left this place where they stayed and went to the other side of the mountain. Now an old woman was inside a house and she went down to her garden and saw a cucumber. She got it, and while she was cutting it, she cut herself. She said, ‘it will be no good if the spirit comes and eats me.’ So she got a leaf, put it on herself and her blood went onto the leaf. Then she saw two men coming up. She took them in and looked after them till they grew up. They worked a spell on themselves and they said, ‘we’ll go get this devil and kill him, then we’ll come back.’ They said this and got their spears and went to the devil’s house. They got his bones and cooked them in the fire and then the devil came. They shot him, then they went to their ancestor’s. Their ancestor turned himself into a bird and was flying around. The two of them wanted to eat this bird. They shot it through the heart and it fell to the ground. They got their bows and arrows and went back to their village and told the people to cook their food, and they ate.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The verb kaikai has both a transitive and an intransitive form. The transitive form is not very frequently used.


Text 44: A hunting story (SR) The speaker is a 10 year old boy from the Kabwum District. This is a story about hunting. The lexis here is traditionally rural. Wanpla taim wanpla papa blongen na liklik brata pikinini blongen tupla i go One time one father of him and little brother child of him two pr go lo bus na painim kapul i stap. Na wanpla draipla pig em kam na to bush and hunt tree kangaroo pr cont. And one big pig he come and em lukim tupla na tupla ran i go lo gaden. Na tupla i stap na displa pig he see two and two run pr go to garden. And two pr stop and this pig ia em i kam na em i kam painim tupla na i go i kam em lukim foc he pr come and he pr come look for two and pr go pr come he see tupla lo gaden na em kaikai pikinini blongen na papa blongen tasol em i go two in garden and he eat child of him and father of him just he pr go na papa blongen tasol em i go na papa blongen tasol em i go na em tokim and father of him only he pr go and father of him only he pr go and he tell ol man na ol kisim naip na tamiok i kam na ol ranim pig. Na ol pl man and they get knife and hatchet pr come and they chase pig. And they kisim bonara [1] na kisim i kam na putim. Ol kilim kilim kilim em get bow and arrow and get pr come and put. They strike strike strike it na ol kukim long sitpaia [2]. Em finis. and they cook in ashes. It finish.

Translation: Once upon a time a father and his young son went to the bush to look for game. A huge pig came and saw them. They ran to the garden. Now the pig came looking for them and he saw them in the garden. He ate the child. His father went and told the men of the village and they got their knives and axes and chased the pig. They got their bows and arrows and they killed the pig and cooked it in the ashes of the fire. That’s the end.

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Interesting linguistic features include: [1] This is a condensed form from English ‘bow’ + ‘arrow’ which goes through faulty segmentation. [2] This is a compound from English ‘shit’ + ‘fire’.

Text 45: A traditional story (SR) The speaker is a boy from the Kabwum District who has never been outside the area. Apart from the use of the words bebi (cf. pikinini) and plying pox (cf. blakbokis) the lexis is traditionally rural. Bifo tru wanpla meri na sikspla brata ol i stap na wanpla meri Before true one woman and six brothers they pr stop and one woman karim bel na ol tok, ‘yu no inap bai i stap wantaim mipla yu bai carry stomach and they say, ‘you neg able fut pr stop with us exc you fut i go lo bus.’ Na em i go lukim wanpla bikpla diwai em sindaun ananit pr go to bush.’ And she pr go see one big tree she sit down underneath na em karim pikinini na em lusim em na em i kam lo ples. Na wanpla and she carry child and she leave him and she pr come to village. And one kapul ia em kam na em lai kaikai kiau blo diwai. Em kam daun tree kangaroo foc he come and he want eat egg of tree. He come down na lukim bebi ia singaut i stap na em lukim i go na em kapul and see baby foc cry pr cont and he see pr go and he tree kangaroo save kaikai ia em kari i kam na givim em na em i go lo bus na plying hab eat foc he carry pr come and give it and he pr go to bush and flying pox ia em kam na em harim singaut blongem ia na em i go na lukim fox foc he come and he hear cry of it foc and he pr go and see ia, em lukim disla bebi em krai i stap. Na em kam antap kisim kaikai blo foc, he see this baby he cry pr cont. And he come on top get food of


plying pox i go daun na givim em. Tupla givim em i go i go kamap flying fox pr go down and give him. Two give he pr go pr go come up bikpla mangi na tupla kisim sped na i go na wokim gaden blong disla big boy and two get spade and pr go and work garden of this mangi i go na tupla wokim gaden pinis na em karim kaikai blongen na boy pr go and two work garden comp and he carry food of him and tupla kisim kam givim em disla mangi i go bikpla tru. two get come give it this boy pr go big true. Na wanpla ples ol tok, ‘yupla bai kam singsing,’ na ol wokim … Now one village they say, ‘you pl fut come celebrate,’ and they work … blong ol na ol i go lo disla ples na ol singsing i stap na mama of them and they pr go to this village and they celebrate pr cont and mother blong disla mangi ia em karim na lusim i kam ia em lukim disla mangi of this boy foc she carry and leave pr come foc she see this boy ia na em tok, ‘em bebi blomi.’ Em traim long olim em nau, bebi ia mangi foc and she say, ‘he baby of me.’ She try to hold him now baby foc boy ia em tok, ‘papa em laik holim mi,’ na em tok olsem i kam ol kisim em foc he say, ‘papa she want hold me,’ and he say thus pr come they get him i go lo haus blongen na ol putim em i stap lo haus blongen na ol pr go to house of him and they put him pr stop in house of him and they kukim kaikai na ol givim em i go. Disla plying pox ia ol kilim em na cook food and they give him pr go. This flying fox foc they kill it and ol kukim em na kaikai na mangi ia em sori nogut long disla na em they cook it and eat and boy foc he sorry no good about this and he krai i stap na em kisim naif na em sutim nek blongen na em indai na cry pr cont and he get knife and he shoot neck of him and he die and ol planim ol. they bury him.

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Translation: In the very old days, a long time ago, there was a woman and six brothers. The woman was carrying a child and they said, ‘you can’t stay with us, you’ll have to go to the bush.’ She saw a big tree, sat down underneath it and had her child. She left it there and came back to the village. Then a tree kangaroo came and wanted to eat some nuts off the tree. He came down and saw the baby crying. The tree kangaroo got some food and gave it to the baby, and then he went into the bush. A flying fox came and heard the baby’s cries. He went and saw it crying. So he got some food and gave it to the baby. Both of them fed him till he grew up into a big boy. The two of them took spades and worked in the boy’s garden. When they’d finished the garden they took food from it and came and gave it to the boy, and the boy grew up into a big boy. Now in the village they said, ‘you come and have a feast,’ so they prepared it and they came to this village and had a feast. The boy’s mother, who had given birth to him and left him, saw the boy and she said, ‘he’s my baby’. She tried to grab him. The boy said, ‘father, she wants to grab me.’ So they took him home, cooked some food and gave it to him. They killed the flying fox and cooked it and ate it. The boy was very sorry about this, so he took a knife and stuck it through his neck and died. They buried him.

Text 46: Interview (TD) In this interview John Arisi Parinjo talks about the effect of Tok Pisin on his mother tongue, Boiken, a Papuan language spoken near Wewak in the East Sepik Province. John is 52 years old and is a former school teacher and government interpreter, who was partly educated in Australia. He speaks in a very crisp, precise school-masterish style. Tru tumas brata bilong mi olsem [1]. Gutpela askim bilong yu na mi True very friend of me thus. Good question of you and I tru [2] mi, mi gat bikpela sori nau long lukim tokples bilong mi true I, I have tremendous sadness now to see local language of me tok Boiken we [3] i wok long go daun isi isi isi. Na mi tru nau language Boiken which pr busy at go down slow slow slow. And I true now mi tok, ‘skul i — i gutpela samting. Tasol bilong wanem na ol pikinini I say, ‘school pr — pr good thing. But for what and pl child


bilong yumi [4], ol nau liklik tru, na ol dispela pikinini bilong yumi em i of us, they now small really, and pl this child of us they pr bikpela na nau marit ol i gat pikinini, long ples, na long ausait long big and now married they pr have child, in village, and in outside of ples bilong wok long stesin, ol i tok pisin [5] tasol long pikinini bilong village to work at station, they pr speak pidgin only to child of ol, na ol i no tok ples long a … a … a … long pikinini bilong them, and they pr not speak village to ah … ah … ah … to child of ol. Olsem na tok ples bilong mi long Boiken em wok long ranawe. Bilong them. Thus and speak village of me in Boiken it busy disappear. For wanem? Mi tru mi i gat tenpela pikinini. Long tenpela pikinini bilong mi what? I true I pr have ten children. Amongst ten child of me nau namba wan i skultisa, namba tu i skultisa, namba tri i now first one pr school teacher, second one pr school teacher, third one pr go wok long habas bod, na ol tu i marit nau ol tu i toktok go work in Harbours Board, and they too pr married now they too pr converse long pisin na Inglis. Na lukluk bilong mi stret nau mi tok ples long in pidgin and English. And view of me own now I speak village to wanpela pikinini belong me em bai i bekim me long pisin o Inglis. one child of me it fut pr reply me in pidgin or English. (It’s a) Bikpela sem na i sori bilong mi lukluk olsem tokples long big shame and pr sadness of me view thus local language for wanem(?) [6] i tok Boiken i bin bikpela tokples bipo nau i what? pr language Boiken pr past large local language before now pr go … i no gat, pisin i karamapim. Na mi tingting olsem mi lukluk go go … pr not have, pidgin pr replace. And I think like I see go nara twenti yias terti yias … terti yias baimbai Inglis i karamapim another twenty years thirty years … thirty years later English pr replace

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pisin gen. Bikos olgeta pikinini long olgeta ples ol i go long skul pidgin again. Because all child in all place they pr go to school wanem samting ol lainim long skul ol tok pisin tasol insait ol i what thing they learn in school they speak pidgin only inside they pr strong long lainim Inglis. Long dispela as tingting na mi tru mi tok persistent in learning English. About this reason and I true I say olsem pisin baimbai i karamapim tasol long bihain Inglis bai i karamapim thus pidgin later pr replace but at later English fut pr replace na dispela kantri baimbai a … a … trupela tok bilong mamapapa and this country later ah … ah … true language of parents bilongen long ples bilong … em tru baimbai i pinis. Mi lukim pinis long of it in village of … it true later pr finish. I see comp in sampela hap long wol long wanem mi yet mi travol planti hap long wol na some part in world for what I self I travel many part in world and mi lukim. I see.

Free translation: It’s very true what you say my friend. That’s a good question of yours and I myself I, I am deeply saddened now to see my native language, Boiken, going downhill slowly, slowly, slowly. And now I myself say that school is … is something good, but why are our children, those really small ones and those who are grown up and now married with children in the village and those working outside the village on stations, speaking only Tok Pisin to their children and not local languages to ah … ah … ah … to their children? And so my native language, Boiken, is fast disappearing because I myself have ten children. Of those ten, the first one is a schoolteacher, the second is a school teacher, and the third works at the Harbours Board. And they are married too now and they converse in Tok Pisin and English. And in my own view, [if] I speak our local language to one of my children, they will reply in Tok Pisin or in English. It’s quite a shame, and it saddens me to see that local languages … because Boiken was once an important local language but now is going … is no longer: Tok Pisin is replacing it. And I think that I can see that in another twenty or thirty years … thirty years, English will replace Tok Pisin again. [Why?] Because all the children


everywhere are going to school. Whatever they learn in school they speak only Tok Pisin [while] within [the school] they are persistent in teaching English. For this reason I myself say that Tok Pisin will replace them [the local languages], but that later English will replace it and later on this country ah … ah … the real language of the parents in the village … it will really be gone later. I have seen this in some parts of the world because I myself have travelled to many parts of the world and I have seen it.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Olsem here refers to a suggestion made in the interviewer’s question to which this text is a reply. [2] This is an unusual use of tru, the more common qualifiers are yet, wanpela, tasol. It seems to be a feature of John’s speech although he does use yet right at the end of the text. [3] This is conflated to something like [eiyu]. [4] Yumi here is unexpected unless the speaker knows that the interviewer’s children are in the same category as those of his own. The expected form is mipela. [5] Note here and in later expressions such as tok ples John is using tok as both a noun and a verb simultaneously for ‘the language’ and ‘to speak’. Note also that John pronounces pisin as [pijin]. [6] What is said here is obscure but one can see the train of thought.

Text 47: The development of Tok Pisin on Manus Island (PM) The following text was told by a middle-aged fluent second language speaker of Tok Pisin, Mr Joseph K. of Lorengau, Manus, in 1973. It is a fairly accurate account of the history of Tok Pisin at Manus and illustrates the metalinguistic sophistication of the narrator. Nem bilong me bihain. Mi laik toktok long pasin bilong Tok Pidgin. Tok Name of me later. I want tell story about manner of Tok Pisin. Tok Pidgin [1] em i luk olosem tete nau taim belong ol nupela man nau Pisin it pr looks like today now time of pl new generation now i luk olosem i tripela toktok nau. Nambawan toktok long taim German i pr look like pr three talks now. First talk in time Germans pr

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kam i bin yusim ol i bin yusim taim ples i bin tudak [2] yet, i come pr past use, they pr past use time place pr past uncivilized emph, pr no gat man bilong mi ol i save pren gut long ol waitman. Orait, not exist man of me they pr hab friends good with pl whiteman. Alright, ol i bin lusim dispela toktok bilong bipo tasol i no gutpela toktok they pr past abandon this language of before only pr not good language tumas. Sampela ol i bin yusim tasol mipela tete mipela laik traim lainim i very. Some pl pr past use but we exc today we exc like try learn pr hat tumas i olsem planti i no krai gut, orait, i kam long mipela hard very pr like plenty pr not sound good, alright, pr come to us exc tete, mipela i kam bihain long ol, em i klia liklik tasol. Pisin i today, we exc pr come after prep them, it pr clear little bit only. Pidgin pr no olosem i no wanpela tok I tru. Olgeta hap toktok i kamaut not like pr not one language pr real. All bit language pr appear insait long wanpela wanpela wanpela ples insait long ailan long Niugini. inside of one one one place inside of island of New Guinea. Planti sampela hap i kam long Rabaul [3], sampela hap long Niugini, Plenty some part pr came from Rabaul, some parts from New Guinea, sampela hap long Papua, sampela hap long Manus, olsem ol liklik hap some part from Papua, some parts from Manus, this pl little part tok tok ol i bin save joinim [4] i go wantaim ol i mekin i kamap language they pl past hab join pr go with them pr make pr appear wanpela toktok, olsem ol i kisim liklik liklik liklik ol i joinim dispela i one language, like they pr catch little little little they pr join this pr go wantaim nau i wanpela tok nau. Olsem tru i no wanpela toktok go together now pr one language now. Like true pr not one language i tru, orait, long tete mipela i toktok bipo long ol bikman i klia pr true, alright, at today we exc pr talk before to pl bigman pr clear


liklik long ol long bipo long taim long Germany, i klia moa long ol. little bit to pl of before in time of Germany, pr clear more to them. Orait nau inap long mipela ol dispela toktok i pinis nau i gat tete Alright now until to us exc pl this language pr finished now pr exist today em i narapela nupela toktok gen nau ol i yusim tete bikos planti emph pr other new language again now they pr use today because plenty manki ol i bin go long ol bikpela skul na ol i gat gutpela save boy they pr past go to pl big school and they pr got good knowledge nau ol i ken toktok long Pidgin na ol i ken putim liklik hap Inglis moa now they pr can talk in Pidgin and they pr can put little bit English more i go long sampela hap hatpela [5] toktok i no orait long Pisin. Orait, pr go in some bit hard language pr not alright in Pidgin. Alright, ol i save bringim ol sampela hap long Inglis i go ol i sotim i they pr hab bring pl some bit from English pr cont they pr shorten pr go nau, ol i bringim dispela toktok i kam longpela. Tasol long taim cont now, they pr bring this language pr come long. But in time bilong ol bikman nogat, i narakain olgeta, mipela no inap long harem. of pl big man not, pr different entirely, we exc not able to understand. Mipela traim harim bipo long taim ol bikman ol i toktok long em We try understand before at time pl big man they pr talk in it mipela i no inap i no krai gut. Nem bilong sampela samting i no we exc pr not able pr not sound good. Name of some object pr not klia, i no klia, i no gut, tasol i kan long mipela i klia liklik nau, i clear, pr not clear, pr no good, but pr can to us exc pr clear little bit now, pr gutpela orait nau tete dispela toktok olsem i laik go, i laik go i pinis good all right now today this language thus pr fut go, pr fut go pr finish nau. Olsem nupela save i kamap nau. Nupela man gen i kamap na i luk now. Thus new hab pr appear now. New man again pr appear and pr look

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olsem nupela toktok gen i laik kamap nau. Olsem ol i planti Pidgin i like new language again pr fut appear now. Thus they pr plenty Pidgin pr go ol i bringim moa planti liklik hap Inglis long sampela hap gutpela toktok go they pr bring more plenty little bit English in some area good talk i nogat long Pisin ol i kisim sampela long Inglis ol i putim i pr not exist in Tok Pisin, they pr catch some from English they pr put pr go insait na ol i skruim dispela toktok i go longpela olgeta. Tasol bipo go inside and they pr increase this language pr go long really. But before nogat. Orait, em dispela toktok sampela mi laik toktok long yu long em. not. All right, emph this talk I want talk to you about it. Tasol, tru mi not nap long tokim yu long toktok bipo bikos mi But, truly I not able to tell you about some talk of before because I manki yet na mi bai harim na mi start long lainim Pidgin tu, tasol mi buy emph and I fut hear and I start to learn Pidgin too, but I harim dispela ol papa ol i toktok long en na olsem, mi no kisim mi harim hear this pl father they pr talk in it and like, I not catch, I hear dispela olsem i no gut, em mi long wok long lap tasol long ol i this like pr not good, emph I prep busy to laugh only at them pr harim i no stret na mi wok long lap long ol i go tasol mi tok hear pr not correct and I busy to laugh at them pr go only I say nogat [6]. Taim German na Siapan tupela i kamap hia, orait, ol i no. When Germany and Japan two pr appear here, all right, they pr stat, i gat sampela Buka na sampela ol dispela man ol i kisim ol i start, pr exist some Buka and some pl this man they pr catch them pr leba [7] bilong ol, ol i wok long ol bipo. Orait, ol i save stat labour for them, they pr work for them before. All right, they pr hab start bikos ol i no ken save long tok bilong em yet, ol i statim ol because they pr not can know about talk of them emph, they pr start pl


dispela kain Tok Pisin. Orait, i go, i go, i go, i go, i go, i go Pidgin this kind Tok Pisin. All right, pr go, pr go, pr go, pr go, pr go, pr go, Pidgin tu mi no save, ating ol misinari [8] tu ol kisim mi no save i kam too I not know, perhaps pl missionary too they catch I not know pr come we, i kam Malay o i kam Indonesia o i kam ol sampela hap bilong where, pr come Malaya or pr come Indonesia or pr come pl some part of ol dispela eilan. Orait, ol i kam hia na ol i skulim nabaut man. pl this island. All right, they pr come here and they pr instruct around man. Orait, ol i skulim nau i kamap olsen i kamap olsem wanpela toktok All right, they pr instruct now pr come up like pr come up like one talk tru nau. Tasol i no tru i haphap nabaut long olgeta hap ailan ol i true now. But pr not true pr bit bit around in all part island, they pr bringim ol dispela hap toktok i go wantaim tasol. Em ol dispela as bilong bring pl this bit talk pr go together only. emph pl this reason for dispela Pidgin i go olosem. Tasol tete long ol nupela man i luk olsem i this Pidgin pr go thus. But today among pl new man pr look like pr senisim olgeta ol i bringim planti nupela samting long Inglis ol i change altogether they pr bring plenty new something from English they pr bringim long insait ol sampela hap toktok long … ol i no ken kisim long bring from inside pl some bit talk from … they pr not can catch in Pisin i hat, ol I painim, nogat, ol i kisim dispela hap tok long Pisin pr hard, they pr look for, no, they pr catch this bit talk for an Inglish ol i putim i go insait. Orait mekim i go longpela, toktok i go English they pr put pr go inside. All right, do pr go long, talk pr go olsem nupela toktok nau. Tete ol i ken kolim olsem nupela toktok na nau ol like new talk now. Today they pr can call like new talk and now pl dispela olpela toktok bilong bipo em i pinis nau i bihainim ol yet this old talk of before it pr finished now pr follow them emph

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Tok Pisin Texts

ol i pinis. Orait, mipela mipela letim mipela statim i go tasol mipela they pr finished. All right, we exc we exc let us exc start pr go only new no ken bringim moa i go nau, nogat, inap. Nupela man em nupela toktok not can bring more pr go now, no, enough. New man he new talk nau na baimbai mipela gen mipela mas bihainim ol tasol i go. now and eventually we exc again we exc must follow them only pr go. Em dispela toktok. Orait, em pinis nau, mi nogat moa longpela toktok Enough this talk. All right, it finished now, I no got more long talk long en. about it.

Translation: I shall give you my name later. I would like to tell you about the ways of Tok Pisin. From the perspective of today’s generation of speakers it looks as if there have been three languages. The first was the one used when the Germans arrived, when the country was still uncivilized and no one was friendly with the White people. Well, they have abandoned this old way of talking now — it was a pretty impoverished variety. Some people spoke it but we today would find it hard to learn: a lot of expressions do not sound right. Well, my generation was the next one and our variety is quite a bit clearer, but Tok Pisin is still not a real language. All sorts of expressions from all parts of New Guinea were incorporated. Lots came from Rabaul, some from mainland New Guinea, some from Papua, and some bits from Manus. All kinds of expressions were mixed to make up the language. It is true that it is still not a real language, but my generation used a much more intelligible variety than that spoken in German times. All right, the variety spoken by my generation has lasted to the present, but now it looks as if it is finished. There is a new generation now and a new kind of language. They keep adding little bits of English to their Tok Pisin, good expression for which there had been no word in Tok Pisin. They take words from English and they increase the expressive power of the language. In earlier days this did not happen. Well, I wanted to tell you about this early variety but I really can’t because I was only a little boy when I was exposed to it and began to learn it. But I only listened to the older generation and I thought it was pretty bad; I used to laugh when I heard them but I did not speak the language. When the Germans and the Japanese arrived here they employed labourers from Buka. When they started they did not understand one another’s language, so they developed this second variety of Tok Pisin. I am not quite sure how it started but I believe the missionaries brought it


from Malaysia, Indonesia or some other islands. Well, they arrived here and instructed the people and it became a real language — but not quite real yet because speakers from different islands used different expressions. This is the life[?] of Tok Pisin. Today, it looks as if the new generation is changing it around again by borrowing lots of English expressions. They want to express something and they find it hard to do so in Tok Pisin; they look for an expression but with no success, and then they borrow one from English. They increase the size of the lexicon. We can speak of a new language today. The older varieties and those who spoke them are on the way out, we have nothing to contribute to the growth of Tok Pisin. We have to adopt the language of the new generation. My story is finished now, I have nothing to add.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Note that Joseph K. variably refers to Tok Pisin as Pidgin, Tok Pidgin, Tok Pisin, and Pisin. The name ‘Tok Pisin’ is not widely known to older speakers and was made official only in 1985. [2] Tudak ‘dark’ is used to refer to the times before missionization and Westernization. [3] There was a considerable influx of Tolai expressions between 1900 and 1930, with Tolai words such as buai ‘betelnut’ replacing earlier English derivations such as bilinat. During the 1920s and 1930s a large number of words from other local languages were also borrowed (see Mühlhäusler 1979: 239–241). [4] Note the use of transitive verb joinim as passive or reflexive, a construction widespread in Manus Tok Pisin. [5] Hatpela ‘hard’ is pronounced happela, a somewhat unusual pronounciation. [6] For a long time an active knowledge of Tok Pisin was found among grown men only. Since the Second World War the learning age of Tok Pisin has declined dramatically. [7] The setting up of plantations on Manus was the main catalyst for the development of a stable Tok Pisin on this island. The main source of labour was Bougainville, Buka and the interior of Manus. In at least one instance (Malabang Village) a new non-traditional community grew out of a plantation. [8] We have evidence that Catholic missionaries began to use Tok Pisin in Manus around 1910.

140 Tok Pisin Texts

Text 48: How Tok Pisin came to Tumam (PM) An account of how Tok Pisin was established in Tumam Village in the Torricelli Mountains of the East Sepik Province is found in the following text by a middle aged man from this village. Most males of his generation had a good knowledge of Tok Pisin in 1972 though only a small number of women were proficient in it. The transition from Tok Boi (language of males in European service) to Tok Pisin occurred in the next generation. Tok Pisin, brata bilong mipela ol i go long stesin [1]. Na mipela Tok Pisin, my male relatives (and I) we exc pl pr go to plantation. And we i no save long Tok Pisin tu. Brata bilong mipela ol i go long stesin, pr not know of Tok Pisin also. Relative of us pl pr go to plantation, orait, ol i kisim save long stesin. Ol i kam bek, orait, all right, they pr acquire knowledge at plantation. They pr return, all right, ol i tok Pisin. Na mipela save mipela i save samting i klia they pr speak Tok Pisin. And we know, we pr know something pr clear longen mipela i save. Tasol samting i no klia long em i hat liklik, about it, we pr know. But something pr not clear in it pr hard a bit, orait, mipela mas haskim ol. Tok: ‘dispela samting kolim olsem wanem?’ all right, we must ask them. Say: ‘this one is called like what?’ Orait, ol i tok: ‘dispela samting em Tok Pisin ol i kolim olsem.’ All right, they pr say: ‘this something emph Tok Pisin they pr call it thus. Orait, i go i go i go i go, woa i kamap, orait, mipela i klia gut All right, pr go, pr go, pr go, pr go, war pr arrive, all right, we pr clear good long Tok Pisin. Sampela lapun man long ples, mipela ol about Tok Pisin. Some old man in village, we pl manki, mipela i kisim save long Tok Pisin. Woa i young (unmarried) men, we pr acquire knowledge of Tok Pisin. War pr pinis, mipela i kisim save nau. Planti masta ol i kam comp, we pr acquire knowledge now. Plenty European males they pr come


insait long mipela, kiap o kampani masta ol kam bek, ol i wokim inside of us, patrol officer or business man they return, they pr run tret stua, o mipela i gat bisnis, na mipela olgeta meri man [2], mipela i trade store, or we pr got business, and we all people, we pr gat liklik save long Tok Pisin, na ritrait [2] nau. Na bipo, got a little knowledge of Tok Pisin, and read and write now. And before, misin tasol i kam, wanwan man tasol ol i kisim save long Tok mission only pr come, a few men only they pr acquired knowledge of Tok Pisin long misin. Taim misin i kam long ples. Orait, mipela i Pisin at mission. When mission pr come to village. All right, we pr kisim save long tok pisin. Planti manmeri o mipela pikinini ol pikinini acquire knowledge of Tok Pisin. Plenty people or my children pl children mipela i no save Tok Pisin. Ol i tok olsem wanem, mipela i ting i we pr not know Tok Pisin. They pr talk how, we pr think pr hat, tasol nau, mipela i klia gut long Tok Pisin. Nau mipela i hard, but now, we pr informed well about Tok Pisin. Now we pr klia gut nau, husat narapela ples i laik kam, mipela tok informed well now, whatever other village pr wants come, we say susta [3], brata, kandare, na bipo, mi no inap long go long hap long Kuanga sister, brother, uncle, and before, I not able to go to area of Kuagna o Urim o Bubuita, Wam, Kombio, mi no nap long go long dispela hap longwe. or Urim or Bubuita, Wam Kombio, I not able to go to this area distant. Long wanem mi go tasol toktok bai mitupela i toktok olsem wanem? Because I go just (and) talk then the two of us pr converse how? Mi no nap long save tok ples bilong em, em no nap long save I not able to know local language of him/her, he/she not able to know tok ples bilong mi, nogat. Mi no save tok ples bilong em, local language of me, no way. I not know local language of him/her,

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bai em i sutim mi long supia. Taim em i kam bek long ples bilong mi, mi then he pr shoot me with spear. When he pr come back to place of me, I no save tok ples em, bai mi sutim em long supia. Tasol nau, mipela i not know local language he, then I shoot him with spear. But now, we pr kisim save long Tok Pisin, orait, mipela mas toktok long Tok Pisin acquire knowledge of Tok Pisin, all right, we must talk in Tok Pisin nau, sista, kandare, brata. Nau nogat kros, no gat fait na now, sister, uncle, brother. Now not exist quarrel, not exist fight and mitupela i stap olsem sista, kandare, brata. Em tasol. the two of us pr live like sister, uncle, brother. That’s all.

Translation: Regarding Tok Pisin, me and my fellow villagers went to a station/plantation and we did not know Tok Pisin. Our relatives went to a station and they learnt it there. When they returned they spoke Tok Pisin. Some Tok Pisin expressions were clear to us but we were not so clear about others and we had to ask others: ‘what do you call this thing?’ They answered: ‘in Tok Pisin it is called this or that.’ Well, time passed, the war came, and we were pretty good at Tok Pisin. Some old men in the village — we were young boys then — we acquired a knowledge of Tok Pisin. The war came to an end and we learned. Lots of Europeans came to us, the patrol officers and business men returned, they opened up trade stores and started businesses and we had some knowledge of Tok Pisin and could read and write. In earlier times, only missionaries came and only a few people acquired a knowledge of Tok Pisin at the mission. When the mission came to the village we acquired a knowledge of Tok Pisin. Many people and children did not know Tok Pisin when we were children. How did they talk? They thought it was difficult but now we know Tok Pisin well. Now we know it well and whoever wants to visit us from another village we call them sisters, brothers and uncles. In the old days we could not go to Kuange or Urim or Bubuita, Wam or Kombio. I was not able to go to distant areas. Because, when I wanted to talk to someone, I did not know their language and they did not know mine, no way. When I did not know their language they would shoot me with a spear. Conversely, if they came to my village and they did not speak my language I would shoot them with a spear. But now we have got Tok Pisin, we must talk to one another in Tok Pisin like sisters, brothers and relatives. We don’t quarrel, we don’t fight and we live in harmony. That’s all.


Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Tok Pisin tesin or stesin is a merger of English ‘plantation’ and ‘station’. It refers to mission and government stations as well as centres of expatriateinstigated economic activity such as plantations. [2] One of the earliest types of compounds to emerge in the development of Tok Pisin were cumulative nominal compounds such as meriman (‘women and men’ = ‘people’) or verbal compounds of the type ritrait (‘to read and write’ = ‘to be literate’). [3] Susta is a mixed form combining traditional susa (‘sibling of the opposite sex’ with the more recent loan sista ‘sister’). It was probably reinforced by another item svesta (‘religious sister’) from German Schwester.

Text 49: Comments on some differences between varieties of Tok Pisin (SR) These remarks on variation in Tok Pisin were made by the pastor of a rural church in near Lae in the 1980s. Abus, animal o enimal em wanpla tok tasol. Enimel [1] em ‘Abus’, ‘animal’ or ‘enimal’ it one talk just. ‘Enimel’ it olsem bignem. Enimal blo bus olsem bus i gat kainkain enimal, na abus like big name. ‘Enimal’ of bush thus bush pr got kind ‘enimal’, and ‘abus’ em olsem wankain liklik. Abus olsem lo stua abus olsem tinfis, mit em ol it thus same little. ‘Abus’ thus in store ‘abus’ like tin fish, meat it pl abus na em lo tinfish ol i no inap tok enimal em nogat em olsem abus ‘abus’ and it in tin fish they pr no can say ‘enimal’ it neg it thus ‘abus’ wanpla tok. Bebi [2] em mining ‘bebi’ em olsem em dring susu, em bebi. Pikinini one talk. Baby it means baby it same it drink milk it baby. Little bebi. Pikinini blo bebi bois o pikinini gels, ‘gels’ em ‘meri’ tok inglis. Nau baby. Little baby boys or little girls, ‘gels’ it ‘woman’ (in) English. Now i stap meri tasol, pikinini meri o bebi meri o bebi bois [3], bebi pr exist woman only, child woman or ‘baby’ woman or ‘baby’ boys, ‘baby’

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em bebi i no inap em yet i wokabaut em bebi. Boi, bois, ol boi ol it ‘bebi’ pr neg able it emph pr walk it ‘bebi’. ‘Boi’, ‘bois’, ‘ol boi’, ‘ol bois, bifo em boi, Tok Pisin blo bifo boi olsem. Olgeta ting ee olsem boi bois’, before it ‘boi’ Tok Pisin of before ‘boi’ thus. All think ‘ee’ thus ‘boi’ em disfela leta i bihainim Tok Pisin dis leta ol putim disla boi na bihain it this letter pr follow Tok Pisin this letter they put this ‘boi’ and letter ol putim olsem bois. Baimbai nogat, em nau liklik. Baimbai em i go, they put thus ‘bois’. ‘Baimbai’ neg, it now little. ‘Baimbai’ he pr go baimbai i kam. Em baimbai [4] i kam. Baimbai em klostu bai. I gat ‘baimbai’ pr come. He ‘baimbai’ pr come. ‘Baimbai’ it similar ‘bai’. pr got kainkain mining i stap. Bai baimbai ating wantain liklik. Mi bai i go, kind meaning pr stop. ‘Bai’ ‘baimbai’ perhaps same little. I ‘bai’ pr go, lapun tok mi bai i go. Ol liklik nau ol i stap in skul ol tok bai mi go. old say I ‘bai’ pr go. pl little now they pr stop in school they say ‘bai’ I go. Senis i kamap em i gutpla tasol i no gutpla tumas. Nau em i no Change pr come up it pr good but pr neg good too much. Now it pr neg gutpla tumas blo wanem i tok yu mekim apun i no klia lo Tok good too much for what pr talk you make old pr neg clear about Tok Pisin, blo wanem i miks wantaim Inglis. Pisin, for what pr mix with English. Narapla tok em hari yu painim pinis lo sampla [5] pikinini. Hari, harim. Another talk it ‘hari’ you find comp in some children. ‘Hari’, ‘harim’. Long lapun yu bai harim olsem harim, halim tok. Wantaim olsem karim, In old you fut hear thus ‘harim’, ‘halim’ talk. Together thus ‘karim’, kalim. Tok i miks, pisin blo bifo, pisin blo nau. ‘kalim’. Language pr mix, pidgin of before, pidgin of now. Givi, puti em taun ating Inglis em gat puti. Em olsem ol i kisim hap ‘Givi’ ‘puti’ it town perhaps English it got ‘puti’. It thus they pr get half


tok tasol i no pinisim. Em olsem long taun i gat kainkain senis em klostu talk but pr neg finish. It thus in town pr got kind change it close … nau ol pikinini i stap in skul em tok pisin go long ol klostu wantaim … now pl children pr stop in school it tok pisin go to they close with ia olsem lo taun. Long pisin, putim na harim na karim… em ol yet foc thus in town. In pidgin, ‘putim’ and ‘harim’ and ‘karim’… it they emph kamapim, em i no tok pisin, em i no tok pisin … em pasin blo yangpla come up, it pr neg tok pisin, it pr neg tok pisin … it custom of young long taun, i sotim tok na mekim arapla samting. Nau em miksi in town, pr shorten speech and make other something. Now it mix wantaim disfela, naispla nais [6] tru. Em inglis, nais. Inglis gut, pisin with this, ‘naispela’ ‘nais’ true. It English, ‘nais’. English ‘gut’, pidgin gutpla na long bifo pisin bifo em gutfela, arafela, em ol bai putim ‘gutpla’ and in before pidgin before it ‘gutfela’, ‘arafela’, it they foc put ‘f ’ [7] wantaim. Yufela, yupla. Nau em gutpla, gutpla. Yufera pisin blo ‘f ’ together. ‘Yufela’, ‘yupela’. Now it ‘gutpla’, ‘gutpla’. ‘Yufera’ pidgin of bifo nau yu no harim ‘f ’ moa, yupla yupra yupa nek olsem. before now you neg hear ‘f ’ more, ‘yupla’ ‘yupra’ ‘yupa’ pronunciation thus.

Translation: ‘Abus’, ‘animal’ or ‘enimal’, they’re all just one and the same. ‘Enimal’ is the general term, as in bush animal; in the bush there are all kinds of ‘enimal’, and ‘abus’ is almost the same thing. ‘Abus’, as in meat in the store, like tinned fish, meat that’s ‘abus’ and tinned fish you wouldn’t be able to call that ‘enimal’, that is ‘abus’. One way of saying the same thing. ‘Bebi’ — the meaning of ‘bebi’ is that it’s one that drinks milk. That’s a baby. Little baby. Little boys or little girls, ‘gels’ means ‘woman’ in English. Now it’s ‘meri’ only, young women or baby girls or baby boys. A ‘bebi’ is one who isn’t able to walk yet. ‘Boi’, ‘bois’, ‘ol boi’, ‘ol bois’ — before it was ‘boi’ in the pidgin of the past, it was ‘boi’. Everybody thought ‘ee’ — this letter following Tok Pisin, now they put ‘s’ after it and they say ‘bois’. ‘Baimbai’ — you hear that seldom now. ‘Baimbai’ he goes, ‘baimbai’ he comes;

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he ‘baimbai’ comes. That’s ‘baimbai’. It’s similar to ‘bai’: they’ve got the same meaning. ‘Bai’ and ‘baimbai’ are perhaps just about the same. The changes that are taking place are good but they are not always very good. It’s not very good because the old people don’t understand this kind of pidgin because it’s mixed with English. Another thing is ‘hari’ — you find this among some children: ‘hari’ ‘harim’. Among the old people you’ll hear ‘harim’, ‘halim’. And the same with ‘karim’, ‘kalim’. The language is mixed: pidgin of the past and pidgin of today. ‘Givi’, ‘puti’ — that’s town pidgin, perhaps English has ‘puti’. It’s as if they catch a piece of the word and they don’t finish it. In town there are all kinds of changes — it’s nearby now the children are in school and they speak it in a similar way to those in town. In pidgin — ‘putim’, ‘harim’ and ‘karim’ — these new things that are coming in are not pidgin. It’s not pidgin. It’s a fashion of the young people in town. They shorten their speech and do all sorts of other things. Now it’s mixed, so there’s ‘naispela’ and ‘nais’. That’s English ‘nais’. English has ‘gut’ and pidgin ‘gutpla’ and in the pidgin of the past it was ‘gutfela’, ‘arafela’. They put ‘f’ in the middle. ‘Yufela’ and ‘yupla’. Now it’s ‘gutpla’ and ‘yufera’. That was the pidgin of the past. You don’t hear ‘f ’ anymore. The pronunciation is ‘yupra’, ‘yupa’.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The English term ‘animal’ has penetrated all but the most rural areas of Papua New Guinea to some degree. It is fast becoming the preferred term for urban children in colloquial speech. It often happens when a language borrows a new term for a word it already has, semantic specialization occurs. This man suggests that the English term ‘animal’ is now used in a generic sense as the superordinate category name, while Tok Pisin abus preserves its meaning of ‘edible meat’. The semantic distinction is reminiscent of one that exists between English pig/pork, cow/beef, etc., where the native English term refers to the animal in the hoof, so to speak, while the borrowed French term refers to the edible version on the table. [2] Here a semantic distinction between bebi and pikinini is being explained. He suggests that bebi refers to a young infant still drinking milk and unable to walk. [3] The introduction of -s plural marking has occurred since at least the 1950s and is now very frequent (see Romaine 1992). [4] Baimbai is now a recessive feature. A reduced form bai is used both clauseinitially and preverbally. With younger speakers it is more frequently used preverbally. [5] Here short forms are discussed. Although this man seems to believe they are the result of English influence, it seems more likely they are the result of


more general processes of morphophonological condensation operating in colloquial urban speech. [6] Some adjective forms have variants with and without -pela as a result of English influence. [7] Here the informant comments on variation between /p/ and /f/; /f/ is preferred among younger speakers whereas forms such as dispela were commonly used among the older generations.

Text 50: Story of first hearing Tok Pisin (SR) The speaker is a village elder in his seventies from the Kabwum District of Morobe Province, who relates his impressions of first hearing Tok Pisin while working as an indentured laborer outside the district. He and many others thought it was the White man’s language, i.e., English. Tok Pisin was introduced into this part of Morobe Province after the arrival of the first Whitemen, German missionaries, in 1919. Many of the village men learned Tok Pisin while working as contract laborers in the goldfields of Bulolo and brought it back to the village where it was learned by younger boys. Thus, the language was introduced into many areas by New Guineans themselves rather than directly by Europeans. The shift from vertical to horizontal communication, i.e., between superordinate and subordinate to equals, is a main force in the stabilization of Tok Pisin (from Romaine 1988: 122–3). It was probably not until after the Second World War when people had more exposure to Europeans that they realized that English was the ‘real’ language of Europeans. Many people believed that English was being deliberately withheld from them so that they would be unable to get access to European secrets and material goods. As knowledge of English became increasingly important for advancement, people withdrew their support from mission scholars who taught in Tok Pisin or vernacular languages (see Romaine 1992: Chapter 3). SR: Long taim yupela harim tok pisin pastaim, yupela ting em tok bilong At time you pl hear Tok Pisin first, you pl think it language of waitman o nogat? White man or neg?

148 Tok Pisin Texts

Elder: Mipela ting em tok bilong waitman ia. Mipela ting tok bilong We exc think it language of White man foc. We exc think language of waitpela. Bihain ol i tok em i tok insait long namel i tasol. I Whiteman. After they pr speak it pr language inside in middle pr only. pr no bilong waitman. Mipela askim kiap ol kiap mipela askim kiap. Mi tok, neg of White man. We exc ask kiap pl kiap we exc ask kiap. I speak, ‘em tok ples bilong yu?’ Em tok, ‘nogat. Disfela Tok Pisin em i bilong ‘it language village of you?’ He say, ‘neg. This Tok Pidgin it pr of yupela bilong Niu Guini. Mipela longlong. Mipela ting em bilong kiap ia you pl of New Guinea.’ We exc wrong. We exc think it of kiap foc bilong gavman, tok ples bilong en nau. Nogat. of government, language village of it now. neg.

Translation: SR: When you first heard Tok Pisin did you think it was the White man’s language? Elder: We thought it was the White man’s language. We thought it was the language of the White people. Then they said that there’s only a little bit [of English] inside of it [i.e., Tok Pisin]. It’s not the White man’s. We asked the kiaps [Australian administrative officials]. We asked the kiap. We said, ‘is this your native language?’ He said, ‘no. This pidgin language is your language, a new Guinean language.’ We were wrong. We thought it was the kiap’s language, the government’s language, their native language, but it wasn’t.

Text 51: The story of the origin of Tok Pisin (SR) The speaker is a man in his forties from the Kabwum District of Morobe Province, and has Tok Pisin as a second language. In order to understand the full significance of this explanation, it is important to know that in many parts of Papua New Guinea birds play a large role in


the culture. For example, among many groups birds are believed to be spirits of the dead. People hope that when they die, they can become birds. However, they try to prevent the association of young children with birds, and they avoid eating pigeons which make sounds like birds. In the early stages of language development children have not yet learned the phonology specific to their native language, and they typically babble. Schieffelin found that when children made cooing noises and sounded like birds, the mothers corrected them and told them not to talk like birds. The Kaluli fear that children might become like birds and die. Therefore they must protect the children’s language development at a stage when the children’s language is not ‘hard’, i.e., fully formed (Romaine 1988: 109–110). It is interesting that the speaker attributes a large role to New Guineans as erecting the language through their imperfect attempts at imitating English speakers. It is also significant that Tok Pisin is referred to as narapela tok ples bilong ol Niu Gini — ‘another of the vernacular languages of New Guinea’. Bifo ol i kolim Tok Pisin, tok bilong pisin. Ol i makim nating. I Before they pr call Tok Pisin, language of bird. They pr mark nothing. pr no olsem. Ol waitman i kam. Ol i no save long harim tok neg thus. pl Whiteman pr come. They pr neg know to understand language bilong ol Niu Guini. Ol Inglis tok, ol Inglis tok olsem: ‘yu kam’. of pl New Guinean. pl Englishman say, pl Englishman say thus: ‘you come.’ Ol tok Inglis tasol long yu kam. Na ol Niu Guini ol hat tru They speak English only in you come. And pl New Guinean they hard true ol ting em wanem tok ol inglis tok yu kam. Ol tok: ‘hu xam’ i they think it which language they English say you come. They say: ‘hu xam’ pr go i go kain olsem i go i go i go na ol i kisim tok pisin. I narapela go pr go like thus pr go pr go pr go and they pr get Tok Pisin. pr another tok ples bilong ol Niu Guini. I go i kam olgeta ol toktok language village of pl New Guinean. pr go pr come altogether they speak long inglis tasol. Nau Niu Guini man i tok i go i kam em narapela in English only. Now New Guinean man pr speak pr go pr come it other

150 Tok Pisin Texts

inglis, tok wantok bilong narapela. Na ol bihainim disfela [1]. Em tok, English, speak relative of another. And they follow this. He speak, ‘yu kam’, I go i kam i go i go. Ol i kisim. Em i narapela tok ‘you come’, pr go pr come pr go pr go. They pr get. It pr another language olsem. Ol i kolim Tok Pisin. I no pisin ol i toktok nogut. thus. They pr call Tok Pisin. pr neg pidgin they pr speak speak no good. Ol i makim nating. They pr mark nothing.

Translation: Before, they called it Tok Pisin, ‘the speech of birds’. They didn’t mean anything by it. It wasn’t that way at all. When the Whiteman came they didn’t know the languages of New Guinea. The English people spoke like this: ‘/yu kam/’. They just said it like this: ‘/yu kam/’. And the New Guineans were puzzled. They thought, what kind of language is this that the English people speak. The English people said: ‘/yu kam/’, and they said, ‘/hu xam/’, and it went on like this, and that’s how they got Tok Pisin. It’s another of the local languages of the people of New Guinea. They just kept on like this. They themselves spoke only in English, English only. And New Guineans kept speaking another kind of English, a related variety of it, and now they all speak this variety. They kept on saying: ‘/yu kam/’. They acquired it. It’s another language. This is how they got Tok Pisin. It’s not bird language. That doesn’t mean anything.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The form disfela instead of dispela is common in this area among the older generation

VI. Translations of foreign voices

Text 52: Tok Masta in a newspaper article, 1933 The imperfect Tok Pisin, often not more than idiolectal variants of English interspersed with Tok Pisin expressions, used by expatriates in the times of colonization, is called Tok Masta ‘master talk’. It was a source of miscommunication and racial friction and has now become largely restricted to a stylistic device in Tok Pisin writings. In former times, quasi-Tok Pisin of the Tok Master type was often found among the jokes and witticisms published in local newspapers such as the Rabaul Times. Here follow examples from the 1930s: (i) Rabaul Times 28.7.1933 [anonymous author who signs him/herself LongLong ‘stupid’] Pidgin (Present-day Tok Pisin) ‘Missus he no [1] stop?’ ‘Misis i no stap?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘Yesa.’ ‘Me like talk along him.’ ‘Mi laik tok longen.’ ‘He no stop.’ ‘Em i no stap.’ ‘He no stop?’ ‘Em i no stap?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘Yesa.’ ‘He no stop along house?’ ‘Em i no stap long haus?’

152

Tok Pisin Texts

‘Yes.’ ‘Yesa.’ ‘He no go Rabaul?’ ‘Em i no go long Rabaul?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘Yesa.’ ‘He go ‘long who’s that ‘long Rabaul?’ ‘Em i go long husat long Rabaul?’ ‘He no go ‘long Rabaul.’ ‘Em i no go long Rabaul.’ ‘He no got paper he stop along me?’ ‘I no gat pepa long mi i stap?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘Yesa.’ ‘Bring him he come.’ ‘Yu bringim i kam.’ ‘He no got.’ ‘I no gat.’ ‘He no go Kokopo?’ ‘Em i no go Kokopo?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘Yesa.’ ‘He go ‘long who’s that along Kokopo?’ ‘Em i go long husat long Kokopo?’ ‘He no got.’ ‘Nogat.’ ‘Goddam, Missus he go where?’ ‘Goddam, misis i go we?’ ‘Wunawutung.’ ‘Wanuwatung.’ ·Long-LongÒ

(ii) Rabaul Times 29.9.1933 Pidgin One moonlight night a fearful din and caterwauling in the garden signalised that the local tomcats were competing for the favours of a female of the species.


The concert having ended in a fight, daylight revealed quantities of fur scattered over the lawn, and the house-wife enquired of the monkey: ‘What name something?’ But the resources of Pidgin were equal to the strain: ‘’E feather [2] belong pussy, I tink.’

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The use of negative no and affirmative yesa particles in Tok Pisin differs from English in that they deny or affirm what has been stated in the question. The ‘yes we have no bananas’ construction has been the source of numerous colonial jokes. [2] The use of feather in this text looks like a fabrication, as the Tok Pisin word gras ‘hair, fur, feathers’ was widely known in the 1930s.

Text 53: Translation of an English bawdy ballad, 1959 In 1973 a conference was held at the University of Papua New Guinea where it was recommended that a wider range of reading materials be produced in Tok Pisin. According to Donald Laycock this was to include ‘humour, biography, fables, language games, etc., as well as instructional subjects’ (see Laycock 1985b). The following is a translation of the English bawdy ballad ‘Sam Hall’ contributed by Laycock. O nem bilong mi Samol, yes Samol O nem bilong mi Samol na mi gat wanpela bol em i inap long pakim ol bladi sit, bladi sit em i inap long pakim ol bladi sit Mi laik plei long meri long nait… tasol man bilongen i no laik na bol i lus long pait… O kiap em i kam… na i kotim mi long sanem i ken siubim kot long bam [1] nau mi stap kalabus… na nau mi nogat brus [2] na bai ol moni i lus…

153

154

Tok Pisin Texts

o mi wok long katim gras… na pater i go pasem i man bilong pakim as… o bai mi pinistaim… mi laik kisim misis traimmi gat moni inap long baim… o mi laik go long Lae… brukim kontrak, ronewe na les long san olde… o klosap bai mi dai… kisim ples paia baimbaitasol mi no ken i krai…

Translation: O my name is Sam Hall, yes Sam Hall O my name is Sam Hall and I’ve only got one ball; that’s enough to fuck you all, bloody shit, bloody shit that’s enough to fuck you all bloody shit I wanted to sleep with a woman at night, but her husband objected, and I lost my ball in the fight. The administrative officer came and prosecuted me next day; he can stick his court up his bum. Now I am in prison, without tobacco, and soon my money will be finished. I work at cutting the grass, and the priest goes past; he is a sodomite. Soon my time will be up; I should like to try a White woman, I’ve got enough money to buy one.


I should like to go to Lae, break my contract, and run away, and idle in the sun all day long. Soon now I shall die, and go to hell, but I shan’t cry.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] This is an ad hoc loan substituting Tok Pisin as ‘posterior’. [2] Brus refers to native tobacco grown in the villages and dried over a fire. It contrasts with other types of tobacco such as kapstan ‘European tinned pipe tobacco’, stik or stange ‘twist tobacco’ and tabak or tambak ‘processed tobacco’.

Text 54: Translation of ‘Max and Moritz’ Another attempt to extend the range of Tok Pisin literature is the translation of the German Wilhelm Busch’s ‘Max and Moritz’, an illustrated account of the adventures and misdeeds of two young rascals. Attempts to get this translation published in Papua New Guinea were unsuccessful as this kind of literature was regarded as unsuitable for Papua New Guineans. Laycock’s translation was subsequently published in a scholarly collection of translations of Max and Moritz into a number of different pidgins and creoles, edited by Görlach (1984): Long Rida: To the reader: Pasin bilong manki i olosem: Manner of boy pr thus: long olkain trik I no ken sem. of all sorts of trick pr not can have shame. Ol i hambak, ol i kranki. They pr humbug, they pr silly. Nau mi stori long tupela manki, Now I tell story about two boy,

155

156 Tok Pisin Texts

Max na Moritz, ol i kolim. Max and Moritz, they pr call (them). Tupela i no save holim The two of them pr not hab hold gutpela tingting bilong ol tisa; good thought about pl teacher; tupela i save lap long misa, the two pr hab laugh at mass, tok bilas long meriman, talk insult at women and men, hambak nabaut long everiwan. humbug around with everyone. Wonem samting man i gat, Whatever man pr has, tupela i stilim olosem rat [1]; the two pr steal it like rat; tinmit, banana, wonem samting, tinned meat, banana, whatever, tupela i save tekim nating. the two pr hab take it for nothing. Tupela i no go long skul, The two pr not go to school, mekim pasin bladiful. make fashion bloody fool. Tasol, wantok, yu mas sore But, friend, you must be sorry long pinis bilong dispela stori, about end of this story,


taim Max na Moritz tupela i dai [2], when Max and Moritz the two pr die, ating, pren, bai yu ken krai. perhaps, friend, fut you can cry. Nau yu ridim stori long dispela buk Now you read the story in this book na long ol piksa yu ken lukluk. and at pl picture you can look.

Here follows the free translation as given in Görlach (1984: 7) Ah, the wickedness one sees Or is told of such as these, Namely Max and Moritz; there! Look at the disgraceful pair! Who, so far from gladly reaching For the boons of moral teaching, Chose those very rules to flout And in secret laugh about. But designs of malefaction Find them keen on instant action! Teasing folk, tormenting beasts, Stealing fruit for lawless feasts Are more fun, as one can tell, And less troublesome as well, Than to sit through class or sermon, Never fidgeting or squirming. Looking at the sequel, though: Woe, I say, and double woe!! How it all at last came out Chills the heart to think about. That’s why all the tricks they played Are retold here and portrayed.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Rat can mean both ‘rat’ or ‘mouse’. [2] Note in this sentence the idiomatic resumptive dual pronoun tupela followed by the predicate marker i.

157

158

Tok Pisin Texts

Text 55: Translation of Macbeth, 1977 Another piece of literary translation by Laycock is that of Shakespeare’s Macbeth. As in the case of ‘Max and Moritz’, the translator has changed the setting from a European one to a New Guinea village setting. The date of this translation is 1977. Regrettably, it remains unpublished: STORI BILONG MAKPES STORY OF MACBETH HAP 1 PART 1 Ples 1: Ples kunai. Place 1: Place (with) tall grass. Klaut i pairap. Tripela poisonman i kam. Cloud pr explodes. Three sorcerer pr arrive. Poisonman 1: Wonem taim yumi bung gen? Long klaut i pairap, o long ren? Sorcerer 1: What time we inc meet again? In cloud pr explode, or in rain? Poisonman 2: Taim ol i pinis tru long pait, taim ol i lusim nau Sorcerer 2: When they pr finish really with fight, when they pr leave now na hait. and hide. Poisonman 3: Ating bai klostu long nait. Sorcerer 3: Perhaps fut close to night. Poisonman 1: Long wonem hap? Sorcerer 1: At what place? Poisonman 2: Klostu long ples. Sorcerer 2: Close to village. Poisonman 3: Yumi bung wantaim Makpes. Sorcerer 3: We inc meet with Macbeth.

VI. Translations of foreign voices 159

Poisonman 1: Rokrok i singautim mi. Sorcerer 1: Frog pr calls for me. Poisonman 2: Mi kam, kotkot! Sorcerer 2: I come, raven. Poisonman 3: Na mi! Sorcerer 3: And me. Tripela: Mi tripela poisonman behainim nait na hait long san! The three: The three of us (are) sorcerer follow night and hide during day.

Text 56: Translation of the highway code, 1969 In 1969 the first Tok Pisin translation of the Highway Code Your Guide to Safety was produced by the Government Printer of New South Wales, Sydney, for use in Papua New Guinea. The following passage deals with regulations for speed restrictions:

160 Tok Pisin Texts

7. Long sipid tambu About speed taboo Yu noken draivim kar long sipid nogut. Igat bikpela tambu long dispela. You cannot drive car at speed bad. pr exist big taboo against this. Maski [1] tingim igat tambu long winim 30 mail tasol. Nogat. Sapos yu Nevermind think pr exist taboo to exceed 30 miles only. No. If you ron long 20 mail na planti manmeri wokabaut, em tu i tambu. Olsem ol drive (at) 20 mile and many people walk, it too pr taboo. Likewise pl sipid. Igat sampela peles nabaut yu noken ron sipid [2] longen. Olsem 10 speed. pr exist some place around you cannot run speed in them Thus 10 mail emi ariap tumas long kolostu [3] long sukul [3] o bung o hap bilong mile it pr speedy very at near school or market or area for wokabaut bilong planti man. Bihanim tok bilong sipid tambu sapos yu lukim walk of plenty people. Follow word of speed taboo if you see wanpela sain i tok long sipid. Long taun insait long ol hap Papua New one sign pr talk about speed. In town inside of area of Papua New Guinea, yu noken winim 30 mail. Tasol long sampela hap emi 20 o 15 Guinea, you cannot exceed 30 mile. But in some places it pr 20 or 15 olsem. Igat sain long dispela nau yu mas putim gut ai bilong yu long thus. pr exist sign for this and you must put well eye of you to painim sain pinis na bihainim tok long sipid. Long bik rot long bus look for sign comp and obey talk about speed. On big road in bush igat tambu inap long 40 mail. Tasol sapos igat sain, yu ken ron pr exist taboo amounting to 40 mile. But if pr exist sign, you can run long sipid sain i tok longen. at speed sign pr talk about it. Ol sain long sipid olsem piksa. Em hia. pl sign about speed like picture. It here.


Free Translation: 7. Speed restrictions You are not allowed to drive a car at an unreasonable speed. This is strictly forbidden. It does not matter, for instance, that the official limit is 30 miles per hour. If you drive at a speed of 20 miles per hour and many people are walking in the street, this is illegal. The same holds for all speed restrictions. There are some places where speeding is not appropriate. Thus, 10 miles per hour is quite fast near a school, market or public gathering. Make sure you obey the speed restriction when you see a sign. In built-up areas of Papua New Guinea the top permitted speed is 30 miles per hour. However, in some places it is 20 or 15 miles per hour only. There are signs alerting you to this and you must watch out properly and obey the speed sign. In unbuilt-up areas there is a maximum speed limit of 40 miles. However, if there is a speed sign you can only go as fast as the sign tells you. The speed signs look as follows.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] No pronoun subject appears in this sentence. Whilst in this particular case this may be a bad translation, the phenomenon is common and needs to be investigated. [2] Sipid can be either an adverbial or a verb. The sequence ron sipid is one of the many that is ambiguous in its grammatical interpretation. European speakers of Tok Pisin tend to favour a verb + adverbial interpretation, whereas for indigenous speakers it tends to be verb + verb, i.e., a verb chain. [3] In this official document, like in most others, the standard spelling conventions are not heeded. Thus, predictable epenthetic vowels are spelled out and there is a tendency towards etymological spelling.

Text 57: Example of literary Tok Masta Tok Masta is the variety of Tok Pisin associated with English speaking expatriates [see Text 52]. It ranges from broken English with a few Tok Pisin expressions interspersed to relatively fluent Tok Pisin with a heavy English accent and discourse pattern. A recent example of literary Tok Masta is found in Rushton (1983: 83): Long Place Belong Man Cutim Grass Belong All Mary At the Hairdresser’s

161

162 Tok Pisin Texts

Halo, switi! Hello, sweetie! Halo, man cutim grass belong all mary he you? Hello, are you the hairdresser? He tru, honi. Name belong me — Yesus Kraist! Yes, honey. My name is — Jesus Christ! Me no hearim. Pardon? Got belong me, switi! Me look-look long grass belong you! My God, sweetie! I just saw your hair! Me sory long you! You poor thing! You all-same someting pusi he bringim inside! You look like something the cat dragged in! Me savvy. Me likim wanfella sempu? I know. May I have a shampoo? O sory, he tru! Oh dearie, yes! Me got wanfella tikit costim nutting here. I have a free ticket here. Oboy, you buyim plenty someting long stor, switi. Goodness me, you must have bought a lot of things at the department bulk store, sweetie. Storman he monki belong me. The proprietor is my friend. Naisfella. That’s nice. No got! Me haitim him. No! I hate him. Me sory. I’m sorry. Me likim wanfella sempu en wanfella set? Could I have a shampoo and set? Altagether someting, switi! You likim: Anything, sweetie! Would you like:


cutim grass belong you, your hair cut, blitzim grass belong you, your hair bleached, pulim eyegrass belong you, your eyebrows plucked, cleanim en washim en cutim fut, a pedicure, cutim en sharpim en cleanim fingga-nil, a manicure, rippel he stop longtime? a permanent wave?

Text 58: Japanese propaganda leaflet, c.1942 Tok Pisin was used as a medium for propaganda by both the Allied Forces and the Japanese. Here is one of the rare preserved examples of a message dropped by Japanese planes over New Guinea (Luke 1945: 95–96). Note that the spelling adopted here is somewhat aberrant, with [p], [f], and [b] being used interchangeably. The date of this document is around 1942. Note that the glosses in this text are the ones of Luke 1945 and not the editors of this volume. NOTIS NOTICE Dis pala tok i mas strog [1] log ol man. This fella talk he most strong along all man. Dis Imperal belong Nipponis [2] Nevi ituru nau i holim pas. This Imperial-belong Nipponese Navy it true now he hold him fast. Dis pala hap peles log solowara na log kilaut to log hap belog This fella have place along salt water, along cloud too, along half belong u mi. you me.

164 Tok Pisin Texts

Nau ol Nevi belog mifala i rere turu belog sitorog fait. Now all Navy-belong-me-fella it really true belong strong fight. Nou sopos ol man belog dis pala peles i habak log Nippon. Now suppose all man belong-this-fella-place he humbug along Nippon; Orait bai bai ol i fait log ol tu. All right, bye and bye all he fight along all too. Mi fala harim i gat sam fala man i salim tok log ol Me-fella hear him he got some fella man be send in talk along all waitman log ol sam tig [3] Nippon Nevi i mekim log Nippon white man along all same thing Nippon Navy he make him along Nippon waia na balus hu sat i fainim dis fala man i salim tok log waitman. aeroplane. You find him this fella man and see him talk along white man; Olrait u mas holim pas em na pulim na birigim i go log all right, you must hold him fast and pull him and bring him he go along na ba uan be log Nippon Nevi em stap log dis pala peles Shorland na Number One belong Nippon Navy him be stop along this-fella place Shortland and Buka bai bai i bekim qut tumas log u log samtig u Buka. Bye and bye he make him Court too much along you along something you bin alivim ol Nippon Nevi. been all of him Nippon Navy. Me pala tok em u ol sopos dis pala pasin bi log salim tok log ol Me fella talk him you all suppose this fella fashion belong send him talk long all waitman. Olrait mi pala Nippon Nevi i salim bom balus I go bom white man; all right; me-fella Nippon Navy he send him bomb aeroplane he go bomb im dis pala peles ol tupeta bai bai no mo man stap. him this fella place altogether; bye and bye no more man stop. Naba uan Comander na Cheef belog Imperal Nippon Fleet. Number One Commander-in-Chief belong Imperial Nippon Fleet.


Translation: NOTICE The Imperial Japanese Navy has now conquered this place. We have troops along the beaches and in the skies over the greater part of the Group. Our Navy is completely ready for heavy fighting. If anybody in this place doublecrosses the Japanese, they will be fought against. We hear that some men are reporting to the White men of the activities of the Japanese Navy. If anyone finds a man doing this, he must capture him and bring him to the Japanese Naval Commander at Shortland or Buka, and he will be tried. You are warned that if anyone spies on behalf of the White men, the Japanese Navy will bomb his village and kill everyone there. The Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial Nipponese Navy.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The Japanese appear to favour the Fijian type of spelling for representing nasalized stops and nasals followed by stops. [2] Note the use of Nipponis rather than Siapan. [3] In this document there are a number of unusual conventions for deciding on word boundaries. The general standard of language is less impressive than that in the leaflets prepared by the Australians.

Text 59: Translation of Australian Customs reqirements, 1986 An increasing number of New Guinean travellers to Australia have prompted the Australian Customs to issue Tok Pisin translation sheets of information for travellers. The following extract comes from a publication distributed by the Australian Quarantine service in 1986: Sampela bilong ol samting [1] yu noken kisim o karim i go long Australia. Ol kain sik bai i bakarapim ol wel-apus na diwai bilong Australia, i gat sampela bilong ol dispela samting yu no inap bringim long Australia. Em ol i yu no inap bringim:

As bilong em:

Pusiket, dok, na ol liklik wel-apus

Rebis sik nogut tru em i na apus stap long ol wel-apus em i gat hotblut [2].

Pisin, kangal na ol kain kiau.

Niukasel sik: sik bilong ol kakaruk, bai i bakarapim ol pisin bilong Australia na ol kakaruk.

166 Tok Pisin Texts

Kiau: ol kain kiau.

Niukasel sik: wankain sik olsem antap.

Ol kain kain apus bilong solowara.

Sik bilong fis: man i ken kisim dispela sik tu. Dispela sik em i nogut tru.

Pikinini bilong diwai belong planim.

Pikinini bilong diwai em i save karim sik.

Ol binatong [3].

Binatang bilong diwai na wel-apus.

Kraun [4].

As tru bilong bringim ol sik bilong ol welapus na diwai.

Doti/pipia na kiau bilong ol wel-apus.

Planti kain diwai wel-apus na sik bilong man meri.

Susu bilong bulumakau: wantaim jis [5]. Sik bilong leg na maus. Embai i bakarapim tru ol apus. Mit bilong ol apus wantaim longpela sosis. Sik bilong log na maus: sik na raun sosis bilong pik ol i kolim Africa. Pik sikin i hot. Tin mit.

Sik bilong leg na maus, sik bilong pik ol i kolim Afrika. Pik sikin i hot.

Pikinini diwai [6] bilong gaden na taro, Binatang na sik. binatang na narapela liklik yam, kaukau, mami na tapioka. Nupela diwai, han bilong diwai na binatang. Ol kain kain sik bilong diwai nupela flawa na liklik. Han o lip bilong diwai long gaden. Ol kaikai yu larim long balus.

Bai i bringim ol liklik binatang na sik nogut tru bilong gaden. Ol kain kain sik bilong ol wel-apus.

Tasol, ol dispela samting yu ken karim em yet aninit stret long Kwarantin pasin, sapos yu kisim tok orait pastaim long Australian Kwarantin opis. Yu mas kisim dispela tok orait pastaim tru long han bilong yu long taim yu laik wokobaut. Pusiket, dok na ol aparela liklik apus. Kavings, pikinini bilong diwai, kiau bilong ol wel-apus. Nupela diwai, hap-hap hang [7] bilong diwai na nupela han bilong diwai.

Translation: Some of the things you can’t bring into Australia. Because of the disease threat to Australia’s animal and plant life, there are some things which you cannot bring into Australia. These include:


Some things you can’t bring in:

The quarantine risk:

Cats, dogs and other small animals.

Rabies, lethal to all warm-blooded animals and man. Birds, feathers, poultry products. Newcastle disease, fowl plague, would endanger all native birds and poultry. Eggs, egg products. Newcastle disease, fowl plague, would endanger all native birds and poultry. Aquatic life. Fish disease, human parasites, potential pests. Crop seeds. Seed-borne plant diseases. Live insects. Plant and animal pests. Soil. Ideal medium for transporting animal and plant diseases and pests. Cultures, organisms, animal semen and ova. Range of plant, animal and human diseases. Dairy products, including cheese. Foot and mouth disease, a major threat to all livestock. Meat including salami and other sausages. Foot and mouth disease, African swine fever. Canned meat. Foot and mouth disease, African swine fever. Fresh fruit and vegetables. Fruit flies and other insect pests and diseases. Live plants, cuttings, bulbs. A wide range of plant diseases and pests. Straw and straw articles. Pests and diseases of major cereal crops. Food items left over from your aircraft A range of animal diseases. or ship. However, the following items may be imported separately under quarantine conditions provided that you obtain specific prior approval from Australian Quarantine authorities. Such approval must be obtained before you begin your journey. Cats, dogs and other small animals. Cultures, organisms, animal semen and ova. Live plants, cuttings, bulbs.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] This text suffers from a number of problems, one of them being a strong

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[2]

[3]

[4] [5] [6] [7]

tendency to translate morpheme by morpheme. Sampela ol samting would have sufficed as a translation of ‘some of the things’. The concept of ‘warm-blooded’ is not common among the speakers of Tok Pisin and the explanation is therefore likely to be lost on its intended audience. An unconventional spelling for binatang. A major problem of this translation is that Papua New Guineans, unlike Australians, do not categorize animals into pests and non-pests. The suggestion that all small animals (insects and other creepy crawlies) are pests is infelicitous. A non-standard spelling for graun ‘ground, soil’. Kraun is usually the spelling for ‘crown’, an item which is not a restricted import. The non-standard spelling jis for ‘cheese’ can lead to a confusion with yeast which of course happens to be another prohibited import. ‘Vegetable’ in Tok Pisin is sayor. Pikinini diwai are bushes or small trees/ shrubs. In this sentence the non-standard spelling hang ‘branch, hand’ is found alongside han.

Text 60: A recipe, 1987 The following is a recipe for lemon sponge sandwich from Wantok Niuspepa, 5 March 1987. The ingredients are obviously available at the urban consumer store, as it assumes familiarity with store-bought goods such as Flame brand sponge and biscuit flour and the availability of electricity and cooking utensils such as sandwich tins. Flour-based products are not in traditional diets, but baked goods of this type are sought after and easily available in towns like Lae where there are bakeries. In this recipe new expressions such as wait mit ‘egg white’ are coined, while others such as ais suga ‘icing sugar’ are calqued. We bilong Kuk Lemon-Sponge Samis Way of cook lemon sponge sandwich 4-pela kiau (brukim yelo na wait mit i go tuhap) 4 egg (break yellow and white meat pr go two part) tri-kwata mak kap suga three quarter mark cup sugar


wara bilong hap lemon prut water of half lemon fruit wanpela kap Flame sponge-na-bisket plaua one cup flame sponge and biscuit flour We bilong kukim: way of cook: Hatim ges o lektrik aven i go inap 180C (350F). Brukim na tantanim wait Heat gas or electric oven pr go until 180C (350F). Break and beat white mit bilong kiau i go inap em i malumalum. Putim yelo mit bilong kiau meat of egg pr go until it pr soft. Put yellow meat of egg wantaim wara bilong lemon i go wantaim na miksim ol gut. Kisim hap with water of lemon pr go together and mix them good. Get part hap flaua i redi pinis na karamapim dispela miksa bilong kiau na lemon. part flour pr ready comp and cover this mixture of egg and lemon. (No ken tantanim gen). Apim samis na putim ol i go insait long (neg can beat again). Open sandwich and put them pr go inside in samis praipan i gat tupela hap (raunpela hap inap 8 ins). Subim sandwich fry pan pr get two halves (round half up to 8 inches). Put praipan i go insait long aven na larim i stap inap 25 o 30 minit. Autim fry pan pr go inside of oven and let pr stop for 25 or 30 minute. Take out praipan na larim samis wantaim krim (whiped) na rabim ais suga frypan and let sandwich together cream (whipped) and rub ice sugar antap long en. on top of it. Swit moa! Sweet more!

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Translation: 4 eggs (separate the eggs) 3/4 cup sugar juice of half a lemon 1 cup Flame sponge-and-biscuit flour Heat gas or electric oven to 180 C (350F). Break and beat egg whites until soft. Put the egg yolks into the lemon juice and mix well. Get the flour ready and cover the mixture of egg and lemon. (Don’t mix again). Lift the sandwich and pour it into two halves of an 8 inch round sandwich tin. Put the tins in the oven and leave for 25–30 minutes. Remove the tins and let the sandwich cool. Put the two halves together with cream (whipped) and cover the top with icing sugar. Delicious!

Text 61: Translation of the Constitution of Papua New Guinea, 1975 The Constitution, which was adopted on Independence in 1975, has appeared only in English. In his introduction, Mihalic includes the English subtitle ‘an unofficial tentative translation’. However, at the end of his preface there is a note indicating that the translation has been printed with the approval of the First Legislative Council of Papua New Guinea, but that it cannot be used as a basis for instituting legal proceedings against anyone. In court only the English version is binding. Mihalic’s intended audience is the village court magistrate who does not know English. He says he has avoided adopting words and phrases wholesale from English and has tried instead to express the meaning of legal concepts in Tok Pisin. Nevertheless, like Save na Lukim it incorporates many English terms belonging to a technical register, in this case, legalese, e.g., jas ‘judge’, pablik ofisa ‘public officer’, which are phonologically adapted. There are also many other new English borrowings, e.g., promis ‘promise’, onaim ‘honour’, pocket ‘pocket’, fri ‘free’, takis ‘tax’, etc., which have no Tok Pisin equivalent. Others such as pipol alternate with manmeri. Syntactically speaking, the text presents some interesting examples of complexity, such as multiple embeddings of clauses, such as the last sentence, which contains eight clauses. The Constitution is less syntactically conservative than Save na Mekim. For example, 55% of the instances of bai are clause-initial and predicate markers are not obligatory in all the contexts in which they are found in Nupela Testamen and Save na Mekim (see Romaine 1988).


Article from: Konstitusen Bilong Independen Kanrti Papua Niugini Constitution of Independent country Papua New Guinea Tok Orait Long Konstitusen Talk Alright of Constitution Mipela pipel bilong Papua Niugini mipela i bung wantaim na mipela We exc people of Papua New Guinea we exc pr meet together and we i wanpela pipel mipela i onaim ol tumbuna bilong mipela bilong bipo, long pr one people we exc pr honor pl ancestors of us exc of before, for wanem, ol yet i givim strong long mipela na ol yet i kirapim what, they emph pr give strength to we exc and they emph pr begin olgeta pasin bilong mipela. all custom of us exc. Mipela i tenkim [1] ol tumbuna long olgeta gutpela kastam na gutpela tingting We exc pr thank pl ancestors for all good custom and god idea i stap namel long mipela nau, na i bin kamdaun long han bilong ol pr stop middle of us exc now, and pr past come down from hand of pl papa na bubu na tumbuna inap long mipela. Mipela i promis bai father and grandfather and ancestor until to us exc. We exc pr promise fut mipela i holim na bihainim gut na givim long ol manmeri i kam bihain we exc pr keep and follow good and give to pl people pr come behind long mipela, olgeta gutpela pasin bilong bipo na tu olgeta Kristen lo na after us exc, all good custom of before and too all Christian law and pasin mipela i bin kisim pinis. Mipela yet i gat pawa na i gat rait, custom we exc pr past get comp. We exc emph pr got power and pr got right long wanem, mipela i lain pipel i bin stap hia longtaim moa, na for what, we exc pr line people pr past stop here long time more, and

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mipela i fri na mipela i independen. Olsem na nau mipela pipel i we exc pr free and we exc pr independent. Thus and now we exc people pr sanapim dispela nesen i gat pawa bilong bosim em yet. Mipela i tokaut stand up this nation pr got power of govern it emph. We exc pr talk out klia olsem: mipela i stap long han bilong God, na kantri bilong mipela clear thus: we exc pr stop at hand of God and country of us exc Papua Niugini i independen. Papua New Guinea pr independent Fridom — Tambu Long Go Insait Nating Long Haus Bilong Yu. Freedom — Taboo to Go Inside Nothing in House of you. I tambu long sekapim poket bilong man, o samting em i holim, o go pr forbidden to check pocket of man, or something he pr hold, or go insait long banis o haus bilong em, sapos lo i no givim orait long yu. inside in fence or house of him, if law pr neg give alright to you. Lo i tok, yu ken kalapim dispela lo sapos: kot i givim oda long sekapim Law pr say, you may breach this law if: court pr give order to check haus ol polisman i ken sekapim haus na ples bilong yu sapos wanpela house pl policeman pr may check house and place of you if one kot o jas i ting ol i mas mekim, na em i tok tru antap long court or judge pr think they pr must do, and he pr say true on top of dispela na i autim as bilong dispela sekap sapos lo i orait long this and pr declare reason for this check if law pr alright for wanpela pablik ofisa bilong Gavman o wanpela ofisa bilong wanpela one public officer of Government or one officer of one grup o lain i gat wok long helpim wok bilong ol pipel — na ol dispela group or clan pr got work to help work of pl people — and pl this man i mas go insait long banis o graun o haus bilong man bilong sekapim man pr must go inside of fence or ground or house of man of check


wok takis, o sapos Gavman i gat wanpela samting bilong em i stap work tax, or if Government pr got one something of it pr stop long dispela graun, o narapela bikpela lain i holim wok bilong Gavman in this ground, or other big group pr hold work of Government na em tu i gat ol samting bilong em i stap long dispela hap graun sapos and it too pr got pl something of it pr stop in this place ground if lo stret i tok orait long ol ofisa i ken go insait long dispela banis o law emph pr talk alright for pl officer pr may go inside of this fence or haus o graun bilong sekapim ol kago, ol ka na trak, na ol sip na balus house or ground to check pl cargo, pl car and truck and pl ship and plane — bilong painimaut ol i bihainim ol lo bilong bringim samting i kam — to find out they pr follow pl law for bring something pr come insait long kantri, o bilong bringim ol pipel i kam insait; na tu bilong inside of country, or for bring pl people pr come inside and too for sekapim ol pipel i lusim Papua Niugini na tu ol kago samting check pl people pr leave Papua New Guinea and too pl cargo something bilong Papua Niugini mipela i salim i go long ol arapela kantri. of Papua New Guinea we exc pr send pr go to pl other country.

Translation: The Constitution of the Independent Country, Papua New Guinea Permission for Constitution We the people of Papua New Guinea join together. We are one people and we honor our ancestors of before because they gave us strength and they began all our customs. We thank our ancestors for all the good customs and good ideas we have inside us now and have been handed down from fathers, grandfathers and ancestors to us. We promise we will keep them and follow them faithfully and pass them on to the people who come after us, all the good customs we have received. We ourselves have the power and the right because we are the people who have been here a long time and we are free and independent. Thus we the people erect this nation with the power to govern itself. We declare clearly thus: we stand by the hand of God and our country, Papua New Guinea, is independent.

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174 Tok Pisin Texts

Freedom Forbidden to Enter Your House Without Cause It is forbidden to search a man’s pocket or his belongings or to enter his fence or house if the law does not permit you. The law says you may breach this law if the court issues an order to search the house. Policemen may search your house and village if a court or judge thinks they must do it and gives the grounds for this search. If the law permits, an officer or group who is responsible for assisting the people may have to enter the fence, grounds or house of a man to check taxes, or if the Government has goods belonging to it inside this property, or another big group has work pertaining to the Government and it too had something belonging to it in its grounds. If the law permits, the officers may go inside this fence, house or grounds to search all cargo, cars, trucks, ships and planes to find out if they have followed the law for importing goods into the country or for the entry of people, and also to check people leaving Papua New Guinea and also all goods which we export from Papua New Guinea to other countries.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Normally one would expect the paraphrastic tok tenkyu long x.

Text 62: How to take care of pigs This text is an extract from Save na Mekim (Bergmann 1982), a handbook of alternative technology, published by the Melanesian Council of Churches. It is described by its editor as a translation of the Liklik Buk (1977) which appeared only in English (despite its Tok Pisin name). The book contains chapters on animal husbandry, cultivation of traditional crops, healthcare, and house construction, etc. Save na Mekim contains more material than the Liklik Buk, including letters sent in by readers. Mihalic and various Papua New Guineans served as language advisors to the editor. This book is especially interesting because it contains an epilogue in English (pp. 467–8) in the use of Papua New Guinea Pidgin English, discussing editorial policy on matters such as borrowings, spelling, and the problems of discussing technical and culturally alien concepts in Tok Pisin, so that they will be intelligible to the average speaker of Tok Pisin. Although the editor follows Mihalic’s (1971) spellings, the text incorporates many technical English terms like stas ‘starch’, protin ‘protein’, vaitamin ‘vitamin’, mineral ‘mineral’, etc., which were phonologically adapted, but are nevertheless opaque morphologically and semantically.


As far as syntactic norms are concerned, however, the text is conservative. This can be seen in the fact that 81% of the occurence of bai is clause initial rather than preverbal, and the predicate marker is rarely omitted. In the spoken language, most instances of bai are preverbal and the predicate marker is often omitted (see Romaine 1988). Kaikai bilong pik Food of pig Tok bilong tripela kain kaikai Talk of three kind food Tingim gut tok bilong kain kain strong bilong kaikai. Think good talk of kind kind strength of food. Insait long kaikai i gat stas na i gat protin na i gat vaitamin wantaim Inside of food pr got starch and pr got protein and pr got vitamin with mineral. Stas i stap long kaukau na taro na banana na rais na tapiok. mineral. Starch pr stop in yam and taro and banana and rice and cassava. Dispela ol kaikai i save pulapim bel bilong pik. Tasol i no inap helpim This pl food pr hab fill stomach of pig. But pr neg able to help pik i kamap bikpela. Sapos yu givim dispela kain kaikai tasol bai bel pig pr come up big. If you give this kind food only fut stomach bilong pik i solap na bun i stap nating. Protin i stap long ol liklik of pig pr swell up and bone pr stop nothing. Protein pr stop in pl little binatang na snek bilong graun. Em i stap long bin na pinat na soyabin insect and snake of ground. It pr stop in bean and peanut and soybean na mangbin tu. I gat liklik long kon na sogom tu, na long lip kaukau and mungbean too. pr got little in corn and sourgum too, and in leaf yam na long gutpela gras na long kaupi na long lip tapiok. Konsentret bilong and in good grass and in kaupi and in leaf cassava. Concentrate of pik, yumi save baim long stua, em tu i gat planti protin. Protin i helpim pig we inc hab buy in store, it too pr got plenty protein. Protein pr help

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pik i kamap bikpela. Tasol protin i no inap was long kain kain pig pr come up big. However protein pr neg able to guard against kind kind sik. Vaitamin na mineral i stap long olgeta lip na gras na long sickness. Vitamin and mineral pr stop in altogether leaf and grass and in popo na muli na yambo. Em i helpim skin bilong pik i stap smat. pawpaw and citrus and yam. It pr help skin of pig pr stay smart. Wel pik Wild pig I no gat wok bilong lukautim. Tasol em i save bagarapim gaden. Na pr neg got work of look after. However it pr hab destroy garden. And tu, bipo i gat planti wel pik i stap, nau i no gat. Olsem na mobeta too, before pr got plenty wild pig pr stop, now pr neg got. Thus and better yumi no tingim tumas dispela rot. Em i samting bilong bikbus. we inc neg think too much this way. It pr something of big bush.

Translation: Food for pigs Discussion of three kinds of food Pay good attention to this discussion of the many kinds of strength of food. Inside food there is starch, protein, vitamins and minerals. There is starch in yams, taro, bananas, rice and cassava. These foods fill up the pig’s stomach. But they don’t help the pig to grow up big. If you give only this kind of food, however, the pig’s stomach swells up and its bones stay weak. There is protein in little insects and ground snakes. It is in beans, peanuts, soybeans and mungbeans too. There is a little in corn and sourgum too, and in the leaf of the yam, and in sweet grass, and in kaupi and cassava leaf. Pig concentrate that we buy in the store, it too has plenty of protein. Protein helps the pig to grow up big. However, protein is not sufficient to guard against all kinds of sickness. Vitamins and minerals are in all leaves, grass, and in pawpaw citrus and yam. It helps the pig’s skin stay nice. Wild pig There is no work in looking after it. However, it tends to destroy gardens. Also, before there were plenty of pigs, but now there aren’t. However, it’s better if we don’t think too much about this route. This is something for the wild bush.


Text 63: The story of the loaves and fishes (2) This text is the standard version of the loaves and fishes from Nupela Testamen, which has served as a standard for Tok Pisin since its publication in 1967. Jisas i givim kaikai long 4,000 man Jesus pr give food to 4,000 man Long dispela taim bikpela lain manmeri i bung gen, na ol i no gat At this time big group people pr meet again, and they pr neg got kaikai. Na Jisas i singautim ol disaipel i kam, na em i tokim ol, ‘mi food. And Jesus pr call pl disciple pr come, and he pr say them, ‘I sori long dispela ol manmeri. Ol i stap wantaim mi inap tripela de pinis, sorry for this pl people. They pr stop with me until three day comp, na ol i no gat kaikai. Na sapos ol i stap hangre na mi salim ol i and they pr neg got food. And if they pr stop hungry and I send them pr go long haus bilong ol, bai ai bilong ol i raun na ol i pundaun go to house of them, fut eye of them pr round and they pr fall long rot. Sampela ol i bin wokabaut longwe na i kam.’ Na ol disaipel on road. Some they pr past walk for and pr come.’ And pl disciple ol i bekim tok bilong em, i spik [1], ‘dispela hap i no gat man. Na they pr return talk of him, pr speak, ‘this place pr neg got man. And bai yumi inap kisim bret we na yumi givim kaikai long ol dispela fut we inc able to get bread where and we inc give food to pl this manmeri?’ Jisas i askim ol, ‘yupela i gat hamas bret?’ Na ol i people?’ Jesus pr ask them, ‘you pl pr got how much bread?’ And they pr tok, ‘7-pela.’ Na em i tokim ol manmeri, na ol i sindaun long graun. say, ‘seven.’ And he pr say pl people, and they pr sit down on ground. Na em i kisim dispela 7-pela bret, na em i tenkyu long God, na i brukim, And he pr get this seven bread, and he pr thank to God, and pr break,

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na i givim long ol disaipel, bilong ol i tilim. [2] Na ol i tilim and pr give to pl disciple, for them pr to distribute. And they pr distribute long ol manmeri. Na ol i gat wanpela wanpela liklik pis. Na em i tenkyu to pl people. And they pr got one one little fish. And he pr thank long God long dispela, na em i tokim ol disaipel long tilim dispela tu. to God for this, and he pr tell pl disciple to distribute this too. Bihain ol i kaikai inap pinis, ol i bungim olgeta liklik hap i stap yet, After they pr eat enough comp they pr gather all little pr cont, na i pulapim 7-pela basket dispela ol manmeri inap olsem 4,000. Na Jisas i and pr fill seven basket this pl people thus 4,000. And Jesus pr salim ol i go. Na kwiktaim em i kalap long bot wantaim ol disaipel bilong send them pr go. And quickly he pr jump in boat with pl disciple of en, na ol i go long hap bilong Dalmanuta. him, and they pr go to of Dalmanuta.

Translation Jesus gives food to 4,000 people. At this time a great group of people met again and they had no food. And Jesus called for his disciples to come and he spoke to them, ‘I am sorry for all these people. They have been with me for three days and they don’t have any food. And if they are hungry and I send them to their houses they will faint and fall down in the road. Some of them have come from far away.’ And the disciples replied to him saying, ‘there are no people in this area. And when will we be able to get bread and give food to these people?’ Jesus asked them, ‘how much bread do you have?’ And they said, ‘seven’. And he spoke to the people and they sat on the ground. And he took these seven loaves of bread and thanked God, broke them and gave them to the disciples so that they could distribute them. And they distributed them to the people. And they had a few small fish. And he thanked God for this and he told the disciples to distribute these too. After they had eaten enough, they gathered all the pieces that still remained and they filled up seven baskets. These people numbered 4,000. And Jesus sent them away. Then he quickly got into the boat with his disciples and they went to Dalmanuta.


Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The form spik is found mainly in these older texts. Compare Hall (1943: 85): ‘Em i tok i spik: yu no ken grisim mi’ (‘He spoke saying, you can’t get around me by flattery’.) In colloquial Tok Pisin speech is generally introduced by means of tok olsem (‘say these’) which may be reduced to tok se. Mühlhäusler introduces another possible origin for tok se as a condensed version of em i tok i se, where se is from English ‘say’. When the the predicate marker is omitted, se is reinterpreted as a complementizer rather than as an independent word. [2] Tilim, a variant of dilim.

VII. Urban Tok Pisin and the influence of English

Text 64: Code mixing and code switching (PM) Code mixing and code switching is a frequent phenomenon among speakers of urban Tok Pisin. The following texts were recorded by Mühlhäusler in 1976 around Port Moresby: (i) Extracts from a discussion about politics: Nesonelis olsem, olgeta man i mas save longen ya. Wanpela samting Nationalist like that, all people pr must know him emph. One item tu olsem, sam pipel ol i politically minded na mipela sampela olsem yupela thus, some people pl pr politically minded and we exc some like you tu i bin manipulated by others … pl pr past manipulated by others … Ol i ken do whatever they want to. Em nau mi save. O, I don’t like them. They pr can do whatever they want to. emph now I know. O, I don’t like them. So what, laki tru na mi kam. So what, lucky really, and I come. Em ol Morobe siti kaunsil, Lae siti kaunsil, no no, area authority, area emph pl Morobe City Council, Lae City Council, no no, Area Authority, Area authority. Em area authority long Lae ol i vote in favour long yu. Authority. emph Area Authority at Lae they pr vote in favour of you.

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(ii) Extract from a conversation about study habits: A: Mi, I like sleeping during the day. Me, I like sleeping during the day. B:

Tru ya? Mi gat prektikels na mi no save slip. (Is that) true, (tag)? I have practicals and I not hab sleep.

A: Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, after lunch mi save go slip; kirap one Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, after lunch I hab go sleep; get up one o’clock, wok till four, na i go long leksas. o’clock, work until four, and pr go to lectures.

Translations: 1. Everybody knows nationalists like that one. Another thing is that some people are politically minded and others like you lot are manipulated by them. They can do just what they want. I know. Oh, I don’t like them. So what, it was really lucky that I arrived on the scene. The Morobe City Council, the Lae City Council, I mean Area Authority. This Area Authority in Lae voted in your favour. 2. A: I like to sleep during the day. B: Is that so? I have practicals and I usually don’t sleep. A: On Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday I usually sleep after lunch; I get up at one and I work till four and then I go to lectures.

Text 65: Chain letters In this interview Mel Togolo of the University of Papua New Guinea talks with Peter Kilara about the chain letter he received. This conversation was broadcast over the National Broadcasting Commission’s ‘Contact’ programme in 1974. PK:

Nau sen leta i i kamap long long Papua Niu Gini. Ating i Now chain letter pr pr arrive in in Papua New Guinea. I guess pr

gat planti kain sen leta. Wanpela i sen leta yu no yu no baim tasol have many kind chain letter. One pr chain letter you not you not buy but yu salim pas i go long narapela poroman bilong yu. Na narapela yu yu you send letter pr go to other friend of you. And other you you


baim a dispela sen leta na bihain yu salim sen leta long ol narapela pay for ah this chain letter and later you send chain letter to pl other wantok bilong yu a na dispela samting sen leta i i wok long relative/friend of you ah and this thing chain letter pr pr busy at kamap bikpela nau long Papua Niu Gini na ating i gat sampela become big now in Papua New Guinea and I guess pr have some pasin nogut long dispela sen leta. practice unsavoury associated with this chain letter. MT:

Wanem wanem bikpela tintin tru o wari bilong yu long a What what major thought real or concern of you about ah

bringim dispela kain a sen leta i kamap long Papua Niu Gini? bring this kind ah chain letter pr appear in Papua New Guinea? PK:

Ating wanpela wari long sen leta long dispela sen leta i I guess one concern about chain letter about this chain letter pr

gat i gat mani na ol pipol i save baim sen leta. Long dispela sen has pr has money and pl people pr hab pay for chain letter. For this chain leta ating planti man i man i save baim na westim nating mani letter I guess many person pr person pr hab pay for and waste in vain money bilong ol bikos long dispela kain i gat a i gat planti man i i ol of them because at this kind pr have ah pr have many person pr pr they i save westim na i gat tupela o tripela man tasol i win na ol sampela pr hab waste and pr have two or three person only pr win and pl some ma man i baim nating i no save win. per person pr pay for in vain pr not hab win.

Translation: PK: Chain letters are … are appearing now in Papua New Guinea. I guess there are many kinds of chain letters. One kind is not … one does not pay for them but they are sent to one’s friends. And another kind is the one one … pays for ah … this one. You send it to other friends after you have received it. Ah

183

184 Tok Pisin Texts

… and this chain letter business is … is threatening to become a big thing now in Papua New Guinea and I guess there are some unsavoury practices associated with these chain letters. MT:What are your major opinions or concerns about ah … bringing these kinds of chain letters into Papua New Guinea? PK: I guess one concern (I have) about chain letters … these chain letters that have money (in them) and that people pay for this. I guess many people pay for them and waste their money because for this kind ah … there are lots of people who … who waste their money (on them) and there are only two or three people who win and some people who buy them and do not win.

Text 66: A conversation, 1975 This is part of a conversation with a descendant of a Malaysian man who found his way to Papua New Guinea in the early part of last century. The text was recorded by the late Raden S. Roosman in 1975 in Rabaul as part of a study of so-called ‘Ambonese Pidgin English’ that he made while employed as a lecturer in the University of Papua New Guinea. Unfortunately, however, details of the study have never been published, so that the identity of and other details about the speaker of the present text are not known. For present purposes she is identified as ‘F’. F:

Em i laik painim sam yang gel olsem wanpela yang wan so bai He pr want look for some young girl like a young one so fut i gat pikinini na i ken helpim em [1] aut(?). So em i askim papa pr have children and pr can help him out(?). So he pr ask father Sale, ‘yu no dat?’ Sale, ‘you know that one?’

RR:

Yes, aha. Yes, aha.

F:

Askim papa Sale na papa Sale i as … toktok wantaim Nene. ask father Sale and father Sale pr ask … discuss with Nene.

RR:

Aha. Aha.


F:

Em i tokim Nene na Nene i tok, ‘bat em i stap long skul.’ He pr told Nene and Nene pr say, ‘but she pr be in school.’

RR:

(Indistinct- bikpela skul ya). big school foc.

F:

Skul ya. School foc

RR:

Ye. Yes.

F:

Orait na yu(?) [2] save ol kastom na yu mas jes harim Okay and you(?) know pl custom and you must just listen tok. So mama i harim tok na meri telim em em what is said. So mother pr listen what is said and woman tell her she i ounli fiftin. pr only fifteen.

RR:

Aha. Aha.

F:

Na papa iz abaut nili fifti. Thats wot em i tok bat em i And father he was about nearly fifty. That’s what he pr say but he pr no save rili eig bilong em bat i toksave fifti. not know really age of him but pr declared fifty.

RR:

(Indistinct)

F:

A, orait tupela i marit. Wen de marit nau em thats onli mi Ah, okay two pr married. When they married then he that’s only I save long nn hau em i go [3]. From de nau em i plantesin. know about how he pr go. From there then he pr plantation

RR:

Ye. Yes.

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186 Tok Pisin Texts

F:

Orait mi askim, ‘ded wai yu no go bek?’ Mi tok, ‘papa watfo yu no Okay I ask, ‘dad why you not go back?’ I say, ‘dad why you not go bek … go bek long houm? [4]. A, houm bilong yu tru long go back … go back to home? Ah, home of you real in Singapo. Yu no bipo Singapo i seim a?’ Singapore. you know before Singapore pr same eh?’ (Background comment) Em i tok, ‘Mi no laik go bek mo. Maski, mi stap He pr say, ‘I not want go back any more. Nevermind I stay olgeta long (Background discussion). So em i … em i stap completely in … so he pr … he pr stay olgeta nau long … long Rabaul olsem long hia na i from we completely then in … in Rabaul that is at here and pr from where go fes long dablyu a kapenta plantesen ol i kolim ovasia went first to WR Carpenter’s plantation they pr call overseer lukautim tasol take care of only

RR:

Ye, ye. Yes, yes.

F:

lebas(?) bikos em i no ken rit na rait labourers because he pr no able read and write

RR:

Ye, ya. Yes, yes.

F:

Bat em i marit long mama bilong mi na mami i lainim em But he pr married to mother of me and mummy pr teach him liklik nau na lainim em long, yu no, rait sainim nem bilong little then and teach him about, you know, writing sign name of

VII. Urban Tok Pisin and the influence of English 187

em long sek. Em papa. Orait na em i mi askim, ‘wai yu no go him on cheque. That father. Okay and he pr I ask, ‘why you not go bek?’ Na em i tok, ‘sapos mi go bek ol i no mo save long mi back?’ And he pr say, ‘if I go back they pr not any more know me nogut ol i no laikim mi mo.’ Yu no bikos det woz bad they pr not like me any more.’ You know because that was longtaim pinis na em i no laik mo go bek. Na em i tok, ‘tru a long time ago and he pr not like more go back. And he pr say ‘real houm bilong mi Jaho.’ Em i bon de … home of me Jahore.’ He pr born there … RR:

Jahor. Jahore.

F:

Jaho. Ye, bat em i ranawe from Jaho na em i kam stap Jahore. Yes, but he pr run away from Jahore and he pr come stay Singapo. Olsem nau mi save dat Jaho na Singapo iz not the Singapore. So then I know that Jahore and Singapore were not the sem. Bat bipo ai … same. But before I …

RR:

(Comments indistinct … i wan, yes.) … pr one, yes.

F:

I wan. pr one.

RR:

(Comments indistinct)

F:

Em i setl Singapo i ailan. Em i tok … dispela nem (?) em i He pr settled Singapore pr island. He pr say … this name (?) he pr menson (?) a? … na olsem Jaho i bik ples. Na em i tok olsem mention (?) eh? … and thus Jahore pr big place. And he pr say thus

188 Tok Pisin Texts

ol i po tu na i no ken karian long skul. Orait em … afta they pr poor too and he not able carry on at school. Okay he … after da wo mama i ranawe. the war mother pr run away. RR:

After the First World War ya?

F:

Sekon wol wo. Second World War

RR:

Second World War?

F:

Nn, mama i ranawe longen. Yes, mother pr run away from him.

RR:

Aha. Aha.

F:

Orait em nau em wanpela i stap na i wok. Olsem em i ting Okay and so he alone pr stay and pr work. Thus he pr think long mipela na tasol evribodi olsem ol Chainiz olgeta i save gut about us and but everybody like pl Chinese all pr know well longen ol i tok, ‘wai em no go kot?’ Na em i tok, ‘I no about him they pr say, ‘why he not go court’ And he pr say, ‘pr no nid mi kot bikos em i yang meibi em i painim mo gut need I court because she pr young maybe she pr find more good laif. Mi mi old. Bat onli ting mi lukautim ol pikinini bilong mi bai life. I I old. But only think I look after pl child of me fut ol i ken helpim mi.’ Orait em i … i dai long Angarai plantesen [5] they pr can help me.’ Okay he pr … pr die on Angarai plantation long a … Manus, long ailan antap long Manus. on Ah … Manus, on island above Manus.


RR:

Long wanem … wanem yia i dai? In what … what year pr die?

F:

A … naintin foti nain. Ah … 1949.

RR:

1949 a? 1949 eh?

F:

Nn, long Julai. Yes, in July.

RR:

O! Is that so!

F:

Em i dai. He pr die.

Translation F: RR: F: RR: F: RR: F: RR: F:

RR: F: RR: F:

RR: F:

He wanted to look for some young girl, a young one so that he would have children to help him out (?) so he asked Papa Sale, you know him? Yes, aha. He asked Papa Sale and Papa Sale discussed it with Nene. Aha. He told Nene and Nene said that she was still going to school. (Indistinct … this large school.) That school. Yes. All right, and you know the customs and you must just listen to what is said. So mother listened and the woman told her that she [Nene] was only fifteen. Aha. And father was approaching fifty. That’s what he said but he didn’t really know what his age was but he declared it to be fifty. (Indistinct) Ah, so the two of them were married. When they were married then only I know what happened to him from then on (?). From there then he [became] a plantation … Yes. So I asked him, ‘dad, why didn’t you go back?’ I said, ‘dad, why didn’t you go back … go back home? Ah, your real home is in Singapore.’ You

190 Tok Pisin Texts

RR: F: RR: F:

RR: F:

RR: F: RR: F:

RR: F: RR: F: RR: F:

RR: F: RR:

know, before Singapore was the same eh? (Background comment). He said, ‘I don’t want to go back any more. No, I’m going to stay in (background discussion) for ever’. So he … he stayed then in … in Rabaul, that is here. From there he went first to WR Carpenter’s plantation as what is called an overseer, to look after only … Yes, yes. labourers (?) because he couldn’t read or write. Yes, yes. But he married my mother and she taught him a little then and taught him about, you know, writing, signing his name on cheques. That was father. And so he, I asked him, ‘why didn’t you go back?’ And he said, ‘if I go back they wouldn’t recognize me any more and it wouldn’t be good if they didn’t like me any more.’ You know, because it was a long time ago [that he left] and did not want to go back any more. And he said, ‘my real home is Jahore.’ He was born there. Jahore. Jahore. Yes, but he ran away from Jahore and he went to live in Singapore. So then I realized that Jahore and Singapore were not the same. But before I … (Comments indistinct … they were one, yes.) One. (Comments indistinct) He settled in Singapore, which is an island. He said he mentioned that name eh? And so Jahore is a big place. And he said they were poor too and he couldn’t carry on at school. So he … after the war mother ran away. After the First World War? Second World War. Second World War? Yes, mother ran away from him. Aha. And so he was alone then and worked. His only thought was for us but everyone like the Chinese knew him well. They said, ‘why didn’t he go to court?’ And he said, ‘there’s no need for me to go to court because she is young and perhaps will find a better life. As for me I am old. But the only thing [that concerns me] is that I look after the children so that they will be able to help me’. So he, he died on Anchorites plantation on ah … Manus, on an island north of Manus. In what … what year did he die? Ah, 1949. 1949 eh?


F: RR: F:

Yes, in July. Is that so! He died.

Points to note here include: [1] Earlier on the speaker had explained that her father’s first wife was from Java but was sent home when she failed to bear any children. [2] It is not clear exactly what is said here. [3] The go here is obscure unless the intention is to mean something like ‘he was able to keep track of his age thereafter’. [4] The repetition here suggests that the first form of the question in which wai is used is not regarded by the speaker as ‘real’ pidgin. [5] This was apparently the plantation on one of the small Anchorites (or Kaniet) Islands north-west of Manus Island.

Text 67: An account of an accident (SR) In this excerpt Marilyn talks about her work and a frightening experience. She is 25 years old and reasonably well-educated and comes from the Tari area in the Southern Highlands Province. Mi bai stori hau [1] mi bin statim wok bilong mi long rises. I fut talk about how I past start work of me in research. Long nainten seventi et long Januari etin a … sikstin, mi bin stap long In nineteen seventy eight on January eighteen ah … sixteen I past be at … mi bin stap wantaim Pita, Pita Takasur i bin a … pastaim em bin … I past be with Peter, Peter Takasur pr past ah … first he past wok i stap hia na mi pinisim gred nain bilong mi nau mi kam I stap work pr cont here and I finish grade nine of me then I come pr cont long ples na am … mi go askim Dokta Smit antap long Yuropen (?) at village and um … I go ask Doctor Smith up at European (?) Rises Institut na mi go tok olsem mi no … mi bi … mi pinisim gred Research Institute and I go say that I not … I past … I finish grade

191

192 Tok Pisin Texts

nein olsem na mi painim wok na em tok, ‘oke bihain yu ken wok … mi nine thus and I look for work and he say, ‘okay later you can work … I ken painim wok bilong yu yu i tisim ol friskul long antap yerapo(?).’ can look for work for you you pr teach pl preschool at up (?).’ Nau ol i save gatim [2] ol man save dring bia na samting olsem Now they pr hab have pl person hab drink beer and something thus ya [3]. Na mi tisa i stap, haumeni … tu, tri mans samting olsem foc. And I teacher pr be, how many … two three months about thus nau Dokta Smit tok, ‘oke yu ken wok long … long hia.’ Na mi stat wok then Doctor Smith say, ‘okay you can work at … at here. And I start work long dispela hap. Mi wok i go. Mi no save gut long olgeta samting. at this area. I work pr cont. I not know good about all thing. ‘Yu ken wokim olsem olsem’ na mitupela [4] Dokta Smit save ron ron long kar ‘You can do thus thus and we(2) Doctor Smith hab go go in car i go i kam. Olsem mi go nau, wanpela taim mitupela go long … long Pari pr go pr come. Thus I go then, one time we(2) go along … on Pari rot. Mipela go long Pari rot nau na long bris ya dispela hap Pari rot, road. We go on Pari road then and on bridge foc this part Pari road, bris i no gutpela. Na Dokta Smit wantaim [5] a … Dokta Smit bridge pr not good. And Doctor Smith with ah … Doctor Smith wantaim mitupela sindaun long dispela kar i go na bris … wanto(?) bris with we(2) sit in this car pr go and bridge … Wanto(?) bridge em bruk. Bruk nau na klostu … dispela … narapela taia go insait long am … it broke. Broke then and nearly … this … other tyre go inside of um … bruk wanem ya? … bris ya na narapela taia i go long … long arere bilong broke what foc … bridge foc and other tyre pr go on … on side of bris na klostu mitupela Dokta Smit pundaun long dispela hap tasol wanpela bridge and nearly we(2) Doctor Smith fall down at this part but one


… tupela man sanap long dispela hap i stap em pulim mitupela olsem na … two man stand at this part pr cont they pull we(2) thus and mitupela sef Na kam bek, wok pinis, planti man wantaim mipela brukim we(2) safe and come back, work comp, many man with us break dispela … sampela diwai olsem karim i kam bek. [Background question] a:, this … some tree thus carry pr come back. Yes karim i kam bek na fiksim dispela bris na mitupela kam sef long op … carry pr come back and fix this bridge and we(2) come safe to off … a … long stesin na … na mi go long haus. Sapos bris i no wanem? … ah … to station and … and I go to house. If bridge pr not what? … mitupela dai pinis. we(2) die comp.

Free Translation: I’m going to tell the story about how I started work in research. On the 18th ah … 16th January 1978 I was at … I was staying with Pita, Pita Takasur, who was ah … he was here working first. I finished my grade nine and then I went home to the village and was um … I went and asked Dr Smith at the European (?) Research Institute that I didn’t … I had, I had finished grade nine and so I was looking for work. And he said, ‘okay, you can work [here] later, I can get some work for you. You teach the preschoolers up at Yerapo (?), where there are now men who drink beer and similar things. And I was a teacher for how many? … two or three months or so, and Dr Smith said, ‘okay you can work here,’ and I started work in this place. I was working although I didn’t understand everything too well, but Dr Smith said, ‘do it this way and this way.’ And Dr Smith and I used to go driving in the car to and fro. And I went, this particular time we went on … on the Pari road. We were going on the Pari road and on this one section of the road the bridge was no good. And Dr Smith with ah … Dr Smith and I were sitting in this car going along and the bridge … the Wanto (?) bridge collapsed. It broke and we almost … this … the other tyre went down into the um … broke what is it … this bridge, and the other tyre went down on … on the side of the bridge and Dr Smith and I nearly fell down there, but a … two men were standing there and pulled us and so we were safe and came back. And after work together with a lot of men we broke this … some trees down and brought them back [Background question] yes! and brought them back and fixed the bridge up and we came [back] safely to the

194 Tok Pisin Texts

office, to the station and … and I went home. If the bridge wasn’t what? … we would have died.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Hau is now a common item in the developing acrolect of Tok Pisin. Haumeni and sef, which occur later in the text, are also increasingly common items. [2] Gatim is increasingly used for gat in the developing acrolect of Tok Pisin. [3] The socio-geographical details lying behind this last comment are obscure. [4] Note that mitupela is pronounced [mitala]. This is increasingly common in meso- and acrolectal varieties of Tok Pisin. Note also the construction mitupela Dokta Smit. This means ‘we(2) including Dr Smith’ and not ‘we(2) and Dr Smith’. [5] Note that the use of wantaim here and elsewhere in this text means that Dr Smith is included in mitupela. This is not standard Tok Pisin.

Text 68: Interview In this interview Mr Ton Otto, Research Scholar in the Department of Anthropology, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University, is talking to two young female shop assistants, Ms Terry Jumogot and Ms Josephine Pondrilei. Terry comes from Loniu village on Los Negros Island and Josephine from Pere village on the south coast of Manus Island in the Manus Province. Terry is twenty-two years old and Josephine nineteen. They are both well educated. TO:

Wanem nem bilong yu? What name of you?

TJ:

Nem bilong mi em Teri Jumogot. Name of me it Terry Jumogot.

TO:

Yu bilong wanem ples? You of what village?

TJ:

Mi bilong Loniu, long liklik [1] ples insait long [2] Los Negros ailan I of Loniu from small village within Los Negros Island


na i stap long Manus Provins. and pr be in Manus Province. TO:

Na yu gat hamas krismas? And you have how many year?

TJ:

Mi twenti tu yia old. I twenty-two year old.

TO:

Na yu bin go long wanem kain skul? Olsem toktok liklik long And you past go to what kind of school? Like discuss a little about ediukesen bilong yu. education of you.

TJ:

Pastaim tru mi liklik mi stap mi atendim comuniti skul yet long First really I small I be I attend community school still in ples na pinis mi go long wanpela ketlik haiskul mi mekim village and finish I go to a Catholic high school I do gred seven na gred eit na bihain mi kam long provinsol grade seven and grade eight and later I come to provincial haiskul long Manus, em Manus Haiskul, na mi mekim gred high school in Manus, it Manus High School, and I do grade nain na gred ten bilong mi. Na bihain [cough] mipela mekim sampela nine and grade ten of me. And later we do some of … ofa na ol akseptim mi long Hailans Agrikalsol Kolis of … offer and they accept me at Highlands Agricultural College na mi bin go long hap long tupela yia na d … long eiti tu na and I past go to there for two year and d … in eighty two and eiti tri na mi greduet wantaim wanpela setifiket long tropikol eighty three and I graduate with a certificate in tropical agrikalsia. Na mi kam long ples na ol i … kisim mi laik go agriculture. And I come to village and they pr … get I want go

196 Tok Pisin Texts

wok long Simbu tasol mama bilong mi no laik nau na mi stap long work in Chimbu but mother of me not like then and I stay in ples. Em i ting bai mi go na ol Hailans na ol i kilim village. She pr think fut I go and pl Highlands and they pr hit mipela o samting olsem na em pret nau na em tok mi no inap us or something thus and she afraid then and she say I not able go na mi stap. go and I stay. TO:

Wanem nem bilong yu? What name of you?

JP:

Nem bilong mi Josephine Pondrilei. Name of me Josephine Pondrilei.

TO:

Yu bilong wanem ples? You of what village?

JP:

Mi bilong Pere long saut kos bilong Manus. I of Pere on south coast of Manus.

TO:

Yu gat hamas krismas? You have how many year?

JP:

Mi naintin yias. I nineteen years.

TO:

Nau toktok liklik long ediukesen bilong yu. Now discuss a little about education of you.

JP:

A … mi wokim a … mi bin skul long misin skul em mi wokim Ah … I do ah … I past school at mission school that I do gred wan go antap long … inap long sikis na mi bin go atendim a … grade one go beyond … up to six and I past go attend ah … provinsol haiskul long hia, long Lorengau hia. E [3] mi provincial high school at here, in Lorengau here. And/ah(?) I


wokim gred seven up to gred nain tasol na mi ting olsem … olsem mi do grade seven up to grade nine only and I think thus … thus I kam luksave long Bikpela olsem na mi ting olsem i gutpela long mi come find out about God thus and I think thus pr good for me sevim Bikpela instet long mi geinim mo mi go mekim mo stadis serve God instead for me gain more I go do more studies bilong mi so mi bin ranawe long skul na mi bin go long ples. of me so I past run away from school and I past go to village. TO:

Nau yu stap long Lorengau taun. Wanem kain wok bilong yu? Now you stay in Lorengau town. What kind work of you?

JP:

Mi wok long Christian Bookshop nau. I work in Christian Bookshop now.

TO:

Toktok liklik long dispela wok. Wanem kain wok yu wokim? discuss a little about this work. What kind work you do?

JP:

O, mi, mi olsem selspeson mi save olsem salim buk long ol man Oh, I, I like salesperson I hab like sell book to pl person wantaim sampela aitems tu na … olsem mi hamamas long wok long with some items too and … thus I happy about work in dispela shop bikos at the sem taim bai mi witnes long ol … ol this shop because at the same time fut I witness prep pl … pl man ol i kam insait na olsem mi wokim long sevim Bikpela tu. person they pr come inside and thus I do at serve God too.

TO:

A, yu wok long Christian Bookshop tu na yu gat seim wok Ah, you work at Christian Bookshop too and you have same work longen o wok bilong yu i narakain? in it or work of you pr different?

TJ:

Mitupela wantaim mekim seim wok tasol. Mipela salim ol buk bilong We (2) together do same work only. We sell pl book of

198 Tok Pisin Texts

lotu nabaut [4] na sampela ol samting tu mipela i salim insait religion kinds and some pl something too we pr sell inside tu. I no ol buks tasol ol kloz na begs na kain samting nabaut too. pr not pl books only pl clothes and bags and kind thing kinds of mipela i salim tu long kisim mani na helpim lotu bilong mipela we pr sell too for get money and help church of us long ran gut. for run well. TO:

Tasol nem i Bookshop tasol. Bilong wanem yu no senisim nem? But name pr Bookshop only. For what you not change name?

TJ:

Aha, na nem Bookshop tasol mipela salim ol buks tasol na i no Aha, and name Bookshop only we sell pl books only and pr not bin gat … mipela i no kisim planti mani long dispela na mipela past have … we pr not get much money from this and we i kisim ol sampela samting i kam insait long kisim mani tu. Olsem pr get pl some thing pr come inside for get money too. Like buks tasol ol man i no baim planti. I no gat planti man na books only pl person pr not buy many. pr not have many person and olsem ol i no baim planti buks na … mipela kisim ol beg thus they pr not buy many books and … we get pl bags samting bilong salim na kisim mani tu long dispela. Na and other things for sell and get money too for this. And planti man i bin komplen long dispela na ol [5] tok bookshop many person pr past complain about this and they say bookshop na wai na yupela salim ol kain kain samting insait tasol? Mipela i and why and you pl sell pl kind kind thing inside only? We pr tok, ‘I no gat rong long dispela. Mipela i salim ol samting bilong say, ‘pr not have wrong with this. We pr sell pl thing for


kisim mani long helpim wok bilong Bikpela insait long provins.’ get money for help work of God inside province.’ TO:

Hamas taim yu bin wok long bukshop? How much time you past work in bookshop?

TJ:

Mi stat wok long eiti faiv long Epril namba nain na inap dis yia I start work in eighty five in April number nine and up to this year mi wok yet. Ating wanpela yia bilong mi i stap nau na sampela I work still. Perhaps one year for me pr be now and some mans. months.

TO:

Yu save laikim wok o nogat? You hab like work or not?

TJ:

Mi enjoim long wok long bukshop na salim ol kain kain buks I enjoy work in bookshop and sell pl kind kind books nabaut na ol planti kain nupela samting we i no stap long Manus kinds of and pl many kind new thing which pr not be in Manus mipela gat long buksop na planti man tu ol interes long we have in bookshop and many person too they interest to kam. Maski ol planti man iI komplen tasol stil gutpela samting come. Although pl many person pr complain but still good thing longen nau ol planti man i save kam. Na mi enjoim wok bilong in it now pl many person pr hab come. And I enjoy work of mi long bukshop. Salim ol buks i go long ol man na helpim ol me in bookshop. Sell pl books pr go to pl person and help them tu long tok bilong Bikpela. too in talk of God.

TO:

Na bipo yu stap long ples o long skul tasol? And before you stay at village or in school only?

200 Tok Pisin Texts

TJ:

Mi stap long … taim mi pinis long kolis mi kam long ples nau mi I stay in … when I finish from college I come at village then I stap tasol long ples na ol lain long wanem? … lotu bilong mipela stay only at village and pl group in what? … church of us ol i painim ol man long wok long bukshop nau na wanpela they pr look for pl person for work in bookshop then and a misinari bilong mipela I kam na tokim mi na em I kam kisim missionary of us pr come and told me and he pr come get mi. Eiti fo mi stap nating long ples, wan hol yia, eiti faiv me. Eighty four I stay just in village, one whole year, eighty five Epril nau ol i kam kisim mi na mi kam wok long bukshop. April then they pr come get me and I come work in bookshop.

TO:

Na laif long ples na laif long liklik taun olsem Lorengau i and life in villages and life in small town like Lorengau pr narakain. Na yu lukim wanem differens namel long tupela? different. And you see what difference between two?

TJ:

Laif long ples em save kain … kain bilong mipela long ples em mipela Life in village it hab kind … kind of us in village it we … taim bilong wok mipela i wok. Sapos no gat wok mipela i stap … time for work we pr work. If not got work we pr stay nating tasol. Na long taun em taim yu gat wok olsem moning yu just only. And in town it when you have work like morning you mas kirap na kam mekim wok na apinun go bek. Na sampela must get up and come do work and afternoon go back. And some we ol i … olsem ol i stap long sports na kain olsem ol i who they pr … like they pr be in sports and kind like that they pr go pilai. Na mipela sampela no gat … mipela stap nating em mipela go play. And we some not have … we stay just that we


stap tasol. Wanem kain wok bilong haus mipela mekim mipela mekim, stay only. What kind work of house we do we do, no gat, mipela stap tasol. Na sampela nait em mipela save go mekim not have, we stay only. And some night that we hab go do feloship nabaut long lotu bilong mipela. So(?) [6] olsem long Baibel fellowship kinds of in church of us. So like in Bible stadi na kain olsem. Long nait mipela i gat ol grup feloship study and kind like that. At night we pr have pl group fellowship mipela save go atendim. Tasol long ples em i orait. Mi ting em i we hab go attend. But in village that pr okay. I think it pr orait bikos … long taun tu no gat planti wantok na mipela okay because … in town too not have many relative/friend and we stap tasol long haus na i no gutpela tumas na sapos mi go [7] long stay only in house and pr not good very and if I go to ples em kaikai pinis na go raun stori nabaut. Olsem em [8] kain village that eat comp and go around yarn about thus that kind bilong ples. Em nau. of village. That then. TO:

Yu bin stap long ples tu bipo yu kam long taun long wok long You past stay in village too before you come to town to work in bukshop? bookshop?

JP:

Yes. Yes.

TO:

Yu bin stap hamas taim long … long ples? You past stay how much time at … at village?

JP:

Mi stap olsem wan yia tasol long ples na bihain mi kam wok long I stay like one year only in village and later I come work in

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bukshop. bookshop. TO:

Na wanem tingting bilong yu long laif bilong ples na laif bilong … And what thought of you about life of village and life of … long taun? in town?

JP:

A, mi lukim difrens long tupela em wanpela samting em long ples Ah, I see difference in two that one thing that in village mipela i … mipela i fri oslem mipela i … i no gat taim we we pr … we pr free like we pr … pr not have time that bai mipela i olsem bihainim taim bilong gavman a? Olsem mipela fut we pr like follow time of government eh? So we i wok long laik bilong mipela. Na tu mi painim gutpela a pr work according to wish of us. And too I look for good ah … gutpela long mi stap long ples tu em i no gat raskol na olsem … good for me stay in village too it pr not have raskol and like ol bikpela problems olsem i save hepen long taun. I no save bisi pl major problems like pr hab happen in town. pr not hab busy tumas long … long ples olsem long taun planti kain kain man na ol very in … in village like in town many kind kind person and pl samting olsem. thing like that.

TO:

Raskol i kamap pinis long Lorengau? Raskol pr emerge comp in Lorengau?

JP:

Yes, kamap pinis. Olsem ol i save brek en enta long shops nabaut Yes, emerge comp. Like they pr hab break and enter in shops round na traim long repim ol meri. Tasol olsem long ples i no gat about and try rape pl woman. But like that in village pr not have


dispela. this. TO:

Na i gat geng tu long … long Lorengau? And pr have gang too in … in Lorengau?

JP:

I gat. I gat. I gat ol liklik grups i stap. Ol gengs we ol i pr have. pr have. pr have pl small groups pr be. pl gangs that they pr save mekim ol dispela pasin. hab do pl this behaviour.

TO:

Na sapos wanpela meri i laik wokabaut long nait i sef liklik And if a woman pr want walk about at night pr safe a little o i nogat? or pr not?

JP:

Mi no ting bikos long pastaim em i orait, em i sef, olsem ol I not think because at first it pr okay, it pr safe, like pl meri ken wokabaut long nait ol yet bat distaim mipela i woman can walk about at night they themselves but now we pr save harim long nius olsem a … ol manki save repim ol meri long hab hear on news that ah … pl boys hab rape pl woman on rot. So mi no ting em i sef tumas long ol meri wokabaut ol road. So I not think it pr safe very for pl woman walk about they yet long nait. themselves at night.

TO:

Na sapos yu laik wokabaut yu go wantaim planti meri o yu And if you want walk about you go with many woman or you wokim olsem wanem? O yu stap long haus tasol? do like what? Or you stay in house only?

JP:

O, sapos mi laik wokabaut long nait bai mi ken wokabaut wantaim Oh, if I want walk about at night fut I can walk about with

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ol sampela frens bilong mi, olsem sampela ol brathas bilong mi. Sapos pl some friends of me, like some pl brothers of me. If nogat mi ken wokabaut wantaim ol planti meri. I no mi tasol. not I can walk about with pl many woman. pr not me only.

Free translation: TO: TJ: TO: TJ: TO: TJ: TO: TJ:

TO: JP: TO: JP: TO: JP: TO: JP:

What’s your name? My name is Terry Jumogot. What village are you from? I’m from Loniu, a village on Los Negros Island in Manus Province. And how old are you? I’m twenty-two years old. And what kind of a school did you go to? Tell us a bit about your educational background. In the very beginning, when I was still small, I went to the village community school, and after that I went to a Catholic high school where I did grade seven and grade eight. Later, I came to the provincial high school on Manus, that’s Manus High School, and I did my grade nine and grade ten there. And after that [cough] we did some … received offers to go to the Highlands Agricultural College, and I was accepted and went there for two years. That was in 1982 and 1983, and I graduated with a certificate in tropical agriculture. Then I went home and they got me to go and work in Chimbu, but my mother didn’t want me to, and so I stayed in the village then. She thought that if I went the Highlanders’d kill us or something similar and so she was afraid then and said I couldn’t go so I stayed. What’s your name? My name’s Josephine Pondrilei. Where do you come from? I’m from Pere on the south coast of Manus. How old are you? I’m nineteen years old. Now tell us a bit about your educational background. Ah … I did ah … I went to school at a mission school where I did grade one and beyond … up to grade six. Then I went to the ah … provincial high school here in Lorengau. [There] I did grade seven up to grade nine only, and then I thought that I’d come and find out about God, and so I thought it would be good to serve God instead of acquiring more for myself by going and pursuing my studies further. So I ran away from school and went back to the village.


TO: JP: TO: JP:

TO: TJ:

TO: TJ:

TO: TJ: TO: TJ:

TO: TJ:

Now you’re in Lorengau. What kind of work do you do? I work in the Christian Bookshop. Tell us a little bit about this work. What kind of work you do. Oh, I, I’m a salesperson. I sell books and other items too to people and … and I’m pleased with the work in this shop because I can be a witness [for God] to the … the persons who come in [to the shop] while at the same time serving God. Ah you work in the Christian Bookshop too, and do you do the same work in it [as TJ] or is your work different? The two of us just do the same kind of work. We sell different kinds of religious books and some other things as well in here. It’s not just books but clothes, bags and similar different kinds of things. We sell them too to get money and to help our churches run well. But the name says it’s a bookshop. Why haven’t you changed it? Aha, the name is ‘bookshop’, but we sell books, only books, and there hasn’t been … we did make much money from that, and so we brought in other things to get money too. People don’t buy many books. There aren’t many people and so they don’t buy many books, and we got bags and the like to sell and get money from them too. And lots of people complain about this. They say [we call it a] bookshop yet we sell different kinds of things inside. We reply that there’s nothing wrong with that. We sell things to get money to help God’s work in the province. How long have you been working in the bookshop? I started work in 1985 on April 9th and I’m still here. I guess it’s a year and a few months. Do you like the work or not? I enjoy working in the bookshop and selling different kinds of books and many other kinds of new things which are not to be found in Manus and which we have in the bookshop. And many people are interested in coming too. Although many people complain there are still good things in it and many people come. And I’m enjoying my work in the bookshop, selling books and clothes to people and helping the word of God. And before you were just at home or at school? I was in … when I finished college I went home, and then I was just staying there and the members of what? … of our church group were looking for people to work in the bookshop, and then one of our missionaries came and spoke to me and he came and got me. During 1984 I was just staying in the village, for a whole year, and in April 1985 they came and got me and I came to work in the bookshop.

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TO: TJ:

TO: JP: TO: JP: TO: JP:

TO: JP: TO: JP: TO: JP:

And life in the villages … and life in a small town like Lorengau is different. And what differences do you see between the two? Live in the village is usually kind of … our life in the village is … when it’s time to work we work. If there’s nothing to do we just sit around doing nothing. And in town when you have work you have to get up in the morning and come and work and then go back in the afternoon. And some, like those who engage in sports and similar things, go and play. And some of us don’t have … we just stay, not doing anything in particular. Whatever housework we have to do we do it. If we don’t have any we just sit around doing nothing in particular. And sometimes at night we go and have different kinds of fellowship within our church, for example, Bible study and similar things. At night we have group fellowships and we go and attend that. But it’s not bad in the village. I think it’s okay because in town too there are not many relatives/friends and we just stay in the house and it’s not very good. And if I go to/am in(?) the village I go around yarning here and there after dinner. That’s the way it is in the village. That’s the difference. You were at home in the village too before you came to town to work in the bookshop? Yes. How long were you at … at home in the village? I was there for something like one year and then I came to work in the bookshop. And what do you think about life in the village and life of … in town? I see differences between the two. One thing about being in the village is we … we are free. We … there’s no such thing as having to do things according to a government schedule, eh? We just work according to our wishes. And I think it’s good ah … for me to be in the village, and that there are no raskols and similar major problems like one finds in towns. One’s not so busy in the village as one is in town and there’s not the many different kinds of people and similar things one finds in the towns. Have raskols appeared in Lorengau? Yes, already. They break and enter shops around about and try to rape women. But there’s none of that in the village. And there are gangs as well in Lorengau? There are. There are. There are small groups. Gangs which act like that. And if a woman wants to walk about at night is she reasonably safe or not? I don’t think so, because in the beginning it was okay, it was safe, so women could walk about at night by themselves. Now we hear on the news that ah … boys are raping women on the road. So I do not think it’s very safe for women to walk about at night by themselves.


TO: JP:

And if you want to walk about you go together with a lot of women, or what do you do? Or do you just stay in the house? Oh, if I want to walk about at night I could go with some of my friends, for example, my brothers. If I don’t have any I could go together with a lot of women, not just on my own.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Although the speaker uses liklik here she does not mean that it is a small village, liklik is used to contrast the place with the larger district name (such as ‘Los Negros’ in this case). [2] Loniu is actually on the south coast of Los Negros Island. The speaker uses insait long here merely to refer to the fact that Loniu is on the island not in its interior. [3] This is very short and may be either a shortened form of na ‘and’ or is a shortened form of ah, a hesitation form. [4] Note the use of nabaut here and elsewhere. It modifies the noun and not the verb and means ‘different kinds of’, which is normally expressed by kain kain. [5] Na ol is very brief and devoiced. [6] What is said here is obscure but it sounds most like so. [7] What is said here is also unclear. The recorder is of the opinion that it is stap but others hear go. [8] These two words are run together and not very clear.

Text 69: Narrative (SR) This is a narrative of personal experience and the speaker is a twelve year old boy from Madang. There are many English borrowings such as enjin, hospital (cf. Tok Pisin haus sik), fain aut (cf. Tok Pisin painimautim), injekshin (cf. Tok Pisin sut). Again broad phonetic transcription has been used to signal nonstandard pronunciations. Mipla go lon Lig nau. ‘Pla go nau, mipla kambek, kambek lo ia We exc go to Lig now. We exc go now, we exc come back, come back to here nau. Balus, balus nogut na noe tri enjin Daglis. Mipla kam now. Plane, plane no good and number three engine Douglas. We exc come

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noeu, wanpla enjin nogut nau. Mipla ron lo tu enjin toeshol kam noe now, one engine no good now. We exc run on two engine only come now mipla kham khamap loe ia. Nau, ‘anti blomi ol poisinim em nau. Em we exc come come up at here foc. Now aunty of me they poison her now. She sik nogut tru noe ol go lo, ol go lo hospitoel nau. Ol lae fainaut [1] sick no good true now they go to, they go to hospital now. They want find out wanem kain sik nae, no nap. Nau, ol go nau, ol putim em nau, ol what kind illness now, neg able. Now, they go now, they put her now, they loeik, wonim em, ol laeig giwi em injekshin nau. Ol gim em injekshin pinis want, what it, they want giver her injection now. They give her injection comp nau, ol tokim em lo slip. Neim silip nau. Moning em kirav nau. now, they tell her to sleep. And she sleep now. Morning she get up now. Hoem, ol la-, em orait, em go lo peles nau, ol shoempla lain krosim im. And, they want, it alright, she go to village now, they same clan anger her. Em nau, em kambek loe aus sik nau, em silip. Ol dokta tokim em, ‘yu That now, she come back to hospital now, she sleep. pl doctor tell her, ‘you silip. Inap tumoro.’ Noe im silip nau. Tumoro moning nau, em dai. sleep. Till tomorrow.’ And she sleep now. Tomorrow morning now, she die. Naeu mawa blomi arim nau, mam blomi i go lo Mosbi. N’em go lukim And mother of me hear now, mother of me pr go to Moresby. And she go see em nau. Ol, ol, wanim eya, pasta kam, em prei em finish nau. Ol her now. They, they, what foc, pastor come, he pray he finish now. They planim em nau, ma blomi kambek na em stori long mipla. Stori lo bury her now, mother of me come back and she story to us exc. Story to mipfloe na miplae, mipla sori nogut turu. Na miplae stap. us exc and we exc, we exc sorry no good true. And we exc stop.


Translation: We went to Lig. We went and then we came back here. The plane was not functioning. It was a three engine Douglas. We came and one engine was not functioning, so we ran on only two engines and we landed here. Now my aunt, who was poisoned, she was very sick. They went to the hospital now. They wanted to find out what kind of illness she had, but they couldn’t. So they went now, they put her in now. They wanted to give her an injection now. They gave her an injection. They told her to sleep and she slept. In the morning she got up. She was alright. She went to her village. Some of her relatives made her cross and she came back to the hospital. She slept. The doctor told her, ‘you sleep until tomorrow.’ She slept, then in the morning she died. My mother heard about it and she went to Moresby. She went to see her. The pastors came. They prayed for her and they buried her. My mother came back and told us. She told us and we were very sorry. Now we’re here.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Normally painimaut is the expected form.

Text 70: Billy Goats Gruff (SR) The speaker is an eleven year old girl from Madang, who was born in Port Moresby. She speaks both her mother’s Tok Ples and Tok Pisin. This story is notable for its use of code-switching into English to animate the dialogue of the goats. The child heard this story in school in English. Mi gat stori blo ‘Billy Goats Gruff’. Wanpla taim i gat tripla got [1], i gat I got story of ‘Billy Goats Gruff’. One time pr got three goat pr got mama got wantaim tupla pikinini blem, ol save stap antap lo wanpla mother goat with two children of her, they hab stop on top of one maunten na disla … wanem ia planti taim san i kam, planti taim san sa mountain and this … what foc plenty time sun pr come, plenty time sun hab kamap na draim gras. Na wanpla taim nau ol laik go painim kaikai, ol come up and dry grass. And one time now they want go find food, they laik go painim gras, na lo dislap ia i gat wanpla bris na andanit lo like go find food, and in this place pr got one bridge and underneath of

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disla bris i gat wanpla trol sa sta andanit lem. Na trol ia i no this bridge pr got one troll hab stop underneath of it. Now troll foc pr neg sa laikim ol ol narapla man mas go antap pinis, go antap lo disla bris. hab like them pl other man must go on top comp, go on top of this bridge. Na disla liklik got ia, lasbon got em wokabaut i kam na disla trol ia And this little goat foc, last born goat it walk pr come and this troll foc kirap na em harim na em kirap na em tok, ‘who are you?’ get up and he hear and he get up and he say, ‘who are you?’ Em kirap na tok, liklik got ia kirap na tok ‘I am the small goat.’ He get up and say, little goat foc get up and say ‘I am the small goat.’ Na em kira na tok, ‘go away.’ And he get up and say, ‘go away.’ Na liklik got ia kira na siksti [2] tasol go lo hapsait. Em klop klop tasol And little goat foc get up and sixty go to other side. He clop clop just go. Na em go lo hapsait ia em kaikai gras i stap na bihain na sekan go. and he go to other side foc he eat grass pr stop and later and second got. Disla tin got ia i kam na em kira na em go antap lo wanem ia goat. This thin goat foc pr come and he get up and he go on top of what foc brij i go na trol ia kira na tok, ‘who are you?’ bridge pr go and troll foc get up and say, ‘who are you?’ Na em kira na tok, ‘I am the thin goat.’ And he get up and say, ‘I am the thin goat.’ Na disla thin got ia kira na trol ia kira na tok olsem. Trol ia kam And this thin goat foc get up and troll foc get up and say thus. Troll foc come ausait na raunim em go lo apsait ia em go apsait. Na las got i outside and chase him go to other side and he go outside. And last goat pr kam, ted got mama got i kam tasol, em wokabaut isi tasol go antap come, third goat mother goat pr come only, she walk easy just go on top


na em kira na tok, ‘who are you?’ and he get up and say, ‘who are you?’ ‘I am the fat goat.’ ‘I am the fat goat.’ Em kam antap ia, em laik faitim [3] em, em laik fait na em kira na tok, He come on top foc, he like hit her, he like hit and she get up and say, ‘OK kam, kam traim.’ ‘OK come, come try.’ Em kam antap na tupla laik fait ia nogat, disla fat got ia em bampim em He come on top and two like hit foc neg, this fat goat foc she bump him na em go insaid lo wara na em wokabaut go antap lo hapsait na em and he go inside of water and she walk go on top to other side and she kaikai gras i stap. Disla trol ia i no sa sta andanit lo disla brij eat grass pr stop. This troll foc pr neg hab stop underneath of this bridge ia gen, em go pinis. foc again, he go comp.

Translation: I’ve got a story about Billy Goats Gruff. Once upon a time there were three goats, there was a mother goat and her two children. They lived on top of a mountain, and there was plenty of sunshine and the sun dried the grass. Now, one time they wanted to go looking for food. They wanted to look for grass. In this area there was a bridge, and underneath this bridge there was a troll who stayed under it. The troll did not like other animals. Other people had to walk over this bridge. Now the little goat, the last born goat came and the troll got up. He heard him and he said, ‘who are you?’ He said this, and the little goat said, ‘I am the small goat’. Now the troll said, ‘go away’. Then the little goat raced over to the other side. He went ‘klop klop’ as he went. So he went to the other side and was eating grass and then came the second goat. This thin goat came and went onto the bridge, and the troll said, ‘who are you?’ And he said, ‘I am the thin goat’. Now the thin goat said this, and the troll came out and chased him over to the other side. He went to the other side. Now the last goat came, the third goat, the mother goat. She walked carefully onto the bridge and the troll said, ‘who are you?’ ‘I am the fat goat.’ The troll came on top of the bridge and he wanted to

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fight with her, and she said, ‘OK, come on, try’. The troll came on top and the two were about to start a fight, but the fat goat rammed him and he fell into the water, and she went to the other side and was eating grass. After that the troll didn’t stay under the bridge anymore. He went away for good.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The traditional term is meme, which may be onomatopoeic (cf. also Tolai me (me), which may also be onomatopoeic). [2] This is an expression taken from motoring (to go 60 miles an hour). It may be used either with or without go or givim, e.g., em givim siksti long hapvait, em go siksti long hapvait. [3] The usual form is pait.

VIII. New written genres

Text 71: Newspaper articles, 1951 After the Second World War the government sponsored a number of local newspapers in Tok Pisin; these were widely read and were extremely popular. However, following unfavourable comments from visiting United Nations experts, dissemination of printed materials in Tok Pisin was abandoned in the mid-1950s. The following items were found in the Rabaul News of 20th January 1951: Local and General: Darius To Mamua i lusim Rabaul last [1] Tuesday, 16th January igo Talasea Darius To Mamua pr leave Rabaul last Tuesday, 16th January pr go Talasea long ship m.v. ‘Stradbrook’. Baimbai igo kesim family bilong em na on ship m.v. ‘Stradbrook’. fut pr go fetch family of him and baimbai [2] ikam bek gen Rabaul na baimbai igo teach long Keravat fut pr come back again Rabaul and fut pr go teach at Kerevat Education Centre. Education Centre. Last Tuesday, 16th January, tu(2)pela teachers ia tupela i lusim Rabaul long Last Tuesday, 16th January, two teachers emph two pr leave Rabaul in balus ‘Catalina’ baimbai tupela igo teach long Buin Education Centre em — plane ‘Catalina’ fut two pr go teach at Buin Education Centre it (is) William To Kanamet of Tavui wantem waif [3] bilong em na Peter To Urami William To Kanamet of Tavui with wife of him and Peter To Urami

214 Tok Pisin Texts

of [4] Matupit. of Matupit. Akuila Tubal of Raluana i gerap igo Mioko last Wednesday, 17th January Akuila Tubal of Raluana pr start pr go Mioko last Wednesday, 17th January long sel bot. Baimbai em igo teach long Mioko Village Higher School. in sailing boat. fut he pr go teach at Mioko Village Higher School.

Translation: Darius To Mamua left Rabaul last Tuesday the 16th of January and went to Talasea on the ‘Stradbrook’. He will collect his family and return to Rabaul where he will be teaching at the Kerevat Education Centre. Last Tuesday, the 16th January, two teachers left Rabaul on the airliner ‘Catalina’. They will teach at the Buin Education Centre. They are William To Kanamet of Tavui and Peter To Urami of Matupit. Akuila Tubal from Raluana went to Mioko Island in a sailing boat last Wednesday, 17th of January. He will be teaching at the Mioko Village Higher School.

Village News: Raluana: Opim Niupela School House bilong Raluana Village Higher School Opens New School House of Raluana Village Higher School by K. Joe Tiotam, Teacher-In-Charge Next wik long Friday, 26th January, 1951 baimbai oli opim niupela School Next week on Friday, 26th January, 1951 fut they open new School House long Raluana Village Higher School. Long despela dei baimbai igat ol House at Raluana Village Higher School. On this day fut pr exist pl Village Choirs [5] na ol School Choirs oli sing long morning, na long Village Choirs and pl School Choirs they sing in morning, and in avinun baimbai i gat bigpela singsing namel long ologeta people long afternoon fut pr exist big dance among of all people of


Raluana wantem ol school boys [5] na girls. Nanga-Nanga Village Council em Raluana with pl school boys and girls. Nanga-Nanga Village Council it i singaut long sampela school baimbai oli kam kamap tu wantem ol choirs pr invite prep some school fut they come arrive too with pl choirs na singsing bilong ol long despela dei. Em neim bilong ol despela school and dance of them on this day. emph name of pl this school ia istap hia daon below: emph are here down below: Toma … Toma …

Translation ‘A new schoolhouse will be opened at Raluana Village Higher School’ Next week, on Friday 26th January 1951, a new schoolhouse will be opened at Raluana Village Higher School. On this day the village choirs and school choirs will sing in the morning and in the afternoon there will be a big celebration for all the villagers and the boys and girls of Raluana School. The Nanga Nanga village council have invited a number of schools to come with their choirs and join the celebrations on this day. Here are the names of the schools that have been invited: Toma …

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] This text is characterised by numerous English spellings and items borrowed from English. At the time it was thought that by doing this Tok Pisin could be brought closer to English and eventually merged with it. This deliberate policy of the Rabaul News and similar publications promoted the development of anglicized urban varieties of Tok Pisin and the gap between urban and rural speakers of the language. [2] Note that the full form baimbai is chosen as the future marker rather than a reduced version such as bambai or bai, which were also around in spoken Tok Pisin at the time. [3] An early attempt to get rid of the undesirable connotations of meri ‘indigenous woman’. [4] The introduction of the English preposition here leads to greater variability of Tok Pisin rather than a new form which is consistently closer to English. Note that bilong ‘of ’ continues to be used elsewhere in this text.

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[5] Note the introduction of the plural ending -s in loan words such as ‘choir’ and ‘boy’. The preservation of the original plural marker ol before the noun phrase leads to greater redundancy.

Text 72: A letter to the Editor, 1971 Whereas most early newspapers did not publish readers’ letters, and apparently did not get much feedback from their readers, Wantok Niuspepa, published fortnightly from the late 1960s, made a much greater impact. A couple of pages of readers’ letters are found in most issues and many more unpublished letters were received by the editors of Wantok. Here follows an example of an unpublished letter written in June 1971, which illustrates the considerable linguistic and stylistic sophistication of its writer, as well as the writer’s awareness of social and political issues. 4th June 1971 Dear Edita, Dear Editor, Mi laik toktok liklik long wanpela samting ino stret long eye bilong mi. I want talk little bit about one item pr not correct in eyes of me. Mi lukim planti yangpela meri oli save pulim tang, long taim oli lukim I see many young women they hab stick out tongue, at time they see yangpela boys. Dispela ino mi wanpela tasol lukim? Nogat, planti manmeri young boys. This pr not me alone only see (it)? No way, many people bilong olgeta ples oli save lukim dispela pasin bilong pulim tang. from all places they hab see this fashion of sticking out tongue. Tasol mi lukim long ai bilong me ino stret tru. Pasin bilong But I see with eye of me pr not correct at all. Fashion of pulim tang i gat planti as i stap long pulim tang. Emi sticking out tongue pr got many reasons pr exist for sticking out tongue. It

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gutpela long pulim tang na mekim pani long man i ken lukim na good to stick out tongue and make fun of man pr can look (at it) and lap long em. Tasol sampela pulim tang long paulim man tasol [1]. Mi laugh about it. But some stick out tongue to corrupt man only. I tok sapos oli pulim tang olsem, bai kandri bilong yumi ino say: if they stick out (their) tongue like this, then country of us inc pr not inap kisim self gavaman. Bilong wanem? Dispela kain pasin i save able get self government. Why? This kind (of) fashion pr hab brukim lo bilong gavaman na lo bilong mission. Dispela kain pasin break law of government and law of mission. This kind (of) fashion oli brukim namba 6 kamament. Mi no sutim tok [2] long yupela they break 6th commandment. I not shoot talk at you pl olgeta brukim 6 kamament, mi tu mi save brukim 6 kamament. everyone breaks 6th commandment, I too I hab break 6th commandment. Mi laik wan tok ken ridim dispela tok bilong mi. Na yupela ken printim long I want friends can read this talk of mine. And you pl can print (it) in Wantok News. Mi tok oli meri traiim na isi liklik long pulim Wantok News. I say pl women try and easy a bit on sticking out tang. Em tasol. tongue. That’s all.

Translation: Dear Editor, I would like to comment on something which I do not feel is correct: I see many young women (constantly) sticking out their tongues everytime they see young boys. I am not the only one who sees this, no way. Many people from all places continually see this fashion of sticking out the tongue. But I feel that this is not correct at all. There are many reasons for sticking the tongue out. It is good to stick the tongue out and make fun of man, to look (at it) and laugh about it. But some only stick tongues out to corrupt men. I say: if they stick out their tongues like this, then our country is not able to govern itself. Why? This kind of habit breaks the law of the government and the mission. This kind of habit breaks the

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6th commandment. I do not accuse you: everyone breaks the 6th commandment, I too often break the 6th commandment. I want friends to read what I say. And you can print this in Wantok News. I think women should try to ‘go easy’ on sticking out their tongues. That’s all.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] In some areas of Papua New Guinea sticking out one’s tongue is an invitation to intimacies. [2] Sutim tok, literally ‘to shoot talk at’ means ‘to accuse’.

Text 73: An official letter (SR) An official letter from the Assistant Secretary of Local Government to the District Governor. For the most part this text employs standard spelling. There are occasional variants such as opis/ofis (standard Tok Pisin: opis), and anglicisms such as thenkiu ‘thank you’. The future form baimbai is archaic. The more usual form is bai. Dia Gavana, Dear Governor, Mi kisim maus bilong Siaman na Komiti bilong Morobe Provins I get mouth of chairman and committee of Morobe province Risets Komiti na i laik tok save olsem long yia 1986 na 1987 sampela research committe and pr want advise thus in year 1986 and 1987 some ol wok man/meri wantaem profesa Suzanne Romaine bilong Butibam. pl employees male/female with Professor Suzanne Romaine of Butibam. Dipela i kam bilong ol lain visita em long mekim sampela wok painim aut This pr come of pl group visitor it for do some work find out long tok pisin long las ten yia insait long Morobe provins na Papua about Tok Pisin in last 10 year inside of Morobe Province and Papua Niugini olgeta. Mi askim yu long toksave long ol pipol bilong ples New Guinea altogether. I ask you to advise to pl people of village


Butibam long ol i mas save olsem dispela wok bai i kamap olsem na Butibam that they pr must know that this work fut pr come up thus and mi askim long ol i ken givim sampela helpim i go long dispela ol visita. I ask that they pr can give some help pr go to this pl visitor. Dispela ofis wantaim Huon Distrik Ofis bai tok save moa long taim ol i This office with Huon District Office fut advise more at time they pr kamap long Morobe provins. come up in Morobe Province. Thenkiu long helpim bambai yu wantaem pipol bilong yu i ken givim. Thank you for help fut you with people of you pr can give. Mi bilong yupela. I of you pl.

Translation: Dear Governor, I have heard from the Chairman of the Morobe Province Research Committee, who wants to announce that in the years 1986 and 1987 some researchers with Professor Suzanne Romaine will come and stay with the people of Butibam Village. The visitors are coming to do some research to find out about Tok Pisin in the last ten years inside Morobe Province and Papua New Guinea. I am asking you to inform the people of Butibam in order that they know that this work will take place and I would ask that they give some help to these visitors. This office together with the Huon District Office will give you further information when they come to Morobe Province. Thank you for the help which you and the people can give. Yours.

Text 74: An official letter (SR) Letter from the Headman of a village in the Kabwum District, Morobe Province. This text contains non-standard spellings: e.g., disal (dispela), olisem (olsem), turu (tru), as well as variations such as (h)amamas ‘to be happy’ and anglicisms such as ‘thank you’ (thenkyu).

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Diar Mrs. Suzane Romaine Dear Mrs. Suzanne Romaine Hollow na gut de long yutupela. Mi hamamas tru long taim yutupela hello and good day to you two. I happy true at time you two pl raun long papua newguinea na i go kamap stret asples bilong yutupela round in Papua New Guinea and pr go come up just home of you two long England na bekim pas wantaim poto bilong ples Musep. Mipela bin in England and send letter with photo of village Musep. We exc past lukim pinis na hamamas tru long yutupela i stap naispela poto. Yes, look comp and happy true at you two pr stop nice photo. Yes tupela mi gat bikpela hamamas long yutupela na raitim pas i kam hariap two I got big happiness at you two and write letter pr come hurry tasol i no gat stamp olsem na mi i stap longpela taim i go pinis na nau but pr neg got stamp thus and I pr stop long time pr go comp and now mi rait i kam. Mi salim desal 2-pela bilum i kam olisem mi amamasim I write pr come. I send this two bilum pr come thus I happy yutupela lukim desala pas orait bekim bek [1] pas bilong mi na mi lukim. you two see this letter alright send back letter of me and I see. Em tasol. Na em mi salim laik bilong mi i kam long yutupela. Olisem mi That all. And if I send wish of me pr come to you two. Thus I save sot long en. Mi gat bikpela laik i stap long tupela samting. hab short of it. I got big wish pr cont for two something No. 1. Radio cassette No. 2. Handwatch. [2] Salim 2pela samting bilong mi i No. 1. radio cassette No. 2. Handwatch. Send two something of me pr kam. Mi bai hamamas turu long lukim tupela samting bilong mi. Thank you come I fut happy true to see two something of me. Thank you tru. Blessing bilong God i stap wantaim yutupela oltaim tru. true. Blessing of God pr stop with you two always true.


Mi S. S. [3] I S. S. Hetman Musep Village. Headman Musep Village.

Translation Dear. Mrs Suzanne Romaine, Hello and good day to you both. I was very happy when you were both here in Papua New Guinea, and now you’ve gone back to your own place in England and sent a letter with some photos of Musep. We looked at them and are very happy with the nice photos. Yes, I’m very happy and I wanted to send you a letter quickly but I didn’t have a stamp, so a long time has passed, and now I’m writing to you. I sent two bilums, and now I hope that you two will look at this letter and send back a letter for me to look at. Now something else. I’m sending a request to you two for some things that I lack. I have a great wish for two things. No. 1: a radio cassette. No. 2: a handwatch. Send these two things to me. I will be happy to receive these two things. Thank you very much. May God’s blessing be with you two always. I, S. S. Headman, Musep Village.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The use of bek here is redundant and is not typical. [2] This is a calque from Tok Pisin hanwas (‘hand’ + ‘watch’): ‘wristwatch’. [3] This is another common way of closing a letter.

Text 75: Letter from the wife of a schoolteacher in the Kabwum District (SR) This letter shows fewer instances of non-standard spellings than Text 74. Among the notable variants are: desala (dispela), traipela (draipela), wantaem (wantaim). Dear Suzanne, Dear Suzanne, Hello na gutpela de long yutupela wantaem long desala hap ples wea hello and good day to you two together in this part place where

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yutupela i stap long en. Gutde gen long yutupela. Pastaem bai mi tok you two pl pr stop in it. Good day again to you two pl. First fut I say traipela tok hamamas na tenkiu bilong mi long yupela i no lusim big speech happy and thank you of me for you pl pr neg lost ting long mi. Tu long en tenkiu gen long ol poto yutupela bin thought of me. Also for it thank you again for pl photo you two past salim i kam em mi lukim na mi hamamas tumas long en. Bai mi tok send pr come it I look and I happy too much about it. fut I say olsem. Mi no bin bungim wanpela poromeri [1] olsem yutupela bipo, thus I neg past meet one friend woman thus you two before nogat. Yutupela em mi save tokim man bilong mi olsem. Tupela em namba neg. You two it I know say man of me thus. Two it number wan promeri bilong mi na mi no inap lus ting long tupela inap mi one friend woman of me and I neg able lost thought of two until I dai. Bilong wanem! Yutupela bin pren gut tru long mi na save raitim die. For what! You two past friend good true of me and hab write pas long mi oltaem. Yes, tupela pren bilong mi. Mi gat laik long poto bilong letter to me always. Yes two friend of me. I got wish for photo of tupela man bilong yutupela. Inap long yutupela salim i kam o nogat. Mi two man of you two. Able to you two send pr come or neg. I bai hamamas tru long yutupela sapos yutupela harim mi. Long dispela taem fut happy true with you two if you two hear me. At this time hia long Indagen, mipela i gat traipela san, na olgeta gras i drai nau inap here in Indagen, we exc pr got big sun, and all grass pr dry now for 1 1/2 mun. Sampela skul i klos long sotpela taem inap ren i kam, na 1 1/2 month. Some school pr close for short time with rain pr come, and mipela i skul yet i stap. Ating mipela tu bai lusim skul bihain taem we exc pr school still pr stop. Perhaps we exc too fut leave school after time


inap ren i kam. Ating em tasol, bai mi lusim yutupela inap hia. able rain pr come. Perhaps that all fut I leave you two until here. Gutde na gutbai tupela pren bilong mi. Mi bilong yutupela [2]. Elidah. Good day and goodby two friend of me. I of you two. Elidah.

Translation: Dear Suzanne, Hello and good day to you two and to the place where you both are. Good day again to you both. First I’d like to say many thanks and how happy I am that you haven’t forgotten me. And thank you for the photos you both sent. I looked at them and I am very happy with them. Now I want to say something else. I haven’t met friends like you two before, never. I told my husband this about you two. These two are number one friends of mine. I won’t forget you two until I die. Why! You two have been good friends to me and write letters to me all the time. Yes, my two friends. I’d like a photo of your husbands. Can you send this to me? I’ll be very happy if you hear me. Here in Indagen now we have a very hot sun and the grass has been dry for 1 1/2 months. Some schools are closed for a short while until the rain comes but we are still in session. But I think we’ll stop school too later, unless rain comes. That’s all for now. I’ll leave you two here. Good day and goodbye, my two friends. Yours, Mrs Elidah.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] This is the female equivalent of poroman. [2] This is a common closing formulae for letters.

Text 76: Letter from a houseboy in Lae (SR) This is an example of a letter written by a houseboy with little formal education. The most notable feature is the variation between [r] and [l] characteristic of this man’s spoken Tok Pisin, which manifests itself in non-standard spellings such as peres (cf. ples), tzsor (cf. tzsol). Dear Juzanne, Dear Suzanne, Yu hamamas long go bek long peres bilong yu na ol lain bilong yu i stap You happy to go back to place of you and pl family of you pr stop

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i oret tasor. Mi na Julie na 2-pela pikinin i stap gut tasor. Nest year Jane pr alright just. I and Julie and two children pr stop gut just. Next year Jane bai go bek lon fri school ken. Happy Christmas and a Merry New Year. fut go back to free school again. Happy Christmas and a Merry New Year. By Ben & Julie. By Ben and Julie.

Translation: Dear Suzanne, You are happy to go back to your own place now and [I hope] all your relatives are well. I and Julie and our two children are fine. Jane will go back to school again next year. Happy Christmas and a Merry New Year. Ben and Julie.

Text 77: A letter to the Editor, 1980s Readers’ letters to Wantok are edited before they are printed and these are standardized for the most part. Idiosyncratic spellings, in particular, are edited out. English terms such as ‘show-off’ are phonologically adapted. So-op bilong memba i no isi Show-off of member pr neg easy Dia Edita, Dear Editor, liklik toktok bilong mi i go olsem: Ol memba i mekim olsem, taim ol i little story of me pr go thus: pl member pr make thus, time they pr laik kisim vot ol i olsem liklik pikinini i save krai long susu. Em olsem nau want get vote they pr thus little children pr hab cry for milk. It thus now ol i kisim vot taim [ol i go long palamen], man ol i kamap olsem they pr get vote time [they pr go to parliament], man they pr come up like man mama i no bin karim ol. Na wanpela samting em mi lukim stret man mother pr neg past carry them. And one something it I see just


long ol memba em so-op bilong ol i no isi. Mi lukim long ai bilong in pl member it show off of them pr neg easy. I see with eye of mi stret hia long Mosbi. Mi no toktok long ol palamen memba tasol, me just here in Moresby. I neg speak about pl parliament number only, nogat. Ol provinsal memba tu. Na em mi tok long ol Hailans. Memba neg. pl provincial member too. And he I speak of pl Highlands. Member bilong mi Mista Pundia Kange em i save mekim gut long mipela na long of me Mr Pundria Kange he pr hab make good for us exc and for ples tu. Na em i save baim balus tiket [1] tu taim mipela i save i go village too. And he pr hab buy plane ticket too when we exc pr hab pr go i kam long balus. Em gutpela tru na em i save helpim ol pipel tu. Na pr come on plane. It good true and he pr hab help pl people too. And dispela memba em Kristen man. Em i no save kaikai buai, pulim smok this member he Christian man. He pr neg hab chew betelnut, pull smoke na dring bia. Em wanpela gutpela man. Olgeta toktok bilong em i swit moa. and drink beer. He one good man. All talk of him pr sweet more. Na mi ritim dispela Wantok Nius em olsem sampela ol Hailans memba ol And I read this Wantok News it thus some pl Highlands member they i mekim pasin i no stret tumas. Pinis [2]. pr make custom pr neg straight too much. Finish.

Translation: Dear Editor, my little story goes like this: the members behave like this when they want to get votes, they are like little children who cry for milk. Then when they get the vote and go to parliament they behave as if they were not born of women [just like ordinary people]. Now one thing I’ve observed among the members is the way they show off. I see it right here in Moresby with my own eyes. I’m not just talking about parliament members, no, provincial members too. Now the one I’m going to talk about is from the Highlands Province. My member is Mr Pundia Kange. He does well by us and the village too. He buys air tickets too for when we come and go by plane. He is very good and he helps the people too. This

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member is a Christian man. He doesn’t chew betelnut, smoke or drink beer. He’s one good man. All his words are sweet. But now I’ve read Wantok [to find out] that some of the Highlands members engage in behavior which is not appropriate. Finish.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The usual expression is baim balus. The term balus comes from Tolai and means ‘pigeon’. The usual term for ‘bird’ in Tok Pisin is pisin. [2] This is a common closing formulae for stories and letters.

Text 78: Sports report from Wantok Niuspepa After the Second World War, Tok Pisin newspapers began, and these and other periodicals proliferated in the 1970s, e.g., Bougainville Nius, Nius bilong yumi, etc., but most ceased after only a few issues and did not survive after independence. Nu Gini Toktok, the first of these papers, was published weekly in Rabaul and ran from 1962–1970. It was originally the Pidgin English News and was published as a weekly supplement to The Lae New Guinea Times Courier. Perhaps the most important of these periodicals is the weekly newspaper, Wantok (a term meaning literally ‘one talk’, but used more generally to refer to someone speaking the same language, a friend). It was founded in 1967 by the Catholics, and appears only in Tok Pisin. It has a circulation of over 10,000 with more than 50,000 readers in Papua New Guinea. It has published since 1970 and its staff is constituted entirely of nationals. Wantok aims at the rural, colloquial Tok Pisin speaking population. Despite this, many rural people complain that the language is too anglicized and difficult for them to understand. However, a study by Romaine (1988) indicates that at least in terms of its syntactic norms Wantok is closer to the spoken language than other written texts such as Nupela Testamen, Save na Mekim and the Konstitusen. Most of the occurences of bai are, for instance, preverbal (63%), as they are in the spoken language, and predicate marking is more in line with the norms of rural speakers. Mormads Kwin Bilong Madang Mormads Queen of Madang Madang gret netbal gran painal I kamap namel long tupela strongpela Madang great netball grand final pr come up middle of two strong


tim; Mormads na Fly. Mormad i wok long go pas long Madang Netbal team; Mormad pl and Fly. Mormad pr prog at go ahead of Madang netball long stat bilong sisen I go inap long gren painal, taim ol i winim tim at start of season pr go until to grand final, time they pr beat team bilong Fly. Fly tu i save pilai strongpela gem long olgeta taim na ol i save of Fly. Fly too pr hab play strong game of all time and they pr hab stap long seken ples inap ol i kamap namba tu long gren painal. Long stop in second place until they pr come up number two in grand final. In dispela gren painal bilong tupela tim ya, Mormads i win taim ol i givim this grand final of two team foc, Mormads pr win when they pr give 29 gol bilong Fly. Ful taim skoa bilong dispela gem em, Mormads 29, na Fly 29 goal of Fly. Full time score of this game it, Mormads 29, and Fly 15. Em nau, ol meri long Madang husat i save skrap long pilai i mas 15. So, pl woman of Madang who pr hab scrape at play pr must lukluk long arapela kain pilai olsem, sofbal o soka. Basketbal i pinis nau look to other kind play thus, softball or soccer. Basketball pr finish now wantaim netbal na ating ol meri i mas pilai wantaim plet, kap na with netball and perhaps pl woman pr must play with plate, cup and spun liklik pastaim na wetim neks yia. spoon little first and wait next year.

Translation: Mormads are the Queens of Madang In Madang the netball grand final between two strong teams has taken place: Mormads and Fly. The Mormads have gone ahead in Madang netball from the beginning of the season until the grand final when they beat the Fly team. The Fly team too has been playing a strong game and now they stand in second place since they were runners-up in the grand final. In this grand final the Mormads won when they took 29 goals from the Fly team. The final score of the game was: Mormads 29 and Fly 15. So now the Madang women who long to play will have to look to other kinds of games like softball or soccer. Basketball has finished now

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along with netball, and perhaps the women will play with plates, cups and spoons while they wait for next year.

Text 79: Report of the week from Wantok Niuspepa This text illustrates a report of national news in Tok Pisin from Wantok newspaper. Ripot Bilong Dispela Wik Report of this week (i) Fonde Ogas 19 – Praim Minista, Michael Somare i tok save long planti Thursday August 19 – Prime Minister, Michael Somare pr inform to plenty olpela minista long lusim haus bilong ol. Sir Julius Chan tu i mas lusim former minister to lose house of them, Sir Julius Chan too pr must lose haus bilong em long Konedobu na kisim narapela haus. Sapos ol i no house of him at Konedobu and get other house. If they pr neg lusim haus hariap, Gavman yet bai rausim ol. Air Niugini i lose house quickly, Government emph fut evict them. Air New Guinea pr tokaut olsem ol i kisim K454,000 (K454 tausen) profitmani long yia announce thus they pr get K454,000 (K454 thousand) profit in year 1981. 1981. (ii) Tunde Ogas 24 – Papua Niugini i no inap kisim gutpela prais long Tuesday August 24 – Papua New Guinea pr neg able to get good price for kopi. Long wanem tupela ovasis kantri, Brasil na Kolombia i resis [1] long coffee. For what two overseas country, Brazil and Colombia pr race at


winim olgeta kantri long kisim bikpela mani long kopi bilong ol. Praim beat all country to get big money for coffee of them. Prime Minista, Michael Somare i go daun long Australia. Em i laik kisim 10-pela Minister, Michael Somare pr go down to Australia. He pr want get 10 de malolo [2] wantaim famili bilong em. Foapela arapela wokman bilong day rest with family of him. Four other employees of Gavman bai go wantaim ol. government fut go with them (iii) Trinde Ogas 25 – Memba bilong Yangoru – Saussia, John Jaminan i Wednesday August 25 – Member of Yangoru – Saussia, John Jaminan pr lusim K200 belmani long Maun Hagen Distrik Kot na go ausait. Kot lose K200 bail money in Mount Hagen District Court and go out. Court bilong em bai kamap gen long Septemba 22. Komes Minista bilong las of him fut come up again on September 22. Commerce Minister of last Is Sepik Provinsal Gavman, Petrus Wafi i kalabus long tupela mun. East Sepik Provincial Government, Petrus Wafi pr jail for two month. Plis i tok em i bin paulim K4,500 bilong Provinsal Gavman namel Police pr say he pr past misuse K4,500 of Provincial government middle long mun Oktoba na Disemba las yia. of month October and December last year.

Translation Thursday August 19. The Prime Minister, Michael Somare, has informed a number of former ministers that they will have to leave their houses. Sir Julius Chan too will have to leave his house in Konedobu and will get another house. If they don’t leave their houses quickly, the Government will remove them. Air Niugini has announced that they took 454,000 Kina in profit in the year 1981. Tuesday August 24. Papua New Guinea cannot get a good price for its coffee, because two overseas countries, Brazil and Columbia, are in competition to get other countries to pay high prices for their coffee. The Prime Minister, Michael

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Somare, will go to Australia. He wants to spend 10 days on holiday with his family. Four other Government employees will go with them. Wednesday 25 August. The member representing Yangoru-Saussia, John Jaminan, has left the area and lost 200 Kina in bail in the Mount Hagen District Court. His case will come up again on the 22nd September. The Commerce Minister in the last East Sepik Provincial Government, Petrus Wafi, has been jailed for two months. The police said that he had misused 4,500 Kina belonging to the Provincial Government between the months of October and December last year.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] From the English plural form ‘races’. Can be used as a noun or verb. [2] From kuamia meaning ‘forest’.

Text 80: Traim Paspas, a stage play in Tok Pisin The play, Traim Paspas, was devised and performed by members of the Papua New Guinea University of Technology (Unitech) Kas Theatre Group. Presented below is an extract from Scene 4: ‘Meri tru, o?’ compiled by Geoff Smith (1986MS). It is based on traditional stories from Western Province and songs and dances from various parts of Papua New Guinea and the Solomons. The original ideas were loosely based on ancient folktales collected from the mouth of the Fly River some 70 years ago by the anthropologist Gunnar Landtmann (1918). The stories were dramatised and combined with songs and dances which the members of the group know from their own areas and taught to other members. This is in the ‘folk opera’ style developed so effectively by the Goroka-based Raun Raun Theatre, which had a great influence on the group. Members of the group were students and staff at Unitech, together with some students from Busu High school and other young people living in Lae. Rehearsals and performances were held during spare time. Although an amateur group, it was possible to present performances in a variety of locations, such as schools and public halls around Lae and also at Ramu Sugar, Madang, Aiyura, Goroka and Mount Hagen. The object of the activity was mainly to have fun, but also to play a small part in the preservation of cultural traditions in the country among students engaged in modern technological studies. The group was originally started at Unitech by Jeff Siegel, who was then a lecturer in the Department of Language and Social Science. Much assistance


was received from Ms Jill Tuno at Busu High School, with the full support of the then headmaster Nigel Stanley. Members of the group who played a major part in improvising and developing dialogues and songs or dance sequences in Traim Paspas were Maran Nateleo, Isaac Teo, Bernard Jacob, Hilda Roy, Patu Arataung, Nua Maino, Sewa Somod, Lopia Laima, Peter Kozap, Moses Mewi, Anita Nata, Albert Tibong, Paul Waabu, Ambi Laulabu, Ambrose Amamene, Bryan Kambakdu, Dayamo Stephen and Lawrence Parry. Others who took part or otherwise contributed to the productions included Carlson Akunaii, Elizabeth Alaung, Michael Aniyeli, John Bon, Lina Glaso, Jenon Dasus, Puna Forof, Genga Garoa, Janet Jokin, Margaret Kahata, Norman Kerbon, John Lawrence, Margaret Manoka, Zau Masani, Giwi Nagong, Bakanu Namus, Efen Ngasing, Daison Nili, Fufi Omot, Bawana Pakaia, Peter Pokana, Steven Ronald, Renji Sikiri, Elizabeth Singalong, Thomas Sausemaira, Mala Stephen, Tune Taitas and Enom Timai. Smith (1986MS) makes the following observations about staging such a play: It is important to realise that this script can be modified, and should not be regarded as fixed and unchanging. It is probably much more productive to start with a situation and produce the words and actions from this as they arise rather than to attempt to learn lines exactly. When performing Kas Theatre did not follow a script, but improvised dialogues from situations rehearsed. In this way the dialogue was more fluent and natural than attempts to follow exact scripts. The script presented here is based on this type of improvisation, and is only one of many possible interpretations. The dialogue is in Tok Pisin, which is the language that most people in the group felt at home with for the purposes of improvisation. There is considerable regional variation in Tok Pisin, and some of the idioms used here may not be familiar in other areas of the country. It would be a challenging and worthwhile teaching exercise to attempt the play or some part of it in English. Other songs and dances of an appropriate style can, of course, be substituted for those included here. Generally, the more of the story presented in music and dance, the more interesting the result.

Extract from SCENE 4:

MERI TRU, O? Woman true, or?

(An old man and his son and daugher are seated. The daugher is weaving a pandanus mat which covers the lower half of her body.) OLD MAN:

Aiyee, mi bagarap long simok, ia. Aiyee, I spoil for smoke foc

231

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YOUNG MAN: Mi tu ia, mi laik simok tu. I too foc I want smoke too. OLD MAN:

Olgeta simok pinis. Mi painim brus [1] nogat ia. All smoke comp. I look for tobacco neg foc. Man… Pikinini — lukim basket bilong mi. Man Child — look basket of me. Simok i stap o? Smoke pr stop or?

YOUNG MAN: Nogat ia. Pinis longtaim. neg foc comp long time. OLD MAN:

Ating yu stilim liklik hap na holim iet. I think you steal little piece and hold emph.

YOUNG MAN: Nogat ia, long moning tru yu kirap na painim simok. neg foc, in morning true you get up and look for smoke. Olgeta i pinis. All pr comp. (NOVARE and BADIBA enter) NOVARE:

Papa — tupela man. Papa — two man.

(They stay some distance away, a bit suspicious of one another.) BADIBA:

Gutde yupela. Good day you pl.

YOUNG MAN: Gutde tru. Good day true. OLD MAN:

Yupela gat brus a? [2] You pl have tobacco interr?


BADIBA:

Brus a? Yu tok long brus? Em bun bilong Tobacco interr? You speak of tobacco? It bone of mipela stret. Hia, yu kisim sampela. us exc straight. Here you take some.

OLD MAN:

Yupela kam sindaun. (They come and sit and smoke) You pl come sit down. Na yupela painim wanem? And you pl look for what

BADIBA:

Mitupela lusim ples ia, yu lukim, long hapsait long We two inc leave village foc, you see, over other side of traipela maunten. big mountain.

YOUNG MAN: Tasol yupela painim wanem? But you pl look for what? NOVARE:

Mi — mi painim wanpela meri. I — I look for one woman.

YOUNG MAN: Susa [3], yu harim a? Female sibling, you hear interr? GIRL:

(Looking excited) Yes, mi harim. Yes I hear.

NOVARE:

(To BADIBA) Papa — em luk olsem naispela meri ia — Papa — she looks like nice woman foc — mi gat laik long en. I have desire for her.

NOVARE:

(To YOUNG MAN) Em susa bilong yu? She female sibling of you?

YOUNG MAN: Em ia. Susa bilong mi i sindaun kranki. She foc. Female sibling of me pr sit down crooked.

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NOVARE:

(To GIRL) Yu lukim mi na lewa bilong mi i kalap long You see, me and heart of me pr jumps at lewa bilong yu. heart of you.

YOUNG MAN: (To GIRL) Em i tok long yu ia. He pr speak to you foc. GIRL:

Ating mi gat bikpela laik longen tu ia. Perhaps I have big desire for him too foc.

BADIBA:

Pikinini, no ken lusim tingting — traim paspas. Child not can lose thought — try armband.

NOVARE:

Meri, putim dispela samting long han bilong yu. Woman, put this something on arm of you.

GIRL:

(Takes it then drops it) Ai, em i hat ia. Yu putim long paia Ai, it pr hot foc. You put in fire o wanem? or what

NOVARE:

(Puzzled) Em i no hat. Em kol ia. Yu tok long wanem It pr neg hot. It cold foc. You talk of what ia? (To BADIBA) Papa, maski. Mi painim naispela foc? Papa, nevermind. I find nice meri na mi gat traipela laik longen. Maski long woman and I have big desire for her. Nevermind for dispela samting ia. this something foc. (BADIBA looks worried) Ei, meri bilong mi, longpela taim Ei, woman of me, long time na mi painim wanpela naispela meri olsem yu ia. and I look for one nice woman like you foc.


OLD MAN:

Hei, yu wet. Mi bos bilong dispela meri ia. Hey, you wait. I boss of this woman foc. Yupela gat sampela moa brus, o? You pl got some more tobacco, or?

NOVARE:

Hia, givim olgeta long en. Here, give all to him.

BADIBA:

Hia, traipela karamap. Here, big come up.

OLD MAN:

Tenk yu tru, tambu [3]. Thank you true, brother-in-law.

NOVARE:

(Very happy) Papa, em i tok ‘tambu’ ia. Hei, Papa, he pr said ‘brother-in-law’ foc. Hey, meri bilong mi. Yu gat ol liklik samting istap. woman of me. You have pl little something pr stop. Yu mas kisim na kam hariap long ples bilong mipela. You must get and come hurry to village of us exc.

GIRL:

Mi gat liklik tasol. I have little only.

NOVARE:

Lukim dispela maunten ia. Mipela go antap na antap Look at this mountain foc. We exc go on top and on top iet, na antap iet, na bihain igo daun, em ples emph, and on top emph, and after pr go down, it village bilong mipela. of us exc.

GIRL:

Tasol mi laik bihainim wara na bungim yutupela long But I want follow water and meet you two pl over hap. there.

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BADIBA:

Nogat, ia. Em longpela rot. Bus rot i sotpela liklik. neg, foc. It long road. Bush road pr short little. Wara i save go insait na tanim nabaut. Water pr hab go inside and turn about.

GIRL:

Mi no save go long maunten, mi save bihainim wara tasol. I no hab go to mountain, I hab follow water only. Papa na brata, halivim [4] mi na putim mi long wara na Father and brother, help me and put me in water and mi laik go wantaim man bilong mi nau. I like go with man of me now.

(She puts the mat aside. OLD MAN and YOUNG MAN lift her up. She is seen to have the tail of a fish. NOVARE and BADIBA jump up in fright.) NOVARE:

E wanem samting ia? E what something foc?

BADIBA:

Em pis o meri? It fish or woman?

YOUNG MAN: Em pis meri. Yupela longlong a? Yupela no lukim It fish woman. You pl crazy interr? You pl not see meri olsem bipo a? Olgeta meri long ples bilong woman like before interr? All woman in village of mipela igat tel olsem. me pr have tail thus. NOVARE:

(To BADIBA) Papa, mi les long dispela meri ia. Papa, I reluctant about this woman foc. Yumi go. (To OLD MAN) E tambu mitupela go We inc go. E brother-in-law we two exc go pastaim na givim sampela brus long yu. Haus bilong first and give some tobacco to you. House of


wanpela tambu istap klostu. Mipela go hariap na one brother-in-law pr stop nearby. We exc go hurry and kam tumoro. come tomorrow. (They leave in a hurry.) GIRL:

Papa, man ia i no laik maritim mi. Bilong wanem em i Papa, man foc pr neg want marry me. Of what he pr lusim mi? Olgeta taim ol man save lusim mi olsem ia. leave me? All time man pl hab leave me thus foc.

OLD MAN:

Pikinini bilong mi, yu no ken wari. Ol man bilong dispela hap Child of me, you not can worry. pl man of this side maunten ia, bipo iet ol i longlong, na ol sa mounten foc before emph they pr crazy, and they hab longlong na longlong iet. Kam. Mama bilong yu i wetim crazy and crazy emph. Come. Mama of you pr wait mipela long raunwara. us exc at lake.

(They lift her into the canoe and paddle off to SAVE RAWI RIMANGO. Lights fade.)

Translation SCENE 4: Is this a real woman? (An old man and his son and daugher are seated. The daugher is weaving a pandanus mat which covers the lower half of her body.) OLD MAN:

Oh, I’d really like a smoke.

YOUNG MAN: Me too, I want a smoke. OLD MAN:

The tobacco’s used up. I’ve been looking for tobacco without success. Child, check my basket. Is there any tobacco?

YOUNG MAN: No, it was finished a long time ago.

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OLD MAN:

Perhaps you stole a little bit and still have it.

YOUNG MAN: No, you got up early in the morning and looked for it. Now it’s all gone. (NOVARE and BADIBA enter) NOVARE:

Papa, two men.

(They stay some distance away, a bit suspicious of one another.) BADIBA:

Good day to you.

YOUNG MAN: Good day. OLD MAN:

Have you got any tobacco?

BADIBA:

Tobacco? You ask for tobacco? It’s just the thing for us. Here take some.

OLD MAN:

You come sit down. What are you looking for?

BADIBA:

We left the village you see on the other side of the big mountain.

YOUNG MAN: But what are you looking for? NOVARE:

I am looking for a woman.

YOUNG MAN: Sister, do you hear me? GIRL:

(Looking excited) Yes, I’m listening.

NOVARE:

(To BADIBA) Papa, she looks like a nice woman. I like her.

NOVARE:

(To YOUNG MAN) Is she your sister?

YOUNG MAN: Yes, my sister is sitting strangely. NOVARE:

(To GIRL) When you look at me my heart leaps out to yours.

YOUNG MAN: He’s speaking to you. GIRL:

Perhaps I like him a lot, too.

BADIBA:

Child, don’t forget try the arm band.

NOVARE:

Woman put this on your arm

GIRL:

(Takes it then drops it) Oh, it’s hot. Did you put it in the fire?

NOVARE:

(Puzzled) It’s not hot. It’s cold. What are you talking about? Papa, nevermind. I’ve found a nice woman and I really like her. Don’t bother about it. (BADIBA looks worried) Oh, I have been looking for a long time to find a nice woman like you.

OLD MAN:

Hey, wait. I’m responsible for this woman. Have you got some more tobacco?


NOVARE:

Here give it all to him.

BADIBA:

Here, cover it up.

OLD MAN:

Thank you very much brother-in-law.

NOVARE:

(Very happy) Papa, he said ‘brother-in-law’. Hey, she’s my woman now. Get all your things together and hurry up and come to our village.

GIRL:

I’ve only got a few things.

NOVARE:

See this mountain. We are going to the very top and then down the other side is our village.

GIRL:

But I want to go in the water and will meet you over there.

BADIBA:

No. It’s a long way. It’s shorter to go through the bush. The water has a current.

GIRL:

But I’m not used to walking in the mountains I only go in the water. Papa and brother help me and put me in the water and I want to go with my husband now

(She puts the mat aside. OLD MAN and YOUNG MAN lift her up. She is seen to have the tail of a fish. NOVARE and BADIBA jump up in fright.) NOVARE:

Hey, what’s that?

BADIBA:

Is it a fish or a woman?

YOUNG MAN: It’s a mermaid. Are you crazy? Haven’t you ever seen a woman like this before? All the women in our village have tails like that. NOVARE:

(To BADIBA) Papa, I’m not enthusiastic about this woman. Let’s go. Hey, brother-in-law. We’ll go first and give you some tobacco. The house of one of our brothers-in-law is closeby. We’ll hurry and come tomorrow.

(They leave in a hurry.) GIRL:

Papa, that man doesn’t want to marry me. Why did he leave me? The men always leave me like this.

OLD MAN:

My child, don’t worry. The men from this part of the mountain were crazy before and they’re still crazy. Come, your mother is waiting for us at the lake.

(They lift her into the canoe and paddle off to SAVE RAWI RIMANGO. Lights fade.)

240 Tok Pisin Texts

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] An indigenous term for ‘tobacco leaf ’. [2] This is the invariant question tag. [3] This term is nearly archaic, and means ‘sibling of the opposite sex’. The term brata means ‘sibling of the same sex’. Thus the male would refer to his brother(s) as brata and her sister(s) as susa, while a female would refer to her brother(s) as susa and her sister(s) as brata. In present-day Tok Pisin, the meaning of these terms have been realigned semantically with their English equivalents. [4] A variant of helpim.

Text 81: A cartoon from Grass Roots (1) Ministerial use of public funds for domestic travel, staff recruitment, entertainment, vehicles and office equipment has been banned. The ban, effective immediately, was announced by Prime Minister, Sir Julius Chan, at the weekend. The decision was circulated to Cabinet members last week. Sir Julius said, ‘such use of public funds so close to the election could be construed by the public as being for electioneering purposes. It is my conviction that ministers and their staff must be and appear to be beyond reproach in all their actions.’ Grass Roots draws on the latest urban slang and is generally written in a highly anglicized style.


Eh sori bikman … kisim tuendi toea hia long helpim yu long baim bus Oh sorry big man … take twenty toea here for help you for buy bus fea [1] bilong yu. fare of you.

Translation: Oh, sorry, big man, have 20 toea to help you pay your bus fare.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The non-anglicized expression is baim bas ‘buy a bus ticket’

Text 82: Cartoon from Grass Roots (2) The Primary Industry Department has asked the Foreign Affairs and Trade Department to impose quotas on egg imports into the North Solomons. Quotas were urgently needed to protect local producers, the Primary Industry Secretary, Mr Brown Bai, said yesterday. However, Mr Bai said a total ban on

242 Tok Pisin Texts

imported eggs into the province was not yet advisable. Local producers would not be able to meet demand, he explained. The humour of this cartoon relies on the use of English expressions such as blary (bloody), expektim, layim (cf. putim, kiau), scrambled, etc.

Blary himport quotas! Ol bai expektim yumi long hapim [1] prodaksen nau! Bloody import quotas! They fut expect us inc to increase production now! Harim! Sapos mi layim eni faster — ol bai kamap blary scrambled! Listen! Suppose I lay any faster — they fut come out bloody scrambled!

Translation: Bloody import quotas! They’ll expect us to increase our production now! Listen, if I lay them any faster, they’ll come out bloody scrambled!

The following comments are as suggested by Grass Roots. [1] Hapim: although this would normally mean ‘to halve something’, in this particular case it does not. It is the ‘h’ plus ‘apim’ (which means ‘to increase’) that denotes the word’s connotation, ‘up-him’. The ‘h’ is merely


a common pronunciation phenomenon, particularly amongst the pidgin speakers from the Highlands region. It is a form that is commonly used by Grass Roots.

Text 83: Cartoon from Grass Roots (3) The Queen and Prince Philip visited Mount Hagen yesterday, just in time to flee from a spectacular end to a seven month drought. Cracks of lightning, coinciding with their departure from lunch at the Hagen Park Motel, blacked out lights momentarily. Minutes later, torrential rain and hailstones pelted thousands of Highlanders assembled at Mount Hagen’s old golf course to greet the royal party.

Dia Misis Kwin, Dear Mrs Queen, Hey you very smat with all that rainstorm bisnis, K. You ever think of giving Hey you very smart with all that rainstorm business, Q. You ever think of giving up this kwining job come and see me. We can be making big moni in the up this queening job come and see me. We can be making big money in the rainmaker bisnis. Still waiting for your hinvitasian [1] for kaikai, but no rainmaker business. Still waiting for your invitation for food, but no

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waris [2]. I’ll find my own way on bod. Better be puting some katons in the worries. I’ll find my own way on board. Better be putting some cartons in the friza, eh. We not drinking the warm beer all the time like you pomies [3]. You freezer, eh. We not drinking the warm beer all the time like you pommies. You and Phil wearing crowns tonight? and Phil wearing crowns tonight? Lukim yu [4] Grass See you Grass

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] [2] [3] [4]

This is a hypercorrection. This has been adopted into Tok Pisin from Australian English. This is an Australian slang term for ‘English people’. This is a common expression calqued from English ‘see you’.

Text 84: Cartoon from Grass Roots (4) A statement by the embassy said the Government’s decision to import Chinese canned pork was a positive measure in the interest of fostering reciprocal trade relations on the basis of ‘equality and mutual benefit’. The statement followed recent criticisms of the decision. It said pork used for canning in China was of ‘high quality, up to hygienic standards and fit for human consumption.’

Hey bro [1] … Yu ting wanem long impotim ol dispela pok bilong Saina … Hey brother You think what about import all this pork of China …


Yelo, wait, brown, pink o grin [2] … Mi no wari long kala bilong em Yellow, white, brown, pink or green … I not worry about colour of him sapos em inap kisim ples bilong mi long kamap kaikai blong man ia… suppose he enough get place of me to become food of man foc…

Translation: Hey brother! What do you think about all this pork from China. Yellow, white, brown, pink or green, I’m not worried about what colour it is just so it takes my place as food for human consumption.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] A common greeting among male friends (cf. Hawaii Pidgin/Creole English bro) [2] The colour terms should normally have -pela attached to them.

Text 85: Cartoon from Grass Roots (5) Villagers on Normanby Island are somewhat red-faced now that Department of Primary Industry officials have solved their mysterious crop ‘disease’. The villagers requested urgent assistance in January to help discover why their food crops had failed. They feared a crop disease had swept the island. But the DPI officials came up with a different answer, pigs.

Mi tokim yu pinis — noken pinisim olgeta, o bai yumi i go long I say you comp-neg can finish everything, or fut we inc pr go to

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kalabus … tasol yu no harim gridi blary pik! jail … but you not listen greedy bloody pig! Sori, bro … Sorry, brother …

Translation: I told you, you can’t finish up everything or we’ll go to jail; but you didn’t listen, greedy, bloody pig!

Text 86: Cartoon from Grass Roots (6) The Minister for Decentralisation, Fr Momis, says Provincial Governments in the country must accept Local Government Councils as equal partners in governing the people at the grassroot level. He said Provincial Governments should not fear to share powers with the Councils, they should be friends and co-operate in order to bring about meaningful development for their people.

Yesia mai pren [1] … yumi i mas wok wantaim … olsem Gavman Yes sir my friend … we inc pr must work together … so Government


bilong yupela i ken kolektim ol takis ia, na bikpela Gavman bilong mipela of you pl pr can collect pl tax foc, and big Government of us i ken spendim, O.K.? [2] inc pr can spend, OK?

Translation: Yes sir, my friend, we have to work together … so your Government can collect taxes and my big Government can spend them, OK?

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] This is an anglicism for pren bilong mi. [2] The use of O. K. has nearly replaced orait in colloquial urban speech.

Text 87: Greeting card (from Grass Roots Comic Company)

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KAM LONG PATI Come to party Mi laik invaitim yu long smatpela pati … I want invite you to smart party … long … adres at … address long … det na taim at … date and time as bilong pati olsem … reason for party thus … Yu mas kisim dispela samting i kam wantaim yu: You must get this something pr come with you: wan katon bia one carton beer tupela katon bia two carton beer tenpela katon bia ten carton beer wisiki o bakadi, twentisikis sais whiskey or Bacardi, twenty-six size sikispela yangpela meri six young women tenpela hensan man ten handsome men ol kaset yu stilim long mi long bipo yet pl cassette you steal from me from before emph b-b-q stek na sosis b-b-q steak and sausage


dispela seksi gel i stap wantaim yu long disco las wik this sexy girl pr stay with you at disco last week dispela smatpela man i draivim yu long spots ka this smart man pr drive you in sports car ol wantok bilong yu pl clan of you ol boys [1] bilong Paga Panthers ragbilig tim pl boy of Paga Panthers rugby league team ol narapela samting mi raitim daunbilo. pl other something I write down below.

Translation: Come to the party I want to invite you to a trendy party at … address at … date, time The reason for the party is … You must bring something with you: one carton of beer two cartons of beer ten cartons of beer whisky or bacardi, 26 oz. size 6 young girls 10 hansome men the cassettes you stole from me before B-B-Q steaks and sausages the sexy girl who was with you at the disco last week the trendy man who drove you in his sports car your relatives the Paga Panthers Rugby League team the other things written in below.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] This plural is redundently marked with -s. Such plurals are increasingly common in urban Tok Pisin.

250 Tok Pisin Texts

Text 88: Advertisement for Sunflower tinned fish Advertising creates special problems for newspapers aimed at a Papua New Guinean public. Most of the products are Australian and geared to a Western lifestyle, which were originally accessible only to expatriates. Now, increasingly, a new market is found in the urban elite. While products like cars, trucks, and refridgerators are still luxurious for the average Papua New Guinean, and therefore advertised largely in English, even in Wantok, it is no longer uncommon for Highlanders at the end of the coffee season to come into town and pay cash for a vehicle. Consequently, more and more ads are appearing in Tok Pisin. Similarly, Western foodstuffs like rice and tinned fish are finding a market in Papua New Guinea. This advertisement for Sunflower tinned fish (Wantok Niuspepa 1/3/1986), in which the product is clearly illustrated, is effective primarily because of its use of idiomatic Tok Pisin. Em i bun bilong me stret is a colloquial expression which means that ‘it is just the thing to serve as the foundation of a good diet’. In the literal sense, bun means ‘bone’ or ‘skeleton’. One who is bun nating would be very skinny. Sunflower, Nambawan Tinpis long PNG. Em i bun bilong mi stret! Sunflower, best tinned fish in PNG. It pr backbone of me really! Olgeta i stap long olgeta tretstoa, holsel na ritel stoa. They pr stay in all trade stores, wholesale, and retail stores.

Translation: Sunflower, number one tinned fish in Papua New Guinea. It’s my very backbone! All (the products) are in all the tradestores, wholesale and retail stores.

Text 89: Advertisement for ‘Mozzie Zapper’ This text is an advertisement from Wantok Niuspepa for ‘Mozzie Zapper’ mosquito repellent spray and electronic repeller, a new repellent against mosquitoes. This is an example of a product which is less successfully advertised because it is unfamiliar. While the name, ‘Mozzie Zapper’, will be familiar to Australians (‘mozzie’ is a short form for ‘mosquito’) it will have to be explained to a Papua New Guinean audience and advertised in such a way so as to create a need for it.


BILONG HAUS ‘MOZZIE ZAPPER’ For house ‘Mozzie Zapper’ 1. Was long yu na famili bilong yu long ol natnat [1] na arapela Watch for you and family of you for pl mosquito and other binatang insect. 2. Ol dua na windua [3] i ken op i stap long taim yu pamim marasin. pl door and window pr can open pr stay for time you pump medicin. 3. Em i sef na isi long yusim K15.00 TASOL It pr safe and easy to use K15.00 only. BILONG PUTIM LONG SKIN BILONG YU ‘ELECTRONIC MOZZIE For put on skin of you ‘electronic mozzie REPELLER’ repeller’ 1. Em i wok long bateri. Na bateri i ken stap inap 1 pela yia. It pr work on battery. And battery pr can stay enough 1 year. 2. Liklik na isi long karim raun. Small and easy for carry around. 3. Sef na isi long yusim. K8.50 tasol. Safe and easy to use. K8.50 only. Salim mani oda o beng sek bilong yu i go long Wiamby Trading, Send money order or bank cheque of you pr go to Wiamby Trading, PO Box 1412, Lae, Papua New Guinea. PO Box 1412, Lae, Papua New Guinea.

Translation: For the house ‘Mozzie Zapper’ 1. Watch after yourself and your family against mosquitoes and other insects. 2. Doors and windows can stay open while you spray. 3. It is safe and easy to use. Only 15 Kina.

251

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For putting on your skin ‘Electronic Mozzie repeller’ 1. It runs on batteries. And the battery can last for up to a year. 2. Small and easy to carry around. Safe and easy to use. Only 8.50 Kina. Send your money order or bank check to Wiamby Trading, PO Box 1412, Lae, Papua New Guinea.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Natnat is a Tolai term meaning ‘mosquito’ or ‘gnat’, but it could also be a reduplicated form of English ‘gnat’. [2] Binatang is from Malay and means ‘insect’. [3] Windua is a folk etymology (win + dua = ‘a door for wind’)

Text 90: Political broadside The following political broadside was sent out by Grass Roots, Madang 3 January 1987. Their political group claims to speak for the benefit of ordinary people who cannot organise themselves for lack of experience, money and education. Their broadside is written in both English and Tok Pisin. The English is generally of a very poor standard (as can be seen in the translation which is taken unedited from the broadside), and the Tok Pisin is highly anglicised. In addition to the many English borrowings, e.g., ander-developmen, praivet kempani, there are also anglicisms such as those of ov instead of bilong, e.g., standat ov edukesen. GRASS ROOTS, 1987, EIGHT POINTS Dia Madam/Sir, Dear Madam/Sir, Gutpela samting i kamap em i bilong ol liklik grup manmeri, sapos ol Good something pr come up it pr of pl little group people, if they i kam long bipo Australian Administrasen o olpela magresen na pr come from before Australian administration or old migration and trensmagresen em Moses i toktok long Exodas na namba wan stori heretik transmigration it Moses pr say in Exodus and number one story heretic


farao Akhenaton husat [1] i bringim, ‘San Wosip’ insait long Egypt 1250 pharoah Akhenaton who pr bring ‘Sun Worship’ inside of Egypt 1250 B.C. Long toktok long benefit bilong ol Gras Rut tede mipela i makim mipela B.C. To speak for benefit of pl Grass Root today we exc pr mark us exc yet — ol gras rut no redi long yumi yet, bilong wanem sot long emph — pl grass root neg ready for us inc emph, of what sort of eksperiense na mani na edukesen. experience and money and education. Olsem na hia mipela yet i makim mipela long makim laik na gutpela laki Thus here we exc emph pr mark us to mark wish and good luck na gutpela helt insait long 1987, bihain long mipela i lukluk bek long 1986 and good health inside of 1987, after in we exc pr look back to 1986 na toktok long sampela senis em bai helpim long lukautim redi and talk of some change it fut help to take care of ready anda-developmen na senisim i go long development insait long PNG-1987. under-development and change pr go to development inside of PNG-1987. 1. Tok kliaim PNG Ministri bilong Justis, wanem em i no wankain namel Talk clear PNG Ministry of Justice, which it pr not one kind middle long Australian Administrasen na Independen State of PNG — 11-pela yia i of Australian Administration and Independent State of PNG — eleven year pr bin miksim nabaut. past mix about. 2. Ministri bilong Edukesen i senisim edukesen i go long kontrol Ministry of education pr change education pr go to control under-developmen long kontrol developmen. Tokim internesinal standat ov under-development to control development. Say internation standard of edukesen i no long internesinal elite. (Elite = liklik grup ov manmeri). education pr neg for international elite. (Elite = little group of people).

254 Tok Pisin Texts

3. Katim daun sais bilong Nasenal Gavman na budjet long inapim PNG Cut down size of National Government and budget to suit PNG inkam na i na go Internesinal Moneteri Fun (IMF) na Asiatik Benk. income and pr and go International Monetary Fund (IMF) and Asiatic bank. 4. Katim daun nasenal ekspenditsa inap long mak wantaim manmeri i Cut down national expenditure until to mark with people pr produsim na i no long bia konsamsen, hos pilai na automatik pe produce and pr neg for beer consumption, house play and automatic pay igo antap. Na em bai lukautim i no developmen i pr go on top. And it fut look after pr neg development pr andadevelopmen. under-development. 5. Lukluk klostu long advaisa, praivet kampani na benk win mani, lukim em Look close to adviser, private company and bank win money, see it i fit long PNG laik o fitim liklik lain o grup. Olsem toktok nabaut long pr fit to PNG desire or fit little clan or group. Thus talk about yusim ‘Wanwe airticket’ — lukluk wantaim Nikolai Miklouho-Maclay [2] (The use ‘oneway air ticket’ — look with Nikolai Miklouho-Maclay (The Moon Man) bilong en long PNG. Moon Man) of him in PNG. 6. Nasenelis — wanem samting i nitim long kamapim nasenelis — long Nationalise — what something pr need to comeup nationalize — to bihainim industriel developmen bilong Japan — i no Asiatik Benk na IMF. follow industrial development of Japan — pr neg Asiatic bank and IMF. 7. Nesenal eleksen i kamapim bilong wanwan PNG demokretik kantri long National election pr come up of everyone PNG democratic country to putim sindaun insait long haus ov Palimen long registerim politikal pati put sit inside of House of Parliament to register political party


wantaim memba, na program. Olsem planti tausen vot i go long wanpela with member, and program. Thus plenty thousand vote pr go to one sindaun insait long pati na em i ken stopim ol pati i bruk nabaut na sent inside of party and it pr can stop pl party pr break about and stop bai-eleksen (waitman demokratik pasin). stop by-election (Whiteman democratic custom). 8. Olgeta registet politikal pati husat i holim sampela miting bilong ol All registered political party who pr hold some meeting of pl memba i ken inap long putim nem long balet tiket. Bosim politikal na member pr can able to put name on ballot ticket. Govern political and ekonomik edukesen bilong PNG sitisen na i no long bulmakau, na bek rais, economic education of PNG citizen and pr neg of cattle, and bag rice, na katen bia fiv minit bipo long eleksen. Plis pas mi go namel lon and carton beer five minute before election. Please pass me go among to olgeta pren bilong yu, tenkyu. Mipela i go bek long developmen, lo all friend of you, thank you. We exc pr go back to development, law na oda, i no developmen long elite sleveri. and order, pr neg development of elite slavery.

The translation given here is from the broadside to give an example of Papua New Guinean English: Dear Madam/Sir, The prosperous make comments mostly for the benefit of the Elite, regardless if they come from former Australian Administration or the old migration and transmigration started by Moses in Exodus and the first historical heretic farao Akhenaton who introduced ‘Sun Worship’ into Egypt, 1250 B. C. To speak for the benefit of the Grass Roots we have appointed ourselves as they can not organise themselves for lack of experience, money and education. So here we are the self-appointed wishers of good luck and health throughout 1987, before we look back to the 1986 and suggest some changes which could help to control organised under-development and change it into development in PNG, 1987.

256 Tok Pisin Texts

1. Explain to the PNG Ministry of Justice the difference between Australian Administration and the Independent State of PNG — eleven years of mix up. 2. Education Ministry changes education from controlled under-development to controlled development. Conform to international standard of education not to international elite. 3. Reduce the size of National Government and budget to suit PNG income — not to International Monetory Fund (IMF) and Asiatic Bank. 4. Reduce the national expenditures in line with mean production not beer consumption, horse races and automatic increase in pay. That’s controlled under-development. 5. Scrutinize whether advisers’, private enterprises’ and banks’ interests suit PNG or the international elite by using the criteria of the ‘oneway airticket’ with Nikolai Miklouho-Maclay (The Moon Man) heritage in PNG. 6. Nationalize what needs to be nationalized by copying Japanese industrial development — not IMF and Asiatic Bank loans. 7. National election to be conducted for everybody in PNG democratic country by allocating seats in Parliament to registered political parties with members and program. So many thousand of votes to one seat in Parliament to party not person, to eliminate corruption and by-election (European democratic way). 8. Registered political parties who conduct regular meetings for members to be elegible to have place on ballot ticket. They are responsible for political and economic education of PNG citizens not to bulmakau, bags of rice and cartons of beers five minutes before election. Please pass me along to your friends, thank you. We may return to development, law and order — not to development of elite slavery.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The interrogative husat ‘who’ is used in media Tok Pisin as a relative marker for subject antecedents. [2] Nikolai Miklouhou-Maclay was a Russian scientist who visited Madang Province in 1871 and spent several periods of extended residence there making scientific observations on language, customs, weather, etc., in the area which is today called the Rai Coast.


Text 91: Minutes of a council meeting (PM) In the days before Independence, Tok Pisin came to be used for official documents in addition to oral procedings. Here follows an extract fom the minutes of a council meeting held in the Sepik region in early 1973 (names and location withheld). Finance na Executive Committee Miting Kamap long Caunsel Semba Finance and Executive Committee meeting held at Council Chambers long 4–7–73 on 4–7–73 SEMEN i opim meiting long 9 kilok long morning. Chairman pr open meeting at 9 o’clock in morning. Present: President Mikpas, Kaunselas Tom, John na Peter. Present: President Mikpas, Councellors Tom, John and Peter. I no kamap: Kaunselas Wai na Atto. pr neg present: Concellors Wai and Atto. MINITS BILONG LAS MITING: C.A.O.F. Selby i ridim minits bilong Minutes from previous meeting: C.A.O.F. Selby pr read minutes of las komiti miting i go long ol komiti na tu ol komiti i previous committee meeting pr go prep pl committee and also pl committee pr harem na tu ol i tok orait long minits bilong las miting. hear and also pl pr approve of minutes of previous meeting. MOVED: Cr. Peter Moved: Cr. Peter SEKEN: Cr. Tom Second: Cr. Tom Resolusen: Olsem Minits bilong las miting i orait tasol. Pas i kam Resolution: that minutes of previous meeting pr OK only. Letter pr come

258 Tok Pisin Texts

insait Advaisa na C.A.O. i ridim ol pas i kam insait long na ol in Advisor and C.A.O. pr read pl letters pr come in prep and pl komiti harem na tu ol i tok orait long ol pas i kam insait. committee hear and also pl pr approve prep pl letters pr come in. Pas I kam long: M.C.H. Sista long Wewak Letters pr come from: M.C.H. Sister from Wewak Simbia Dumo D.A.S.F. Ambunti Simbia Dumo D.A.S.F. Ambunti Director bilong Giraun: Port Moresby Director of Lands: Port Moresby Head Teacher Matupit Skul Head Teacher Matupit School B&B Motors Aitepe B&B Motors Aitepe Wewak-But Council Wewak-But Council District Local Government Officer Aitepe District Local Government Officer Aitepe Government Liasen Officer Aitepe Government Liaison Officer Aitepe Saksak L.G. Council Sago L.G. Council Land Taitel Komissin Port Moresby Land Title Commission Port Moresby Ol pipal long Aitepe pl people of Aitepe Regional Local Government Officer Madang Regional Local Government Officer Madang


Local Government Gazette Local Government Gazette Ol komiti membas i harem ol pas i kam insait na ol i tok orait pl committee members pl hear pl letters pr come in and they pr approve long ol. of them. MOVED: Cr. John Moved: Cr. John SEKEN: Cr. Peter Second: Cr. Peter Resolusen: Olsem ol pas i kam insait i orait tasol. Resolution: That pl letters pr come in pr approved. Akauns Accounts C.A.O.F. Selby i ridim ol akauns i go long ol membas na tu i tek em C.A.O.F. Selby pr read pl accounts pr go prep pl members and also pr take ol akauns i kam long: B.P., C.M. Marienberg, Remington Rand, Aerial pl accounts pr arrive from: B.P., C.M. Marienberg, Remington Rand Aerial Tours, Tobi Motors, B.I.C. Insurans long Lae, P. Johnston, B.P. long Madang. Tours, Tobi Motors, B.I.C. Insurance of Lae, P. Johnston, B.P. of Madang. Ol komiti membas i tok orait bai kaunsel mas baim ol akauns bilong em. pl committee members pr approve fut council must pay pl accounts of it. MOVED: Cr. King Moved: Cr. King SEKEN: Cr. John Second: Cr. John Resolusen: Olsem ol akauns bilong kaunsel mas baim ariap. Resolution: That pl accounts of council must pay quickly.

260 Tok Pisin Texts

Translation: Finance and Executive Committee meeting held at Council Chamber on 4–7–73 The Chairman opened the meeting at 9 a.m. Present: President Mikpas, Councellors Tom, John and Peter. Absentees: Councellors Wai and Atto. Minutes of the last meeting: C. A. O. F. Selby read the minutes of the previous committee meeting and the committee heard and approved the minutes of the previous meeting. Moved: Cr. Peter Second: Cr. Tom Resolution: That the minutes of the previous meeting be approved. Incoming Letters Advisor and C. A. O. read the incoming letters and the committee heard the letters and approved the incoming letters. Incoming letters from: M. C. H. Sister from Wewak Simbia Dumo D. A. S. F. Ambunti Director of Lands: Port Moresby Head Teacher Matupit School B&B Motors Aitepe Wewak-But Council District Local Government Officer Aitepe Government Liaison Officer Aitepe Sago L. G. Council Land Title Commission Port Moresby The people of Aitepe Regional Local Government Officer Madang Local Government Gazette The committee members hear the incoming letters and approve them. Moved: Cr. John Second: Cr. Peter Resolution: That the incoming letters be approved. Accounts: C. A. O. F. Selby reads the accounts to members and incoming accounts from: B. P., C. M. Marienberg, Remington Rand., Aerial Tours, Tobi Motors, B. I. C. Insurance of Lae, P. Johnston, B. P. of Madang. The committee members approve that the council will pay its accounts. Moved: Cr. King Second: Cr. John Resolution: That the council’s accounts must be paid quickly.


Text 92: Advertisement The following text is an advertisement for a new programme on the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC), 1974. Askim i go long didiman Ask pr go to agricultural officer (music) Ol ofisa bilong didiman dipatment bilong Nesinol Brotkasting pl officer of agriculture department of National Broadcasting Komison long Papua Niu Gini klostu bai ol i stat putim kamap long Commission in Papua New Guinea soon fut they pr start put arrive on dispela stesin sampela nupela progrem bilong ol pipol long ol ples bilong this station some new programme for pl people in pl place of yumi na tu progrem bilong ol pipol ol i wok wantaim ol kain diwai us and too programme of pl people they pr wok with pl kind tree samting bilong kamapim mani o wok didiman, wok bisnis long pis, na etcetera for produce money or work agriculture, work business in fish, and tu ol kain samting olsem bulmakau, pik na kakaruk. Wanpela long ol too pl kind thing like cattle, pig and fowl. One amongst pl dispela nupela progrem mipela i laik kirapim em bai i ken toksave mo this new programme we pr intend found it fut pr can explain more o bekim wari o tok askim long wanem kain samting yupela i laik save or answer concern or question about what kind thing you pr want know mo longen long wok didiman bilong yu long ol ples wan wan. Na more about it about work agriculture of you in pl village one one. And olsem, sapos yu gat dispela kain wari na yu laik save long dispela kain thus, if you have this kind concern and you want know about this kind samting salim tasol wanpela pas I kam long mipela wantaim long ol thing send only a letter pr come to us with about pl

262 Tok Pisin Texts

toktok long ol dispela samting yu laik save mo longen. Bihain bai discussion of pl this thing you want know more about it. Later fut mipela i kisim dispela pas bilong yu i go long wanpela man long Pot we pr get this letter of you pr go to a man in Port Mosbi i save mo long wanem samting yu laik save mo longen. Moresby pr know more about what thing you want know more about it. Bihain bai mipela i kisim dispela pas bilong yu gen wantaim tok klia o Later fut we pr get this letter of you again with explanation or ol ansas na kamapim long dispela nupela progrem. Nem bilong dispela pl answers and bring to this new programme. Name of this nupela progrem bilong mipela ol i kolim long ‘Askim i Go long new programme of us they pr call ‘Question pr go to Didiman’ na dispela bai i kamap wanpela taim long wanpela wik Agricultural officer’ and this fut pr appear one time in one week long dispela stesin. Bai mipela i traim long kisim ol tok klia o ol ansas on this station. fut we pr try to get pl explanation or pl answers long askim long bisnis long ol liklik wok didiman long ol ples bilong to question about business in pl small work agriculture in pl village of yupela, bisnis long ol samting olsem bulmakau, wok bisnis long forestri, you pl, business in pl thing like cattle, venture business in forestry, bisnis long pis, o ol narapela kain samting olsem. Orait, sapos yu laik business in fish, or pl other kind thing like that. Okay if you want salim pas i kam long mipela hia nau adres send letter pr come to us here now address Askim i Go long Didiman National Broadcasting Commission, PO Box 1359, Boroko.


Kolim gen: Tell again: Askim i Go long Didiman National Broadcasting Commission, PO Box 1359, Boroko. (Music)

Translation: The officers of the agriculture department of the National Broadcasting Commission of Papua New Guinea will soon be inaugrating, on this station, some new programmes for villagers and those in commercial forestry and the like, or commercial ventures in agriculture involving fish, and things like cattle, pigs and poultry. One of these new programmes that we want to begin will provide information or answers to questions or concerns you have about whatever you want to know more about in your agricultural pursuits in individual villages. So, if you have concerns of this kind and you want to know about this kind of thing, simply send a letter to us containing the points you want to know more about. Then we will take this letter of yours to someone in Port Moresby who is an expert in whatever it is you want to know more about. Later on we will get your letter and the expert’s explanation or answers and broadcast them on this new programme, which will be called Askim i go long Didiman (Questions for the Argriculture Officer). This new programme will be broadcast once a week on this station. We will try to get answers or explanations to your questions about business ventures in village agriculture, commercial ventures in things like cattle, forestry, fish, and other kinds of similar things. So, if you would like to write to us here is our address: Askim i go long Didiman, National Broadcasting Commission, PO Box 1359, Boroko. Once again, Askim i go long Didiman, National Broadcasting Commission, PO Box 1359, Boroko.

264 Tok Pisin Texts

Text 93: Unpublished letter to Wantok newspaper The following text is an unpublished letter sent to Wantok newspaper by Mr W. J. of the Boys Vocational Training Centre, Bulolo. It is dated 30–5–1971. It is one of the many letters in which Tok Pisin users debate aspects of linguistic correctness (see Mühlhäusler 1983). Kolim Taxi long Trakta Call taxi by tractor Diar Editor, Dear Editor, mi bin halim planti man na meri ol i save kolim taksi long trakta, tasol I past hear plenty man and woman they pr hab call taxi by tractor, but mi ting olispela pasin i no stret long ting ting bilong mi. Taksi i no save I think this fashion pr not correct in thought of me. Taxi pr not hab givim mani long yumi, yumi save lusim mani long taxi sapos yumi laik go give money to us inc, we inc hab spend money on taxi if we inc like go long nalopalo hap. Na trakta i save givim mani long yumi, taim em i to another place. And tractor pr hab give money to us inc, when it pr brukim giroun na palanim pinat [2] or sampela samting long en. Sapos break ground and plant peanut or some something in it. If pinat i mau yumi purim na salim long sosoiti na kisim mani long em. peanut pr ready we inc pull and sell to society and get money for it. Sapos husat man o meri i laik bekim pas belong me olrait em i ken If whoever man or woman pr like reply letter of me, all right he pr can bekim na mi halim. reply and I listen.

Translation: Dear Editor, I have heard people refer to ‘taxis’ as ‘tractors’, but in my view this is not correct because taxis do not produce income for us. We spend money on taxi fares when


we want to go from one place to another. But a tractor produces income for us when it is used for ploughing and planting such crops as peanuts. When the peanuts are ripe one can pull them out and sell them to a co-op for money. If anyone would like to reply to my letter, let them reply and I shall listen.

IX. Creolized varieties of Tok Pisin

Text 94: The story of Little Red Riding Hood (SR) The narrator is an 8 year old girl from Lae, who is a first language speaker of Tok Pisin. The text is notable for its considerable phonological reduction characteristic of the younger urban generation: e.g., save to sa, bilong to blem, pela to pla, laik to la, etc. Also noteworthy is the considerable use of English lexis, e.g., forest (cf. Tok Pisin bus), bata (cf. Tok Pisin gus), bag (cf. Tok Pisin bilum), wulf, bear, kek, noknok (cf. Tok Pisin paitim doa ). Sometimes the English words alternate with their Tok Pisin equivalents, e.g., gel/meri, jump/ kalap. Some of the English terms are adapted morphologically and phonologically, e.g., flaua (cf. the more usual Tok Pisin plaua), finish (cf. Tok Pisin pinis), while others vary, e.g., change/changim. The mixing of English and Tok Pisin leads to compromise forms which are intermediate between the two varieties, as for example when the wolf says, ‘Kam in dota.’ The term dota (‘daughter’) is not used in Tok Pisin, and kam in is not typically Tok Pisin. One would expect insait instead. This may be a use of quotational code switching. Mi stori ia pastaim. Wanpela taim [1] nau wanpela taim ia wanpela mangki I story foc first. One time now one time foc one boy wanpela liklik gel em sa stap wantaim mama bilong en long forest na em one little girl she hab stop with mother of her in forest and she sa stap wantaim tupela yet sa stap tupela ia sa stap i go. hab stop with two emph hab stop two foc hab stop pr go. Wanpela taim nau liklik gel ia nem blem little red riding hood em la go One time now little girl foc name of her little red riding hood she want go lukim bubu [2] blem lo narapela forest -kantri nau wokabaut i go em see grandmother of her in other forest country now walk pr go she

268 Tok Pisin Texts

kisim bata [3] em putim go insait long bag nau em karim em karim wokabaut i get butter she put go inside in bag now she carry she carry walk pr go i go i go nau em go insait long forest na em lukim wanpela draipela wulf go pr go pr go now she go inside in forest and she see one big wolf ia. Em kam sanap na em tok olsem, ‘hallo, morning little red riding hood foc. He come stand up and he say this, ‘hello, morning little red riding hood yu la go we?’ Em tok olsem nogat, ‘mi la go givim wanpla — givim you want go where?’ She said thus neg, ‘I want go give one — give liklik bubu wanem ia givim samting long bubu bilong mi little grandmother what foc give something to grandmother of me ia.’ Nau em tok olsem ia. Nau em go toksem, ‘kam mipla [4] pikim flaua foc.’ Now she say this foc. Now she go say thus, ‘come we exc pick flower pastaim na em giaman em go hait long pikim flaua pinis na em giaman jump first and he trick he go hide to pick flower comp and he trick jump jump em go pinis long haus bilong bubu blem. jump he go comp to house of grandmother her. Nau liklik gel ia em pikim flaua finish [5] putim go insait long bag blem na Now little girl foc she pick flower comp put go inside in bag of her and em karim i go nau nogat. Dispela bear disla draipela wulf ia em go ia nogat she carry pr go now neg. This bear this big wolf foc he go foc neg em pinisim bubu blem na em giaman na change putim olgeta he finish grandmother of her and he trick and change put everything samting blem olsem bubu blem na silip i stap. Slip i stap something of her thus grandmother of her and sleep pr cont. Sleep pr cont nau, little red riding hood ia pikim flaua pinish nau em kam noknok long now, little red riding hood foc pick flower comp now she come knock on doa bilong bubu. Noknok na bubu — wulf ia door of grandmother. Knock knock and grandmother-wolf foc change

IX. Creolized varieties of Tok Pisin 269

changim nek blem i go olsem na em tok, ‘kam in, dot.’ Nau nogat voice of him pr go thus and he say ‘come in, daughter.’ Now neg dota ia little red riding hood em go opim doa na toksem, ‘hi, daughter foc little red riding hood she go open door and say thus, ‘(exclamation) wanem yu — bubu yu draipela hai bloyu ia.’ Na em toksem, ‘yeh! what you — grandmother you big eye of you foc.’ And he say, ‘yes! Em draipela ai blomi.’ Na em no toktok long disla bubu, ‘yu draipela It big eye of me.’ And she neg speak to this grandmother, ‘you big het bloyu ia,’ em toksem, ‘han bloyu lek bloyu em sap ia na draipela head of you foc,’ she say thus, ‘hand of you leg of you it sharp foc and big hand bloyu ia na yu no luk olsem bubu blomi yu luk olsem hand of you foc and you neg look like grandmother of me you look like narapela bubu.’ Na em tok olsem nau nogat em toksem, ‘na other grandmother.’ And she speak thus now neg she speak thus, ‘and maus bloyu draipela tru ia.’ Na em toksem, ‘maus blomi em maus mouth of you big true foc.’ And he say thus, ‘mouth of me it mouth bilong mi long kaikaim yu nau,’ em tok nogat em daunim em go na em kaikai of me to eat you now,’ he say neg he down her go and he eat wanem ia liklik meri. what foc little girl. Nau papa blem hait nau i stap ia kisim tamiak i kam ia katim disla Now father of her hide now pr cont foc get hatchet pr come foc cut this wulf ia nau em wanem ia rausim wanem bubu blem kalap wolf foc now he what foc remove what grandmother of her jump kamdaun long bel blem na liklik meri kalap kamdaun long bel come down from stomach of him and little girl jump come down from stomach blem ia nogat. Kalap kamdaun long bel blem nogat, ol go nau of him foc neg. Jump come down from stomach of him neg, they go now

270 Tok Pisin Texts

ol kaikai kek na amamas na ol stap insait long aus [6] bilong they eat cake and rejoice and they stop inside house of bubu i go nau. Em tasol. grandmother pr go now. That all.

Translation: Once upon a time now there was a child, a little girl. She lived with her mother in the forest. The two of them lived there together. Now one time, the little girl — her name was Little Red Riding Hood — she wanted to go see her grandmother in another part of the forest. So she got some butter, put it into a bag and walked a long way into the forest. She saw a big wolf. He came up to her and said, ‘hello, good morning Little Red Riding Hood. Where are you going?’ She said, ‘I am going to give some things to my grandmother’. He said, ‘we’ll pick some flowers first’. But he tricked her and he hid until she had finished picking the flowers. Then he went to her grandmother’s house. Now the little girl finished picking the flowers and put them in her bag and carried them off. This wolf finished off the grandmother and he pretended to be the grandmother. He put on all the grandmother’s things and was sleeping. He was sleeping now. Little Red Riding Hood finished picking the flowers and came knocking on her grandmother’s door. Knock. Knock. The wolf changed his voice like this and said, ‘come in.’ Little Red Riding Hood came in and said, ‘hi, Grandmother what big eyes you have,’ she said. He said, ‘yeh, my eyes are big,’ but he didn’t say anything more about this. ‘What a big head you have,’ she said, ‘your hands and your legs are pointed and what big hands you have. You don’t look like my grandmother. You look like somebody else’s grandmother.’ She said, ‘and what a very huge mouth you have.’ And he said, ‘my mouth is for eating you,’ and he pushed her down and ate the little girl. Now her father was hiding and he got a hatchet and came to cut the wolf open. And he got the grandmother out and the little girl jumped out of the wolf ’s stomach. So they all went and had cake and celebrated. Now they all stay in the grandmother’s house. That’s the end.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] The phrase wanpela taim serves as a formulaic introduction to stories and is equivalent to ‘once upon a time’. Similarly, most stories also end with em tasol pinis ‘that’s all, finished’ or some such matter. [2] The term bubu is widely used to refer to grandparents. It also occurs in Bislama. Crowley (1990) believes that both Malo and Rzga bumbu and Mota pupua are possible sources, as is Fijian bubu. [3] The term bata usually refers to an avocado.


[4] This use of the exclusive form is slightly odd. We would expect the inclusive dual, yumitupela, since the wolf is referring to himself and Little Red Riding Hood. This inclusive dual is declining in favour of mitupela. [5] The form finish is not usually used by urban children, even though it is the same as the English form. Many rural speakers use this too. [6] There is still considerable variation between /h/ and /ø/ in some rural uses. Mihalic (1971: 5) notes that /h/ is then inserted at the beginning of words where it is not found in English. The insertion of hypercorrect /h/ affects most /h/ dropping varieties of English. Since both the un-standard dialect of British and Australian English has /h/ dropping, it is not surprising to find it in Tok Pisin, and in other English-based creoles. Cassidy and Le Page (1967: xii) note that in Jamaican Creole, initial /h/ is frequently lost in unemphatic contexts and used as a hypercorrection in emphatic contexts. Many of the substratum languages of Papua New Guinea also lack /h/.

Text 95: The story of the pig in the pot (1) (SR) The speaker is an 11 year old boy from Lae, whose first language is Tok Pisin. The story is told in response to seeing a picture of a boy carrying a pig jumping out of a pot. This text can be compared with Text 96 produced by another speaker. Of interest are the different terms used for the container (e.g., pan, sospen, baket) and for the lid (e.g., ai). Wanpela taim wanpela liklik manki haus blem i stap klostu long kunai na One time one little boy house of him pr stop closeby in grass and wanpela diwai sanap. Wanpela taim nau em karim putim pik blem go insait one tree stand. One time now he carry put pig of him go inside long wanem pan na karapim na em karim go. Em la karim go lo hau hau in what pan now cover now he carry go He want carry go to hou-hou fens [1] bilong pik. Em karim go nau karim go nau long rot stret nogat pik ia fence of pig. He carry go now carry go now on road just neg pig foc belhat na em kalap go autsait nau ai bilong pot i pundaun nau pik ia kalap angry and it jump go outside now eye of pot pr fall now pig foc jump

272 Tok Pisin Texts

go daun na ranawe. go down and run away.

Translation: Once upon a time there was a little boy. His house was close to the bush and there was a tree standing there. Now, he put his pig inside a pot and covered it. He was carrying it to the pig’s fence. He was carrying it along the road but the pig got angry and jumped out and the lid of the pot fell off and the pig jumped down and ran away.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] Cf. Tok Pisin banis. Mihalic (1971) traces its origins to English ‘bandage’, but it could be a rephonologized version of ‘fence’.

Text 96: The story of the pig in the pot (2) (SR) The speaker is an 8 year old boy from Lae. Em lai [1] karim wanem ia [2] kam na pik kam jamp in go nau wanem ia lid He want carry what foc come and pig come jump in go and what foc lid blo sospen ia pudaun [3]. Man ia belhat nogut tru. Man ia putim pig of saucepan foc fall. Man foc angry no good true. Man foc put pig insait go lo gaden blol lo napla ples nau. Pig ia kalap kam autsait na inside go to garden of them in another place now. Pig foc jump come out and ai blo baket, ai blo pot ia pundaun na pik kalap kam autsait. eye of bucket, eye of pot foc fall and pig jump come out.

Translation: He wants to carry the thing and a pig comes and jumps in and the thing, lid of the saucepan, falls off. The man is very angry. He puts the pig inside and goes to their garden in another village. The pig jumps out and the lid falls off and the pig jumps out.

Interesting linguistic features include: [1] A reduced form of laik. [2] Wanem ia is often used as a hesitation marker when the speaker cannot think of the precise name for something.


[3] A variant of pundaun. Many speakers of Tok Pisin use prenasalized stops, e.g., ngut (gut). In the orthography prenasalization is indicated only when it is used by both Europeans and Melanesians, e.g., sindaun, pundaun, etc.

Text 97: The story of the sick boy (SR) The story is told by an 11 year old Lae boy, who is a first language speaker of Tok Pisin. He is looking at a sequence of pictures which depict a sick child being taken to the doctor by his parents. The text is notable for the amount of morphophonological condensation contained in it (see Romaine and Wright 1986 for discussion). All short forms are given expansions in brackets. There are also anglicized forms such as fes (cf. Tok Pisin pastaim) and shoot (Tok Pisin sut). Fes tru, disla [

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